a stone and a spear by raymond f. jones illustrated by john bunch [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from galaxy science fiction december . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] given: the future is probabilities merging into one certainty. proposition: can the probabilities be made improbables so that the certainty becomes impossible? from frederick to baltimore, the rolling maryland countryside lay under a fresh blanket of green. wholly unaware of the summer glory, dr. curtis johnson drove swiftly on the undulating highway, stirring clouds of dust and dried grasses. beside him, his wife, louise, held her blowing hair away from her face and laughed into the warm air. "dr. dell isn't going to run away. besides, you said we could call this a weekend vacation as well as a business trip." curt glanced at the speedometer and eased the pressure on the pedal. he grinned. "wool-gathering again." "what about?" "i was just wondering who said it first--one of the fellows at detrick, or that lieutenant at bikini, or--" "said _what_? what are you talking about?" "that crack about the weapons after the next war. he--whoever it was--said there may be some doubt about what the weapons of the next war will be like, but there is absolutely no doubt about the weapons of world war iv. it will be fought with stones and spears. i guess any one of us could have said it." louise's smile grew tight and thin. "don't any of you ever think of anything but the next war--_any_ of you?" "how can we? we're fighting it right now." "you make it sound so hopeless." "that's what dell said in the days just before he quit. he said we didn't _have_ to stay at detrick producing the toxins and aerosols that will destroy millions of lives. but he never showed us how we could quit--and be sure of staying alive. his own walking out was no more than a futile gesture." "i just can't understand him, curt. i think he's right in a way, but what brought _him_ to that viewpoint?" "hard to tell," curt said, unconsciously speeding up again. "after the war, when the atomic scientists were publicly examining their consciences, dell told them to examine their own guts first. that was typical of him then, but soon after, he swung just as strongly pacifist and walked out of detrick." "it still seems strange that he abandoned his whole career. the world's foremost biochemist giving up the laboratory for a _truck farm_!" louise glanced down at the lunch basket between them. in it were tomatoes that dr. hamon dell had sent along with his invitation to visit him. * * * * * for nearly a year dr. dell had been sending packages of choice fruit and vegetables to his former colleagues, not only at the biological warfare center at camp detrick but at the universities and other research centers throughout the country. "i wish we knew exactly why he asked us to come out," said louise. "nobody claims to have figured him out. they laugh a little at him now. they eat his gifts willingly enough, but consider him slightly off his rocker. he still has all his biological talents, though. i've never seen or tasted vegetables like the ones he grows." "and the brass at detrick doesn't think he's gone soft in the head, either," she added much too innocently. "so they ordered you to take advantage of his invitation and try to persuade him to come back." curt turned his head so sharply that louise laughed. "no, i didn't read any secret, hush-hush papers," she said. "but it's pretty obvious, isn't it, the way you rushed right over to general hansen after you got the invitation?" "it _is_ hush-hush, top-secret stuff," said curt, his eyes once more on the road. "the army doesn't want it to leak, but they need dell, need him badly. anyone knowing bio-war developments would understand. they wanted to send me before. dell's invitation was the break we needed. i may be the one with sufficient influence to bring him back. i hope so. but keep it under your permanent and forget your guessing games. there's more to it than you know." the car passed through a cool, wooded section and louise leaned back and drank in the beauty of it. "hush-hush, top secret stuff," she said. "grown men playing children's games." "pretty deadly games for children, darling." * * * * * in the late afternoon they by-passed the central part of baltimore and headed north beyond the suburb of towson toward dell's truck farm. his sign was visible for a half mile: you are what you eat eat the best eat dell's vegetables "dr. hamon dell, world's foremost biochemist--and truck farmer," curt muttered as he swung the car off the highway. louise stepped out when the tires ceased crunching on the gravel lane. she scanned the fields and old woods beyond the ancient but preserved farmhouse. "it's so unearthly." curt followed. the song of birds, which had been so noticeable before, seemed strangely muted. the land itself was an alien, faintly greenish hue, a color repulsive to more than just the eyes. "it must be something in this particular soil," said curt, "something that gives it that color and produces such wonderful crops. i'll have to remember to ask dell about it." "you want dr. dell?" they whirled at the sound of an unfamiliar voice. louise uttered a startled cry. the gaunt figure behind them coughed asthmatically and pointed with an arm that seemed composed only of bones and brownish skin, so thin as to be almost translucent. "yes," said curt shakenly. "we're friends of his." "dell's in back. i'll tell him you're here." the figure shambled away and louise shook herself as if to rid her mind of the vision. "if our grandchildren ever ask about zombies, i can tell them. who in the world do you suppose he is?" "hired man, i suppose. sounds as if he should be in a lung sanitarium. funny that dell would keep him around in that condition." from somewhere behind the house came the sound of a truck engine. curt took louise's arm and led her around the trim, graveled path. the old farmhouse had been very carefully renovated. everywhere was evidence of exquisite care, yet the cumulative atmosphere remained uninviting, almost oppressive. curt told himself it was the utter silence, made even more tense by the lonely chugging of the engine in back, and the incredible harsh color of the soil beneath their feet. * * * * * rounding the corner, they came in sight of a massive tank truck. from it a hose led to an underground storage tank and pulsed slowly under the force of the liquid gushing through it. no one was in sight. "what could that be for?" asked louise. "you've got me. could be gasoline, but dell hasn't any reason for storing that much here." they advanced slowly and amazement crept over curt as he comprehended the massiveness of the machine. the tank was of elliptical cross section, over ten feet on its major axis. six double wheels supported the rear; even the front ones were double. in spite of such wide weight distribution, the tires were pressing down the utterly dry ground to a depth of an inch or more. "they must haul liquid lead in that thing," said curt. "it's getting cool. i wish dell would show up." louise glanced out over the twenty-acre expanse of truck farm. thick rows of robust plants covered the area. tomatoes, carrots, beets, lettuce, and other vegetables--a hundred or so fruit trees were at the far end. between them ran the road over which the massive truck had apparently entered the farm from the rear. a heavy step sounded abruptly and dell's shaggy head appeared from around the end of the truck. his face lighted with pleasure. "curt, my boy! and louise! i thought you weren't going to show up at all." curt's hand was almost lost in dell's enormous grip, but it wasn't because of that that his grip was passive. it was his shocked reaction to dell's haggard appearance. the fierce eyes looked merely old and tired now. the ageless, leathery hide of dell's face seemed to have collapsed before some overpowering decay, its bronze smoothness shattered by deep lines that were like tool marks of pain. curt spoke in a subdued voice. "it's hard to get away from detrick. always one more experiment to try--" "--and the brass riding you as if they expected you to win another war for them tomorrow afternoon," said dell. "i remember." "we wondered about this truck," louise commented brightly, trying to change the subject. "we finally gave up on it." "oh, that. it brings liquid fertilizer to pump into my irrigation water, that's all. no mystery. let's go on to the house. after you're settled we can catch up on everything and i'll tell you about the things i'm doing here." "who's the man we saw?" asked curt. "he looks as if his health is pretty precarious." "that's brown. he came with the place--farmed it for years for my uncle before i inherited it. he could grow a garden on a granite slab. in spite of appearances, he's well enough physically." "how has your own health been? you have--changed--since you were at detrick." dell raised a lock of steel-gray hair in his fingers and dismissed the question with a wan smile. "we all wear out sometime," he said. "my turn had to come." * * * * * inside, some of the oppressiveness vanished as the evening passed. it was cool enough for lighting the fireplace, and they settled before it after dinner. while they watched the flickering light that whipped the beamed ceiling, dell entertained them with stories of his neighbors, whose histories he knew clear back to revolutionary times. early, however, louise excused herself. she knew they would want privacy to thresh out the purposes behind dell's invitation--and curt's acceptance. when she was gone, there was a moment's silence. the logs crackled with shocking pistol shots in the fireplace. the scientist moved to stir the coals and then turned abruptly to curt. "when are you going to leave detrick?" "when are _you_ coming back?" curt demanded instead of answering. "so they still want me, even after the things i said when i left." "you're needed badly. when i told hansen i was coming down, he said it would be worth five years of my own work to bring you back." "they want me to produce even deadlier toxins than those i gave them," dell said viciously. "they want some that can kill ten million people in four minutes instead of only one million--" "any man would go insane if he looked at it that way. it would be the same as gun-makers being tormented by the vision of torn men destroyed by their bullets, the sorrowing families--" "and why shouldn't the gun-makers be tormented?" dell's voice was low with controlled hate. "they are men like you and me who give the _war_-makers new tools for their trade." "oh, dell, it's not as simple as that." curt raised a hand and let it fall wearily. they had been over this so many times before. "weapon designers are no more responsible than any other agents of society. it's pure neurosis to absorb the whole guilt of wars yet unfought merely because you happened to have developed a potential weapon." dell touched the massive dome of his skull. "here within this brain of mine has been conceived a thing which will probably destroy a billion human lives in the coming years. d. triconus toxin in a suitable aerosol requires only a countable number of molecules in the lungs of a man to kill him. my brain and mine alone is responsible for that vicious, murderous discovery." "egotism! any scientist's work is built upon the pyramid of past knowledge." * * * * * "the weapon i have described exists. if i had not created it, it would not exist. it is as simple as that. no one shares my guilt and my responsibility. and what more do they want of me now? what greater dream of mass slaughter and destruction have they dreamed?" "they want you," said curt quietly, "because they believe we are not the only ones possessing the toxin. they need you to come back and help find the antitoxin for d. triconus." dell shook his head. "that's a blind hope. the action of d. triconus is like a match set to a powder train. the instant its molecules contact protoplasm, they start a chain reaction that rips apart the cell structure. it spreads like fire from one cell to the next, and nothing can stop it once it's started operating within a given organism." "but doesn't this sense of guilt--unwarranted as it is--make you _want_ to find an antitoxin?" "suppose i succeeded? i would have canceled the weapon of an enemy. the military would know he could nullify ours in time. then they would command me to work out still another toxin. it's a vicious and insane circle, which must be broken somewhere. the purpose of the entire remainder of my life is to break it." "when you are fighting for your life and the enemy already has his hands about your throat," curt argued, "you reach for the biggest rock you can get your hands on and beat his brains in. you don't try to persuade him that killing is unethical." for an instant it seemed to curt that a flicker of humor touched the corners of dell's mouth. then the lines tightened down again. "exactly," he said. "you reach for a rock and beat his brains in. you don't wipe human life off the face of the earth in order to reach that enemy. i asked you to come down here to help me break this circle of which i spoke. there has to be someone here--after i'm gone--" dell's eyes shifted to the depths of shadows beyond the firelight and remained fixed on unseen images. "me? help you?" curt asked incredulously. "what could i do? give up science and become a truck gardener, too?" "you might say that we would be in the rock business," replied dell. "fighting is no longer on the level of one man with his hands about another's throat, but it _should_ be. those who want power and domination should have to fight for it personally. but it has been a long time since they had to. * * * * * "even in the old days, kings and emperors hired mercenaries to fight their wars. the militarists don't buy swords now. they buy brains. we're the mercenaries of the new day, curt, you and i. once there was honor in our profession. we searched for truth for its own sake, and because it was our way of life. once we were the hope of the world because science was a universal language. "what a horrible joke that turned out to be! today we are the terror of the world. the war-makers built us fine laboratories, shining palaces, and granted every whim--for a price. they took us up to the hills and showed us the whole world and we sold our souls for it. "look what happened after the last war. invading armies carried off prize nazi brains like so much loot, set the scientists up in big new laboratories, and these new mercenaries keep right on pouring out knowledge for other kings and emperors. "their loyalty is only to their science. but they can't experiment for knowledge any more, only weapons and counter-weapons. you'll say i'm anti-war, even, perhaps, anti-american or pro-russian. i am not against just wars, but i am against unjust slaughter. and i love america too much to let her destroy herself along with the enemy." "then what are we to do?" curt demanded fiercely. "what are we to do while enemy scientists prepare these same weapons to exterminate _us_? sure, it's one hell of a mess. science is already dead. the kind you talk about has been dead for twenty years. all our fine ideals are worthless until the politicians find a solution to their quarrels." "politicians? since when did men of science have to wait upon politicians for solutions of human problems?" dell passed a hand over his brow, and suddenly his face contorted in pain. "what is it?" curt exclaimed, rising. "nothing--nothing, my boy. some minor trouble i've had lately. it will pass in a moment." with effort, he went on. "i wanted to say that already you have come to think of science being divided into armed camps by the artificial boundaries of the politicians. has it been so long ago that it was not even in your lifetime, when scientists regarded themselves as one international brotherhood?" "i can't quarrel with your ideals," said curt softly. "but national boundary lines do, actually, divide the scientists of the world into armed camps." * * * * * "your premises are still incorrect. they do not deliberately war on each other. it is only that they have blindly sold themselves as mercenaries. and they can be called upon to redeem themselves. they can break their unholy contracts." "there would have to be simultaneous agreement among the scientists of all nations. and they are men, influenced by national ideals. they are not merely ivory-tower dabblers and searchers after truth." "do you remember me five years ago?" dell's face became more haggard, as if the memory shamed him. "do you remember when i told the atomic scientists to examine their guts instead of their consciences?" "yes. you certainly _have_ changed." "and so can other men. there is a way. i need your help desperately, curt--" the face of the aging biochemist contorted again with unbearable pain. his forehead beaded with sweat as he clenched his skull between his vein-knotted hands. "dell! what is it?" "it will pass," dr. dell breathed through clenched teeth. "i have some medicine--in my bedroom. i'm afraid i'll have to excuse myself tonight. there's so much more i have to say to you, but we'll continue our talk in the morning, curt. i'm sorry--" he stumbled out, refusing curt's offer of aid with a grim headshake. the fire crackled loudly within the otherwise silent room. curt felt cold at the descending chill of the night, his mind bewildered at dell's barrage, some of it so reasonable, some of it so utterly confused. and there was no clue to the identity of the powerful force that had made so great a change in the once militant scientist. slowly curt mounted the staircase of the old house and went to the room dell had assigned them. louise was in bed reading a murder mystery. "secret mission completed?" she asked. curt sat down on the edge of the bed. "i'm afraid something terrible is wrong with dell. besides the neurotic guilt complex because of his war work, he showed signs of a terrific and apparently habitual pain in his head. if that should be brain tumor, it might explain his erratic notions, his abandonment of his career." "oh, i hope it's not that!" * * * * * it seemed to curt that he had slept only minutes before he was roused by sounds in the night. he rolled over and switched on the light. his watch said two o'clock. louise raised up in sharp alarm. "what is it?" she whispered. "i thought i heard something. there it is again!" "it sounds like someone in pain. it must be dell!" curt leaped from the bed and wrestled into his bathrobe. as he hurried toward dell's room, there was another deep groan that ended in a shuddering sob of unbearable agony. he burst into the scientist's room and switched on the light. dell looked up, eyes glazed with pain. "dr. dell!" "curt--i thought i had time left, but this is as far as i can go--just remember all i said tonight. don't forget a word of it." he sat up rigidly, hardly breathing in the effort of control. "the responsibility for the coming destruction of civilization lies at the doors of the scientist mercenaries. don't allow it, curt. get them to abandon the laboratories of the warriors. get them to reclaim their honor--" he fell back upon the pillow, his face white with pain and shining with sweat. "brown--see brown. he can tell you the--the rest." "i'll go for a doctor," said curt. "who have you had? louise will stay with you." "don't bring a doctor. there's no escaping this. i've known it for months. wait here with me, curt. i'll be gone soon." curt stared with pity at the great scientist whose mind had so disintegrated. "you need a doctor. i'll call a hospital, johns hopkins, if you want." "wait, maybe you're right. i have no phone here. get dr. wilson--the judge building, towson--find his home address in a phone book." "fine. i'll only be a little while." he stepped to the door. "curt! take the lane down to the new road--behind the farm. quicker--it cuts off a mile or so--go down through the orchard--" "all right. take it easy now. i'll be right back." curt frantically got dressed, ran down the stairs and out to the car. he wondered absently what had become of the cadaverous brown, who seemed to have vanished from the premises. * * * * * the wheels spun gravel as he started the car and whipped it out of the driveway. then he was on the stretch of lane leading through the grove. the moonless night was utterly dark, and the stream of light ahead of the car seemed the only living thing upon the whole landscape. he almost wished he had taken the more familiar road. to get lost now might mean death for dell. no traffic flowed past him in either direction. there were no buildings showing lights. overwhelming desolation seemed to possess the countryside and seep into his soul. it seemed impossible that this lay close to the other highway with which he was familiar. he strained his eyes into the darkness for signs of an all-night gas station or store from which he could phone. finally, he resigned himself to going all the way to towson. at that moment he glimpsed a spark of light far ahead. encouraged, curt stepped on the gas. in less than ten minutes he was at the spot. he braked the car to a stop, and surveyed the building as he got out. it seemed more like a power substation than anything else. but there should be a telephone, at least. he knocked on the door. almost instantly, footsteps sounded within. the door swung wide. "i wonder if i could use your--" curt began. he gasped. "brown! dell's dying--we've got to get a doctor for him--" as if unable to comprehend, the hired man stared dumbly for a long moment. his hollow-cheeked face was almost skeletal in the light that flooded out from behind him. then from somewhere within the building came a voice, sharp with tension. "brown! what the devil are you doing? shut that door!" that brought the figure to life. he whipped out a gun and motioned curt inward. "step inside. we'll have to decide what to do with you when carlson finds you're here." "what's the matter with you?" curt asked, stupefied. "dell's dying. he needs help." "get in here!" curt moved slowly forward. brown closed the door behind him and motioned toward a closed door at the other end of a short hall. they opened it and stepped into a dimly lighted room. curt's eyes slowly adjusted and he saw what seemed to be a laboratory. it was so packed with equipment that there was scarcely room for the group of twelve or fifteen men jammed closely about some object with their backs to curt and brown. brown shambled forward like an agitated skeleton, breaking the circle. then curt saw that the object of the men's attention was a large cathode ray screen occupied by a single green line. there was a pip on it rising sharply near one side of the two-foot tube. the pip moved almost imperceptibly toward a vertical red marker over the face of the screen. the men stared as if hypnotized by it. * * * * * the newcomers' arrival, however, disturbed their attention. one man turned with an irritable growl. "brown, for heaven's sake--" he was a bony creature, even more cadaverous than brown. he caught sight of curt's almost indecently robust face. he gasped and swore. "who is this? what's he doing here?" the entire montage of skull faces turned upon curt. he heard a sharp collective intake of breath, as if his presence were some unforeseen calamity that had shaken the course of their incomprehensible lives. "this is curtis johnson," said brown. "he got lost looking for a doctor for dell." a mummylike figure rose from a seat before the instrument. "your coming is tremendously unfortunate, but for the moment we can do nothing about it. sit here beside me. my name is tarron sark." the man indicated a chair. "my friend, dr. dell, is dying," curt snapped out, refusing to sit down. "i've got to get help. i saw your light and hoped you'd allow me to use your phone. i don't know who you are nor what dell's hired man is doing here with you. but you've got to let me go for help!" "no." the man, sark, shook his head. "dell is reconciled. he has to go. we are awaiting precisely the event you would halt--his death." he had known it, curt thought, from the moment he entered that room. like vultures sitting on cliffs waiting for the death of their prey, these fantastic men let their glance slip back to the screen. the green line was a third of the way toward the red marker now, and moving more rapidly. it was nightmare--meaningless-- "i'm not staying," curt insisted. "you can't prevent me from helping dell without assuming responsibility for his death. i demand you let me call." "you're not going to call," said sark wearily. "and we assumed responsibility for dell's death long ago. sit down!" slowly curt sank down upon the chair beside the stranger. there was nothing else to do. he was powerless against brown's gun. but he'd bring them to justice somehow, he swore. he didn't understand the meaning of the slowly moving pattern on the 'scope face, yet, as his eyes followed that pip, he sensed tension in the watching men that seemed sinister, almost murderous. how? what did the inexorably advancing pip signify? * * * * * no one spoke. the room was stifling hot and the breathing of the circle of men was a dull, rattling sound in curt's ears. quickly then, gathering sudden momentum, the pip accelerated. the circle of men grew taut. the pip crossed the red line--and vanished. only the smooth green trace remained, motionless and without meaning. with hesitant shuffling of feet, the circle expanded. the men glanced uncertainly at one another. one said, "well, that's the end of dell. we'll soon know now if we're on the right track, or if we've botched it. carlson will call when he's computed it." "the end of dell?" curt repeated slowly, as if trying to convince himself of what he knew had happened. "the pip on the screen--that showed his life leaving him?" "yes," said sark. "he knew he had to go. and there are perhaps hundreds more like him. but dell couldn't have told you of that--" "what will we do with him?" brown asked abruptly. "if dell is dead, you murdered him!" curt shouted. a rising personal fear grew within him. they could not release him now, even though his story would make no sense to anybody. but they had somehow killed dell, or thought they had, and they wouldn't hesitate to kill curt. he thought of louise in the great house with the corpse of haman dell--if, of course, he was actually dead. but that was nonsense.... "dell must have sent you to us!" sark said, as if a great mystery had suddenly been lifted from his mind. "he did not have time to tell you everything. did he tell you to take the road behind the farm?" curt nodded bitterly. "he told me it was the quickest way to get to a doctor." "he did? then he knew even better than we did how rapidly he was slipping. yes, this was the quickest way." "what are you talking about?" curt demanded. "did dell say anything at all about what he wanted of you?" "it was all wild. something about helping with some crazy plans to retreat from the scientific world. he was going to finish talking in the morning, but i guess it wouldn't have mattered. i realize now that he was sick and irrational." "too sick to explain everything, but not irrational," sark said thoughtfully. "he left it to us to tell you, since you are to succeed him." "succeed dell? in what?" * * * * * sark suddenly flipped a switch on a panel at his right. a screen lighted with some fuzzy image. it cleared with a slight dial adjustment, and curt seemed to be looking at some oddly familiar moonlit ruin. "an american city," said sark, hurrying his words now. "any city. they are all alike. ruin. death. this one died thirty years ago." "i don't understand," curt complained, bewildered. "thirty years--" "at another point in the time continuum," said sark. "the future. your future, you understand. or, rather, _our_ present, the one you created for us." curt recoiled at the sudden venom in sark's voice. "the _future_?" that was what they had in common with dell--psychosis, systematic delusions. he had suspected danger before; now it was imminent and terrifying. "perhaps you are one of those who regard your accomplishments with pride," sark went on savagely, ignoring or unaware of curt's fear and horror. "that the hydrogen bombs smashed the cities, and the aerosols destroyed the remnants of humanity seems insignificant to you beside the high technical achievement these things represent." curt's throat was dry with panic. irrelevantly, he recalled the pain-fired eyes of dell and the dying scientist's words: "the responsibility for the coming destruction of civilization lies at the doors of the scientist mercenaries--" "some of us _did_ manage to survive," said sark, glaring at the scene of gaunt rubble. curt could see the veins pounding beneath the thin flesh of his forehead. "we lived for twenty years with the dream of rebuilding a world, the same dream that has followed all wars. but at last we knew that the dream was truly vain this time. we survivors lived in hermetically sealed caverns, trying to exist and recover our lost science and technology. "we could not emerge into the earth's atmosphere. its pollution with virulent aerosols would persist for another hundred years. we could not bear a new race out of these famished and rickety bodies of ours. unless man was to vanish completely from the face of the earth, we had only a single hope. that hope was to prevent the destruction from ever occurring!" sark's eyes were burning now. "do you understand what that means? we had to go _back_, not forward. we had to arm to fight a new war, a war to prevent the final war that destroyed mankind." "back? how could you go back?" curt hesitated, grasping now the full insanity of the scene about him. "how have you _come_ back?" he waited tautly for the answer. it would be gibberish, of course, like all the mad conversation before it. * * * * * "the undisturbed flow of time from the beginning to the end--neither of which we can experience--we call the prime continuum," sark replied. "mathematically speaking, it is composed of billions of separate bands of probability running side by side. for analogy, you may liken it to a great river, whose many insignificant tributaries merge into a roaring, turbulent whole. that is the flow of time, the prime continuum. "you may change one of these tributaries, dam it up, turn it aside, let it reach the main stream at a different point. no matter how insignificant the tributary, the stream will not be the same after the change. that is what we are doing. we are controlling critical tributaries of the prime continuum, altering the hell that you scientists have so generously handed down to us. "dell was a critical tributary. you, dr. curtis johnson, are another. changing or destroying such key individuals snips off branches of knowledge before they come into fruit." it was an ungraspable answer, but it had to be argued against because of its conclusion. "the scientists are not bringing about the war," curt said, looking from one fleshless face to another. "find the politicians responsible, those willing to turn loose any horror to gain power. _they_ are the ones you want." "that would mean destroying half the human race. in your day, nearly every man is literally a politician." "talk sense!" curt said angrily. "a politician, as we have come to define him, is simply one willing to sacrifice the common good for his own ends. it is a highly infectious disease in a day when altruism is taken for cowardice or mere stupidity. no, we have not mistaken our goal, dr. johnson. we cannot hasten the maturity of the race. we can only hope to take the matches away so the children cannot burn the house down. whatever you doubt, do not doubt that we are from the future or that we caused dell's death. he is only one of many." curt slumped. "i did doubt it. i still do, yet not with conviction. why?" "because your own sense of guilt tells you that you and dell and others like you are literally the matches which we have to remove. because your knowledge of science has overcome your desire not to believe. because you _know_ the shape of the future." "the war after the third world war--" curt murmured. "someone said it would be fought with stones and spears, but your weapons are far from stones and spears." "perhaps not so far at that," said sark, his face twisting wryly. he reached to a nearby table and picked up a tomato and a carrot. "these are our weapons. as humble and primitive as the stones and spears of cavemen." * * * * * "you're joking," curt replied, almost ready to grin. "no. this is the ultimate development of biological warfare. man is what he eats--" "that's what dell's sign said." "we operate hundreds of gardens and farms such as dell's. we work through the fertilizing compounds we supply to these farms. these compounds contain chemicals that eventually lodge in the cells of those who eat the produce. they take up stations within the brain cells and change the man--or destroy him. "certain cells of the brain are responsible for specific characteristics. ways of altering these cells were found by introducing minute quantities of specific radioactive materials which could be incorporated into vegetable foods. during the third war wholesale insanity was produced in entire populations by similar methods. here, we are using it to accomplish humane purposes. "we are simply restraining the scientists responsible for the destroying weapons that produced our nightmare world. you saw the change that took place in dell. there is a good example of what we do." "but he _did_ change," curt pointed out. "he _was_ carrying out your work. wasn't that enough for you? why did you decide he had to die?" "ordinarily, we don't want to kill if the change is produced. sometimes the brain cells are refractory and the characteristics too ingrained. the cells develop tumorous activity as a result of the treatment. so it was with dell. in his case, however, we would have been forced to kill him by other means if he had not died as he did. this, too, he understood very well. that was why he really wanted no doctor to help him." "you must have driven him insane first!" "look at this and see if you still think so." sark led the way to a small instrument and pointed to the eyepiece of it. "look in there." curt bent over. light sprang up at sark's touch of a switch. then a scene began to move before curt's eyes. "dell!" he exclaimed. the scene was of some vast and well-equipped biological laboratory, much like those of camp detrick. silent, mask-faced technicians moved with precision about their tasks. dr. dell was directing operations. but there was something wrong. the figure was not the dell that curt knew. as if sark sensed curt's comprehension of this, the scene advanced and swelled until the whole area of vision was filled with dell's face. curt gasped. the face was blank and hideous. the eyes stared. when the scene retreated once more, curt saw now that dell moved as an automaton, almost without volition of his own. * * * * * as he moved away from the bench like a sleepwalker, there came briefly into view the figure of an armed guard at the door. the figure of a corporal, grim in battle dress. curt looked up, sick as if some inner sense had divined the meaning of that scene which he could not yet put into words. "had enough?" asked sark. "what does it mean?" "that is dell as he would have been. that is what he was willing to die to avoid." "but what _is_ it?" "a military research laboratory twelve years into your future. you are aware that in your own time a good deal of research has come to a standstill because many first-string scientists have revolted against military domination. unfortunately, there are plenty of second-stringers available and they are enough for most tasks--the youngsters with new ph.d.s who are awed by the glitter of golden laboratories. but, lacking experience or imagination, they can't see through the glitter or have the insight for great work. some will eventually, too late, however, and they will be replaced by eager new youngsters." "this scene of dell--" "just twelve years from what you call now. deadlier weapons will be needed and so a bill will be passed to draft the reluctant first-line men--against their will, if necessary." "you can't force creative work," curt objected. sark shrugged. "there are drugs that do wonderful and terrible things to men's minds. they can force creation or mindless destruction, confession or outrageous subterfuge. you saw your opponents make some use of them. a cardinal, for example, and an engineer, among others. now you have seen your friend, dell, as he would have been. not the same drugs, of course, but the end result is the same." curt's horror turned to stubborn disbelief. "america wouldn't use such methods," he said flatly. "today? no," agreed sark. "but when a country is committed to inhuman warfare--even though the goal may be honorable--where is the line to stop at? each brutality prepares the way for the next. even concentration camps and extermination centers become logical necessities. you have heard your opponents say that the end justifies the means. you have seen for yourself--the means become the end." "but dell could have escaped," curt protested. "you could have helped him to your own time or another. he was still valuable. he needn't have died!" "there is no such thing as actual travel in time," explained sark. "or at least in our day we have found none. there is possible only a bending back of a branch of the prime continuum so that we can witness, warn, instruct, gain aid in saving the future. and there can be meeting only in this narrow sector of unreality where the branch joins the main stream. our farms adjoin such sectors, but farther than that we cannot go, nor can one of you become a citizen of the world you have created for us. "but i wish it were so!" sark bit out venomously. "we'd kidnap you by the millions, force you to look upon the ruin and the horror, let you breathe the atmosphere that no man can inhale and live, the only atmosphere there is in that world. yes, i wish you could become our guests there. our problem would be easier. but it can't be done. this is the only way we can work. "dell had to go. there was no escape for him, no safety for us if he lived. he would have been tracked down, captured like a beast and set to work against his will. it was there in the prime continuum. nothing could cancel it except death, the death that saves a billion lives because he will not produce a toxin deadlier than d. triconus." * * * * * the vengeance in sark's voice was almost tangible. involuntarily curt retreated a step before it. and--almost--he thought he understood these men out of time. "what is there--" he began hoarsely and had to stop. "what is there that i can do?" "we need you to take over dell's farm. it is of key importance. the list of men he was treating was an extremely vital one. that work cannot be interrupted now." "how can you accomplish anything by operating only here?" curt objected. "while you stifle our defenses, our enemies are arming to the teeth. when you've made us sufficiently helpless, they'll strike." "did i say we were so restricted?" answered sark, smiling for the first time. "you cannot imagine what a fresh vegetable means on a professor's table in moscow. in atomgrad a ripe tomato is worth a pound of uranium. how do i know? because i walked the streets of atomgrad with my grandfather." "then you're a--" sark's face grew hard and bitter in the half light of the room. "was," he corrected. "or might have been. there are no nationalities where there are no nations, no political parties where there are only hunger and death. the crime of the future is not any person's or country's. it is the whole of humanity's." an alarm sounded abruptly. "carlson!" someone tensely exclaimed. sark whirled to the panels and adjusted the controls. a small screen lighted, showing the image of a man with graying hair and imperious face. his sharp eyes seemed to burn directly into curt's. "how did it go?" exclaimed sark. "was the prime continuum shift as expected?" "no! it still doesn't compute out. nothing's right. the war is still going on. the continuum is absolute hell." "i should have known," said sark in dismay. "i should have called you." "what is it? do you know what's wrong?" "johnson. dr. curtis johnson. he's here." * * * * * rage spread upon carlson's face. an oath exploded from his lips. "no wonder the situation doesn't compute with him out of the prime continuum. why did he come there?" "dell sent him. dell died too quickly. he didn't have time to instruct johnson. i have told him what we want of him." "do you understand?" carlson demanded of curt with abruptness that was almost anger. curt looked slowly about the room and back to the face of his questioner. understand? if they sent him back, allowed him to go back, could he ever be sure that he had not witnessed a thing of nightmare in this shadowy dream world? yes, he could be sure. he had seen the blasted city, just the way he knew it could be--_would_ be unless someone prevented it. he had seen the pattern on the scope, attuned to the tiny tributary of the prime continuum that was the life of dr. dell, had seen it run out, dying as dell had died. he could believe, too, that there was a little farm near atomgrad, where a tomato on a scientist's table was more potent than the bombs building in the arsenal. "i understand," he said. "shall i go back now?" sark put a paper into his hands. "here is a list of new names. you will find dell's procedures and records in his desk at the farm. do not underestimate the importance of your work. you have seen the failure of the prime continuum to compute properly with you out of it. you will correct that. "your only contact from now on will be through brown, who will bring the tank truck once a year. you know what to do. you are on your own." it was like a surrealist painting as he left. the moon had risen, and in all the barrenness there was nothing but the gray cement cube of the building. the light spilling through the open doorway touched the half dozen gaunt men who had followed him out to the car. ahead was the narrow band of roadway leading through some infinite nothingness that would end in dell's truck farm. * * * * * he started off. when he looked back a moment later, the building was no longer there. he glanced at the list of names sark gave him, chilled by the importance of those men. for some there would be death as there had been for dell. for himself-- he had forgotten to ask. but perhaps they would not have told him. not at this time, anyway. the chemically treated food produced tumors in refractory, unresponsive cells. he had eaten dell's vegetables, would eat more. it was too late to ask and it didn't matter. he had important things to do. first would be the writing of his resignation to the officials of camp detrick. as of tomorrow, he would be dr. curtis johnson, truck farmer, specialist in atomic-age produce, luscious table gifts for the innocent and not-so-innocent human matches that would, if he and his unknown colleagues succeeded, be prevented from cremating the hopes of mankind. louise would help him hang the new sign: you are what you eat eat the best eat johnson's vegetables only, of course, she wouldn't know why he had taken dell's job, nor could he ever explain. it would probably be the death of curt johnson, but that was cheap enough if humanity survived. broad-sword and single-stick r. g. allanson-winn, and c. phillipps-wolley. the all-england series. _small vo, cloth. illustrated, price s. each._ _cricket._ by the hon. and rev. e. lyttelton. _cricket._ by fred c. holland. _lawn tennis._ by h. w. w. wilberforce. _tennis, rackets, and fives._ by julian marshall, major spens, and rev. j. arnan tait. _squash-rackets and squash-tennis._ by eustace h. miles. [double volume, _s._] _golf._ by h. s. c. everard. [double volume, _s._] _hockey._ by f. s. creswell. revised by p. collins ( ). _rowing and sculling._ by w. b. woodgate. _rowing and sculling._ by guy rixon. _sailing._ by e. f. knight. [double volume, _s._] _canoeing with sail and paddle._ by dr. j. d. hayward. [double volume, _s._] _swimming._ by m. and j. r. cobbett. _boxing._ by r. g. allanson-winn. _wrestling._ by walter armstrong. [new edition.] _fencing._ by h. a. colmore dunn. _broadsword and singlestick._ by r. g. allanson-winn and c. phillipps-wolley. _football--rugby._ by harry vassall. revised by c. j. b. marriott ( ). _football--association._ by c. w. alcock. _skating._ by douglas adams. [double volume, _s._] _cycling._ by h. h. griffin, l.a.c. [double volume, _s._] _cycle touring._ by a. w. rumney, m.a. _rounders, quoits, bowls, etc._ by j. m. walker and c. c. mott. _gymnastics._ by a. f. jenkin. [double volume, _s._] _gymnastic competition and display exercises._ compiled by f. graf. _dumb-bells._ by f. graf. _indian clubs._ by g. t. b. cobbett and a. f. jenkin. _baseball._ by newton crane. _riding._ by w. a. kerr, v.c. [double volume, _s._] _riding for ladies._ by w. a. kerr, v.c. _camping out._ by a. a. macdonell. [double vol., _s._] _mountaineering._ by dr. claude wilson, [ _s._] _dancing._ by edward scott. [double volume, _s._] london: g. bell & sons. ltd. broad-sword and single-stick. with chapters on quarter-staff, bayonet, cudgel shillalah, walking-stick, umbrella, and other weapons of self-defence. by r. g. allanson-winn, author of "boxing," and c. phillipps-wolley, inns of court school of arms. london: g. bell & sons, ltd., and new york. . printed by william clowes and sons, limited, london and beccles. preface. the favour with which my little _brochure_ on boxing has been received induces me to put together a few ideas on the subject of attack and defence with weapons other than those with which nature has endowed us. a glance at the table of contents will suffice to show that the scope of the work has been somewhat extended, and that, though there is of course a vast deal more to be said on the wide subject of self-defence, an attempt has been made to give practical hints as to what may be effected by a proper and prompt use of those common accessories which we may find in our hands at almost any hour in the day. not having leisure to take in hand the whole of the work myself, i asked my friend mr. c. phillipps-wolley to make himself responsible for that portion of the treatise which deals with single-stick play. this he kindly consented to do, and those of my readers who wish to make a special study of stick-play, i refer to p. to p. inclusive. the illustrations in this portion of the work are from photographs by the london stereoscopic company; all the other illustrations are from my own sketches. the author. contents. chapter page i. introductory ii. the quarter-staff iii. the broad-sword iv. single-stick v. the bayonet vi. the cudgel, shillalah, walking-stick, umbrella, and various accessories broad-sword and single-stick. chapter i. introductory. our neighbours on the other side of the english channel have been accused of calling us a "nation of shopkeepers." no doubt the definition is not bad; and, so long as the goods supplied bear the hall-mark of british integrity, there is nothing to be ashamed of in the appellation; still, with all due deference, i think we might more appropriately be called a nation of sportsmen. there is not an english boy breathing at this moment who does not long to be at some sport or game, and who has not his pet idea of the channel into which he will guide his sporting proclivities when he is a man. there are not many grown englishmen who don't think they know something about a horse, would not like to attend a good assault-at-arms, or who are not pleased when they hear of their sons' prowess with the oar, the bat, or the gloves. i may be quite mistaken, but it always seems to me that the well-brought-up little foreign boy is too unwholesomely good and gentle to fight the battle of life. still, such little boys _do_ grow up brave and clever men, and they _do_, taken collectively, make splendid soldiers. then, as to sports, foreigners seem to put too much pomp and circumstance into their efforts in pursuit of game; the impedimenta and general accoutrements are overdone; but here again i may be wrong. of one thing we may be quite sure, and that is that the majority of englishmen are devoted to sport of _some kind_. one of the prettiest little compliments you can pay a man is to call him "a good old sportsman." when, in addition to the advantages of a national sport or collection of national sports, such as boxing, sword exercises, wrestling, etc., you recognize the possibility that the games you have been indulging in with your friends in playful contests may at almost any moment be utilized for defeating your enemies and possibly saving your life, you are forced to the conclusion that there are some sports at least which can be turned to practical account. unfortunately there are individuals, possibly in the small minority, who regard anything like fighting as brutal or ungentlemanly. in a sense--a very limited sense--they may be right, for, though our environment is such that we can never rest in perfect security, it does seem hard that we should have to be constantly on the alert to protect that which we think is ours by right, and ours alone. however this may be, let us be men _first_, and aristocrats, gentlemen, or anything else you please, _afterwards_. if we are not men, in the larger and better sense of the word, let there be no talk of gentle blood or lengthy pedigree. the nation is what it is through the pluck and energy of individuals who have put their shoulders to the wheel in bygone days--men who have laid the foundation of a glorious empire by sturdy personal efforts--efforts, unaided by the state, emanating from those higher qualities of the character, relying on itself, and on itself alone, for success or failure. from the earliest times, and in the most primitive forms of animal life, physical efforts to obtain the mastery have been incessant. whether it is in the brute creation or the human race, this struggle for existence has always required the exercise of offensive and defensive powers. the individual has striven to gain his living, and to protect that living when gained; nations have paid armies to increase their territories, and retain those territories when acquired. the exact form of weapon which first came into use will always be doubtful, but one would think that stones, being hard and handy, as well as plentiful, might have presented irresistible attractions to, say, some antediluvian monster, who wished to intimate to a mammoth or icthyosaurus, a few hundred yards distant, his readiness to engage in mortal combat. are there not stories, too, of clever little apes in tropical forests who have pelted unwary travellers with nuts, stones, and any missiles which came handy? then, coming nearer home, there is the lady at an irish fair who hangs on the outskirts of a faction-fight, ready to do execution with a stone in her stocking--a terrible gog-magog sort of brain-scatterer. when man was developed, no doubt one of his first ideas was to get hold of a really good serviceable stick--not a little modern masher's crutch--a strong weapon, capable of assisting him in jumping, protecting him from wild beasts, and knocking down his fellow-man. to obtain such a stick the primitive man probably had to do a good deal of hacking at the bough of a hard oak or tough ash, with no better knife than a bit of sharp flint. having secured his stick, the next thing was to keep it, and he doubtless had to defend himself against the assaults of envious fellow-creatures possessed of inferior sticks. thus we can imagine that the birth of quarter-staff play--not much _play_ about it in those days--was a very simple affair; and we recognize in it the origin and foundation of all the sword exercises, and all the games in which single-stick, lance, and bayonet play a prominent part. as the question of who picked up the first stone and threw it at his fellow-man, or when the first branch of a tree was brought down on the unsuspecting head of another fellow-man, are questions for learned men to decide, and are of no real importance, i shall not allow myself to go on with any vague speculations, but shall turn at once to an old english sport which, though sometimes practised at assaults-at-arms in the present day, takes us back to friar tuck, robin hood, and "maid marian, fair as ivory bone, scarlet and much and little john." chapter ii. the quarter-staff. according to chambers's "encyclopædia," the quarter-staff was "formerly a favourite weapon with the english for hand-to-hand encounters." it was "a stout pole of heavy wood, about six and a half feet long, shod with iron at both ends. it was grasped in the middle by one hand, and the attack was made by giving it a rapid circular motion, which brought the loaded ends on the adversary at unexpected points." "circular motion" and "shod with iron" give a nasty ring to this description, and one pictures to one's self half a barge-pole, twirled--"more hibernico"--with giant fingers, bearing down on one. whether the fingers of our ancestors were ever strong enough to effect this single-handed twirling or not must remain a matter of doubt, but we may rest assured that in the quarter-staff we have, probably, the earliest form of offensive weapon next to the handy stone. if darwin is correct, we can easily imagine one of our gorilla ancestors picking up a big branch of a tree with which to hit some near member of his family. this, to my mind, would be playing elementary quarter-staff, and the game would have advanced a step if the assaulted one--possibly the lady gorilla--had seized another branch and retaliated therewith. the modern quarter-staff is supposed to be rather longer than the six and a half feet prescribed by the above-quoted authority, and i imagine it originally derived its name from being grasped with one hand at a quarter of its length from the middle, and with the other hand at the middle. thus, in the diagram (fig. ), if a e represents a quarter-staff eight feet long, divided into four equal two-foot lengths at the points b, c, and d, the idea would be to grasp it with the right hand at d and with the left hand at c; or, if the player happened to be left-handed, to grasp it with the left hand at b and with the right hand at c. [illustration: fig. .] this method of holding the quarter-staff may be well enough in certain cases, but it seems to me that, for rapid attack and defence, the hands should be about three feet apart: at d and m, half way between b and c; or at b and n, half way between c and d. of course a great deal depends upon the height and strength of the player, but, with the hands at a distance of three feet or so apart, it stands to reason you have a greater command over the ends of the staff than you have if they are only two feet apart, and that you can consequently come quicker into "hanging guard" positions, and more easily defend yourself from short upper strokes and from "points" than you can when you have less command over your weapon. [illustration: fig. .--on guard.] before proceeding to the more technical portions of quarter-staff play, let me say that it is better to bar "points" in a friendly bout, for the weight of a stick, if only a bamboo cane, of eight feet long, is so great, that it is an easy matter to break a collar-bone or rib with a rapid thrust. in any case, remember to be well padded and to have a good iron-wire broad-sword mask on before engaging in a bout. in dealing with the cuts and thrusts which may be made with the quarter-staff, we cannot do better than consider the ordinary broad-sword target. in the accompanying diagram are marked the ordinary broad-sword cuts to , to , to , to , to , to , and to , the centre of the target. [illustration: fig. .] now, we observe that the guards for these cuts must be such as to ward off the blows in the easiest manner and with as rapid return as possible to the attacking position. with the quarter-staff in the hands of a right-handed man, the first cut would be from to , and the guard for this would be with the staff held in the direction of _c_ to _d_. similarly, for cut two, from to , the guard would be from _a_ to _b_. it must be borne in mind that this second cut, from to , is generally delivered with what i shall call the _butt_ of the staff, _i.e._ with that end which is nearest the right hand, in the case of a right-handed man; and that cut one, from to , would be delivered with the butt in the case of a left-handed man. the two guards above illustrated will _almost_ cover any attack, but _not quite_. [illustration: fig. .--first hit.] on examining fig. it will be seen that the guard for the first cut, viz. that from to on the target, is indicated by the position of the staff _cd_ or _c´d´_. the guard _cd_ meets the three cuts to , to , and to , but is not sufficient to protect you against cut to . similarly the guard _c´d´_ answers the purpose as far as cuts to , to , and to are concerned, but fails to ward off cut to ; and the same remarks apply to the other side of the target, where _ab_ and _a´b´_ represent the staff. of course the two guards in fig. _may_ be so used as to meet all requirements, but it is, to my thinking, far preferable to thoroughly master the four as represented in fig. . so doing will give increased command over the staff, and will not in any way detract from speed or general efficiency. [illustration: fig. ] it will be observed that in the sketches of guard and guard , figs. and , the staff is, in each case, too perpendicular for cut to ; they represent the positions of the combatants when using guards _a´b´_ and _c´d´_ in fig. . i would therefore advise attention to the following diagram, which includes the guards, four in number, which are really sufficient for all hits which can be made with the quarter-staff. the lines intersecting the circumference of the circle show the inclinations of the staff for guarding all the cuts which can be made. we now turn to the question of position. in quarter-staff play it is usual for a right-handed man to stand with his left foot in advance of the right, as in boxing or bayonet exercise, and with his toe pointing straight in the direction of his adversary, as in fig. . it is, however, often very advisable to advance the right foot suddenly to the front when bringing the butt of the staff to play on the left side of the enemy's head or body. as regards "points" it is well to lunge out, as one does when making a left-handed lead-off in boxing, so as to gain somewhat in the reach. [illustration: fig. .--first guard.] [illustration: fig. .--second guard.] [illustration: fig. .] points, which, as before hinted, should be used with care in friendly bouts, are generally made with the point of the staff, but may also be effected with the butt; and this is the case when the combatants have come to rather close quarters. at quarter-staff play the men should be started by the master of ceremonies at a distance of ten or twelve feet apart, and when they get to close quarters, or at rough play, they should be immediately separated, as this is a game at which feeling is apt to run somewhat high--occasionally. always remember, when guarding points, to do so with that portion of the staff which lies between your hands. this portion really corresponds with the "forte" of a sword or stick. if you have learned fencing with the foils it will be of the greatest possible advantage to you, for you will then understand how slight an effort brought to bear on the foible of your opponent's staff--in this case it will be somewhere within two feet of the end--will suffice to turn aside the most vigorous thrust. [illustration: fig. .--second hit.] it may not be out of place to add that any man who has gone through any sort of apprenticeship in fencing--either with foils or single-sticks--will not fail, when a quarter-staff is put into his hands, to know what to do with his weapon. he may, at first, feel awkward, and the length of the staff may hamper him and its weight fatigue him, but he will, with his knowledge of general principles, very soon get into the work and enjoy it. [illustration: fig. .--point.] though the staves used are often made of light bamboo cane, one may get very severe hits and prods, so it is as well, before engaging in an encounter, to have (_a_) a good mask, such as broad-swordsmen wear; (_b_) a thick jacket of stout leather, with a high collar; (_c_) boxing-gloves on both hands; (_d_) a good pad for the middle of the body, from waist to knee; and (_e_) cricket pads for both legs, which are apt to come in for nasty jars on or about the knee. never _on any account try to dispense with the pads_--they may save you from permanent injury; and do they not add to your good health by promoting a beneficial opening of the sweat-glands? in quarter-staff, as in stick-play, broad-sword exercise, fencing, etc., it is better to sink down with the knees bent, for in this position you present a smaller area for your opponent to strike at than you do when quite erect. in leading off it is better to slide the hand which is at m or n (see fig. ) down to the hand which is at d or b; you then gain several feet of reach added to your lunge out; only be careful to recover quickly, and get the hand you have thus moved back to its former position. advancing and retreating are effected much in the same way as in bayonet exercise; viz. for the advance, move the left foot swiftly forward in the direction of your opponent for a distance of, say, eighteen inches or two feet, following this up with the right foot _for the same distance_, so that the same relative positions are maintained; for the retreat, move the right foot back the required distance and follow up with the left foot. in speaking of the retreat, it must be mentioned that, from the great length of the staff, you cannot, very often, get out of the way by the ordinary retreat, as above described, but may have to make an undignified jump back for five or six feet, to avoid a quick return or, possibly, an unexpected lead-off. in a stiff bout this jumping, with all the heavy impedimenta indispensable to the game, takes it out of one considerably, and, on this account, it is a first-rate exercise for any man who may wish to get into good training. [illustration: fig. .--first hit, with slide.] the most common mistake learners of the quarter-staff make is that they try very long sweeping hits, which are easily guarded, instead of shorter and sharper taps, which run up points and are much more scientific. your sweeping hit may be likened to the "hook-hit" at boxing, for it lays open your weak points and leaves you for an instant in a position from which there is a difficulty in recovery. in all these games be well "pulled together." watch a good fencer, either with the foils or with the sticks; see how seldom his point wanders far from the lines of attack, and how quick he is with the returns! you cannot guard and return with any sort of effect if you go in for ugly sweeping hits or hard heavy guards. the heavy hit may come off occasionally, the clumsy guard may turn the point, but why misdirect energy? it is surely unnecessary to put forth great muscular effort when you know that the strength of a small child, _if properly applied_, is ample to put aside the most powerful thrust or the heaviest cut. if quite unacquainted with fencing, broad-sword, stick-play, or bayonet-exercise, never be tempted into a bout with the quarter-staff. no one should ever go in for this game without previous knowledge. my own idea is that learning fencing with the foils should precede all the above-named exercises, for in this way a delicacy of touch and nicety in the matter of guarding are acquired, which may lay a really good foundation. nearly all first-rate stick-players have served their apprenticeship with the foils, and, where this education has been omitted, one may generally detect the ugly carving-knife-and-fork style, so unpleasant to watch. whereas with a good fencer--"foiler" perhaps i should say--everything is done with neatness, whether he has in his hand a single-stick, a cutlass, or the leg of an old chair. so that it comes to this: we seek the aid of the newest and most delicate weapon of attack and defence--the small-sword--to teach us how to properly make use of the most ancient and clumsy of all weapons--the time-honoured quarter-staff! chapter iii. the broad-sword. "but swords i smile at, weapons laugh to scorn, brandish'd by man that's of a woman born." _macbeth_, act v., scene vii. general. in the early stages of the world's history our very remote ancestors were unacquainted with the art of forging instruments and weapons from metals; they were not even aware of the existence of those metals, and had to content themselves with sharpened flints and other hard stones for cutting purposes. many of these weapons were fashioned with considerable skill, and give evidence that even in the dark days of the stone age men had a good idea of _form_ and the adaptation of the roughest materials to suit the particular purpose they had in view. to take an example from the most common forms--the spear and javelin-heads which are found along with the bones and other remains of the cave bear. these are admirably designed for entering the body of any animal; for, though varying greatly in size, weight, and shape, the double edge and sharp point render them capable of inflicting severe wounds, and of entering into the flesh almost as easily as the point of a modern sword. as good specimens of these early spear-heads fetched high prices, _finding_ them was at one time quite a profession, like finding bullets, etc., on the field of waterloo. forgeries became common, and in many cases the imitations were so perfect that the most experienced antiquary was often puzzled to pick out the genuine article when placed next to the spurious. for the benefit of those who take an interest in this branch of research, it may be mentioned that the museum at salisbury is full of excellent specimens both of true spear-heads and the copies "made to meet the demand," and i may fairly say that the ordinary observer would be utterly incapable of distinguishing the slightest difference between the two. the genus "cutting instrument," then, has for its archetype the sharp flint, which was fashioned by dint of hard labour in the very early days of man's existence on the face of the earth. when metals were discovered and their malleability had been tested by the application of fire, not only spear and javelin-heads were formed from the new material, but short swords, consisting entirely of metal, were first constructed; and this departure marked a new era in the civilization of the world, termed by geologists and antiquarians the bronze age. in a very short treatise on a cut-and-thrust weapon like the broad-sword, it would be out of place to enter into any speculations as to the probable dates at which the stone, the bronze, and the iron ages commenced their respective epochs. it seems sufficient to give the _order_ and to mention a few of the early weapons with which we are acquainted, either through actually finding them, or by seeing representations of them on early works of art, such as alto-relievos or frescoes. one of the earliest forms of sword was the leaf-shaped blade of the early greeks. it properly belongs to the bronze age, as it is found amongst the human remains of that period. it was a short, heavy-bladed weapon, with sharp point and double edge, used, it appears from ancient monuments, for cutting purposes. [illustration: fig. .--early greek sword.] no doubt the weight of the blade, increased by the heavy deep ridge running almost from point to hilt, made it very serviceable for cutting, but it seems more than probable that the point was also used, and that the idea of the edge was handed down to us because the ancient sculptor or delineator, in his battle-piece representations, placed the swordsman in the most spirited positions he could think of. a figure in the act of delivering a slashing cut, say cut or cut , looks much more aggressive and eager for the fray than a similar figure about to give the point. i only advance this as a suggestion, for it seems hard to believe that people who must have been well acquainted with the use of the point at the end of a pole or staff--as in the case of the spear, which was the very earliest form of thrusting weapon--should abandon it when they came to the sword. be this as it may, there is no doubt that the short roman sword, which was practically a large heavy dagger, sharp-pointed, double-edged, and straight-bladed, was extensively used for thrusting. for cutting purposes, however, it could not, from the absence of curve in the edge of the blade, have been equal to the early greek weapon. [illustration: fig. .--short roman sword.] when iron began to play a prominent part in the construction of articles requiring hardness, strength, and durability, a great stride was made in the production of war-like weapons, and it was then very soon discovered that ordinary forged iron was too soft and easily bent, and it was not until the art of tempering began to be roughly understood that iron, or more correctly speaking steel, swords were brought to a degree of perfection sufficient to entitle them to a higher place than their bronze predecessors. it is believed that the egyptians had some method of tempering their bronze chisels, which is now numbered amongst the lost arts; otherwise, how could they have carved the head of the sphinx and innumerable other works out of the intensely hard stone of which so many of their monuments are cut? the modern sword blade is constructed of steel, tempered so as to suit the particular kind of work for which it is intended. "mechanical invention has not," says the "encyclopædia britannica," "been able to supersede or equal handwork in the production of good sword blades. the swordsmiths' craft is still, no less than it was in the middle ages, essentially a handicraft, and it requires a high order of skill. his rough material is a bar of cast and hammered steel, tapering from the centre to the ends; when this is cut in two each half is made into a sword. the 'tang,' which fits into the handle, is not part of the blade, but a piece of wrought iron welded on to its base. from this first stage to the finishing of the point it is all hammer and anvil work. special tools are used to form grooves in the blade, according to the regulation or other pattern desired, but the shape and weight of the blade are fixed wholly by the skilled hand and eye of the smith. measuring tools are at hand, but are little used. great care is necessary to avoid over-heating the metal, which would produce a brittle crystalline grain, and to keep the surface free from oxide, which would be injurious if hammered in. in tempering the blade the workman judges of the proper heat by the colour. water is preferred to oil by the best makers, notwithstanding that tempering in oil is much easier. with oil there is not the same risk of the blade coming out distorted and having to be forged straight again (a risk, however, which the expert swordsmith can generally avoid); but the steel is only surface-hardened, and the blade therefore remains liable to bend. machinery comes into play only for grinding and polishing, and to some extent in the manufacture of hilts and appurtenances. the finished blade is proved by being caused to strike a violent blow on a solid block, with the two sides flat, with the edge, and lastly with the back; after this the blade is bent flatwise in both directions by hand, and finally the point is driven through a steel plate about an eighth of an inch thick. in spite of all the care that can be used, both in choice of materials and in workmanship, about forty per cent. of the blades thus tried fail to stand the proof and are rejected. the process we have briefly described is that of making a really good sword; of course plenty of cheaper and commoner weapons are in the market, but they are hardly fit to trust a man's life to. it is an interesting fact that the peculiar skill of the swordsmith is in england so far hereditary that it can be traced back in the same families for several generations. "the best eastern blades are justly celebrated, but they are not better than the best european ones; in fact, european swords are often met with in asiatic hands, remounted in eastern fashion. the 'damascening' or 'watering' of choice persian and indian is not a secret of workmanship, but is due to the peculiar manner of making the indian steel itself, in which a crystallizing process is set up; when metal of this texture is forged out, the result is a more or less regular wavy pattern running through it. no difference is made by this in the practical qualities of the blade." the above-quoted description, though short and superficial, is sufficient to indicate some of the chief difficulties of the swordsmith's art, and it sets one thinking, too, as to the various uses to which cutting instruments are put, and gradations of hardness, from the high temper of razors and certain chisels to the low temper of hunters' and sailors' knives, which should always be of rather soft steel, for they are sharpened more easily, and the saw-like edge is better suited for cutting flesh, ropes, etc., than a very fine edge would be. a comparatively soft steel does well enough for the heavy cutlass used for cutting lead or dividing a sheep, and the edge, though sharp and keen, need not, and, indeed, cannot, approach the razor-edge necessary for cutting a silk pocket-handkerchief or a feather. _every_ edge, when closely examined by a microscope, presents a more or less saw-like and jagged appearance. it is merely a question of _degree_, and, in a sword to be used for ordinary cutting and thrusting, you want to secure hardness sufficient to produce a good edge and an instant return to its former shape after any reasonable bending, and you want to avoid anything like brittleness or liability to snap. if the disposition of the molecules is such as to give too great hardness, the blade, though capable of taking a fine edge, will probably snap, or the edge will crack and shiver on meeting any hard obstacle. for example, if you put razor steel into a cutlass, and then try to cut lead, the blade will either snap off or the edge will break away in large pieces. if, on the other hand, you make the blade of too soft steel, the edge will be readily dented or turned on one side. though there are wonderful reports of the excellence of eastern blades manufactured at damascus, it is probable that european work was quite as good, and that the tempering of steel was quite as well understood at toledo, in spain, where, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, splendid rapiers were produced. it seems highly probable that the rapier was an extension or refinement of the earlier heavy cut-and-thrust sword, because, though the superior value of the point was beginning then to assert itself, there was an evident attempt to preserve in the rapier the strength and cutting properties of the long straight sword of a previous time. the italian and spanish rapiers were sometimes of great length, three feet or three feet six inches and more in the blade, and they were often beautifully finished, the work of the hilts being frequently both elaborate and costly. the blade itself, which was double-edged and inclined to be flat, tapered gradually from hilt to point, and was strengthened by a ridge running almost its entire length. the french duelling-sword of modern days is sometimes spoken of as a "rapier;" but this is incorrect, as the popular gallic dispute-settler is three-sided, and is, as it has no edge, exclusively used for pointing. for _details_ of historical research, and other particulars, the reader is referred to mr. egerton castle's work on the sword. the modern cut-and-thrust sword. the word "broad-sword" may be taken to include all kinds of cut-and-thrust swords. it is the generic term for ship's cutlass, infantry sword, and heavy cavalry sabre, which are all cutting weapons, and, though varying in length and curvature of blade, can be used for pointing. [illustration: fig. .--grip for the light cutlass.] the method of holding the broad-sword depends entirely upon the weight and length of the blade. if you have a light cutlass weighing, say, about one and a half pound, and measuring about thirty-four inches in the blade, you may hold it in the same way as in single-stick play, viz. with the thumb on the back of the hilt, as in the sketch, and you will probably find that in this way the guards are made with greater facility. at the same time, when guarding, say, with the hanging guard (_see_ fig. ), the thumb is liable to a severe sprain; and this is more particularly the case when the opposing blade meets the foible, or half nearest the point of your blade, at right angles, or nearly so. to be more explicit. if a b c, in fig. , represent your blade lying flat on the paper, _d o_ the intersection of a plane at right angles to the plane of the paper and also at right angles to the tangent to the curve at the point _o_, where we will suppose the edges of the blades to meet, it will be seen at a glance that the leverage from _o_ to c is considerable, and that a great strain is thrown upon the thumb which is endeavouring to keep the guard in position. [illustration: fig. --low hanging guard.] in this case the cut has been received on the "foible," or half of the blade nearest the point. all guards should, if possible, be made with the "forte," or half nearest the hilt. it is important to bear in mind that the cut should be received with the guard as much as possible on the slant; _i.e._ you should endeavour to make the opponent's blade glance off yours at an angle such as _d´ o_. the difficulty of bringing about this "glance off" is certainly increased by having the thumb on the hilt, because your hanging guard--which is perhaps the most important and constantly recurring of all the guards--is apt to be higher, _so far as the point is concerned_, and there is the chance of letting in cuts or at the left side, which is exposed by an elevated point. if, in the hanging guard, the arm is well extended, with the hand slightly above the level of the shoulder, the point dropped well to the left, and the edge turned outwards to the left, as in the illustration (fig. ), a very good general guard will be formed. remember, too, that in all cuts, points, or guards, the second knuckles of the fingers should be in a line with the edge. the only exception to this rule is, perhaps, to be found in the third point, where a shifting of the hand, so as to enable the edge to be more completely directed upwards, is sometimes recommended. [illustration: fig. --the broad-sword.] the hanging guard, or modifications thereof, is capable of warding off all cuts made at the left side of the head and body, and is also effective against cut . then, by bringing the hand slightly to the right, with the elbow held well in to the right side, it is extremely easy to come into the position for guarding cut . we may, i think, assume that, on the whole, the thumb held at the back of the hilt gives, in the case of a very light sword, an advantage in speed, especially with short quick cuts and points. turning to the heavy sabre used by the cavalry of this and other countries, we observe that to keep the thumb on the back of the hilt would lead to constant sprains. no man is strong enough to wield with effect a blade weighing about two and a half pounds and measuring little short of three feet--thirty-five inches is the regulation length of the british cavalry sabre--unless he holds it as indicated in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--grip for the heavy sabre.] most cuts made with the heavy sword are more sweeping in their nature, more "swinging," so to speak, than the short quick cuts which can be effected with the lighter and more handy weapon; indeed, it is only to be expected that the weight of the blade and length of the sweep should give great force to the sabre; but it must not be forgotten that what is thus gained in power is lost in speed, and that in nine cases out of ten a well-directed "point" would be immeasurably superior both in speed and effect than the most sweeping cut. such very different weapons are required to be thoroughly effective in different circumstances. a light, thin-bladed sword, though admirable for a man on foot, would not be of nearly so much use to a cavalry man, whose slashing cut through shield or helmet renders _weight_ an absolute necessity. the light blade might be brought to bear with all the speed and force of the strongest man, but would be of no avail in those cases where hard, dense, and heavy substances have to be cut through. a fly may dash against a pane of plate-glass with the utmost speed and yet fail to break the glass; but a cricket-ball thrown with a tenth part of the velocity will smash the window to pieces. this is only an analagous case, which indicates very fully the existence of the two factors in the _vis-viva_ necessary to produce a certain result. if you get your blade too light it will not be serviceable for heavy-cutting work, whatever the speed of the cut; and if you get the blade too heavy, it will be impossible to use it effectively on account of its weight. everything depends upon what a sword is expected to do; and in selecting a blade this cannot be too carefully borne in mind. the easterns have not, and indeed never had, any idea of using the point; but they are far and away our superiors at edge work, and their curved scimitars are admirably adapted for effective cutting, because the edge, meeting the object aimed at on the slant, has great cutting or slicing power. this brings us to the most important matter in connection with cutting weapons--the "draw." if you take a razor in one hand and _hit_ the palm of the other hand a smart _blow_ with the edge, no harm will be done; but if you vary this hit, by making it lighter and putting the slightest possible _draw_ into it, a cut will be the result, and blood will flow freely. that is to say, anything like _drawing_ the edge along the skin will produce a cut. turn to the case of the scimitar. it will be seen that the curved form of the blade _from hilt to point_ renders it impossible for a sweeping cut, given with the arm extended its full length and with the shoulder as centre of the circle, which the hand traces out in making the cut, to be other than a "draw," because the edge _must_ meet the object to be severed on the slant. [illustration: fig. .--the scimitar.] excellent examples of this kind of cutting are to be found in the circular saw and the chaff-cutting machine. but this is not the case with a nearly straight-bladed broad-sword, which requires what may be termed an artificial draw, either backward or forward, in order that the cut may have its full effect. of course the draw back is by far the most common form of the "draw;" and on reference to the accompanying sketch (fig. ) it will be seen that the edge, if the hand retains its position _throughout the entire sweep_, on the circumference of the circle b d, will meet the object to be cut simply as a _hit_, and not as a _cut_. this is just what we want to avoid. [illustration: fig. .] suppose the cut is being made parallel to the plane of the paper, and that the hilt of the sword is, in the first part of the sweep, moving on the circumference of the circle from b to d. suppose, too, that the edge first meets the obstacle to be cut at the point _n_. then slightly before _n_ is reached the "draw" should commence, the hand coming into position at f, and the point _n_ being necessarily drawn down to _n´_ by the time the object has been severed. that is to say, the portion of the blade between _m_ and _n_ will have been made effective in the drawing cut, the point _n_ having travelled in the direction of the dotted lines till it arrives at _n´_. the point _n_ is taken at random: it might be nearer the hilt or nearer the point, according to the distance of the object aimed at. it may also be observed that the "draw" _might_ continue during the entire sweep from b to f, but a very slight consideration will show clearly the advantage of keeping the arm fully extended until the edge is quite close to the object, as, by this means, the reach is increased and the _power of the cut gains considerably_. the dynamical proof of this latter advantage would take up too much space, and i regret that it is rather outside the scope of this little work. no matter how extended the arm may be when commencing the cut--and the more extended the better in the case of a long heavy sword--the "draw" should always come in towards the end of the sweep, the first part of which is merely intended to give the required impetus to the effective portion of the cut. how is it that an apple or potato can be divided by a straight cut when placed in the folds of a silk pocket-handkerchief, which remains uninjured? simply because there is a complete absence of "draw," and the apple or potato is broken or split in two, much as the flesh is indented by the edge of the razor whilst the skin escapes without the slightest mark. in cavalry charges, etc., our soldiers too often forget that they have in their hands _pointing_ and _cutting_ weapons, and make slashing _hits_, which lead to a large percentage of broken blades. i should myself always place the point before the edge, as it is quicker and far more deadly; but as there are numerous instances where cutting is necessary, it is as well to remember that a mere _hit_ with the true edge of a straight-bladed sword is little better than a blow from a heavy stick having an oval section. this brings us to another very important part of the subject, viz. the consideration of the best form of weapon for ordinary practice. to many it may seem that in these few pages on swordsmanship the cart has been placed before the horse, and that a discussion on cuts and guards should have preceded the somewhat intricate questions we have been considering. i have, however, thought it advisable to leave what may be termed the "drudgery" to the end of the chapter, in the hope of thereby creating a more lively interest in the subject. it must, nevertheless, be remembered that, to attain to any sort of proficiency with the sword, a long apprenticeship must be served. though stick-play is invaluable as an aid to work with the sword, it may be remarked that there are two reasons, and those important ones, why the single-stick should not be first placed in the hands of the beginner, and why it should never altogether usurp the place of the more lethal weapon. the reasons are-- (_a._) the stick is very light, and short smart hits can be made, which are impossible with a sword. (_b._) the hit with the stick is really a hit, and there need be no draw, which, as already explained, is so important in sword-play. to these may be added a third reason. with the stick there is always the temptation not to cut with the true edge, and it is very hard to detect faults in this direction--faults which are hard to cure, and which may quite spoil good swordsmanship. remembering, then, that every cut and guard must be made with the true edge, and with the second or middle knuckles of the fingers in the direction of the edge, a navy cutlass may be placed in the beginner's hand, and he may be gradually taught all the cuts and guards by means of the target, a sketch of which is here given. [illustration: fig. .--the target.] in the manual on sword-exercises at present in use in the army, it is stated that there are "four cuts and four guards, so arranged for the sake of clearness, though practically there are only two cuts--from right to left and from left to right, high and low--and two guards, one a variation of the 'hanging' or 'engaging guard,' formed high or low, right or left, according to the part attacked, and the other the 'second guard,' where the point of the sword is necessarily directed upwards, to guard the right cheek and shoulder." this is very brief, and, to my mind, the effort to be concise has tended to somewhat confuse. it may, however, be well enough for the army, where there are plenty of instructors ready to explain the meanings of terms, etc. for ordinary beginners it is certainly better to take the old target and thoroughly master the seven cuts and three points, with the corresponding guards and parries, as by so doing the learner will more readily acquire a thorough appreciation of true edge-cutting. the general statement that there are two cuts--viz. variations from right to left, and variations from left to right--is correct enough, and a swordsman understands it; but it is bad for beginners to start with loose notions on the subject. better far learn all the cuts, and learn them _well_, in the first instance. by this means a man and his sword become one, as it were, and the point and edge of the weapon are in time brought so completely under control that they can be directed as easily as the pencil and brush are directed by the hand of a skilful draughtsman. as the reader will have surmised, the lines drawn through the centre of the circle indicate the directions of the cuts; but a little further explanation is necessary, for it must not be supposed that a mere following of these lines with the point of the sword is all that is required. the flat of the blade (or, more accurately, a plane passing through the edge and a line drawn down the centre of the back of the blade from hilt to point) should, throughout the entire cut, coincide with the plane intersecting the plane of the target at right angles in the particular line in which the cut is being made. careful attention to this will ensure cutting with the true edge, and, in the first instance, all the cuts should be made slowly and deliberately, so that errors may be instantly corrected. this may be somewhat tedious to the impetuous learner, but it really saves time in the end. the target should be hung up on a wall with the centre about the height of a man's shoulder from the ground. directly below the centre a straight line should be drawn on the ground from the wall, and at right angles to it. the beginner should be stationed on this line in the position of "attention," at about nine or ten feet from the wall, so that when he comes into the first position of the exercise his right foot may be on the line, and may point directly towards the wall. instructions as to drawing swords, etc., will be given later on with the extension motions and rules for loose play (_vide_ p. ). at this stage it may possibly be less confusing to merely give the following positions, leaving to the concluding portions of the chapter a few amplifications which may materially assist the swordsman when he has begun to take a genuine interest in the subject. _attention._--having taken the cutlass in the right hand, stand facing the target, body and head erect, and the heels close together and meeting at an angle of sixty degrees on the line drawn from the wall. with the sword hand in front of, and on a level with, the elbow, which should be close to the body, and with the blade pointing perpendicularly upwards with the edge to the front, you will be in the position of "carry swords." now relax the grasp of the last three fingers, and, without altering the position of the hand, let the back of the blade fall on the shoulder half-way between the neck and the point of the shoulder. this forms the position of "slope swords," with which the exercise begins. _first position._--bring the right heel before the left; feet at right angles, right foot pointing towards target; shoulders square to left, and weight of body chiefly resting on left leg. _second position._--bend both knees, keeping them well apart, without raising the heels or altering the erect position of the body. step out with the right foot along the line for about eighteen or twenty inches straight in direction of the target, still retaining most of the weight of the body on the left leg. _third position._--step out still further along the line--about a yard or so (according to the height of the individual)--keeping the shin-bone as nearly as possible perpendicular to the instep. the left leg should be straight and the left heel should not leave the ground. the heels should be both on the line, and the shoulders should be square to the left; _i.e._ the right shoulder should be well extended and the left held back. the weight is now, of course, principally on the right leg. at the word "attention," then, the pupil should come into the position of "slope swords," already described. _prepare for sword exercise._--turning on the heels, come into the "first position," with the left forearm well behind the back and the hand closed. _right, prove distance._--bring the upper part of the hilt of the sword on a level with the mouth, blade pointing perpendicularly upwards, edge to the left, and the elbow close to the side. this forms the position "recover swords." now extend the arm to the right, and lower the blade in a horizontal position straight out from the right shoulder, edge to the rear, shoulders square to the front, and the head and eyes turned to the right in the direction in which the sword is pointing. return to the position "slope swords." _front, prove distance._--"recover swords" as before, and, extending the arm with the point of the sword directed towards the centre of the target, step out into the third position, taking care that the edge is towards the right. return to the position "slope swords." in proving distance right and front, the forefinger and thumb may be stretched along the handle of the hilt, the thumb being on the back and the pommel of the hilt in the palm of the hand. _assault._--come into first position; raise the right arm to the front with the wrist opposite no. and the elbow rather bent, and inclining towards the centre of the target, the back of the blade, near the point, resting on the shoulder, with the edge inclined to the right. _cut one._--with an extension of the arm direct the cut diagonally from no. to no. (_remembering in this, and all the following cuts, to use the true edge_), and as the point clears the circle, turn the knuckles upwards, continuing the sweep of the sword until the point comes to the rear of the left shoulder, with edge to the left and the wrist opposite no. . _cut two._--now cut diagonally from left to right from no. to no. . continue the motion till the arm is extended to the right, on a level with the shoulder, edge to the rear. _cut three._--now turn the wrist so that the knuckles and edge face to the front, and cut diagonally upwards from no. to no. , and continue the sweep until the wrist rests in the hollow of the left shoulder, with the point of the sword pointing upwards and the edge to the rear; turn the wrist so that the edge faces to the front, and drop the point until the blade is in the position for the next cut. _cut four._--cut diagonally upwards from no. to no. until the blade is nearly perpendicular, edge and knuckles to the rear. bring the arm, still fully extended, to the position of "right, prove distance," and turn the wrist so that the knuckles and edge face to the front, the blade being horizontal and on a level with the shoulders. _cut five._--cut horizontally from no. to no. . the edge will now be to the left and the point to the rear, over the left shoulder. _cut six._--turn the wrist so that knuckles and edge face to the front, and cut horizontally from no. to no. . continuing the sweep until the hand is nearly over the head and in the direction of no. , the sword being on the same line over the head, point lowered to the rear, and the edge directed vertically upwards. _cut seven._--cut vertically downwards from no. to the centre of the target, and remain with the arm extended. _first point._--turn the wrist, with the edge of the sword upwards, to the right. bring the hand upwards on a level with the eyes, elbow bent and raised, the point of the sword directed towards the centre of the target, and the left shoulder advanced. now, by an extension of the arm, deliver the point smartly to the front, with the edge of the sword still inclined upwards to the right and the point accurately directed to the centre. the right shoulder should now be well advanced and the left drawn back--this motion of the shoulders being applicable to all the points. _second point._--turn the edge upwards to the left, draw the elbow close to the body and let the wrist be as high as, and in front of, the left breast. now deliver the point, as before directed, accurately towards the centre of the target, the wrist inclining towards no. . _third point._--draw in the arm till the inside of the wrist touches the right hip, the edge being raised upwards to the right, the left shoulder slightly advanced and the hips well thrown back. now deliver the point accurately towards the lowest point on the target, the edge being carefully directed upwards to the right throughout the motion. _guards._--having gone through the cuts and points, the pupil should now give his attention to the guards and parries. a reference to fig. , in which the directions of the blade are indicated by means of the hilt and dotted lines, will make it easy for the beginner to place his sword in the seven guarding positions which follow. _guard one._--grasp the hilt as shown in fig. , turn the edge to the left with the elbow held close to the body, the wrist well to the front. let the blade be as nearly as possible parallel to the direction of cut , and let it slope in the direction of the target at an angle of about forty-five degrees with the ground: _i.e._ let the point in this, and indeed all the guards, be well advanced to the front. _guard two._--turn the knuckles up, draw the elbow nearer the right side and let the edge face to the right, and let the blade be parallel to cut . in this guard the forearm will be more directly pointing towards the target. _guard three._--turn wrist and edge to the left, the hand being rather below the left shoulder, and the blade following the dotted lines marked "third guard." _guard four._--bring the wrist and hand across the body to the right, edge to right and blade following dotted line marked "fourth guard." _guard five._--wrist and edge to the left, with blade pointing vertically downwards. _guard six._--wrist and edge to the right, with blade pointing vertically downwards. [it will be observed that these two guards, five and six, are but extensions of guards three and four, the difference being merely in the height of the hand and inclination of the blade.] _guard seven._--raise the hand well above the level of the eyes, so that the target can be seen under the wrist; let the arm be extended, the point of the sword dropped forward to the left and parallel to dotted lines marked "seventh guard," and let the edge face vertically upwards. it may be here again mentioned that with all guards and parries in actual practice, the "forte," or half nearest the hilt, should be the portion of the blade which meets the opponent's sword when the attack is made. _left parry._--let the wrist be drawn back to within eight or ten inches of the right shoulder, the blade pointing in the direction of the perpendicular line on the target, and let the edge be turned to the right. now, by a second motion, turn the wrist so that the point drops to the left and forms a circle from left to right and then returns to the former position. _right parry._--drop the point to the rear and form the circle from right to left of your body, the sword returning to its position as before. both these circular parries should be learnt and practised for the sake of adding to the strength and suppleness of the wrist; but for actual use it is better to turn the point aside by one of the simple guards, remembering not to let the hand wander far from the line of attack. in other words, you should let your "forte" catch the "foible" of the adversary's blade just sufficiently to turn aside the point, and then instantly give your point or come back to whatever guard you may have assumed in the first instance. some diversity of opinion exists as to the best "engaging guard" to take up. in the two figs., and , i am inclined to favour the former for use when opposed either to the small sword or the bayonet, and give preference to the latter when facing another broad-swordsman. in fig. , it will be observed, the point is well forward, and it is easy with a light pressure to turn aside the opposing point and instantly lunge out in the return. the engagement is here in tierce, but it might just as well be in quarte, in which case the edge would be turned to the left instead of to the right. [illustration: fig. .--engaging guard, a.] at the same time, the more common engaging guard, the very low hanging guard in fig. , has many merits not possessed by the other. it will be better to constantly practise _both_ these guarding positions and then come to a decision as to which you can do best in. two things are certain, viz., you can, if proficient at both, puzzle an opponent who is at home only in one, and the change of position is a great rest in a long succession of bouts. [illustration: fig. .--engaging guard, b.] it will now be well to combine the cuts and guards, and, for this, take up the second position in front of the target, and in making each cut lunge well out into the third position, not allowing the blade to cut further than the centre of the target. then spring back to the position from which you lunged and form the guard for the cut you have just made. for instance, having made cut as far as the centre of the target, return to the second position and form guard . similarly for cut and all the other cuts. in the same way make the points in the lunge, in position three, and the corresponding parries in the second position. in many works on the subject, the foregoing exercises are given with the return in each case to the first position instead of, as above, to the second. it is, however, advisable to accustom yourself as much as possible to rapid returns from the lunge to the engaging position in which you habitually face an opponent. the change from position one to position three involves a long stretch out, and the return is, of course, harder than the return to position two, and, for this very reason, it is well to practise the exercises from both initial positions--one and two. [illustration: fig. .--point, with lunge.] at the risk of being considered old-fashioned, i have given the sword exercise with seven cuts and three points, with corresponding guards and parries, and it is my conviction that the beginner will do well to follow the advice given on p. . the following instructions are taken from the manual on the infantry sword, now used in the army. instructions for drawing the sword (long). _draw swords._--take hold of the scabbard of the sword, with the left hand below the hilt, which should be raised as high as the hip, then bring the right hand smartly across the body, grasping the hilt and turning it at the same time to the rear, raise the hand the height of the elbow, the arm being close to the body. _two._--draw the sword from the scabbard, the edge being to the rear, and lower the hand until the upper part of the hilt is opposite the mouth, the blade perpendicular, edge to the left, elbow close to the body, which forms the position "recover swords." _three._--bring the sword smartly down until the hand is in front of the elbow and little finger in line with it, the elbow close to the body, blade perpendicular, edge to the front; which forms the position of "carry swords;" the left hand resumes the position of "attention" directly the sword is drawn. _slope swords._--relax the grasp of the last three fingers, and, without disturbing the position of the hand, allow the back of the sword to fall lightly on the shoulder, midway between the neck and the point of the shoulder. _return swords._--carry the hilt to the hollow of the left shoulder (the left hand, as before, raising the scabbard), with the blade perpendicular and the back of the hand to the front, then by a quick turn of the wrist drop the point into the scabbard, turning the edge to the rear until the hand and elbow are in line with each other square across the body. _two._--replace the sword in the scabbard, keeping the hand upon the hilt. _three._--the hands are brought back to the position of "attention." _draw swords._--as before. _slope swords._--as before. _stand at ease._--keeping the sword at the "slope," draw back the right foot six inches, and bend the left knee. the four cuts (from second position). _assault._--raise the hand and sword to the rear, arm bent, wrist rounded, the back of the sword resting upon the shoulder, with the edge inclined to the right. _one._--extend the arm, and direct the cut diagonally downwards from right to left, and, continuing the sweep of the sword, prepare for cut "two," the back of the sword upon the left shoulder, edge inclined to the left. _two._--cut diagonally downwards from left to right, and turning the wrist let the sword continue its motion until it rests upon the right shoulder, edge to the right. _three._--cut horizontally from right to left, and prepare for cut "four," the flat of the sword resting upon the left shoulder. _four._--cut horizontally from left to right, and come to the "engaging guard" (_vide_ fig. ). the four guards. _first._--raise the hand smartly above the head, and a little in advance of it, the point of the sword lowered to the left front, edge upwards. _second._--draw back the elbow to the right, and bring the sword to a diagonal position, covering the right cheek and shoulder, point upwards, inclining to the left, edge to the right. _third._--bring the hand across the body towards the left shoulder, edge of the sword to the left, point down and inclining to the front. _fourth._--square the upper arm with the shoulder, the forearm to be in front line with the elbow, and wrist slightly below it, point of the sword inclined to the front, edge to the right. _engage._--as before. points and parries. _first._--with a quick motion, direct the point to the front by extending the arm, the arm moving in a straight line to the front of the "first guard" position, and without altering the direction of the edge. _parry._--brace up the arm quickly and parry upwards by forming "first guard." _second._--deliver the point quickly by extending the arm and sword to the front. _parry._--draw back the arm and parry to the right, by forming "second guard." _third._--lowering the point, extend the arm. _parry._--draw back the arm, and parry to the left by forming "third guard." _fourth._--raise the point and deliver the thrust. _parry._--parry downwards to the right by forming "fourth guard." it will be worth the reader's while to compare carefully the preceding four cuts and points and their guards and parries, with the earlier exercises, the description of which commences on p. . it will be seen that the third and fifth guards (old style) are merged in one, that the fourth and sixth are also merged in one, and the first guard--the old guard in quarte--is dispensed with altogether, and its place taken by a low hanging guard, which is a variation of the old seventh guard, formed with the hand held rather more to the left. it will also be observed that the parries for the points are also very different. my advice is, "learn in the old style and then glean all you can from the new." extension motions. it is a good plan to practise the following movements every morning before beginning the sword exercises. to avoid confusion they are here given as in the little manual on the infantry sword; they are effected without any accessories, and you commence by being in the position of "attention," _i.e._ stand with the heels close together at an angle of about sixty degrees, arms hanging down by the sides, chest expanded, back straight, shoulders back, and head well up. first extension motions. _one._--bring the hands, arms, and shoulders to the front, the fingers lightly touching at the points, nails downwards; then raise them in a circular direction well above the head, the ends of the fingers still touching, the thumbs pointing to the rear, the elbows pressed back and shoulders kept down. _two._--separate and extend the arms and fingers upwards, forcing them obliquely back until they are extended on a line with the shoulders, and as they fall gradually from thence to the original position of "attention," endeavour as much as possible to elevate the neck and chest. _three._--turn the palms of the hands to the front, press back the thumbs with the arms extended, and raise them to the rear until they meet above the head, the fingers pointing upwards and the thumbs locked, with the left thumb in front. _four._--keep the knees and arms straight, and bend over until the hands touch the feet, the head being brought down in the same direction, and resume the "third motion" slowly by raising the arms to the front. _five._--resume the position of "attention," as directed in "second motion." the whole of these motions should be done very slowly, so as to feel the exertion of the muscles throughout. first position in three motions. _one._--move the hands smartly to the rear, the left grasping the right just above the elbow, and the right supporting the left arm under the elbow. _two._--half turn to the left, turning on the heels, so that the back of the left touches the inside of the right heel, the head retaining its position to the front. _three._--bring the right heel before the left, the feet at right angles, the right foot pointing to the front. second position in two motions. _one._--bend the knees gradually, keeping them as much apart as possible without raising the heels, or changing the erect position of the body. _two._--step out smartly with the right foot about eighteen inches in line with the left heel, bringing the foreleg to the perpendicular, and retaining the left as in preceding motion, the weight of the body resting equally upon both legs. third position in one motion. _one._--step forward to about thirty-six inches, the right knee remaining perpendicular to the instep, the left knee straight and firm, and foot flat upon the ground, the body upright, and the shoulders square to the left. loose practice. in practising with broadswords the blades should be as light as possible, and i believe an eminent firm has brought out a special sword for the purpose. the following rules and suggestions may be of use in independent practice. . helmets, jackets, gauntlets, body pads, and leg pads should invariably be worn. . no hits or points to be attempted until the swords have been crossed. the parties should engage out of distance, _i.e._ after crossing the blades, step back about eight inches and come to the "engage" _just_ out of distance. . all cuts and thrusts must be delivered lightly and with the true edge or point. heavy sweeping cuts should not, under any pretence whatever, or however thickly the parties may be padded, be allowed. . only one cut or thrust should be made on the same lunge. . in case the opponents both attack at once, the hit counts to the one in the third position, or on the lunge. if both parties lunge simultaneously, and both bring the hit home at the same instant, no hit is to be scored to either. . if one party is disarmed, a hit is scored to his opponent. . care should be taken to protect the inside of the right knee with an extra pad, as this is a particularly tender spot, and a hard hit there may cause serious injury. when the beginner has established some command over the cutlass he should learn the cavalry sword-exercise, for a description of which the reader is referred to colonel bowdler bell's manual. chapter iv. single-stick. _contributed by c. phillipps-wolley._ single-stick is to the sabre what the foil is to the rapier, and while foil-play is the science of using the point only, sabre-play is the science of using a weapon, which has both point and edge, to the best advantage. in almost every treatise upon fencing my subject has been treated with scant ceremony. "fencing" is assumed to mean the use of the point only, or, perhaps it would not be too much to say, the use of the foils; whereas fencing means simply (in english) the art of of-fending another and de-fending yourself with _any weapons_, but perhaps especially with all manner of swords. in france or spain, from which countries the use of the thrusting-sword was introduced into england, it would be natural enough to consider fencing as the science of using the point of the sword only, but here the thrusting-sword is a comparatively modern importation, and is still only a naturalized foreigner, whereas broad-sword and sabre and single-stick play are older than, and were once as popular as, boxing. on the other hand, the rapier was in old days a foreigner of peculiarly shady reputation on these shores, its introducer being always alluded to in the current literature of that day, with anathemas, as "that desperate traitour, rowland yorke." "l'escrime" is, no doubt, the national sword-play of france, and, for frenchmen, fencing may mean the use of the foil, but broad-sword and sabre-play are indigenous here, and if fencing is to mean only one kind of sword-play or sword-exercise, it should mean single-stick. like the swordsmen of india, our gallant forefathers (according to fuller, in his "worthies of england") accounted it unmanly to strike below the knee or with the point. but necessity has no laws, still less has it any sense of honour, so that before long english swordsmen realized that the point was much more deadly than the edge, and that, unless they were prepared to be "spitted like cats or rabbits," it was necessary for them either to give up fighting or condescend to learn the new fashion of fence. as in boxing, it was found that the straight hit from the shoulder came in quicker than the round-arm blow, so in fencing it was found that the thrust got home sooner than the cut, and hence it came that the more deadly style of fighting with the rapier supplanted the old broad-sword play. single-stick really combines both styles of fencing. in it the player is taught to use the point whenever he can do so most effectively; but he is also reminded that his sword has an edge, which may on occasion do him good service. it seems, then, to me, that single-stick is the most thoroughly practical form of sword-play for use in those "tight places" where men care nothing for rules, but only want to make the most out of that weapon which the chance of the moment has put into their hands. it may further be said that as the sabre is still supplied to our soldiers, though rarely used for anything more dangerous than a military salute, whereas no one except a french journalist has probably ever seen, what i may be allowed to call, a foil for active service, the science of single-stick has some claim to practical utility even in the nineteenth century, the only sound objection to single-stick being that the sticks used are so light as not to properly represent the sabre. this is a grave objection to the game, when the game is regarded as representing real business; but for all that, the lessons learnt with the stick are invaluable to the swordsman. the true way to meet the difficulty would be to supplement stick-play by a course with broad-swords, such as are in use in different london gymnasiums, with blunt edges and rounded points. but gunpowder has taken the place of "cold steel," and arms of precision at a thousand yards have ousted the "white arm" of the chivalrous ages, so that it is really only of single-stick as a sport that men think, if they think of it at all, to-day. as a sport it is second to none of those which can be indulged in in the gymnasium, unless it be boxing; and even boxing has its disadvantages. what the ordinary englishman wants is a game with which he may fill up the hours during which he cannot play cricket and need not work; a game in which he may exercise those muscles with which good mother nature meant him to earn his living, but which custom has condemned to rust, while the brain wears out; a game in which he may hurt some one else, is extremely likely to be hurt himself, and is certain to earn an appetite for dinner. if any one tells me that my views of amusement are barbaric or brutal, that no reasonable man ever wants to hurt any one else or to risk his own precious carcase, i accept the charge of brutality, merely remarking that it was the national love of hard knocks which made this little island famous, and i for one do not want to be thought any better than the old folk of england's fighting days. there is just enough pain about the use of the sticks to make self-control during the use of them a necessity; just enough danger to a sensitive hide to make the game thoroughly english, for no game which puts a strain upon the player's strength and agility only, and none on his nerve, endurance, and temper, should take rank with the best of our national pastimes. gallant lindsey gordon knew the people he was writing for when he wrote-- "no game was ever yet worth a rap, for a rational man to play, into which no accident, no mishap, could possibly find its way." still, there comes a time, alas! in the lives of all of us, when, though the hand is still ready to smite, the over-worked brain resents the infliction of too many "merry cross-counters," and we cannot afford to go about with black eyes, except as an occasional indulgence. then it is that single-stick comes in. boxing is the game of youth, and fencing with foils, we have been assured, improves as men fall into the sere and yellow leaf. single-stick, then, may be looked upon as a gentle exercise, suitable for early middle age. there is just enough sting in the ash-plant's kiss, when it catches you on the softer parts of your thigh, your funny bone, or your wrist, to keep you wide awake, and remind you of the good old rule of "grin and bear it;" but the ash-plant leaves no marks which are likely to offend the eyes of squeamish clients or female relations. another advantage which single-stick possesses is that you may learn to play fairly well even if you take it up as late in life as at five and twenty; whereas i understand that, though many of my fencing friends were introduced to the foil almost as soon as to the corrective birch, and though their heads are now growing grey, they still consider themselves mere tyros in their art. that single-stick is a national game of very considerable antiquity, and at one time in great repute on our country greens, no one is likely to deny, nor have i time to argue with them even if i would in this little _brochure_. those who are interested in spadroon, back-sword, and broad-sword will find the subjects very exhaustively treated in such admirable works as mr. egerton castle's "schools and masters of fence." these pages are merely intended for the tyro--they are, at best, a compilation of those notes written during the last ten years in black and white upon my epidermis by the ash-plants of serjeants waite and ottaway, and corporal-major blackburn. two of them, unfortunately, will never handle a stick again, but the last-named is still left, and to him especially i am indebted for anything which may be worth remembering in these pages. a book may teach you the rudiments of any game, but it is only face to face with a _better_ player than yourself that you will ever make any real advance in any of the sciences of self-defence. and here, then, is my first hint, taught by years of experience: if you want to learn to play quickly, if you want to get the most out of your lessons, whether in boxing or stick-play, never encourage your teacher to spare you too much. if you get a stinging cross-counter early in your career as a boxer, which lays you out senseless for thirty seconds, you will find that future antagonists have the greatest possible difficulty in getting home on that spot again. it is the same in single-stick. if you are not spared too much, and are not too securely padded, you will, after the ash-plant has curled once or twice round your thighs, acquire a guard so instinctively accurate, so marvellously quick, that you will yourself be delighted at your cheaply purchased dexterity. the old english players used no pads and no masks, but, instead, took off their coats, and put up their elbows to shield one side of their heads. there are to-day in england several distinct schools of single-stick, the english navy having, i believe, a school of its own; but all these different schools are separated from one another merely by sets of rules, directing, for the most part, where you may and where you may not hit your adversary. the best school appears to be that in which all hits are allowed, which might be given by a rough in a street row, or a soudanese running a-muck. the old trial for teachers of fencing was not a bad test of real excellence in the mastery of their weapon--a fight with three skilled masters of fence (one at a time, of course), then three bouts with valiant unskilled men, and then three bouts against three half-drunken men. a man who could pass this test was a man whose sword could be relied upon to keep his head, and this is what is wanted. all rules, then, which provide artificial protection, as it were--protection other than that afforded by the swordsman's guard--to any part of the body are wrong, and to be avoided. let me illustrate my position. i remember well, at waite's rooms, in brewer street, seeing a big belgian engaged with a gentleman who at that time occupied the honourable position of chopping-block to the rooms. the belgian had come over to take part in some competition, and was an incomparably better player than the englishman, but then the belgian wished to play according to the rules of his own school. it was arranged at last that each should do his worst in his own way, and it was hoped that providence would take care of the better man. unfortunately the worse man of the two had been very much in the habit of taking care of himself when subjected to the attacks of such punishing players as ottaway and mr. jack angle. the belgian's legs had been protected by a rule of fence, which made it illegal to hit below the waist, or some such point, and now naturally they fell an easy prey to the englishman's ash-plant. the result was, of course, that in a very short time that belgian's thigh was so wealed that at every feint in that direction he was ready to be drawn, and to uncover head or arm or any well-padded spot, not already sore, to the other man's attack. let me touch lightly on one or two little points before plunging _in medias res_. in spite of what i have said about hard hitting, please remember that i have recommended my pupil only to suffer it gladly for his own sake. it will improve his temper and his play. on the other hand, hard, indiscriminate hitting is to be discountenanced for many reasons, and principally because, as a rule, a hard hit means a slow one. always remember that all the time taken to draw your hand back for a blow is time given to the enemy to get his point in, and that a blow delivered from wrist and arm (bent only as much as it should be when you "engage") would suffice to disable your adversary if the sticks were what they pretend to be, "sharp swords." again, in ordinary loose play, remember you are playing, or are supposed to be playing, with the weapons of gentlemen, and should show the fine old-fashioned courtesy to one another which is due to a foeman worthy of your steel. if there is a question as to a hit, acknowledge it as against yourself, as in the cut below, by springing up to attention and bringing the hilt up to the level of the mouth, blade upright, and knuckles turned to your front. [illustration: fig. .--acknowledging.] again, if you should get an awkward cut, do all you can not to return savagely. if you make any difference at all, play more lightly for the next five minutes, otherwise you may drift into a clumsy slogging match, ending in bad blood. finally, if you do get hold of a vicious opponent, do not, whatever you do, show that you mind his blows. if he sees that a cut at a particular place makes you flinch, he will keep on feinting at it until he hits you wherever he pleases; but if, on the contrary, you take no notice of punishment, you are apt to dishearten the adversary, who feels that your blows hurt him, and is uncertain whether his tell upon you in like manner. i may as well say here that throughout this paper, i have, as far as possible, used english words to explain my meaning, abstaining from the french terms of the fencing school, as being likely to confuse a beginner, who may not want to learn french as an introduction to fencing. outfit. the accessories necessary for single-stick are much more numerous now than in the old days on the village green. then two stout ash-plants, and the old north-country prayer (beautifully terse), "god, spare our eyes!" were considered all that was necessary. now a complete equipment costs rather more than a five-pound note. first, then, there is the helmet, constructed more solidly than that used for foil play, although the wire mesh of which it is made is generally a good deal wider than the mesh of the fencing mask. the best helmet is made of stout wire, with a top of buffalo hide, completely covering the head, and with padded ear-pieces to take off the effect of a slashing cut. these are better than those made of cane, which are apt to give way before a stout thrust and let in the enemy's point to the detriment of eyes and complexion. be careful, in choosing your helmet, to see that it fits you exactly, as a nodding helm may, in a close thing, so interfere with your sight as to give your adversary a very considerable advantage. the jacket generally used for this play is made like a pea-jacket, with two sleeves, and should be of stout leather. if this is loose fitting, it will afford ample protection, and is not so hot as the padded coat sometimes seen. besides being too hot, the handsome white kid padded jackets soon get holes made in them by the ash-plant, whereas the brown leather is seldom torn. in addition to the jacket, an apron of leather, extending from the waist almost to the knee, should be worn, covering both thighs, and saving the wearer from dangerously low hits. some men wear a cricket pad on the right leg. this, i think, makes a man slow on his feet, and is besides unnecessary. the calf of any one in condition should be able to despise ash-plants; and, as i said before, a bare leg makes you wonderfully quick with your low guards. stick play is a fine test of a man's condition. at first every hit leaves an ugly mark, but as soon as the player gets really "fit," it takes a very heavy blow indeed to bruise him. the sticks themselves should be ash-plants, about forty inches in length and as thick as a man's thumb, without knots and unpeeled. if you want them to last any time it is as well to keep a trough of water in the gymnasium, and leave your ash-plants to soak in it until they are wanted. if you omit to do this, two eager players, in half an hour's loose play, will destroy half a dozen sticks, which adds considerably to the cost of the amusement. the old english sword hilt was a mere cross-piece; but in play it has always been customary to protect the fingers with a basket. this may be either of wicker or of buffalo hide. the latter is infinitely the best, as wearing much longer, affording a better protection to the fingers, and not scraping the skin off the knuckles as the wicker-baskets too often do. the basket has a hole on either side; one close to the rim, and the other about a couple of inches from the edge. in putting your basket on, put your stick through the former first, as otherwise you will not be able to get a grip of your stick or any room for the play of your wrist. there is only one other thing necessary, and then you may consider yourself safe as a schoolboy with the seat of his trousers full of the dormitory towels: and that is either a stout elastic ring round your wrist--a ring as thick as your thumb--or a good long gauntlet. i rather recommend the ring as interfering less with the freedom of your hand, and as protecting more effectually that weak spot in your wrist where the big veins are. if a blow catches you squarely across this spot, when it is unprotected, you may expect your right hand to lose its cunning for a good many minutes. by the way, it is as well to see that the collar of your jacket is sufficiently high and well supplied with buttons, otherwise there is apt to be a dangerous gap between the shoulder and the bottom of the helmet. one last word: if you see that the point of your stick is broken, don't go on playing; stop at once. a split ash-plant is as dangerous as a buttonless foil, and just as likely as not to go through the meshes of a mask, and blind where you only meant to score. as the chief fault of single-stick as a training for the use of the sabre is that the stick does not properly represent the weight of the weapon which it simulates, it is not a bad thing to accustom yourself to using the heaviest sticks in the gymnasium. this will strengthen your wrist, and when in a competition you get hold of a light ash-plant, you will be all the quicker for your practice with a heavier stick. a cut on p. by mr. graham simpson represents the way to acknowledge a hit, and a cut by the same artist on p. illustrates, as far as we know it, the less careful method of our forefathers. the use of the elbow to shield the head, though common in the contests on the village greens, was in its way no doubt more foolish than our pads; for though a sturdy yokel might take a severe blow from a cudgel on his bare arm, without wincing, the toughest arm in england would have had no chance against a sabre. [illustration: fig. .--old style.] position. having now secured the necessary implements, let us begin to learn how to use them. first, as to the stick, which, you will remember, represents for the present a sabre, and consequently a weapon of which one edge only is sharpened. in order that every blow dealt with the stick should be dealt with what represents the sharp or "true" edge of the sword, it is only necessary to see that you get a proper grip of your weapon in the first instance. to do this shut your fingers round the hilt, and straighten your thumb along the back of the hilt, thus bringing your middle knuckles (or second joints of your fingers) and the true edge into the same line. if you keep this grip you may rest assured that every blow you deal will be with the edge. and now as to position--the first position from which every attack, feint, or guard, begins. ned donelly, the great boxer, used to tell his pupils that if a man knew how to use his feet, his hands would take care of themselves. and what is undoubtedly true in boxing is equally true in fencing. "look that your foundations are sure" should be every fighting man's motto. take trouble, then, about the position of the feet from the first. to come on to the engaging guard, as shown in fig. , stand upright, your heels together, your feet at right angles to one another, your right foot pointing to your front, your left foot to your left, your stick in your right hand, loosely grasped and sloped over your right shoulder, your right elbow against your side, and your right hand about on a level with it, your left hand behind your back, out of harm's way. [illustration: fig. .--engaging guard.] it is not a bad plan to put the fingers of the left hand through the belt at the back of the waist. if this is done, it counteracts, to a certain extent, that tendency to bring the left hand in front, which a good many beginners display, and for which they get punished by many an unpleasant rap on the knuckles. now take a short pace to the front with the right foot, and, in the words of the instructor, "sit down," _i.e._ bend both legs at the knee, so that the calves are almost at right angles to the thighs. this position will be found a severe strain upon the muscles at first, but they will soon get used to it. the object of the position is twofold. first, the muscles are thus coiled, as it were, ready for a spring at the shortest notice; and in the second place, the surface which your stick has to guard is thus considerably reduced. be careful to keep the right heel in a line with the left heel, a space equal to about twice the length of your own foot intervening between them, and see that your right toe points squarely to the front and your left toe to your left. if your right toe is turned in, you will never advance straight to your front; and if your left toe is turned in, you contract the base upon which your body rests, and very soon will begin to roll and lose your balance altogether. as far as the legs and feet are concerned you are now in your proper position, which you will only leave when you lunge, or when you straighten yourself to acknowledge a hit, and to which you will invariably return as soon as you engage. if you wish to advance, advance the right foot a short pace, bringing the left after it at once, so that the two resume their relative positions to one another, half a pace nearer your enemy. if you wish to retire, reverse this movement, retiring with the left foot and following it with the right. in both cases keep your eyes to the front, your feet at right angles, and your knees bent. now as to the stick. there are two forms of guard in common use amongst players, the hanging and the upright guard, of both of which illustrations will be found in these pages. in rowland yorke's time men sought for what i think they called "the universal parry" almost as anxiously as they did for the alchemist's stone which should turn all things to gold. of course such a thing has never been found, but either of these guards, if truly taken and _kept_, will stop the attacks of most men as long as you keep them at their proper distance. in passing, let me say that if a man _will_ try to overwhelm you with rushes, the best thing you can do is to straighten your stick, thrust, and _don't let the stick run through the basket_. this has a wonderfully soothing effect upon an excitable player. in fig. the upright guard (or high tierce) is shown, in which the right elbow should be close in to the side, the forearm at right angles to the body, wrist bent, so as to turn the knuckles outwards, and the stick pointed upwards, at an angle of about °. in fig. , the hanging guard, the point of the stick should be inclined slightly downwards, the knuckles turned upwards, the forearm should be kept slightly bent, the hilt a little outside the right knee, the point of the stick a little low and in the direction of the left front. if the point of the stick be kept up, the adversary finds a way in by cutting upwards under the point; if the hilt is not outside the right knee, the back of the sword arm will be unprotected; and if the sword arm itself is not kept slightly bent, no effective blow can be delivered by it without first drawing back the hand. [illustration: fig. .--upright guard, or high tierce.] this, of course, is a fatal fault. the moment your adversary sees your hand go back, he will come out. as you retire for the spring, he will spring. _time_ is the very essence of single-stick, and the chief object of the player should be to make his attack in the fewest possible motions. for this reason a slightly bent arm is necessary when on guard. of course if the arm is unduly bent the elbow will be exposed, but a little practice will soon enable any moderately supple man to so hold his arm as to be ready to cut direct from his guard and yet keep his elbow out of peril. and this brings me to a question often discussed amongst players, viz. which is the better guard, the upright or the hanging guard, for general purposes. although i have been taught to use the hanging guard myself ever since i began to play, i unhesitatingly say that the upright guard is the better one, as enabling a player to save time in the attack. in the hanging guard the knuckles (_i.e._ the edge) are up and away from the enemy; the wrist must be turned before the edge can be brought into contact with his body, and this takes time, however little. in the upright guard the knuckles (_i.e._ the edge) are towards your opponent, the arm is ready flexed, everything is in readiness for the blow. if, then, as i believe, the advantages of the two guards, as guards, are equal, the advantage of the upright guard as a position to attack from seems to me undeniable. in all guards remember that it is not sufficient to oppose some part of your weapon to your adversary's. you must meet him, if possible, with what the old masters called the "forte" of your blade, that is, the part from the hilt to the middle of the sword, with which you have naturally more power of resistance than with the lower half of the blade. of course all guards must be made with the edge of the sword outwards, and make sure that you really _feel_ your enemy's blade (_i.e._ make a good clean guard) before attempting to return his attack. there is another matter to which many teachers pay too little attention, but which is as important as any point in the fencer's art. it is obvious that the player should try, if possible, to hit without being hit. to do this effectively it is necessary in attacking to maintain what fencers call a good "opposition," that is to say, to so carry your stick in cutting or thrusting at him as to protect yourself in the line in which you are attacking. this is easier to explain in practice than on paper, but it may perhaps be sufficiently explained by examples. if, for instance, you are cutting at the left side of your opponent's head, you must, to stop a possible counter from him, keep your hilt almost as high as the top of your own head and carry your hand well across to your own left. if you do this correctly, you will, in case he should cut at your left cheek as you cut at his, stop his cut with the upper part of your stick. again, in thrusting at him, if you keep your hand as high as your shoulder, and in a line with your right shoulder, you will protect the upper half of your own body from a counter, so that, even if your thrust fails and does not get home, the upper part of your blade will stop his cut. it is necessary to study so to attack your opponent that, in the very act of delivering a cut or thrust, you may stop him in as many lines or directions of attack as possible. if you find your man will counter in spite of all that you can do, take advantage of this habit of his by feinting a cut to draw his counter, stop this, and return. this will have the effect of making him do the leading, which will be all in your favour. hits, guards, feints, etc. for the purposes of instruction and description, the principal hits in single-stick have been numbered and described according to the parts of the body at which they are aimed. there are four principal hits: ( ) a cut at your opponent's left cheek; ( ) a cut at his right cheek; ( ) a cut at his left ribs; ( ) a cut at his right ribs. and are mere repetitions of and on a lower level, guarded in the same way, and aimed at the inside and outside of the right leg instead of at the ribs. in the accompanying cuts numbered , , , , the four principal attacks and the stops for them have been illustrated, and with their help and a long looking-glass in front of him the young player ought to be able to put himself into fairly good position. [illustration: fig. .--cut and guard.] [illustration: fig. .--cut and guard.] in addition to the cuts there is the point, which, as our forefathers discovered, is far more deadly than the edge. of this more later on. almost every cut is executed upon the lunge. as you and your adversary engage, you are practically out of each other's range unless you lunge. standing in the first position the heels are two feet apart. on the lunge, i have seen corporal-major blackburn, a man, it is true, over six feet in height, measure, from his left heel to a point on the floor, level with his sword point, nearly ten feet. this gives some idea of what is to be expected from a man who can lunge properly. to do this, throw out the right foot as far as it will go to the front, keeping the heels still in line and the right foot straight. keep the outside edge of the left foot firmly down upon the floor, and keep it still at right angles to the right foot. if your left foot begins to leave the ground you have over-reached yourself; you will find it impossible to get back, and you will be at your opponent's mercy. see that your right knee is exactly over your right ankle, your left leg straight, your chest square to the front, and your head well up. if you can get yourself into this position, you will have no difficulty in recovering yourself if your lunge fails, and you will gain nothing by bending your body forward from the waist. on the contrary, you will spoil your balance. this lunge will do for every cut and every point. to recover after a lunge, throw your weight well back upon your left leg, and use the muscles of the right thigh and calf to shoot yourself back into position. if the knee of the right leg has been kept exactly over the ankle, the impetus necessary to regain your original position will be easily obtained. if, however, the right foot has been protruded too far, and the caution as to the knee and ankle disregarded, you will find yourself unable to return quickly from the lunging position, and will consequently be at your opponent's mercy. it is in the operation of returning from the lunge that the player realizes to the full the advantage of keeping the shoulders well back and head erect. [illustration: fig. .--cut and guard.] the illustrations should speak for themselves, but perhaps i had better explain them. in cut (fig. ), lunge out and cut at the left cheek of your opponent, straightening the arm and turning the knuckles down. to stop this cut, raise the engaging guard (hanging guard, fig. ) slightly, and bring the hand somewhat nearer the head, as shown in the illustration, or stop it with the upright guard, with the elbow kept well in and the right hand about on a level with the left shoulder. in cut (fig. ), lunge out and cut at your opponent's right cheek, with your arm straight and knuckles up. the natural guard for this is the high upright guard, with the elbow well in to the right side, the arm bent and turned slightly outwards, and wrist and knuckles turned well to the right. in cut (fig. ), make free use of the wrist, bringing your blade round in the smallest space possible, and come in on your man's ribs with your arm straight and knuckles turned downwards. to stop this cut you may either use a low hanging guard, brought across to the left side, the right hand about on a level with the left shoulder, or a low upright guard, with the hilt just outside the left thigh. the hanging guard is the safer one of the two, as it is difficult in practice to get low enough with the hilt in the upright guard to stop a low cut of this kind. in cut (fig. ), cut at your adversary's right ribs, and keep your knuckles up, and when he attacks you on this line, stop him with the hanging guard held low on your right side, or with the upright guard, with arm, wrist, and knuckles turned outwards. [illustration: fig. .--cut and guard.] cuts and are made like cuts and respectively, and must be met in all cases by a low hanging guard. it is well to practise these low hanging guards continually, as a man's legs are perhaps the most exposed part of his body. the point when used is given by a simple straightening of the arm on the lunge, the knuckles being kept upwards, and, in ordinary play, the grip on the stick loosened, in order that it may run freely through the hilt, and thus save your opponent from an ugly bruise, a torn jacket, or possibly a broken rib. when the knuckles are kept up in giving point, the sword hand should be opposite the right shoulder. but the point may also be delivered with the knuckles down, in which case the hand should be opposite to the left shoulder. [illustration: fig. .--the point.] the point may be parried with any of the guards previously described. it is well to remember that one of the most effective returns which can be made from any guard is a point, and that a point can be made certainly from every hanging guard by merely straightening the arm from the guard, lunging, and coming in under your opponent's weapon. but perhaps this is a thing to be learnt rather from practical play than from a book. now, it is obvious that if any of the foregoing guards are as good as they have been described, it is necessary to induce your adversary to abandon them if you are ever to score a point. this may be done in a variety of ways, when you have assured yourself that he is invulnerable to a direct attack, not to be flurried by a fierce onslaught, or slow enough to let you score a "remise"--that is, a second hit--the first having been parried, but not returned. the first ruse to adopt, of course, is the feint--a feint being a false attack, or rather a move as if to attack in a line which you threaten, but in which you do not intend to attack. all feints should be _strongly pronounced_ or clearly shown. a half-hearted feint is worse than useless; it is dangerous. if you have a foeman worthy of your steel facing you, he will detect the fraud at once, and use the time wasted by you over a feeble feint to put in a time thrust. the ordinary feint is made by an extension of the arm as if to cut without moving the foot to lunge, the lunge being made the moment you have drawn off your enemy's guard and laid bare the real object of your attack. sometimes, however, if you cannot succeed otherwise, a half or short lunge for your feint, to be turned into a full lunge as you see your opening, may be found a very useful variation of the ordinary feint. if you find feints useless, you may try to compass your adversary's downfall by "a draw." all the time that you are playing you should try to be using your head, to be thinking out your plans and trying to discover his. in nine cases out of ten he has some favourite form of attack. if you discover what it is, and know how to stop it, indulge him, and invite him even to make it, having previously formed some little scheme of attack of your own upon this opening. let me illustrate my meaning by examples. if you notice a hungry eye fixed yearningly on your tender calf, let your calf stray ever so little from under the protection of the hanging guard. if this bait takes your friend in, and he comes with a reckless lunge at it, throwing all his heart into the cut, spring up to your full height, heels together, and leg well out of danger, and gently let your avenging rod fall along his spine. this, by the way, is the only occasion, except when you are acknowledging a hit, on which you may be allowed to desert the first position for legs and feet. but this is a very old ruse, and most players know it: a much better one may be founded upon it. if, for instance, you think you detect any coquettish symptoms in the right leg of your adversary, you may know at once what he is meditating. oblige him at once. lunge freely out at his leg, which will of course be at once withdrawn. this, however, you were expecting, and as his leg goes back your hand goes up to the high hanging guard, covering your head from his cut. this cut stopped, he is at your mercy, and you may cut him in halves or crimp his thigh at your leisure. this position is illustrated in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--a ruse.] once again: some men set their whole hearts on your sleeve, and you may, if yours is the hanging guard, lure them to their destruction through this lust of theirs. gradually, as the play goes on, your arm tires, your hand sinks, your arm at last is bare, and the enemy comes in with a cut which would almost lay open the gauntlet, were it not that at that moment you come to the low upright guard and return at his left cheek. these are what are known as draws, and their number is unlimited. another thing sometimes heard of in single-stick play is "a gain." this is a ruse for deceiving your opponent as to distance, and is achieved by bringing the left heel up to the right, in the course of the play, without abandoning the normal crouching position. this, of course, makes your lunge two feet longer than your victim has any reason for believing it to be. a false beat is another very common form of attack, consisting of a cut aimed at the hilt or at the forte of your stick, the object being to make you raise your point, if possible, so that the attacker may come in under with cut three. this is very well met by a thrust, the arm being merely straightened from the guard, and the lunge delivered directly the "beat" is made. a pretty feint having the same effect as the "beat," as opening up cut three, is a long feint with the point at the chest, cut three being given as the sword rises to parry the point. but probably i have already transgressed the limits of my paper. what remains to be taught, and i know full well that it is everything except the merest rudiments, must be learned stick in hand. i can only wish the beginner luck, and envy him every hour which he is able to devote to acquiring a knowledge of sword-play. the salute. although the salute is a mere piece of sword drill, of no use for practical purposes, it is still worth learning, as being the preliminary flourish common at all assaults-at-arms, and valuable in itself as reminding the players that they are engaged in a knightly game, and one which insists on the display of the greatest courtesy by one opponent to the other. even if you are playing with bare steel, it is expected of you that you should kill your enemy like a knight, and not like a butcher; much more then, when you are only playing a friendly bout with him, should you show him all possible politeness. on entering the ring you should have all your harness on except your mask; this you should carry in your left hand until you are face to face with your antagonist. when in the ring, lay your helmet down on your left hand and come to the slope swords--your blade upon your right shoulder, your elbow against your side and your hilt in a line with your elbow, your knuckles outwards. your body should be erect, your head up, your heels together, your right foot pointing straight to your front, your left foot at right angles to it pointing to the left. both men acting together now come to the engaging guard, and beat twice, stick against stick; they then come back to the "recover" by bringing the right foot back to the left, and bringing the stick into an upright position in front of the face, basket outwards, and thumb on a level with the mouth. after a slight pause, salute to the left in quarte, _i.e._ extend the stick to your left front across the body, keeping the elbow fairly close to the side and the finger-nails upwards; then pause again for a second, and salute to the right in tierce (the back of the hand up); pause again, and salute to the front, by extending the arm in that direction, the point of the stick towards your left front. now step forward about two feet with the right foot and come to the engaging guard, beat twice, draw the left foot up to the right, draw yourself up to your full height, and come again to the recover, drop your stick to the second guard (_i.e._ low hanging guard for the outside of the leg), making a slight inclination of the body at the same time (probably this is meant for a bow ceremonious), and then you may consider yourself at liberty to put on your mask and begin. don't forget, when you cross sticks, to step out of distance again at once. this salute, of course, is only usual at assaults-at-arms, which are modern tournaments arranged for the display of the men's skill and the entertainment of their friends. at the assault-at-arms, as we understand it generally, there is no element of competition, there are no prizes to be played for, and therefore, so long as a good display is made, every one is satisfied, and nobody cares who gets the most points in any particular bout. in competitions this is not so, and time is an object; so that as soon as the men can be got into the ring they are told to put their masks on and begin. in assaults and in general play you cannot be too careful to acknowledge your adversary's hits. in a competition do nothing of the kind. the judges will see that every point made is scored, and you may safely relieve your mind from any anxiety on that ground. but in general play it is different, and you cannot be too careful in scoring your adversary's points, or be too liberal in allowing them, even if some of them are a little bit questionable. acknowledging. the ordinary form of acknowledgment (and a very graceful one it is) is accomplished as follows:--on being hit, spring to attention, with your heels together and body erect, at the same time bringing your sword to the recover, _i.e._ sword upright in front of your face, thumb in a line with your mouth, and knuckles outwards. the acknowledgment should be only a matter of seconds, and when made the player should come back to the engaging guard and continue the bout. foul hits. of course there are occasions on which the best player cannot help dealing a foul hit. when this happens there is nothing to be done except to apologize; but most of these hits may be avoided by a little care and command of temper. by a foul hit is meant a blow dealt to your opponent on receiving a blow from him--a hit given, not as an attempt to "time," but instead of a guard and, as a matter of fact, given very often on the "blow for blow" principle. this, of course, is great nonsense, if you assume, as you should do, that the weapons are sharp, when such exchanges would be a little more severe than even the veriest glutton for punishment would care for. if you only want to see who can stand most hammering with an ash-plant, then your pads are a mistake and a waste of time. ten minutes without them will do more to settle that question than an hour with them on. there ought to be some way of penalizing the player who, after receiving a palpable hit himself, fails to acknowledge it, and seizes the opportunity instead to strike the hardest blow he is able to at the unprotected shoulder or arm of his adversary. one more word and we have done with the courtesies of sword-play. don't make any remarks either in a competition (this, of course, is worst of all) or in an ordinary bout. don't argue, except with the sticks. remember that the beau-ideal swordsman is one who fights hard, with "silent lips and striking hand." competitions. once a man has mastered the rudiments of any game and acquired some considerable amount of dexterity in "loose play," he begins to long to be pitted against some one else in order to measure his strength. before long the limits of his own gymnasium grow too small for his ambition, and then it is that we may expect to find him looking round for a chance of earning substantial laurels in public competitions. unfortunately the stick-player will not find many opportunities of displaying his skill in public. as far as the present writer knows, there are only two prizes offered annually in london for single-stick, and neither of these attract much attention. one of them is given at the military tournament at islington, in june, and one at the german gymnasium, in december. the former of these prizes is open only to soldiers, militia-men, or volunteers, the latter to any member of a respectable athletic club, who is prepared to pay _s._ _d._ for his entrance fee. the attendance of spectators at both shows is very poor, which is to be regretted, as the interest of the public in any game generally goes a long way towards insuring improvement in the play. it is just as well, before entering for either of these competitions, to know something about the conditions under which they take place, and the rules which govern them. the bouts are generally played in a fourteen foot ring, at least that is the statement in the notice to players, and it is as well to be prepared to confine your movements to such a limited area. as a matter of fact, no objection ever seems to be raised to a competitor who transgresses this rule, and we remember to have seen a nimble player skipping about like an electrified eel outside the magic circle, until stopped by a barrier of chairs at the edge of the big arena. at the military tournament the play is for the best out of three hits, _i.e._ the man who scores the first two points wins. at the german gymnasium the competitor who first scores five wins the bout. this is better than at the tournament, although it will seem to some that even this is hardly a sufficient test of the merits of each player. the bouts seem too short, but probably this is unavoidable; that which is to be regretted and might be remedied, being that no points are given for "form:" the result is that, in many cases, the anxiety to score the necessary points as soon as possible results in very ugly and unscientific rushes, in which no guards are attempted and from which the most reckless and rapid hitter comes out the winner. this, of course, is the same for every one, and therefore perfectly fair, but it does not tend to elevate the style of play. but the great difficulty at these competitions appears to be the difficulty of judging. and here let me say at once that it is as far from my intention to find fault with any individual judge as it possibly can be. being english, i believe them to be above suspicion; being sometimes a competitor myself, it would not be for me to impugn their honesty if they were not. whatever he does, i would always advise the athlete to preserve his faith in judges and a stoical silence when he does not quite agree with them. all i would suggest for the benefit of judges and judged alike in these trials of skill which test the eyesight and quickness of the umpires almost as much as the eyesight and quickness of the competitors, is that some definite code of scoring should be established and recognized amongst the different schools-of-arms in england. in order to facilitate the scoring they have a very good plan at the military tournament of chalking the competitors' sticks. this precaution ensures a mark upon the jacket every time the ash-plant hits it; but even this is not always sufficient, for it is quite possible for a true guard to be opposed to a hard cut with a pliant stick, with the result that the attacker's stick whips over and leaves a mark which ought not to be scored, for had the weapons been of steel this could not have happened. this, however, is a point which would generally be detected by one of the three judges in the ring. what gives rise to question in players' minds is not any small point like this, so much as the question of timing and countering. to take the last first: if a and b lunge together, both making direct attacks, and both get home simultaneously, it is generally admitted that the result is a counter, and nothing is to be scored to any one. but if a makes a direct attack, and b, ignoring it, stands fast and counters, this is a wilful omission to protect himself on his part; and even if his cut should get home as soon as a's it should not count, nor, i think, should it be allowed to cancel a's point, for a led, as the movement of his foot in lunging showed, and b's plain duty was to stop a's attack before returning it. this he would have done naturally enough if he had had the fear of a sharp edge before his eyes. i even doubt whether a time-thrust or cut should ever be allowed to score, unless the result of it be such as would have rendered the direct attack ineffectual in real fighting. should not the rule be, either that the point scores to the person making the direct attack, as shown by the action of his foot in lunging (unless, indeed, the attacked person has guarded and returned, when, of course, the point is his), or else make the rule a harder one, but equally fair for every one, and say no hits shall count except those made clean without a counter, _i.e._ to score a point the player must hit his adversary without being hit himself? of course bouts would take longer to finish if this were the rule, but such a rule would greatly simplify matters. the really expert swordsman is surely he who inflicts injuries without receiving any, not he who is content to get rather the best of an exchange of cuts, the least of which would with sharp steel put any man _hors de combat_. in connection with public competitions, i may as well warn the tyro against what is called "a surprise." on entering the ring the men face each other, come on the engaging guard, and begin at the judge's word of command. the sticks must have been fairly crossed before hits may be counted. but it is as well the moment your stick has crossed your opponent's to step out of distance again, by taking a short pace to the rear with the left foot and bringing the right foot, after it. you can always come in again at short notice; but if you do not keep a sharp look out, a very alert opponent may cross swords with you and tap you on the arm almost in the same movement. if he does you may think it rather sharp practice, but you will find that it scores one to him nevertheless. as no word of practical advice founded on experience should be valueless, let me add one here to would-be competitors. do not rely upon other people for masks, aprons, or other necessaries of the game. you cannot expect a gymnasium to which you do not belong to furnish such things for you, and even if they were provided they probably would not fit you. bring all you want for yourself; and if you value your own comfort or personal appearance when you leave the scene of the competition, let your bag, on arriving, contain towels, brushes, and such other simple toilet necessaries as you are likely to require. chapter v. the bayonet. history tells us that firearms of sorts were in existence as far back as the fourteenth century, and that they were probably of flemish origin. certain it is that, prior to , there were large bodies of troops armed with what may be called portable _culverins_, and in the english yeomen of the guard were armed with these clumsy weapons. later on, in the middle of the sixteenth century, we hear of the long-barrelled _harquebus_ being used in spain, and before the close of the century the _muschite_ was in use in the english army. this was a heavier weapon than the harquebus, and the soldiers were provided with a long spiked stake with a fork at the upper end in which to rest the ponderous barrel whilst they took aim. the method of discharging these weapons was primitive in the extreme, as it was necessary to hold a lighted match to the priming, in a pan at the right side of the barrel, and one can imagine what a lot of fizzing, spluttering, and swearing there must have been in damp weather! improvements in the _harquebus_ and _musket_, as it got to be called later on, continued to be developed from time to time. in the early days, matchlocks were sneered at as being inferior to crossbows, much in the same way that the first railway engine was contemptuously spoken of and written about by the coaching men at the beginning of this century; but when in the flintlock musket made its appearance popular prejudice was shaken, and it was completely removed in when percussion guns came into pretty general use. this may appear to be a digression and somewhat outside the scope of this little work. i give it, however, to show the origin of the rifle, to which, after all, the bayonet is but an adjunct. about the middle of the seventeenth century it occurred to the sapient mind of one puséygur, a native of bayonne, in france, that it would be a grand thing to have a sharp point on which to receive an advancing adversary after one had missed him, or the fizzling matchlock had failed to go off. the weapon devised was a sharp-bladed knife, about eighteen inches long, with a rounded handle six or eight inches long, to fit like a plug into the muzzle of the musket, and the bayonet in this form was used in england and france about the year . it was, of course, impossible to fire the piece with the bayonet fixed; it was a case of fire first and then fix bayonets with all possible dispatch. one can imagine what receiving a cavalry charge must have meant in those days. towards the close of the seventeenth century an important step was made in the right direction. bayonets were then for the first time attached to the barrel by two rings, by which means the gun could be fired whilst the bayonet was in its place and ready for instant use. very early in the eighteenth century a further improvement was invented, in the shape of a socketed bayonet, which was firmer and more satisfactory than anything previously devised. the british bayonet in the hands of our soldiers has over and over again carried victory into the serried ranks of our adversaries, but, now that arms of precision have reached such a pitch of perfection, and are still on the advance in the matter of rapid firing, it is to be doubted whether hand-to-hand conflicts will play a very prominent part in the battles of the future. a distinction must be drawn between the ordinary weapon with which the guards and army generally were till recently provided (i refer to the triangular-fluted bayonet, used exclusively for thrusting purposes), and the sword-bayonet, which serves both for cutting and thrusting. the advantage of the former was evidently its lightness and handiness; but it must be remembered that, save for thrusting, spiking a gun, or boring a hole in a leather strap, it was practically useless, whereas the sharp edge of the sword-bayonet makes it an excellent companion to tommy atkins on all sorts of occasions, too numerous to mention. in the early months of the present year the new rifle and bayonet placed in the hands of the guards caused a good deal of comment. as my readers are aware, the new arm is a magazine small-bore rifle, carrying a long conical ball. it is not a pretty-looking weapon, and its serviceable qualities have yet to be tested in actual warfare. but it is with the bayonet we are now chiefly concerned. at first sight it reminds one of an extra strong sardine-box opener, but on closer inspection it is evident that, though quite capable of dealing with tinned-meat cans, etc., it has very many merits which are wanting in all the other bayonets which have gone before it. it is a strong double-edged, sharp-pointed knife, twelve inches long, rather more than an inch wide, and about a fifth of an inch deep through the strong ridge which runs down the centre of the blade from point to hilt. the handle is of wood, and it is fastened to the muzzle of the rifle by means of a ring and strong spring catch or clip. altogether it is almost a model of the early roman sword. from this short description it will be seen that, though the soldier loses a good many inches in reach, he is provided with an excellent hunting-knife, which can be turned to any of the uses of a knife--from slaughtering a foe to cutting up tobacco. then, again, it is possible that the loss in actual reach may be more than compensated for at very close quarters by the greater ease with which a man can "shorten arms" effectively as well as by the double edge. every ounce saved in the weight of a soldier's accoutrements is a great gain, and these new bayonets are light and, as i have hinted, are likely to be extremely useful for the every-day work of a long march. it is not my intention to deal with the bayonet-exercise as practised by squads of infantry, but, before proceeding to deal with some of the more important situations in attack and defence, i would advise those who wish to become proficient to learn the drill. the best way to do this is to join the volunteers, and get all the squad work possible as a means of gaining a _command_ over the weapon--the continued use of which for any length of time is extremely fatiguing. when the rudiments are mastered, and you know fairly well how to respond to the reiterated words of command: "high guard"--"pint;" "low guard"--"pint," etc., and can form the "pints" and guards in a respectable manner, it will be well to join some school of arms with a proficient and painstaking military instructor who is also an expert swordsman. i say _swordsman_ advisedly, because i am convinced that it is only one who is a fencer who can be really qualified to impart knowledge on the subject of weapons chiefly used for pointing. no man can be said to use the bayonet efficiently who is not able to tackle another man similarly armed--a swordsman on foot or a mounted man armed with the cavalry sabre. for ordinary practice the first thing to be secured is a good spring-bayonet musket, somewhere about the weight of the ordinary rifle, provided with a bayonet which, by means of a strong spiral spring inside the barrel, can be pressed back eighteen inches or so when it comes in contact with the object thrust against. it is hardly necessary to observe that the point of the bayonet must be covered with a good button, similar to those used on fencing foils, only much larger. the button should be tightly encased with layer upon layer of soft leather, and then bound over with stout parchment or stiff leather, and tied very strongly with whipcord or silk just behind the button. this precaution is very necessary to guard against broken ribs, collar-bones, etc. the illustrations which embellish or disfigure this chapter do not profess to do more than indicate a few of the more important positions, points, and guards which occur in bayonet-exercise: for fuller details the reader is referred to the various manuals issued from time to time by the horse guards and war office authorities. in these little books will be found all the words of command and, i believe, illustrations of every point and parry. at an assault, and opposed to a man armed also with a bayonet, the first position is indicated by the accompanying sketch. the head should be held well up, the chest expanded, and the weight of the body nearly evenly balanced on both feet, which should be about eighteen or twenty inches apart, so as to give a good firm base without detracting from the rapidity of advance and retreat. in the case of a tall man, the feet will be rather further apart than with a short man; but this is a matter which can be easily adjusted to suit the requirements of each particular case. [illustration: fig. .--on guard.] [illustration: fig. .--point, from guard.] the great thing is to get accustomed to the position--to feel "at home" in it--and to be able to shift it at a moment's notice, and, when necessary, to make a firm stand. the drill work is very good for all this, and though it is tedious and irritating to many, it is worth what it costs. in fig. we have the point from guard, and in delivering this point the feet retain their positions, flat upon the ground, the right leg is straightened, the left knee bent, and the body advanced over the left knee as far as possible consistent with stability. the left shoulder is necessarily somewhat in advance of the right, and the arms are stretched out horizontally, and quite on a level with the shoulders. the barrel of the rifle, too, is to be held horizontally, with the bayonet pointing to the adversary's throat and chest. in fig. we have the point from guard with the lunge, which ought to give an extra reach of a foot or more. here, as in the point without the lunge, the sole of the right foot should remain flat upon the ground, whilst the left is advanced about a foot or fifteen inches smartly on the straight line between the right heel and the adversary. it is most important to remember that in all lunges the step-out should be bold and decided, but that to over-stretch the distance is worse than stepping short, because it leaves one in a position from which it is hard to recover. having made your attack, you want to be in a position of easy retreat to the base of operations, which is "on guard." we next come to what is called the "throw-point," by which a little extra reach is obtained over the ordinary point with lunge. this is a point which may be very effective, but unless a man is strong in the arm he should not use it much on account of the difficulty in rapidly regaining hold of the rifle with both hands. the throw-point comes in when in making the ordinary lunge you feel that you are going to be just ever so little short; you then release your hold of the barrel with the left hand, and, bringing the right shoulder well forward, you continue the lunge, holding the rifle by the thin part of the stock alone. the _very instant_ your right arm is _fully_ extended, and the point of the bayonet has reached its furthest limit, you should draw back the rifle, regain possession of the barrel with the left hand, and come into the "on guard" position. [illustration: fig. .--point, with lunge.] [illustration: fig. .--throw point.] [illustration: fig. .--guard--opposed to swordsman.] as previously hinted, a knowledge of fencing is of the first importance in studying the use of weapons where the point is the main factor, and the longer the weapon the more this fact is forced upon us. it is of course true for all weapons, but the leverage being so great in the case of the rifle and bayonet, it becomes more apparent. for example, the slightest touch from the thin blade of a foil is sufficient, when applied near the point of the bayonet, to bring about the necessary deflection of the weapon. indeed i cannot help thinking that if two men fought, one armed with the small-sword or light rapier and the other with the rifle and bayonet, the swordsman would win--always supposing that they were equally expert in the use of their respective weapons. it would seem that the lightness and consequent "handiness" of the rapier must more than make up for the length and strength of the more ponderous arm. [illustration: fig. .--shorten arms.] [illustration: fig. .--low guard.] [illustration: fig. .--point from low guard.] conflicts between the sword and bayonet are common enough, but it is the broad-sword, as a rule; and one does not often see the bayonet, opposed to the small-sword, used exclusively for thrusting. in fig. is given the best general position for coming on guard when opposed by a swordsman. the great object is to keep the opponent at a distance; directly he gets _your_ side of your point you are in difficulties. therefore never let the point of your bayonet wander far from the lines leading straight to his body. there is, of course, the "shorten-arms," shown in fig. ; but in actual conflict you might be a dead man twice over before you could get the bayonet back to the position indicated. when the swordsman gets to close quarters, and has possibly missed you, a good plan is to knock him down with the butt of the rifle--using the weapon like the quarter-staff (_vide_ fig. ). the next two sketches show the positions in "low guard" and "point from low guard"--the latter being particularly effective on broken ground when an enemy is rushing up a hill at you, or when you want to spike a fellow hiding in long grass. [illustration: fig. .--high guard--opposed to mounted man.] [illustration: fig. .--head parry.] the "high guard" and "head parry" are chiefly used when dealing with cavalry. it seems to me hardly necessary to give the points of these guards, as they simply amount to extending the arms straight in the direction of the foe. a man on foot possesses one or two great advantages over a mounted man, for his movements are quicker, and if he can only avoid being ridden down and can keep on the horseman's bridle-hand side, he ought to have a good chance of delivering his point in the left side. it is most important that the man on foot should be ready to spring back so as to avoid a sudden sweep to the left, which will bring him, if the horse is spurred forward at the same time, right under the rider's sword arm. it is almost superfluous to add that in practice the general habiliments should be much the same as those used when playing quarter-staff. in the illustrations the hands are left bare in order to show the grip of the rifle, but boxing-gloves should invariably be worn, or a broken finger may be the result. chapter vi. the cudgel. one remembers reading somewhere, i think in bunyan's "pilgrim's progress," of a certain "grievous crab-tree cudgel," and the impression left by this description is that the weapon, gnarled and knotty, was capable of inflicting grievous bodily harm. any thick stick under two feet long, such as a watchman's staff or a policeman's truncheon, may be fairly called a cudgel, and it is not so long ago that cudgel-play formed one of the chief attractions at country fairs in many parts of england. a stage was erected, and the young fellows of the neighbourhood were wont to try conclusions with their friends or those celebrities from more distant parts of the country who were anxious to lower their colours. the game was at times pretty rough, and the object of each combatant was to break the skin on the scalp or forehead of his antagonist, _so as to cause blood to flow_. as soon as the little red stream was seen to trickle down the face of one or other the battle was at an end, and the man who was successful in drawing first blood was declared the victor. similarly, german students, squabbling over love affairs or other trivial matters, fight with a long sort of foil, which has a very short lancet blade at the extreme point. their object, like our old cudgel-players, is to draw first blood, only our teutonic cousins, in drawing the blood, often lop off their friends' noses or slit open their cheeks from ear to mouth. there is a great similarity in these two games, because in each the head, and the head alone, is the object aimed at. in the one case the defeated party went away with a pretty severe bump on his head, and in the other he hies him to a surgeon to have his nose fixed on, or his cheek stitched up with silver wire. i have never been fortunate enough to witness a bout with the cudgels, but those who have been more lucky say that the combatants stood very close to each other, making all the hits nearly straight on to the top of their adversaries' heads, and guarding the returns and attacks with their cudgels and with their left arms. considering the cudgel as a modern weapon, i am inclined to advocate its use for prodding an enemy in the pit of the stomach, for, with the extra eighteen inches or so of reach which your cudgel gives you, it is likely that you may get your thrust well home, at any rate before the opponent can hit you with his fist. many of us know what a blow on the "mark" with the naked fist will do. well, the area of the knuckles is very much greater than the area of the end of even a very stout stick, so that, if you can put anything like the same force into the thrust that you can into the blow, you will bring a smaller area to bear on a vital point, and consequently work on that point with greater effect. a grievous crab-tree (or blackthorn) cudgel, with two or three ounces of lead let into one end, is a good thing to have under your pillow at night. armed with this instrument, you can steal up behind your burglar whilst he is opening your wife's jewel case or bagging your favourite gold snuff-box; but don't get excited about it, and remember to hit his head rather on the _sides_ than on the back or front. some authorities advocate "life-preservers," but later on i hope to give my reasons for not caring much about this combination of lead and cane. the shillalah. in ireland they were formerly very partial to the use of the shillalah, and even to this day there is a little bit of fun in this line to be seen at most of the fairs. the shillalah proper is about four feet long and is usually made of blackthorn, oak, ash, or hazel; and it is a great point to get it uniform in thickness and in weight throughout its entire length. it is held somewhere about eight inches or so from the centre, and my countrymen, who are always pretty active on their pins when fighting, use their left forearms to protect the left side of their heads. it is extraordinary what a lot of knocking about a sturdy irishman can put up with, and what whacks he can receive on the head without any apparent damage. one cannot help thinking that the celtic skull must be thicker than the saxon. the brains in the former are certainly more capable than those in the latter of producing brilliant and amusing, if incorrect, ideas and expressions. the history of the emerald isle swarms with boyle-rocheisms as the country itself has long been said to swarm with absentee landlords. after a certain fair, where the whisky and the whacks had contended pretty severely for the first place as regards strength, a certain paddy was found lying, as mrs. malaprop would say, "in a state of como," in a ditch hard by the scene of conflict. a friend solicitous, and fearing the worst, said, "och, paddy, what ails ye? are ye dead?" a feeble voice replied, "ochone, no, jack. i'm not dead, but i'm spacheless." the length of the shillalah gives it a great advantage over a shorter stick, for, when held about a third of its length from the end, the shorter portion serves to guard the right side of the head and the right forearm. indeed, the definition of the quarter-staff, given at the commencement of chapter ii., seems to me to apply far better to the shillalah, which may in a sense be regarded as the link between the ordinary walking-stick and the mighty weapon which robin hood wielded so deftly in his combat with little john. the use of the point is almost unknown in irish conflicts. my countrymen twirl their shillalahs above their heads with a whirring noise, and endeavour to knock off their opponents' hats so as to get at their heads. then begins the fun of the fair--all is slashing and whacking, and the hardest skull generally comes off the best. sometimes a great deal of skill is displayed, and i often wonder whether a really expert swordsman would be much more than a match for some quick, strong, kerry boys i could pick out. be it remembered, a swordsman invariably keeps his left hand behind his back, whilst an irishman nearly always makes his left forearm the guard for the left side of his head, and so has more scope for hitting than he would otherwise have. one is here reminded of the conflict between fitz-james and the highland chieftain, roderick dhu:-- "ill fared it then with roderick dhu, that on the field his targe he threw, whose brazen studs and tough bull-hide had death so often dashed aside; for, trained abroad his arms to wield, fitz-james's blade was sword and shield." the left arm, supplying the place of the targe, alluded to in scott's lines, is doubtless an advantage; but, in the case of the two combatants whose merits we are considering, the ordinary swordsman possesses superior reach, can lunge out further, and knows full well the value of the point. a melée at an irish fair is worth seeing, but it is better not to join in it, if possible. a number of the "boys," from cork or an adjacent county, were once had up before judge keogh for beating a certain man within an inch of his life. a witness under examination--after graphically describing how one of the prisoners had beaten the poor man "wid a stone, and he lying senseless in the road;" how another had hit the "crater wid a thick wattle;" and how a third had kicked him in the back--was asked what one michael o'flannagan, another of the prisoners, had done. "begorra, your honour," said the witness, "devil a hap'orth was micky doing at all, at all; he was just walking round searching for a vacancy." a similar story is told of about a dozen tinkers who had set upon one man and were unmercifully beating him. presently there was a lull in the proceedings, and a little deformed man, brandishing a very big stick, elbowed his way through the crowd, shouting, "och, now, boys, for the love of mercy let a poor little cripple have just one stroke at him." [illustration: the fun of the fair--"whirroo."] the walking-stick. the choice of this useful adjunct is by no means as easy as many people suppose, for it involves not only a knowledge of the prerequisities--in the matter of various kinds of woods, etc.--but also an acquaintance with the situations a man may find himself in, and the uses to which he may have to put his walking-stick. first, then, as to the matter of the best wood. there are, roughly speaking, two headings under which we may class our types of raw material--strong and stiff wood, such as the oak and the hazel; and strong and pliable, such as the ash-plant and various kinds of canes. what one really wants to secure is a sufficient amount of stiffness and strength to enable one to make an effective hit or longe, without any chance of snapping, and a degree of pliability and spring combined with that lightness which makes a stick handy and lively in actual encounter. the oak has plenty of power and about the right density, but, unless you get a rather big stick--too big for all-round usefulness,--it is apt to snap. the hazel is perhaps rather too stiff, and it is certainly too light, though for this very reason it is _handy_. then, again, there is no bending a hazel without a great chance of breaking it. a good strong ground-ash is not to be despised if cut at the right time, but it is always apt to split or break. turning to the rattan-cane, we find a capital solid cane--almost unbreakable--but with rather _too_ much bend in it for thrusting, or warding off the rush of a savage dog. the rattan, too, is very apt to split if by any chance the ferrule comes off; and when once it has _really_ split you might just as well have a birch-rod in your hands. where, then, shall we look for a stick which combines all the good qualities and is free from the drawbacks just enumerated? without the slightest hesitation i refer you to the irish blackthorn, which can be chosen of such convenient size and weight as not to be cumbersome, and which, if carefully selected, possesses all the strength of the oak, plus enormous toughness, and a pliability which makes it a truly charming weapon to work with. it is a matter of some difficulty to obtain a _real_ blackthorn in london or any big town. you go into a shop, and they show you a smart-looking stick which has been peeled and deprived of most of its knobs, dyed black, and varnished. that is _not_ the genuine article, and, if you buy it, you will become the possessor of a stick as inferior to a blackthorn as a pewter skewer is inferior to a damascus blade. the best way is to send over to kerry, cork, or some other county in the emerald isle, and ask a friend to secure the proper thing as _prepared by the inhabitants_. the sticks are cut out of the hedges at that time of year when the sap is not rising; they are then carefully prepared and dried in the peat smoke for some considerable time, the bark of course being left on and the knobs not cut off too close; and, when ready, they are hard, tough, and thoroughly reliable weapons. as regards appearance, too, i think, when the hard surface of the rich-coloured bark has been rubbed up with a little oil and a nice silver mount fixed on the handle, no man need feel ashamed of being seen with one of them in piccadilly or bond street. the section of these sticks is seldom a true circle, but bear in mind, when giving your order, to ask for those which are _rather flat than otherwise_. i mean that the section should be elliptical, and not circular. the shape of the stick then more nearly approaches that of the blade of a sabre, and if you understand sword exercise and make all cuts and guards with the true edge, you are far more likely to do effective work. again, the blow comes in with greater severity on account of the curvature at either end of the major axis of the ellipse being sharper than it is at the end of any diameter of the circle, the sectional areas, of course, being taken as equal. the length of the blackthorn depends on the length of the man for whom it is intended, but always go in for a good long stick. useful lengths range between ft. in. and ft., and even ft. in. for a very tall man. the blackthorn, being stiff and covered with sharp knots, is a first-rate weapon for defence at very close quarters. when, therefore, your efforts at distance-work have failed, and you begin to be "hemmed in," seize the stick very firmly with both hands, and dash the point and hilt alternately into the faces and sides of your opponents. always have a good ferrule at the end of your stick. an inch and a half from an old gun barrel is the best; and do not fix it on by means of a rivet running through the stick. let it be fixed in its place either by a deep dent in the side, or by cutting out two little notches and pressing the saw-like tooth into the wood. it is also a good plan to carry these saw-like teeth all round the ferrule and then press the points well into the wood; there is then no chance of the fastening-on causing a split or crack in the wood. the weight of the stick is an important matter to consider. some blackthorns are so enormously heavy that it is next to impossible to do any quick effective work with them, and one is reminded, on seeing a man "over sticked,"--if i may be allowed such an expression--of lord dundreary's riddle, "why does a dog wag his tail? because the dog is stronger than the tail," or of david in saul's armour. some time ago it was rather the fashion for very young men to affect gigantic walking-sticks--possibly with the view of intimidating would-be plunderers and robbers, and investing themselves generally with a magic sort of _noli me tangere_ air. without wishing to detract from the undoubted merits, _in certain special cases_, of these very big sticks, i am bound to say that, only being useful to a limited extent, they should not be encouraged. let the stick you habitually carry be one well within your compass. if it comes up to guard readily and without any apparent effort or straining of your wrist, and if you find you can make all the broadsword cuts, grasping it as shown in fig. , without the least spraining your thumb, then you may be pretty sure that you are not "over-sticked," and that your cuts and thrusts will be smart to an extent not to be acquired if you carried a stick ever so little too heavy for you. though it is a good plan to be accustomed to the feel of the weapon which is most likely to serve you in time of need, it is nevertheless a grand mistake to get into a way of imagining that you can only use one kind of stick or one kind of sword effectively. this is one reason why it is so advisable to range wide in fencing matters. i would always say, commence with the foils and work hard, under some good master, for a year or so without touching any other branch. then go on to broad-sword, and keep to alternate days with foils. later on take up the single-stick, and then go on to bayonet-exercise, quarter-staff, and anything else you please. this extended range of work will give you a wonderful general capability for adapting yourself at a moment's notice to any weapon chance may place in your hands: the leg of an old chair, the joint of a fishing rod, or the common or garden spade; any of these may be used with great effect by an accomplished all-round swordsman. there is one point on which a few words may not be out of place in this connection. good men, with their fists, and those who are proficient with the sword or stick, often complain that, in actual conflict with the rough and ready, though ignorant, assailant, they are worsted because the adversary does something diametrically opposed to what a scientific exponent of either art would do in similar circumstances. it is certainly trying, when you square up to a rough and expect him to hit out with his fists, to receive a violent doubling-up kick in the stomach; and similarly annoying is it, when attacked by a man with a stick, to experience treatment quite different to anything you ever came across in your own particular school-of-arms. but after all this is only what you ought to expect. it is absolutely necessary to suit yourself to your environment for the time being, and be ready for _anything_. depend upon it science must tell, and there is always this very consoling reflection to fall back upon: if your opponent misses you, or you are quick enough to avoid his clumsy attack--either of which is extremely likely to happen--it is highly probable that you will be able to make good your own attack, for, as a rule, the unscientific man hits out of distance or wide of the mark, and this is rarely the case with a scientific man. it once fell to my lot to be set upon by a couple of very disagreeable roughs in dublin, one of whom did manage to get the first blow, but it was "all round" and did not do much harm. before he could deliver a second hit i managed to lay him out with a very severe cut from my blackthorn, which came in contact with his head just between the rim of his hat and the collar of his coat. now, had my knowledge of stick-play been insufficient to enable me to accurately direct this cut (cut ) to its destination, i might not now be scribbling these pages. as it turned out, this poor injured rough was placed _hors de combat_, and was afterwards conveyed to the hospital, and i only had to tackle his friend, a stubborn varlet, who, after knocking me about a good deal and also receiving some rough treatment at my hands, ran away. he was "wanted" by the police for some time, but was never caught. this little episode is only given to show that the proper delivery of one blow or hit is often enough to turn the tables, and how advisable it is to practise _often_, so as to keep the eye and hand both steady and quick. when walking along a country road it is a good plan to make cuts with your stick at weeds, etc., in the hedges, always using the true edge, _i.e._ if aiming at a certain part of a bramble or nettle, to cut at it, just as though you were using a sabre. by this sort of practice, which, by the way, is to be deprecated in a young plantation or in a friend's garden, you may greatly increase the accuracy of your eye. it is merely an application of the principle which enables a fly-fisher to place his fly directly under such and such over-hanging boughs, or gives the experienced driver such control over his whip that he can flick a midge off the ear of one of his galloping leaders. much does not, in all probability, depend upon the success or failure of the piscator's cast, and very likely the midge might safely be allowed to remain on the leader's ear; but if you are walking in a lonely suburb or country lane, your _life_ may depend upon the accuracy with which you can deliver one single cut or thrust with your faithful blackthorn. i can almost hear people say, "oh, this is all rubbish; i'm not going to be attacked; life would not be worth living if one had to be always 'on guard' in this way." well, considering that this world, from the time we are born to the time we die, is made up of uncertainties, and that we are never really secure from attack at any moment of our lives, it does seem worth while to devote a little attention to the pursuit of a science, which is not only healthful and most fascinating, but which may, in a second of time, enable you to turn a defeat into a victory, and save yourself from being mauled and possibly killed in a fight which was none of your own making. added to all this, science gives a consciousness of power and ability to assist the weak and defenceless, which ought to be most welcome to the mind of any man. though always anxious to avoid anything like "a row," there are times when it may be necessary to interfere for the sake of humanity, and how much more easy is it to make that interference dignified and effective if you take your stand with a certainty that you can, if pushed to extreme measures, make matters very warm indeed for the aggressor? the consciousness of power gives you your real authority, and with it you are far more likely to be calm and to gain your point than you would be without the knowledge. backed up by science, you can both talk and act in a way which is likely to lead to a peaceful solution of a difficulty, whereas, if the science is absent, you _dare_ not, from very uncertainty, use those very words which you know ought to be used on the occasion. there are necessarily a good many difficulties to be faced in becoming at all proficient in the art of self-defence, but the advantages to be gained are doubtless very great. an expert swordsman, and by this i mean one who is really _au fait_ with any weapon you may put into his hand, who is also a good boxer and wrestler, is a very nasty customer for any one or even two footpads to make up to. the worst of it is that it takes so long to become really good in any branch of athletics. when you know all, or nearly all, that is to be learned, you get a bit stiff and past work! but this, after all, need not trouble one much, since it applies to all relations of life. as a wise man once said, with a touch of sorrow and regret in his tone, "by the time you have learned how to live, you die." the umbrella. as a weapon of modern warfare this implement has not been given a fair place. it has, indeed, too often been spoken of with contempt and disdain, but there is no doubt that, even in the hands of a strong and angry old woman, a gamp of solid proportions may be the cause of much damage to an adversary. has not an umbrella, opened suddenly and with a good flourish, stopped the deadly onslaught of the infuriated bull, and caused the monarch of the fields to turn tail? has it not, when similarly brought into action, been the means of stopping a runaway horse, whose mad career might otherwise have caused many broken legs and arms? if, then, there are these uses beyond those which the dampness of our insular climate forces upon us, it may be well to inquire how they can be brought to bear when a man, who is an expert swordsman, or one who has given attention to his fencing lessons, is attacked without anything in his hands save the homely umbrella. it is, of course, an extremely risky operation prodding a fellow-creature in the eye with the point of an umbrella; and i once knew a man who, being attacked by many roughs, and in danger of losing his life through their brutality, in a despairing effort made a desperate thrust at the face of one of his assailants. the point entered the eye _and the brain_, and the man fell stone dead at his feet. i would therefore only advocate the thrusting when extreme danger threatens--as a _dernier resort_, in fact, and when it is a case of who shall be killed, you or your assailant. there are two methods of using the umbrella, viz. holding it like a fencing foil--and for this reason umbrellas should always be chosen with strong straight handles--for long thrusts when at a distance, or grasping it firmly with both hands, as one grasps the military rifle when at bayonet-exercise. in the latter case one has a splendid weapon for use against several assailants at close quarters. both the arms should be bent and held close to the body, which should be made to work freely from the hips, so as to put plenty of weight into the short sharp prods with which you can alternately visit your opponents' faces and ribs. if you have the handle in your right hand, and the left hand grasps the silk (or alpaca), not more than a foot from the point, it will be found most effective to use the forward and upward strokes with the point for the faces, and the back-thrusts with the handle for the bodies. whatever you do, let your strokes be made very quickly and forcibly, for when it comes to such close work as this your danger lies in being altogether overpowered, thrown down, and possibly kicked to death; and, as i have before hinted, when there is a choice of evils, choose the lesser, and don't be the least squeamish about hurting those who will not hesitate to make a football of your devoted head should it unfortunately be laid low. then, again, there is no better weapon for guarding a heavy blow aimed at you with a thick bludgeon than an umbrella, which, with its wire ribs and soft covering, is almost unbreakable, when all its ribs are held tightly with _both_ hands; it is also, for the same reason, when thus grasped with both hands, an excellent defence against the attack of a large powerful dog, which may spring at your throat; but, in this case, remember to get one of your legs well behind the other so as to bring most of the weight of your body on the foremost leg, and, if you are lucky, you may have the satisfaction of throwing the animal on his back. thrusting, prodding, and guarding, then, may be called the strong points of the gamp; it is no use for hitting purposes, and invariably tumbles to pieces, comes undone, and gets into a demoralized condition when one tries to make it fulfil all the conditions of the unclothed walking-stick. besides which, the handles are _never_ made strong enough for hitting, and the hittee is protected by the folds of silk. hitting, then, is the weak point of the gamp. try to remember this when you feel inclined to administer a castigation to man or beast, and bear in mind that a comic scene may ensue, when, hot and angry, you stand with your best umbrella broken and half open, with the silk torn and the ribs sticking out in all directions. sometimes umbrellas have been made even more effective weapons by what is called a spring dagger, which consists of a short, strong knife or dirk let into the handle, and is readily brought into play by a sudden jerk, or by touching a spring. this may be all very well for travellers in the out-of-the-way regions of spain, sicily, or italy, but i don't like these dangerous accessories for english use, as they _may_ be unfortunately liable to abuse by excitable persons. in addition to the weapons already alluded to, there are others which, though not so generally known, or so generally useful, may be turned to good account on certain occasions. the "life-preserver" consists of a stout piece of cane about a foot long, with a ball of five or six ounces of lead attached firmly to one end by catgut netting, whilst the other end is furnished with a strong leather or catgut loop to go round the wrist and prevent the weapon flying from or being snatched from the hand. of course this instrument _may_ be very effective, very deadly, but what you have to consider is this: the serviceable portion is so small--no bigger than a hen's egg--that unless you are almost an expert, or circumstances greatly favour you, there is more than a chance of altogether missing your mark. with the life-preserver you have, say, at most a couple of inches only of effective weapon to rely on, whereas with the cudgel at least a foot of hard and heavy wood may be depended upon for bowling over the adversary. a leaded rattan cane is a dangerous instrument in expert hands, but my objections to it are very similar to those advanced with regard to the shorter weapon. leaded walking-sticks are not "handy," for the presence of so much weight in the hitting portion makes them extremely bad for quick returns, recovery, and for guarding purposes. to my mind the leaded rattan is to the well-chosen blackthorn what the life-preserver is to the cudgel--an inferior weapon. one does not want to _kill_ but to _disable_, even those who have taken the mean advantage of trying to catch one unprepared in the highways and byways. to take an ordinary common-sense view of the matter: it is surely better far to have a three to one chance in favour of disabling than an even chance of killing a fellow-creature? the disablement is all you want, and, having secured that, the best thing is to get out of the way as soon as possible, so as to avoid further complications. the sword-stick is an instrument i thoroughly detest and abominate, and could not possibly advocate the use of in any circumstances whatever. these wretched apologies for swords are to outward appearance ordinary straight canes--usually of malacca cane. on pulling the handle of one of these weapons, however, a nasty piece of steel is revealed, and then you draw forth a blade something between a fencing-foil and a skewer. they are poor things as regards length and strength, and "not in it" with a good solid stick. in the hands of a hasty, hot-tempered individual they may lead to the shedding of blood over some trivial, senseless squabble. the hollowing out of the cane, to make the scabbard, renders them almost useless for hitting purposes. in the environs of our big cities there is always a chance of attack by some fellow who asks the time, wants a match to light his cigar, or asks the way to some place. when accosted never stop, never draw out watch or box of lights, and never know the way anywhere. always make a good guess at the time, and swear you have no matches about you. it is wonderful to notice kind-hearted ladies stopping to give to stalwart beggars who are only waiting for an opportunity to snatch purses, and it would be interesting to know how many annually lose their purses and watches through this mistaken method of distributing largess. let me conclude by saying that, if you want to be as safe as possible in a doubtful neighbourhood, your best friends are a quick ear, a quick eye, a quick step, and a predilection for the middle of the road. the two former help you to detect, as the two latter may enable you to avoid a sudden onslaught. =the all-england series.= _illustrated._ _price s._ gymnastic competition & display exercises set at various open competitions and displays during the last twelve years, and voluntary exercises shown by winners of open and championship gymnastic competitions. edited by f. graf, orion gymnastic club. the book also contains an illustrated glossary of the principal gymnastic terms; the exercises for the second and third class badge of the a.g. and f.a. (illustrated); exercises for developing muscles; and an article on training for competitions, by a. barnard, captain of the orion gymnasium club. on sheets " × ". price d.; or mounted on cardboard, s. exercises on the instruments for the a.g. and f.a. third-class test. by a. f. jenkin. _with illustrations by b. m. jenkin._ issued by the amateur gymnastic association, and published by g. bell & sons, ltd. york house, portugal street, london, w.c. =the all-england series.= _numerous illustrations._ boxing. _price s._ by r. g. allanson-winn, inns of court school of arms, winner of the middle weights, cambridge, - ; heavy weights, - . "mr. winn's book is worthy of great praise, for it is at once one of the cheapest and best on the subject."--_field._ "his (mr. allanson-winn's) book gives ample testimony of his ability to write on boxing. if only for the illustrations that enable the novice to see what he should do with the gloves and what he should not do with them, the brochure is well worth the modest price charged for it."--pendragon in the _referee._ "the art of self-defence is here treated from a thoroughly practical point of view. clear as the text is, its value is no little enhanced by the numerous and admirably executed illustrations."--_st. james's gazette._ new edition, revised. _illustrated._ wrestling. _price s._ by walter armstrong ("cross-buttocker"), late hon. sec. cumberland and westmoreland wrestling society in london, author of "wrestliana," etc., etc. "'wrestling' needs no praise at our hands. it is sufficient to say that the handbook is the work of mr. walter armstrong."--_field._ "no one is better qualified to deal with such a subject than the 'cross-buttocker,' who for the last thirty years has been known as a clever light-weight wrestler, and whose remarks are, therefore, not mere theories, but founded on the results of long experience."--_sporting life._ "the handy little volume will be largely acceptable in these northern parts, where wrestling is a distinctive pastime."--_west cumberland times_. london: g. bell and sons, ltd. transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _underscore_. underlined passages indicated by =underline=. the following misprints have been corrected: "cutlas" corrected to "cutlass" (page ) "two" corrected to "too" (page ) "once" corrected to "one" (page ) "spilt" corrected to "split" (page ) other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation usage have been retained. a catalogue _of_ early pennsylvania _and other_ firearms _and_ edged weapons _at_ "restless oaks" mcelhattan, pa. [illustration] _collected by_ henry w. shoemaker lieut. col., res., u. s. a. _compiled by_ h. beam piper, _of altoona, pa._ * * * * * [illustration: the last of the pennsylvania wayside gunsmiths busler brothers, clinton county, pa. (frontispiece)] _"aerataeque micant peltae, micat aereus ensis."_ --virgil, aen. viii, dedicated to the pennsylvania folk-lore society, by the compiler contents page the shoemaker collection of early pennsylvania and other firearms and edged weapons. rifles, muskets and other shoulder weapons. pistols and revolvers. the seth nelson group of early pennsylvania hunting equipment. edged weapons, polearms, clubs, etc. accessories, etc. a partial catalogue of the piper collection. (altoona, pa.) [illustration] introduction for years this writer's aim was to visualize the armed pennsylvanian of earlier days; how he went forth to fight his indian foe, to slay the bison, moose, elk and smaller game, and on his expeditions to the fields of love: where his firearms and edged weapons originated. to create the living man his arms must be secured, and gradually the present collection was assembled. and he lived again, dark, grim, bearded, the spirit of lofty pines and hemlocks among which he spent his days, always plotting to kill something. many of the arms, if they could speak, what tales of war, the chase, and love adventure they could tell! the pennsylvania woodsman was filled with the romance of slaughter, a heritage of mingled continental origins, huguenot, spanish, portuguese, swiss, waldensian, levantine, with the strains of ulster scot, alsatian, palatine, hollander and moravian, cooling cross currents in his veins. no wonder that the women of this blended race were the most darkly beautiful in the world, and a group of the curious edged weapons they carried to destroy men who annoyed them might well be the subject of another separate collection. but the arms stacked in silent panoply, or the daggers, dirks and powder flasks, would not suffice to give the collection the answer to the questions it involved. along with a group of daring alpinists to "restless oaks" came h. beam piper, of altoona, pa., a modern master-of-arms, who patiently set to work to describe the collection from its oldest to its newest examples. as the results of his intelligent energy and research the following catalogue has been prepared which gives us the skeleton figure of the armed pennsylvania mountain man, from the frontier days until later and more prosaic times ensued. while many of the arms listed are in imperfect condition and some of the more important ones are lacking, they give the idea of his times. other pieces of later periods, and a few of foreign use, are included for purposes of comparison. to these are added mr. piper's catalogue of his own collection, all in perfect order, to show similar types of weapons at their best. while, as stated, there are many specimens missing, these vacancies emphasize the wide range of weapons used by the old-time pennsylvanians. the frequent wars kept bringing new types of arms into the wilderness and new ideas for weapons among the woodsmen themselves, and this was most noteworthy after the civil war, which was also the end of the grand romantic period of the pennsylvania wilderness. the mountaineer of pennsylvania was of martial blood, his ancestors had fought in every state of continental europe--and the science of armorer was his birthright. david lewis, the "galloping jack" or highwayman of central pennsylvania, used new pistols every year, and weapons which he is said to have carried are as plentiful as ole bull's violins. the frontiersmen of british origins always named their favorite rifles "my friend," "my brother," "sure shot," "confidence," "never fail," "carry my wish," "kill deer," and "kill buck," and cherished them almost as living things. many of them camped out at the wayside gunshops until a specially ordered weapon was begun and finished, so as to supervise every detail of its fabrication. quaint and full of historic lore were these mystic wayside shrines of arms, which are alas with a few exceptions no more. billy de shera's on larry's creek near jersey shore instilled the love of arms in several generations of mountain boys, and the last gunshops in existence, those of seth nelson, jr., near round island, clinton county, and david c. busler, near collomsville, lycoming county, have had arms loving pilgrims of note from all over the state to learn the last dying secrets of the kentucky rifles, which, despite their name, were mostly made in pennsylvania. often the backwoods arms enthusiast would insist that the shutters be closed and the smith's work carried on by candle-light, lest a passing hechs cast a glance upon the barrel, which would ever afterward be deprived of the power to kill. the proud owner of a cherished gun would never leave it near a hechs, lest she run her cold trembling hand along the barrel and forever destroy its accuracy. there were also spells or pow-wowing to make a gun shoot perfectly, and these were put on before a foe was to be removed, and more especially with the heavy rifles used at shooting matches. needles and papers written full of incantations were slipped under the barrels where they joined the stocks to keep away the witches. the writer has seen robert covenhoven's rifle with thirteen notches on the under side of the stock. his scalping-knife has seven notches, where this merciless scalp-hunter enumerated his red victims prior to collecting the scalp bounty at harris' ferry. the covenhoven rifle was latterly owned by the old deer-hunter miller day, of english centre, lycoming county, but is now in philadelphia, while the knife is at the james v. brown library, williamsport, together with his ketland pistol. as symbols of a bolder and broader day the firearms of backwoods pennsylvania will always exercise a peculiar charm, typifying as they do the period of trackless forests, indians, panthers, wolves, unbridled romance. also, that strangely picturesque period of the civil war, when the sharp-shooting pennsylvania mountain boys (and older ones) went forth to snip; for did not jake karstetter, of sugar valley, clinton county, enlist as when he was and compass the death of seven confederate general officers? notched on the walnut stock of his favorite weapon, the work of henry barner, a wayside sugar valley gunsmith, were seven sets of minute carvings in the form of collar insignias in all the grades from a lieutenant general to a lieutenant colonel. and when they led him haltered through the streets of richmond they labelled him "a wild yankee from the north," because of his unshorn hair and beard, which he swore he would not cut until he had "set jeff davis cold." it is a pity that the science of ancient arms is not more popular in inland pennsylvania, and that more of the curious specimens of arms have not been retained, but were allowed to be shipped away to collectors elsewhere before their local value was recognized. it is with a hope that it may stimulate other collectors at home to assemble ancient weapons before it is too late that this catalogue has been published. it is as a fragment, and not as a complete collection, but it puts before the reader the picture of an arms loving race, in the glorious ante-mollycoddle age, which was the golden age of pennsylvania manhood. but in truth there has been very little, if any, decline, when one thinks of the valor of the boys of the th, the th and other outfits where pennsylvanians were most in evidence in the world war. many of these had old civil war grandfathers, who could tell of fredericksburg or petersburg, of how earlier they barked squirrels on tall hardwood trees, or shot into the flocks of wild pigeons "which darkened the sun" in their great flights. and to welcome in the "apostolic succession" of arms new lovers among our boys, even the least of them, this collection stands catalogued, thanks to mr. piper's perseverance. it is an invitation and appeal to carry on all that is boldest, bravest and best of that fearless company that bore their spears along the dark warpaths of obscurity, and stacked them on the campgrounds of eternal night. henry w. shoemaker. "restless oaks," mcelhattan, pa., july , . [illustration] the shoemaker collection of early pennsylvania and other firearms and edged weapons. rifles, muskets and other shoulder weapons. . extremely heavy sharpshooter's or target rifle. l. - / " full length stock with small cheek-piece and flattened at muzzle for shooting from a rest. weight, about lbs. . cal. double set triggers. rare. flintlock. made by pennebacker, berks county. . percussion target rifle. l. - / " octagon barrel, half stock, small brass patch-box, brass and german silver mountings. peep-and-globe sights, rear sight missing. fitted with false muzzle for loading. lock marked "warranted". about . cal. complete with tin box containing all original accessories, mould, bullet-starter, patch cutter, combination screwdriver and nipple wrench, patches, tow for cleaning, etc. rare with original accessories. this is the type of gun used at the old-time "turkey shoots." made in berks county, for john lebo, of clinton county. . double breech-loading shotgun. l. " side-lever action. fitted with rifle sights for shooting round balls. mark on lock, "wm. moore & co." on barrel, "fine laminated steel". -bore. . very short percussion gun. l. - / " full length black walnut stock. iron ramrod. about cal. no marks. probably used for hunting buffalo. . kentucky rifle. l. " percussion. stock originally full length, but has been shortened - / inches. brass mounts and long brass patch-box. ramrod missing. about . cal. . old and badly battered fowling piece. l. " lock gone. a cheap gun when new. . heavy kentucky rifle. l. " curley maple stock and brass mountings, including long brass patch-box. fairly good order. . small-bore percussion fowling piece. l. " this gun is of the cheapest sort, with painted stock of some soft wood. guns of this kind were sold by indian traders and by country merchants to farmers' boys and others unable to afford better arms. due to the almost uniform abuse which these weapons received, this specimen, which is in good condition, is somewhat of a rarity. mark on lock, "henry parker, warranted". . u. s. army musket, model. l. - / " altered to percussion by government system of screwing on new breech. mexican and civil war service possible. good order. . double over-and-under percussion rifle. l. - / " rigid barrels and two locks. no marks. ramrod and trigger-guard missing. small round patch-box, and german silver figure of spread eagle inset in cheek piece. . short percussion rifle. l. " this rifle is of the type used on the plains, period of -' and in pennsylvania period of - . no marks. long brass patch-box. about . cal. fairly good condition. . short kentucky rifle. l. - / " stock has been broken and repaired several times and the whole gun is crudely made and was evidently the work of an unskilled local gunsmith. without doubt, this is an authentic pennsylvania mountain relic. now a smooth-bore. . cut-down kentucky rifle. l. " barrel has been smooth-bored and stock shortened to half-length. rear sight of peculiar and artistic design. this was at one time a very fine gun, and has several interesting features. . u. s. army musket, model of . l. - / " has been varnished all over and is in good condition, but hammer is missing. . percussion kentucky rifle. l. " brass mounted, with considerable brass and silver inlay. good condition. maker's name illegible, but "philadelphia", on lock can be easily made out. probably a tryon. . springfield musket. l. " model of , caliber . , percussion. marks on lock, "u. s. springfield. ." good condition, with original bayonet. gift of general f. d. beary, the adjutant general, n. g. p., harrisburg, pa. . two u. s. springfield army rifles. l. " model of . fitted with ramrod bayonets. in the best of condition, like new. gift of gen'l f. d. beary. a. another, which has seen considerable service. formerly the property of jacob bierly, a famous early pennsylvania hunter. . kentucky rifle. l. " stock shortened to half-length and smooth-bored. the maker of this gun imported his lock from england, as it is stamped "london, warranted". percussion. . u. s. musket, model. l. " altered to percussion by a rare and rather crude civilian method, and barrel shortened to the end of the forestock. evidently used by some mountaineer soldier and retained at the end of his military service as a sporting arm. a kentucky type rear sight has been added and other changes have been made. _this gun is not reliable as a source of information on u. s. military arms_, owing to its numerous alterations. . german-american target rifle. l. " beautifully checkered stock, octagon barrel. no ramrod, nor is the gun provided with fittings for one. in the best of condition. almost new. this gun was made for use by a member of some early german "scheutzen" rifle club, period of -' . mark on lock, "rein, new york". . double over-and-under rifle. l. " patch-box gone, and rear sight not original and badly used. no marks. . french chassepot army rifle. l. " marks, "manufacture chatellerault. _mle_ ". almost perfect. may be a franco-prussian war weapon. . german boar rifle. l. " heavy octagon barrel, sliding wooden cover box in stock containing worm, sling-swivels, bayonet-stud. this gun has a most excellent adjustable rear sight, and is in splendid order. caliber, about . . . remington army rifle. l. rider system action. . - . good. . u. s. krag rifle. l. " model. five shots, . - cal. new condition. . remington carbine, cal., . - . l - / " . sharp's civil war carbine. l. " model of . good. with lawrence primer magazine and patch-box in stock. . double over-and-under rifle. l. " good order. round patch-box. german silver figure of deer inlaid on cheek-piece. no marks. good. . percussion buffalo rifle. l. " some illegible lettering on barrel, which is octagon and extremely heavy. ramrod under barrel. stock extends only to breech and is inlaid with german silver. extremely rare. this type was used on the western plains, -' . . u. s. flintlock musket. l. " model of . cheek-piece hollowed into stock. complete with flint and ramrod and in fine shooting condition. mark, "j. henry, phila." . flintlock kentucky rifle. l. - / " curley maple stock. brass mounts, including long patch-box. original striped ramrod, which has been re-tipped with an exploded pistol cartridge. this gun has been restored, though so skillfully as to pass for original condition. fine shooting order. mark on lockplate, "tryon, philada." . u. s. model army musket. l. - / " altered to percussion, apparently by civilian gunsmith. good condition. . double percussion shotgun. l. - / " about -bore. back action locks. no marks. has been abused. . double percussion shotgun. l. " stock cracked and both locks and one nipple gone. . percussion kentucky rifle. l. " inoperative and both sights gone, otherwise good. no marks. . "mule-ear" double shotgun. l. " superposed barrels. side action lock. two ramrods, both original. working order. -bore. very rare. no marks. . over-and-under rifle. l. - / " one lock, barrels revolving by hand. mark on lock, "jos. golgher, phila." on plate opposite lock, "i. l. beck." this rifle was once the property of imanuel beck, a noted sugar valley hunter, and has probably killed much big game. a rare and historic piece, in the best of condition. (these double rifles with revolving barrels are much rarer than the rigid type.) this gun was not made by golcher, as he made and furnished to other makers more locks than he made rifles. it was his custom to stamp his name on the barrels of his own guns. . winchester repeating rifle. -in. barrel. model of . . - cal. good order. . u. s. army musket. l. " model. this specimen has been fitted with a civil war type rear sight, evidently having been issued in , when arms were scarce. initials "l. h." cut in stock, while brass plate is marked "j. e. s." sling-strap not original and jaw-screw is obviously home-made, with square head. several inches have been cut off of barrel. this gun is not reliable as a source of data on u. s. military arms. a curious mountaineer gun, in fine order. . "zulu" shotgun. l. - / " made from old french army rifle. these guns were sold in great quantities to the poorer farmers in pennsylvania. in the stock is a small piece of wood which was blessed by the french priests and placed in the stock at the arsenal. it was supposed to insure accuracy. a curious outcropping of medieval superstition in modern times. . civil war austrian purchase carbine. l. - / " "during the first part of the civil war the united states purchased a great quantity of these arms, and before their worthlessness became apparent a considerable number was issued. the calibre of most of them was . ; the rifling was very deep; the recoil and trajectory were abnormal, and accuracy of shooting was conspicuous by absence."--sawyer, "our rifles." page . . moorish snaphaunce gun. l. - / " captured from riff tribesmen early in . a fine specimen of its type, inlaid with ivory and showing native repair-work. this is a genuine snaphaunce, not to be confused with the spanish or moorish miguelet or outside-lock flintlock. rare. . sharp & hankins civil war carbine. l. " this is the navy type, though the leather jacket is missing from the barrel. rare. . volcanic carbine. l. " the forerunner of the henry and the winchester. finely polished walnut stock and engraved brass receiver, the latter showing traces of silver plating. used hollow-bore bullets which contained powder and cap. good condition and excessively rare. . u. s. model army musket. l. " good condition, with sling-strap. . long flintlock fowling piece. good condition, but lacks ramrod. . oriental flintlock blunderbuss. l. " some traces of checkering on stock and damascening on barrel, otherwise plain. . oriental flintlock blunderbuss. l. " a much more ornate piece than the preceeding. the stock is carved and the metal parts engraved. dummy ramrod carved into stock. english lock. pistols and revolvers. . double barrel irish percussion pocket pistol. l. - / " superposed barrels, revolving by hand. disappearing trigger. mark:--"kavanaugh, dublin". . marston -barrel pistol. l. " breech-loading, . calibre. indicator on right side of frame. inoperative, but in good condition otherwise. . five-shot manhattan arms co. pepperbox. l. - / " a close replica of the allen. in excellent condition. . cal. . small philadelphia derringer. l. checkered grip, cap-box in butt. a facsimile of the pistol used by j. wilkes booth to assassinate abraham lincoln. . cooper five-shot revolver. l. " percussion. double action, . cal. this is the early pittsburg revolver, not to be confused with arms of the same type made at philadelphia. rare. resembles the colt model, except that trigger is in center of trigger-guard. . peculiar double action revolver. l. " percussion. similar in action to a pepperbox. marked "ell's patent." the cataloguer has never before seen a pistol of this type. good condition. . cal. purchased in a philadelphia pawn-shop, and said to be a favorite arm of the negroes in that city at one time. . reid's "my friend" knuckle-duster. seven shots, . cal. good order, except that cylinder does not revolve. . another. similar except for a slight difference of engraving and a catch under cylinder. . underhammer pistol. l. - / " has seen rough service. no marks. . double barrel percussion pistol. l. " broken, rusty and with all working parts except one spring missing. barrels side by side. . tiny . pistol. l. - / " one of the lightest pistols the cataloguer has ever seen. these ineffectual weapons are sold in large numbers on the waterfront of genoa, where the owner acquired this specimen. . heavy double barrel percussion pistol. l. - / " superposed barrels, two hammers and nipples. bronze frame and steel barrels. about -bore. excellent condition. evidently french, though it was bought in a philadelphia pawn-shop. . derringer pocket rifle. l. (over all) " shoulder-stock attached. quite similar in design to the ordinary pocket derringer, but has a long barrel (octagon), a ramrod and ramrod rib. peep rear sight. front sight missing. very rare. in good condition. . pair of english pocket pistols. l. " silver butt-plates, silver lion-masque butt-caps, much of original blueing remains. in the best of condition. mark, "doody". from krider's gunshop, philadelphia. . old pinfire revolver l. - / " . fine silver-mounted turkish pistol. l. " barrel and lock of english manufacture, the later having a sliding safety and being stamped "mortimer", but the rest is turkish. stock is of some dark, hard oriental wood, probably olive, and is covered with fine silver-wire inlay. all mountings are of silver, beautifully sculptured and engraved and bear curious turkish hallmarks. as the ramrods for these pistols were carried about the neck to facilitate loading on horseback, they were frequently made without ramrods attached. this pistol, like the following one, is furnished with a dummy or imitation rod. english proof-marks on barrel. gold breech-band. in the best of possible condition and a really beautiful specimen. from the austin collection. . silver-mounted arabian flintlock pistol. l. " mountings entirely of silver. stock covered with silver inlay in wire, dot and leaf-and-flower design. arabian armorer's marks in gold on barrel. fine. from the austin collection. . french army pistol, model of . l. - / " flintlock. calibre, / inch. mark on lock, "mauberge". this pistol may have come to this country with lafayette's expedition. it has been neatly though incorrectly restored and is hence unreliable as a source of information. . colt percussion revolver, cal. . . l. " model, five shot, bright finish, trigger-guard and back-strap silvered. mark, "address samuel colt, etc." note the absence of title "col." in mark. rare with this omission. good order. . u. s. percussion army pistol, model of . l. " marks on lockplate illegible, but enough can be deciphered to show that it was made by h. aston, of middleton, conn. ramrod not original, and swivel is missing, but otherwise the pistol is in good shooting order. . unusual set of devisme revolvers. contained in ebony case, " Ã� ", lined with purple velvet. fitted compartments, containing a large six-shot belt revolver of devisme's invention, about . calibre, a seven-shot . calibre smith & wesson pocket revolver and accessories and ammunition. on the inside of the lid, in gold letters, "devisme, , boulevard des italiens, paris." this is a most unusual combination of a belt and a pocket revolver in the same case. the little pistol is marked with the name, address and patent dates of the smith & wesson company and also with "claudin, brevete a paris, boulevard des italiens, ". extremely rare and in almost new condition. . pair of percussion holster pistols. l. " silver name-plates and key-plates, beautifully checkered grips, twist steel barrels and ramrod ribbs, swivel ramrods. barrels are extraordinarily heavy, of about . calibre. smooth bore. spur trigger-guards and horn tipped fore-ends. mark, on lockplates and barrels, "champion, chichester." these pistols were apparently at one time cased, for they are accompanied by cleaning rod with detachable head, nipple-wrench, bullet mould and combination powder and cap flask. all in new condition. . single-shot breech-loading pistol. l. " the only one of the sort that the cataloguer has ever seen. probably an inventor's model. no marks anywhere on it. stud on the left side of barrel opens the piece when pushed forward. about . cal. . u. s. army luger automatic. l. " calibre, . mm. a thousand of these arms were purchased by the government in for experimental purposes, with the view of making them standard army equipment. they were found to be deficient in stopping power, due to their small calibre, and were for the most part sold to bannerman & co., of new york. differences from the ordinary commercial luger are as follows:--one inch longer barrel, grip of black walnut, u. s. coat of arms stamped on receiver, and thumb-safety is reversed. curiously enough, this particular pistol was purchased from a gunsmith by w. fall gardner, of new york city, while at wiesbaden, germany, in , and while with the american army of occupation. it is interesting to speculate how the weapon found its way back to the country of its origin. rare. . bootjack "pistol". l. " a cast brass folding bootjack, resembling an old style percussion pocket pistol when closed. rare. the seth nelson group of early pennsylvania hunting equipment. seth iredell nelson and his son, seth nelson, jr., have long been regarded as two of the most renowned and resourceful big game hunters and armorers of central pennsylvania. at their home and hunting lodge on the sinnemahoning at the foot of altar rock, famed in indian lore, they maintained a gunshop and forge, making or repairing many of their own guns, knives, ammunition, etc., as well as their axes, saws, cant-hooks, farming implements and the like. many of their choicest specimens are now in dr. henry c. mercer's museum at doylestown, pa. seth iredell nelson was born in potter county, pa. in , the descendant of a scotch "kramer" who went to germany in the th century with the ancestor of col. john hay, author of "little breeches" and theodore roosevelt's great secretary of state. nelson migrated to clinton county in , the journey being made in pole-boats down kettle creek and up the west branch of the susquehanna to the mouth of the sinnemahoning, and settling in a community still inhabited by the seneca indians. he became known as the king hunter of the sinnemahoning, his game book showing hundreds of panthers, wolves and elk and thousands of deer, bears, and wildcats, and other animals which he captured during his long career in the pennsylvania big game fields. seth iredell nelson died in , and is buried on top of karthaus mountain, overlooking the one-time hunting paradise where for nearly a century he was the supreme ruler. seth nelson, jr. was born in potter county in and was brought to three runs, clinton county, by his parents two years later. he is today a handsome old man, with keen blue eyes, regular features, long hair and snow white beard, hale and hearty at four score and ten. he accompanied his father on most of his great hunts and was his devoted and able assistant in his gunshop and forge. even in late years he has turned out guns complete--"lock, stock and barrel" and hunting knives of unusual skill and workmanship. . hunting knife. l. " staghorn handle. this is of similar design, as, though of much later date, than the scalping knives used by such eighteenth century frontiersmen as covenhoven, the groves, van campen, van gundy and others. mounted in pewter. . seth nelson's seneca type axe. l. " this type of axe or tomahawk was designed by john smoke, one of the last seneca indians residing in pennsylvania. initials punched on blade, "s. n." double edge. this sort of tomahawk is now sold commercially under the name of "nessmuk axe". . hunting knife. l. - / " staghorn handle. pewter mounts. . small lead-ladle. l. " used for running bullets. made and used by seth nelson, jr. . lead ladle. l. " a trifle more artistic in design. also used by seth, jr. like the preceding number, this is of the period of -' . . large lead-ladle. l. " crudely made. former property of seth nelson, sr., the father of the maker of nos. and . period -' . . powder horn and bullet pouch. the -inch horn is still fitted with the original tip-plug and contains a quantity of rifle-powder, of about fff texture. these powder-and-bullet sets are now much rarer than the rifles with which they were used. a fine old pioneer piece. . small lead-handled dagger. l. - / " given to seth nelson, sr., by bill long, a famous clearfield county hunter. . little one-piece copper knife. l. " given to col. shoemaker by seth nelson, jr., to illustrate the earliest type of pocket-knife used by the frontiersmen. of indian manufacture and of the size carried by young girls for general use and, at a pinch, for protection. made by john smoke for his daughter. the pennsylvania german gipsies called this sort of knife a "schlor". a similar knife but larger, made by smoke was sent by col. shoemaker, to dr. h. c. mercer, doylestown, pa., . . double-edged folding dagger. l. (open) - / " given to col. shoemaker by seth nelson to illustrate the next type of frontier pocket-knife. edged weapons, polearms, clubs, etc. . spanish or italian left-hand dagger. l. " used to parry sword-thrusts in rapier fencing. xvi or xvii century. . improvised dagger made from table-knife. l. " blade has been ground down to dagger shape and guard has been added by twisting wire about hilt. used by an italian in williamsport to murder his step-daughter. . bowie knife. l. " old and rather crudely made. wooden grip. has seen civil war service and is believed to have been taken from the body of a confederate soldier. . dagger. l. - / " apparently home-made. hilt made from the handle of an old barlow pocket knife. found in pocket of lute shaffer, murderer of colby family, clinton county, . . two butcher-knives. crudely made, with wide blades and rough wooden handles. used to dismember the body of a girl who was killed in a family quarrel. this was the "pear tree murder", told of in col. shoemaker's "more allegheny episodes", ch. ii. . pennsylvania mountain hunting knife. l. " made and used by john e. smith, a famous clearfield county hunter of the middle nineteenth century. staghorn handle and pewter mountings. . spanish bull-fighter's puntilla. l. " this is the matador's weapon of last resort, to be used when his espada fails. spear-pointed. gift of count san juan de violada, of madrid, . . two spanish picador's lance-points. l. " one bears label marked "union de picadores de toros. mayo, . . union de criadores de toros de lidia. delegacion del norte." . italian alpine poacher's knife. l. (open) " folds into horn handle. has the peculiarly italian design of ornamentation, criss-cross lines on the ricasso. given to col. shoemaker by a former swiss soldier at visp, , who took it from poacher on swiss-italian frontier about . . roman javelin head. l. " found in excavation for subway in london. . two basque folding knives. l. (open) " broad, razor-like blades, folding into horn handles. both are stamped "e. pradel, acier fins." . two spanish ladies' knives. l. (open) - / and - / " horn handles, broad, thin blades which lock in place when open. of the type carried by raquel meller, when singing her songs of disappointed spanish love. (secured at segovia, .) . basque maquilla. l. ". length of maquilla proper, - / " the basque national weapon. in appearance, it resembles an ordinary walking stick with a plaited leather wrist-thong and grip. brass-mounted and tipped with a heavy steel ferrule. when the handle is unscrewed, there remains a stout wood shaft, tipped with a sharp steel point. a really dangerous weapon, in spite of its innocent appearance, and extremely rare in this country. . dagger cane. l. - / " ebony. - / -inch blade, slightly engraved. about . . pair of cuban machetes. l. " in embossed leather sheaths. horn handles. . model of indian sling. l. " made of sassafras wood by jesse logan, a grand-nephew of the great chief james logan for col. shoemaker, in , as a specimen of an early indian weapon. sling-stone in place. . pocket knife carried by jesse logan. ( - .) l. - / " originally a very cheap knife, of the sort sold by itinerant peddlers. . german hunting knife, middle xix cent. l. " beautiful bronze hilt, ornamented in relief with guns, horns and other implements of the chase. shell guard. boar-head pommel. quillions shaped like deer feet. double-edged blade, in original sheath. . collins heavy hunting knife. l. - / " vulcanite grips, quillions and elephant-head pommel of some white composition metal. in ornately stamped leather sheath. cheaply made, but of good steel and a serviceable weapon. . mandan tomahawk. l. " w. - / " brought from south dakota by a returning u. s. soldier, about , who obtained it from a fallen burial platform, along with the skeleton of the indian with whom it was placed. the remains of the indian are now interred on the restless oaks estate. . french hunting sword. xviii cent. l. " staghorn handle, ornamented bronze quillions and shell guard. blade engraved with hunting scenes and bears motto "recte faciendo neminem timeas." . german hunting sword. xviii cent. l. - / " gilt bronze hilt and quillions, engraved blade bearing inscription in german. original black leather sheath. in the best of condition and a high quality weapon. . turkish scimitar. l. - / " original scabbard with belt-sling and red-and-gilt silk tassles. hilt of silver, with gilt ornamentation, scabbard tipped with silver. fine. from the austin collection. . straight yatagahn. l. " tapering blade, slightly engraved, horn handle, silver and brass mounts. red velvet scabbard. probably circassian or cossack. . pair of foils. l. - / " cord-wrapped grips, ring quillions. point of one broken. belgian, about . . rhinoceros horn knob kerrie. south african. probably kafir or zulu. . two old socket bayonets. . all-metal bayonet for german mauser. l. " in metal sheath. no marks. rare. . german world war bayonet. l. - / " in leather sheath. . german sawtooth bayonet. l. - / " marks indecipherable except "solingen". these bayonets were exhibited in this country during the war as an evidence of german atrocity, but they were in reality intended for wire-cutting. only one was issued to each squad of infantry. for this reason they are comparatively rare. . british naval dirk. xviii cent. l. " fine condition, leather sheath, ivory handle, engraved blade, lion-masque pommel. claimed to have seen service in voyages against john paul "jones." called by the british "the great pirate." . morning star or battle flail. xv cent. l. " large spiked ball, linked by a ten-inch chain to a wooden shaft. a fine piece and rare. from austin collection. . napoleonic sabre (waterloo) in worn leather sheath. broken about half way down the blade. carried at waterloo by a colonel kaetz, of napoleon's belgian allies. . two assagais. rhodesian. from the austin collection. . rhinoceros hide shield, dahomey. circular and having a conical point in the center. . tyrolese bear-spear. xvii cent. l. " head original but shaft a replacement. from the austin collection. . spanish bear spear. xvii cent. l. " head original, but shaft a replacement. from the austin collection. . confederate officer's sword. l. - / " straight, single-edged blade, deeply grooved. half-basket guard, incorporating the letters "c. s." brass mountings. confederate arms are exceedingly rare. illustrated, plate v. . civil war sabre of st lt. henry f. shoemaker. l. " carried during the civil war by the father of the present owner, while an officer in the th pennsylvania volunteers. blade slightly engraved, leather-covered grip, gold and black sabre-knot. . u. s. late regulation officer's sabre. l. " carried by col. shoemaker while in the pennsylvania national guard. complete with scabbard, leather sabre-knot and leather carrying case. blade engraved "henry w. shoemaker." . another similar sabre. carried by col. shoemaker in the new york national guard. . equipment used by col. shoemaker during the world war. this includes a sabre on an old regulation belt, a sam browne belt, a colt . army automatic in an officers' type holster, a malacca swagger-stick, a black and gilt officer's hat cord, a steel helmet and spurs. . diplomatic sword. l. - / " carried by col. shoemaker while attached to the american legation at lisbon. straight, double-edged, with a cord-effect gilded hilt and double shell guard, one side of which is hinged. the ricasso of the blade is gilded and the blade is covered with arabesque work in gold and blue for about nine inches near the hilt and bright polished from there to the point. in general shape, resembles the small-swords of the xviii cent. . diplomatic sword. carried by col. shoemaker while attached to the american embassy at berlin. much similar to the preceeding, except that the guard is ornamented with an american eagle and the blade is elegantly chased. designed by charlemagne tower ( - ), while ambassador to germany. accessories, etc. . civil war bayonet. with sheath and belt-hanger. arsenal-new condition. gift of general f. d. beary. . two rounds of anti-aircraft m. g. ammunition. cal. . gift of general f. d. beary. . powder-horn. l. - / " rounded plug in base, with small mushroom-shaped filling-plug. knife-whittled plug. octagonal tip. color; old ivory, shading to black at tip. . powder horn. l. - / " rounded lathe-turned plug at base, ornamented with brass tacks. round tip. colors; dark brown at tip, shading off in light brown and gray to old ivory. . zinc powder flask. l. " corroded with age. . zinc powder flask. l. " pistol size. . very old powder horn. l. " acorn tip, flat plug with ball-head threaded filling-plug, old strap attached. colors; dark brown at tip, shading off to bright orange. this is age-coloring, and proves the horn to be quite old, possibly pre-revolutionary. a fine piece. . dated powder horn. l. " knife-whittled tip, flat bottom-plug painted red, tip-plug apparently whittled from a bit of ramrod wood. dated, . dated horns are rather rare. . powder horn with brass charger. l. " self-measuring charger, evidently from an old flask. two steeples driven in sides for carrying cord. rare. . copper flask. l. " embossed with hunting scenes. good. . old pennsylvania rifleman's powder horn and bullet pouch. horn and pouch are fastened to one strap. the horn is - / inches in length, of a beautiful pale green color and highly polished. ringed tip and rounded wooden plug. cut into it are the initials "e. w." in the pouch is a tin box marked "eley, london," containing a few caps. in fine order throughout and very rare. it was once the property of major enoch wolford, a noted sugar valley hunter. . most peculiar old bullet mould. casts one conical bullet, about . cal., and has a number of unique features. the cataloguer has never seen one just like it. evidently the work of local gunsmith. . two bullet moulds. musket size, for about an ounce ball. illustrated, plate iv. . bullet mould. crude and evidently homemade. casts one conical bullet. . cal. . canadian "tin hat". picked up by col. shoemaker between baupaume and arras in may . rusty, covered in spots with the peculiar chalk-like earth of northern france, all leather rotted away. big dent in top. . german helmet. picked up at chemin-des-dames, france, may, , by col. shoemaker. only a small part of the chin-strap remains. . civil war hand-grenade. painted red and black. in appearance, somewhat like a modern grenade. . civil war hand-grenade, mounted on stand h. - / " is equipped with a wooden shaft and four cartridge-paper "feathers" to aid in throwing. label reads "no. . grenade from ft. wagner. . gift of w. w. richie, to henry w. shoemaker." on paper wing, "patented, aug. , ." . web cartridge belt. for krag rifle. period of spanish war. . old re-loading tool. rusty. calibre unknown. possibly . - . . gas shell for mm gun. l. - / " no rotating band, as this has never been put on, and with tin shipping head. painted yellow. part of a shipment wrecked on the new york central railroad near mcelhattan, _en route_ for the loading plant. . exploded -inch shell. high explosive and probably german. picked up between arras and baupaume by col. shoemaker in . . small brass cannon-model. l. (over all) - / " wheels, axle, gun and trail are all made of brass. bore, / -inch, height, ten inches. can be fired. these little cannon-models are rare. period of . . ancient oriental helmet. probably persian. chain-and-plate mail neck guard. . waterloo relic helmet. prussian cavalry. bears the number . from austin collection. . pair of leather saddle holsters. carried by trooper samuel barker, th cavalry, of sugar valley, in the civil war. will take the colt or any other army type percussion revolver, or the or model single-shot pistol. . german soldier's belt. l. " has the familiar "gott mit uns" buckle. picked up in france, , by major p. m. la bach, c. e., a. e. f. . caltrop. xvii cent. used during the english civil wars. hand forged with four needle-like points. has at one time been painted black for preservation. . barbed american caltrop. four points. made for the defense of fort muncy. these caltrops were scattered in the grass and on the trails to hamper the approach of indians, and were frequently poisoned to cause infection. a rare pennsylvania indian war relic, in good state of preservation. secured through dr. nevin j. gray, former assistant state librarian, of pennsylvania. . blackjack. l. (including strap) - / " issued during the world war to the pennsylvania home defense police. a good, substantial "billy", covered with black leather and weighted with lead. . small flobert rifle. . cal. . german two handed sword. (from austin collection.) . complete suit of engraved german armor, th cent. (from austin collection.) . spanish matador's espada. (gift of count san juan de violada, .) . pair of flintlock pistols said to have been owned by david lewis, "the robber." a partial catalogue of the piper collection. (altoona, pa.) . african traders' flintlock gun. l. - / " roughly and cheaply made. black-painted poplar stock, brass mountings. belgian proof-marks. guns of this sort were made at a cost of about a dollar and often brought as much as five hundred dollars worth of ivory. . percussion kentucky rifle. l. " curley maple stock, highly polished and finished in a dark, mahogany-like red. big and extremely ornate brass patch-box, brass plate on under side of stock, running from trigger-guard to lower ramrod-thimble, original striped ramrod. all brasswork engraved. about . calibre. double set triggers. sights not original. this rifle was apparently made to order for some wealthy gentleman farmer or city sportsman, and it is extremely accurate. mark, "tryon, philadelphia". in almost original condition, inside and out. . percussion sporting rifle. l. " purchased in the neighborhood of altoona, pa., and probably of pennsylvania origin, though there are no marks. similar to the kentucky style of rifle, except for back-action lock and small oval patch-box. brass mountings and curley maple stock. about . cal. . over-and-under percussion rifle. l. " barrels revolve, being released by catch in front of trigger-guard. full length curley maple stock, ramrod on one side and three german silver inlays on the other. large brass patch-box. mark; "conestoga rifle works". these double-barrel rifles with revolving barrels are rare. . heavy percussion target rifle. l. - / " full-length kentucky type stock. lock marked "jos. golcher." weight, pounds. in comparatively poor order, though it can be fired. . u. s. artillery musket. (percussion) l. " civil war issue. used by field artillery for defending gun-positions against enemy cavalry. mark; "savage r. f. a. co." a rare type and by a scarce maker. . enfield style confederate musket. l. " light english walnut stock. claimed to have been used in the famous "louisiana tigers." confederate arms of any sort are rare. with bayonet. mark on lock; "barnet, london". on stock; "edward middleton, gunmaker, birmingham." with bayonet. . colt model u. s. army musket. l. " in almost new condition, with bayonet. . german world war mauser rifle. l. " . mm cal. model of . this rifle saw actual service during the war and was surrendered to the allies. mark, "danzig, ." . winchester rifle, model of . l. - / " cal., . - . weight, loaded, - / lbs. twelve shots. octagon barrel. stock and forearm crudely checkered by some former owner. for some inscrutable reason, the manufacture of this excellent weapon was discontinued long ago, but for the sort of hunting to be found in this state, it is much superior to the later small-bore, high-velocity arms now sold. roosevelt carried a rifle of this model and calibre on his first african expedition and used it on lions with good effect. . ballard sporting rifle. l. " octagon barrel. rocky mountain sights. weight, lbs., calibre, . . this rifle was used by a resident of eldorado, pa., for the purpose of ending his earthly woes. after the suicide, it was left uncleaned for about three years, with the result that the barrel is somewhat pitted. otherwise in good order. . sharp's percussion carbine. l. " . smith percussion carbine. l. " . dated english military pistol. l. " bears the stamp of the british east india company, and the date " ". no maker's name. brass mounted and similar to the pistols used by the british cavalry in the revolution, the war of and the napoleonic wars. three notches cut in the stock. . english flintlock pistol. l. - / " brass mountings, round barrel and bag grip. this pistol bears a curious assortment of marks. on the lockplate: "w. ketland & co." on the barrel: "london", a belgian proof-mark, and a half-obliterated engraved mark; "cur---- & bav----, market st., philadelphia." this pistol was made in england, shipped to belgium and then imported to america, possibly during the war of , when direct commerce with england was cut off. . french brass-barrel flintlock pistol l. - / " cannon-mouth barrel, brass mountings and lockplate, fishtail butt. ramrod not original and slight restorations. trophy design on barrel and stock slightly carved. mark, on lock: "cassaignard a nantes". . pair of french duelling pistols. l. - / " -inch damascus barrels, flaring at muzzles. nicely checkered walnut grips, steel mountings, back-action locks, rings in butts, which unscrew, the butts containing spare nipples and cleaning-head for ramrod. polygrooved rifling, / -inch bore. mark: "mre impale de chatelerault." and " ." . u. s. army pistol, model of . l. " altered from flint to percussion by rare civilian alteration. swivel ramrod. mark; "a. waters, millburg, mass." not reliable as a source of data on u. s. military weapons. . u. s. army pistol, model of . l. " percussion. swivel ramrod, brass mountings, almost new condition. mark; "h. aston, middleton, conn. ." from the meeks collection. . english holster or belt pistol. l. " large octagon barrel, german silver ramrod rib, swivel ramrod, belt-hook, cap-box in butt, back-action lock, silver mountings. mark; "chance & sons". british proof-mark on under side of barrel. . starr single action percussion revolver. l. " rusty and lacks cylinder-stop. mother-of-pearl lozenge set in butt, with initials, "j. r. l.". this is the first piece that i bought when i started collecting. . cal. . remington percussion revolver. l. " "new model" of . . cal. from the crouse collection. . smith & wesson single action revolver. l. " the rare holster size. six inch barrel, six shots, . rim fire. presented by harry a. mcgraw, of the pennsylvania alpine club, altoona, pa. rosewood grips. this model was a favorite among northern officers during the civil war. . colt army revolver, model of . l. " bright finish, steel back-strap and brass trigger-guard, has a most beautiful burl-maple grip. notched for shoulder stock. . cal. in almost new condition, and is still quite accurate. from the vaughn collection. . colt navy revolver, model of . l. " octagon barrel. steel back-strap and trigger-guard. london proof-marks. . cal. from the meeks collection. . colt pocket revolver, model of . l. - / " . calibre, five shots. fluted cylinder. silver plated back-strap and trigger-guard (wearing). a trifle rusty. . colt single action army revolver. l. " sliding rod ejector. . calibre. in almost new condition. - / " barrel. . colt new army model revolver. l. " . calibre. ring in butt. type used by u. s. troops in the philippines. during the world war, this revolver was carried by an employe of the dupont powder company. . colt new army model revolver. . - cal. l. " a civilian gun, made for sale. differs from no. in several minor respects. . english webly "bull dog" revolver. l. " "p. webly and son, london and birmingham" on barrel, also, "the pug." probably a scotland yard gun, as it bears a painted number ( ) on the frame. . "defender" revolver. l. " a cheap and altogether worthless revolver of the type selling for . or $ . to gullibles during the period of - . from the crouse collection. . hopkins & allen "ranger no. " revolver. l. - / " nickel-plated, rubber grips, . rim fire. peculiar cylinder-pin-catch on side of frame. . single shot cartridge pistol. l. - / " "morgan & clapp, new haven, ct.," on top of octagon barrel. brass frame, barrel swings out to load on pressure on a stud under frame, rosewood grips, rear sight notched in hammer. presented by dr. l. m. nugent, of altoona. . small . calibre cartridge pistol. l. " said to be the smallest cartridge pistol ever made. barrel swings to side to load. rare. . allen & thurber pepperbox. l. - / " . cal. from the vaughn collection. . flintlock pocket pistol. l. - / " checkered and carved grip, round screw-off barrel, center hammer, sliding safety. frame nicely engraved. french. . belgian percussion pocket pistol. l. - / " octagon barrel. . belgian percussion pocket pistol. l. " round barrel. folding trigger. german silver tulip shaped name-plate. . american percussion pocket pistol. l. - / " round barrel. cheap, being made of cast-iron throughout. no marks except a serial number, . peculiarly simple mechanism. barrel stopped at breech, otherwise good. . philadelphia type derringer. l. - / " engraved german silver mountings. no marks. almost in new condition. . small american percussion pocket pistol. l. " full stock of curley maple. hickory ramrod. barrel is octagon, rifled deeply and about . calibre. brass and german silver mountings. barrel marked "fleeger, allegheny". lock marked "howells, philadelphia." possibly made for some riverboat captain or river gambler, and may have a bloody history. rare. . u. s. army luger automatic. . m/m cal. l. " same as no. , shoemaker collection. . u. s. civil war non-commissioned officer's sword. l. - / " straight blade, bronze hilt, with sheath. mark; "emerson & silver, trenton, n. j." . cavalry sabre. l. - / " with scabbard. bloodstains on guard. mark; "u. s. ". . pair of fencing foils. l. " cup guards, engraved blades, cord-wrapped hilts. marked "solingen". from sibley collection. . dagger. l. " brass cross-guard. ivory handle, carved in the shape of two clasped hands. very old, possibly sixteenth century. spanish or italian. . small dagger. l. " ebony handle, brass guard and pommel, sharp five-inch blade. made by taylor, of sheffield, and so marked. from the crouse collection. . full set of equipment for the penna. home defense police. blackjack, black-and-white striped armband, badge and whistle. these sets were issued during the world war to a rather ineffectual organization of citizens, supposed to aid in keeping order. at the close of the war, this organization was disbanded and the equipment turned in and disposed of. in time, they will become quite rare. . blackjack. l. " an old type. worn and broken in the middle. this blackjack was used by the father of the present owner to beat an improvised bass-drum during a celebration of the election of governor pattison in , at tyrone, pa., and it was broken at that time. . five bullet moulds. one casting a rifle-ball, sixty-five to the pound. one casting a round ball, about . calibre. one casting a ball for the tryon rifle, no. . two two-bullet moulds, casting round and conical bullets, one for a . and the other for a . colt. . brass twelve-bullet mould. l. " crude and evidently old. . powder horn. l. " fine age-coloring, shading from black and dark brown at tip to gray and orange. wooden screw-plug in base for filling. an extremely old horn, and rare in this unusual size. . zinc powder flask. l. " embossed design. originally a shotgun flask, but the charger has been re-lined, making it small enough for a revolver or light rifle. . old pistol horn. l. " finely polished and colored. plug in tip is not original, being made of red fibre. plug in base is of black walnut, neatly turned. . powder horn. l. - / " this horn was made by myself in , for use with my various muzzle-loading arms. it probably enjoys the distinction of being the last powder horn made in this state for practical use. finis [illustration] * * * * * transcriber's notes: the table of contents has been added. the typo concial was changed to conical in: . bullet mould. crude and evidently homemade. casts one conical bullet. . cal. a touch of e flat by joe gibson illustrated by dick francis [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from galaxy science fiction may . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] warning: never let anyone point any weapon at you; even something as harmless-looking as a water pistol--it may be a cooling gun! most people can find something wrong with the world, and some make a practice of it, but few people ever get the chance to do something about it--and those few usually go down in history with a resounding crash. well, it's been rather noisy around here. from the very beginning, it had been my intention to write this account. but i certainly hadn't intended to write it while residing under police surveillance in the recuperating ward of st. luke's memorial hospital. nor did i expect the interest and encouragement of the police officer who put me here. nonetheless, sgt. nicolas falasca of the ohio state police has been most helpful both in the many long discussions we have had and in procuring the notes and data from my laboratory for the preparation of this manuscript. but i'm afraid there shall be a considerable lot of me in this manuscript--which, i hastily assert, is not its purpose at all. my apologies for that. fact is, there's a considerable lot of me, as anyone can see. the term i rather prefer using is roly-poly. for the record, however, i am duly certified-at-birth as one albert jamieson cooling, to which has been added, by my own modest efforts, a few odd alphabetic symbols such as m.s. and ph.d. i am currently holding down a professorship at a small, privately endowed tech college, have some mentionable background in both nuclear physics and biochemistry, possess a choice collection of rather good jazz records, have a particular fondness for barbecued spareribs--and, of late, have become an inventor. if i've left something out, such as horn-rimmed glasses, then, by the point of my little black beard, it must be the wardrobe of sport jackets. wives? well, i've been tempted, but a professor's salary can't support alimony. * * * * * my discovery of the cooling effect itself came quite by accident. but twice now, that accident has almost killed me. it may be argued that this is no more than i should have expected, however, since the invention which "followed naturally" can only be called one thing. i have invented a new weapon. that's right--a cooling gun. but let it be said that because i was once a war scientist, my inventiveness must therefore tend toward weapons and i should be strongly tempted to reach for the nearest one available. the term war scientist has been used so much, and has grown so commonplace, that it has become universally accepted as the label for anyone who spent as little as six weeks in the old aec. i was in it for six years, and i voluntarily walked out. the official policies and inter-agency politics of that era seem of little consequence now, when we have three permanent space satellites circling the earth and one of them is russian. we're no longer in a weapons race; both sides have reached the ultimate weapon in that contest. nobody's hiding or betraying classified secrets any more. there's all that silicon-rich basalt waiting to be cheaply processed out on the moon, if we can only get there.... back in ' , the official news releases were still boasting how much bigger was each new toy we rolled out of the workshop, how much more terrible destruction it would wreak than the last one. that was hogwash dished out by our pr boys (and, on the other side, by the reds' propaganda ministry) simply because people didn't know any better. actually, our toys that made the biggest bang were the worst flops as weapons. you don't conquer an enemy by exterminating him. a hundred million corpses are no problem--just use bulldozers and they're out of the way. but a hundred million living, breathing, freezing, starving, filthy and ragged human beings can raise one hell of an uproar. and they usually do. some of us felt that we wouldn't need to knock off even a third of russia's major cities. much less, in fact. dr. charles whitney made the mistake of saying so. and they canned him. the scuttlebutt was that doc's conscience backfired. i know better; i saw the explosion. it was his patience, not his conscience. anyway, i turned in my resignation two weeks later. i walked out, kept my mouth shut and settled down to a small college professorship. i mention these events now simply because i believe it was there that the development of the cooling gun actually started. * * * * * i had begun to see what devastating weapons could never achieve. they _had_ deterred warfare, at least up to that august of , by their threat of utter destruction--and perhaps whitney deserved to get canned--but they offered no guarantee for the future. and they couldn't liberate a conquered nation or protect people from a dictator's secret police. it was time we had something better. (we did, of course, but only a small part of the aec was in on the development of atomic rockets.) until we did, i could sense that we were simply going through the motions. but it all began to go places fast with that cold research we were dabbling in, last semester. in fact, it was my fault that general atomics tossed that little problem into our cold lab here at webster tech--my own past service in the aec, my rather unusual background combining nuclear physics and biochemistry, and the post-grad crew i've managed to accumulate under my professorial wing. the whole deal was shoveled obligingly into my christmas stocking and the rest of the faculty obligingly left me to play with it--providing i continued to conduct my regular classes, of course. perhaps it's just as well i kept my hand in, though, because that line of research got rapidly nowhere. we found that materials which have their temperatures reduced to near-absolute zero are just plain cold. bring them into room temperature and strange things happen sometimes that isn't just them trying to warm up. it isn't friction-loss and it isn't radiation damage and it isn't entropy. it shows. there's a band of radiant energy somewhere between ultrasonics and radiant heat that hits fast and goes deep, and comes out just as fast, and it gets triggered off by whatever this is that happens with near-absolute zero objects subjected to room temperature. but the whole thing is so negligible that for most practical purposes it can be ignored. finding _that_ out cost general atomics thirty thousand dollars, but our kids in the cold lab had a ball rigging the mad scientist's super-disintegrator gizmo that reproduced the phenomenon. then, that night--it's nearly four months ago now--i was alone in the lab, just switched off the lights, about to close up and go home. and i stumbled over the corner of the thing. scrambling up, somehow i put my foot into it. and reaching out to grasp its frame, to steady myself, my hand hit the switch. it went on and i went out. it was still on--i thought--when i regained consciousness, spraddled out on the concrete floor. i pulled the switch open and jerked the cord out of the wall socket. * * * * * when i got home, there wasn't a bruise or a bump on my noggin. nor the faintest sign of a burn anywhere on my foot or leg or even on the sole of my shoe. that was a tuesday night. the next day, the lab remained closed. but that night, i went in, switched the lights on and studied the machine. it showed absolutely no sign of damage, no burned insulation, nothing. i stuck my hand into it and closed the switch. it came on with its usual quiet hum. nothing happened. it was almost a week before i heard that the janitor was still wondering who'd blown all the campus fuses on tuesday night. then i remembered that i hadn't switched the lights back on when i regained consciousness. i had been blinded when i switched them off, had stumbled over the machine, fallen, all the rest of it. but i'd come to with night vision, naturally. i saw well enough then by the moonlight streaming in the lab windows. all the lights--the machine, too--could have been off, with the fuses blown, without my noticing it. i had assumed the machine was on because its switch was closed, had opened the switch and jerked out the cord plug. what happened had therefore required a tremendous spurt of juice in the circuits, or else a heck of a lot less juice than we carry in our lab outlets. so i took home the prints on the rig and began making changes. which led to more changes. which resulted in some rather complicated mathematics to which we scientific chaps resort when the kind we teach in colleges just won't work out right. i got it: a very low power-input. and i got more. the thing is a sort of invisible ray. it can only be emitted, or broadcast, as a narrow beam from the muzzle-coils of a very fancy-looking electronic rig. low power is a must; more juice not only heats up the rig and smokes insulation, but it won't shoot the beam. i tested it on the black tulips (biochemical research project ) which i got to close up by the clock, not by the sun, last year (project -a) and their blossoms closed each time the beam touched them. the purple mushrooms which fluff their tops in radioactivity showed no effects. it works on a simple "a" battery. but there's a transistor hookup that behaves like no transistor. its molecular structure vibrates, which it shouldn't, and emits a sharp, keening note in the vicinity of e flat. a rather bulky muffler would be required, i'm afraid, to get rid of that noise. but the oddest thing, technically, is that invisible ray-beam. it hasn't any of the effects of electric shock. i'll not go into the electro-neurological aspects of that--nobody could understand it except, just possibly, a neurologist--but the simple fact is that this ray puts a victim to sleep instantly _and it doesn't do anything else_! no blockages or convulsions of nerve ganglia, not even a temporary catharsis of "mild" shock! apparently it gallops up the "white matter" of the nervous system quite harmlessly, then smacks the "gray matter"--the brain, the spinal column--a good wallop. painlessly. in short, the victim just flops over and snores up a half-hour or so, and then awakens as if from a short nap, though perhaps with some puzzlement. there is no injury whatsoever. * * * * * naturally i wanted to find out how the cooling effect worked and why--though i may never learn _what_ it is. hypnosis? artificially induced, instantaneous sleep? (victims can be handled without awakening.) of course, i was curious. i'd have gone through it step by step for my own satisfaction, even if somebody else had already done it before. nobody had--and it wasn't easy. during the rest of the term, even through final exams, i devoted every spare moment to the cooling effect. even so, it took another two months' hot sweat--the summer vacation's practically gone now--to get those final diagrams onto my drawing board. but once i did, there it was, at least its basic circuits and components. all i needed was to juggle them around, coax them into a slim, tubular case, put a carved butt on it containing the "a" battery and give it a push-button trigger. with that data, any good bench-hand in an electrical repair shop could have done the job. i fashioned it out of plastic and odds and ends in my basement laboratory. a glance in the telephone red book gave me the number of a local breeding farm and a call soon brought a pair of fat, inquisitive guinea pigs in a small, wire-screened carrying cage. beyond the patio wall, my house sides directly on open pasturage, and beyond that, lower in the valley, the alfalfa field begins. with a brisk pacing off of a base-line and some rough, splay-thumbed triangulation, i soon determined my new weapon's effectiveness from point-blank range to a thousand yards--on guinea pigs, that is. at nine hundred yards, it still knocked them over for the count. at a thousand yards, it had no effect whatever, so far as i could determine through field glasses. the animals gave no sign that they even noticed it. that, plus the nature of the mechanism, indicates its application is definitely limited. whether you make it small enough to fit a lady's purse or as big as an atomic cannon, its maximum effective range will still remain yards. and not just on guinea pigs. i already knew from my own experience what it does to a man at close range. blowing the fuses on the whole campus had been the real danger there, however. had it been the slightest bit different, even to the position of my foot in that big machine, i should certainly have been electrocuted that night. that was the first time it almost killed me. * * * * * the cooling effect is worthless as an anesthetic for surgery. while the sleeping guinea pigs don't awaken when i pick them up out of their cage and handle them, even pulling their legs, they do struggle. they resist, like sleeping animals, not wanting to be disturbed. still, i pinched them and bounced them and they invariably slept through an approximate half-hour. it's shock, and it isn't. it's sleep, and it isn't. but i certainly knew it was a weapon. a new weapon. and man alive, _what_ a weapon! i turned the guinea pigs loose in the patio, let them scamper, then tumbled them both with a quick sweep of the beam. * * * * * one man in ambush could knock over a whole company of marching troops! the guns could be mounted on tripods with a rotating mechanism that kept them sweeping the area constantly. anyone who approached within yards would go down--then wake up, climb back to their feet, and go down again every half-hour. man or animal. the guns could be strung out to cover a whole sector, then wired to a single main switch--and one lone observer could stop an infantry advance. but they wouldn't stop guided missiles or even mortar fire. nor would they deflect through peepholes on a tank or pillbox. there isn't quite that much "scatter" from the beam reflecting off a hard surface. however, there is some--i fired through the wire-screen openings of the cage and had the beam glance directly off the back wall, often knocking the guinea pigs down without hitting them directly. it went through a handkerchief easily, even when folded thick. a thin glass tumbler, however, stopped it. you could take cover from it almost anywhere--if you knew when you were going to be shot at. you could wear a light plastic armor--if the joints were sealed and you kept it hooked to about a fifty-pound air-condition unit. no problem at all if you ride a motor scooter. it wouldn't stop an invading army, but it could certainly raise the devil with the occupation. almost anyone could make the gun. given the components of a pocket radio, a few pieces of copper wire, a few sticks of chewing gum and a penknife, i could whittle one out of wood or put it into a plastic toy water-pistol. but what the armed forces _don't_ want right now is a new secret weapon! they have their manned satellite now, keeping its vigil over the arsenals of earth, their big atomic missiles ready to jump off against preset targets--but with the frightful unknown of deep space chilling their backsides. and, too, i can imagine trying to sell those generals on something that won't even stop a tank. i'm afraid i forgot to shut off the kitchen monitor that night. the servos dished out the dinner menu i'd dialed before noon, then whisked it away when it got cold. i noticed it when the waste processor's stuttering hum went on a bit longer than usual. * * * * * i realized all too clearly what a predicament i was in. the armed forces would undoubtedly suppress my invention. their lives are nightmarish enough already--not knowing what they'll find out in space or how it will affect matters. what's more, they would suppress _me_! there are certain retroactive clauses in that contract i signed with the aec which would do the job with complete legality. a nice little hideaway, then, with nothing for miles but security guards, radar traps, trip-wires and electric fences. but that was the kindest fate i could expect. quite a number of assorted big and small dictators might like my head blown off. the most obvious alternative was to suppress the invention myself. to destroy all traces of my experiments and forget about it. to convince myself the world wasn't ready for it. it's quite possible i might have--if i hadn't kept forgetting to shut off things--and if not for an unsavory little group. there is small chance that big jake claggett and his three henchmen will ever be remembered for their unwitting contribution to science and the future of mankind. in fact, their contribution can be accepted as the merest coincidence--unless you discount big jake's liking for foreign sports cars. but that came later. we always have had criminals and crime, and it just happened that claggett's gang were the big news that day. it could as easily have been some other bunch of crooks. anyway, when nine p.m. rolled around, my wall tv burst into its customary serenade of sound and color, timed for just enough of the opening commercial to let me settle down to watch mr. winkle's news commentary. it was august rd, . at two o'clock that afternoon, big jake claggett and his gang robbed the bellefontaine county savings bank and got away with $ , . one of the gang clubbed the elderly bank guard senseless with the barrel of his revolver. the guard was hospitalized for a possible skull fracture. witnesses said big jake cursed the gunman who struck the guard, warning him to "get hold of himself!" that was enough for me. the world had to be given my new weapon. (i'm even more convinced of it now, after discussing it with sgt. falasca. practically every professional criminal in this country would give almost anything for the cooling gun. then they could commit armed robbery with no risk of earning a murder rap!) i could see that both criminals and police officers would welcome it and for one simple reason. it doesn't kill, maim or injure. even if it should cause a tremendous increase in robberies and similar crimes, its victims wouldn't be dead. better a hundred robberies than one man's death. besides, i had a notion that i could discourage its criminal use. * * * * * first i had to prevent its suppression. solve that problem and there wouldn't be any reason i couldn't manufacture the pistols, advertise them, and sell them exactly as any firearms company can sell . rifles. except that i should probably do better to arrange for their manufacture by some established firm. that was when i began planning to write this. there is just one condition under which no secret can be suppressed--_when it ceases to be a secret!_ it took preparation. the roughed-out diagrams and scribbled notes a man uses in research are hardly suitable for publication. technical specifications had to be phrased in clear, understandable terms. the complete data took nearly two weeks to reach final draft. also, it seemed best to establish the importance, and at least imply the probable consequences, of this publication. and then, obviously, i had to find a publisher. that one had me stumped. furthermore, i suspect it might still have me stumped if i did not now have the full support of the governor and the state police of ohio. _these police officers want cooling guns!_ but even back then, while i was still the only man on earth who knew about it, i managed to formulate a solution of sorts. any publisher would be scared of the thing while only he and i and the printers knew about it. he'd be risking a federal injunction, at the very least, even to consider publishing it. but if it were no longer a secret and simply not yet _common knowledge_, most publishers would grab it. if, for example, some manufacturing firm had already considered it and was planning to put cooling guns into production.... dr. charles whitney is currently the president and chief stockholder of the cleveland atomic equipment company, which designs and manufactures special tools and equipment for nuclear power companies, radiation labs and universities throughout the midwest. he started the business after his dismissal from the aec and built it up gradually over the ensuing ten years. we have some of his tools at webster tech. then, too, whitney and i had maintained a cursory, but friendly contact through the years, so naturally i thought of him first. he had the production layout for the job; what's more, he had the guts to go through with it. all i had to do was sell him on it. unfortunately, by then i was scared silly. i was the furtive, sneaky little man whose invention would change the world. i contacted dr. whitney with a simple televisor call--but instead of suggesting a perfectly normal appointment at his office, i had to swear him to secrecy and arrange a clandestine meeting in the country! i wonder he didn't consult an almanac to see if there wasn't a full moon that night. in fact, i wonder that he came at all. it was pouring rain. * * * * * at least six hours are still required to reach indian lake in dry weather, even allowing the federal freeway's mph speed limit. once through the columbus turnoff, you have to double back westward and northward through a hilly, rural country with twisting county roads. you must have excellent driving ability to average more than mph--and it won't be much more--over that maze of roads. when they're wet, you need driving ability just to stay on them. i'd worked late the night before, arranging my material for this meeting, and didn't arise until noon. one glance at the sky's heavy overcast told me what to expect. the weather reports confirmed it. the world proceeded about its own business, of course, thoroughly indifferent to a worried man eating his belated breakfast. i was so completely _alone_! if i felt any sense of foreboding, stuffing articles into my pockets, picking up the guinea pigs' case and going out to the car, i couldn't distinguish it from my feeling of gloom. perhaps i did, since the world's affairs caught up with me quite forcibly that night. i met the rain before i was halfway up the freeway and had to cut speed clear down to . the old hotel on indian lake was my natural choice for a rendezvous, since it was a gutted ruin in abandoned backwoods--though "abandoned" isn't exactly true. local residents still fish the lake and there are a few homes around the shore area. strictly speaking, the region has simply changed with the times. today, you can't get past the toll-gate onto a federal freeway unless you have a federal driver's license and your vehicle inspection sticker is up to date--which changed more things, i think, than nuclear power and industrial automation. * * * * * when people suddenly couldn't drive across the country in any junkheap with a nut at the wheel, it became a mark of distinction just to _live_ in the country. that's what made more rural jobs--the small community shopping centers springing up, products having to be shipped out to them, the growth of rural power and water systems--when work in the cities got scarce, with automation taking over the factories. but it hit the small resort areas especially hard. more people are vacationing in the cities now than at the seashore or mountains! i hadn't been out to the lake in years, but i had less trouble finding my way this time than ever before. the influx of new home-builders has considerably improved the road signs around there, both in number and accuracy, and that's all you need in a porsche apache. my little blue speedster takes those narrow, rain-slicked county roads like a skid row bum making the saloon circuit with a brand new ten-dollar bill. the only real problem is getting around those armor-sided detroit mastodons that can't decide which end is the front. anyway, driving kept me too busy to think much of anything else. but i made good time--better than i expected--and it wasn't long after dark when my headlights cut through the sheeting rain to pick out the fire-blackened ruin of the hotel. i jounced the little porsche around the deep-rutted drive and parked next to the empty frame building that had once been the restaurant and bar. i had plenty of time to think, for dr. whitney didn't arrive until two hours later. it was sometime during those two hours that the claggett gang smashed their way through a police roadblock just outside lima, their guns blasting reply to the machine-gun bullets peppering their big sedan. two policemen were seriously wounded; one died on the way to the hospital. shortly afterward, the bullet-riddled sedan was found by the roadside, but only one of the gang was in it. he was dead. and some time later, a call aroused sgt. falasca from a sound sleep. he didn't even take time to don his state police uniform, but merely pulled a trenchcoat on over his pajamas, got his revolver out of the bureau drawer, and kissed his wife on the way out the front door. he had three other state troopers to pick up, off-duty as he was, before proceeding to the assembly point at lima. the claggett gang had split up, some of them probably wounded, each of them armed and more dangerous than ever. they were wanted for murder now. * * * * * dr. whitney made the trip by helicopter, of course--the head of a scientific instrument company must keep up appearances. he'd waited as long as he could, hoping the weather might clear, then had taken off on instruments and reached the lake by adf gridmap. he settled to the lake surface and crept in to shore, his landing lights probing the thick curtains of rain. i heard the hollow roar of his turbine, rather than the throb of his rotor blades, and hurried around the slanting wing of the old hotel to meet him. the lakefront presented a macabre view that wrenched at my memory. the desolate, cracked-stucco walls with the black holes of their windows rising from mounds of rubble beside me, a weed-grown lawn and a straggle of trees half-masking the lake--stark-looking trees now, in the 'copter's landing lights--and a small boat-dock leaning half into the black water. once, as a rather obnoxious young high-school student, i had seen this lakefront on just such a night. a steady rain fell, lightning flickered, and thunder blasted its anger ... and, for a moment, i saw it as it had been, with that grand old british pioneer of space flight, arthur c. clarke, standing out there in the pelting rain with his camera, taking pictures of the lightning! dr. whitney brought his sleek craft over the treetops and settled neatly into the small space that remained of the lawn, his rotor tips almost nicking the crumbled walls of the hotel. it was a plexi-nosed, three-place executive ship--a bell, i think. a lot of people prefer flying. they must fly specific air routes and airfield traffic patterns; and with airfields so crowded, they have trouble finding a place to park. it's not for me. but dr. whitney had heard the newscasts on the way out. i don't recall what was said at our meeting. it was rather uncomfortable, under the circumstances--the more so for me, i think, as those circumstances were my own making. but when we'd rounded the hotel and entered the old restaurant-bar, i recall whitney's jocular approval. "well, we're cozy enough here," he said. "so long as the claggett gang doesn't drop in on us!" that was how i heard of the night's happenings. when he saw that his remark puzzled me, he related the news while i was setting things up for our conference. we were in the back room, which had once been the bar--the front section, formerly the restaurant, had had windows all around, which now formed an unbroken gap with a chill wind whistling through it. the place was stripped bare of its former fixtures, but some unsung fisherman had provided the old barroom with a rickety table and several pressed-board boxes to sit on. i had a coleman radiant heat lantern which i swung from a ceiling wire hook, a plastic sheet which i threw across the table, and a couple of patio chair cushions for the boxes. it took some shifting about to get everything out of the way of several roof leaks, and i had to choose a sturdy box for myself, first testing a few. * * * * * i can well imagine the thoughts and emotions struggling through dr. whitney's mind then, but he showed none of them. it was i, rather, with my clumsy movements, the pauses to polish my glasses, the lump i kept trying to swallow, who took so long to face up to it. but finally we were ready. i took out my notebook and opened it upon the table before me. whitney's frosty eyebrows raised. then he quietly reached inside his own topcoat, produced his notebook and pen, and laid the notebook open before him. it was a gesture of an almost-forgotten past, but a habit neither of us had ever abandoned. something about it--the reminder of countless aec conferences we had both attended--had a steadying effect on me. i placed my pistol in the center of the table. the guinea pigs' cage was on the floor before us. i told what i had to tell. then i went to the cage, removed one of the animals and tucked it into my pocket. returning to the table, i picked up the pistol and fired at the cage. the shrill e flat note pierced the rushing sound of the rain. whitney rose and went to the cage. gently removing the little creature, he felt it a moment, then nodded. "asleep," he said, and replaced it in the cage. looking over my notes, i see that considerable space would be required to cover the entire interrogation which followed. also, i see that i failed to note down the almost gradual change in my old friend's demeanor--from his calm, quiet manner at first to the keen-eyed excitement of his flushed features, his rapid-fire questions at the end. i shall, instead, give some examples of that discussion. "the guinea pigs sleep for only a half-hour? always a half-hour?" "yes. it never varies much. a minute or so each way." "if you--uh--shoot one, then shoot it again, does that prolong its sleep any?" "not at all! still only a half-hour, no matter how many times you shoot them while they sleep." "ummm. that could indicate sleep is the brain's defense mechanism against the effects of your ray. a successful defense, it would seem. they show _no_ after-effects of this?" "none whatever. they've begun to associate it with the pistol, though. each time i point the pistol at them, they get mad--" "you mean angry? they aren't _afraid_ of it?" "certainly not afraid! one in my pocket here tries burrowing into corners, making furious grunting sounds. the other one usually just stands and glares at me." "how about when they wake up?" "well, generally, their first reaction is to keep a sharp eye out for me--and the pistol." "wary, eh? damned inconvenient, i suppose, getting knocked asleep all the time. but it certainly doesn't seem to hurt them. what about mental disturbance?" "no obvious aberrations. but i don't know--" "yes, they're only guinea pigs. hardly be satisfactory to the american medical association, among others. take years of research to determine its absolute safety--" "but it should be released to the public now!" "why?" "because its harmful effects, if any, are very likely to be insignificant--or we'd have no doubts about their existence." "that assumption _could_ be dangerous." "yes. but there's something else, too. this new weapon will replace firearms--which certainly _do_ inflict injury, even death." "ah, society's application of it--" and dr. whitney took several minutes to digest that aspect. i outlined my plans to him. * * * * * he was incredulous at first, then frankly aghast. "you expect me to _mass-produce_ that thing?" i said i hoped he would. he then commenced raking me over the coals in a most fitting and proper manner. didn't i realize what i had created? my visions of it freeing peoples from police-state enslavement were all fine and good, and it might conceivably have such result; but what i had here was nothing more than _the most fiendish instrument ever inflicted upon human society_! what did i think it might do in the hands of muggers, sex offenders, pickpockets, burglars or worse? why, our whole civilized culture would be thrown into chaos! no person would dare ever be alone, for fear of ambush. no one could sleep without someone else standing watch! no man could defend his own possessions, no woman could keep her chastity, unless people were around them, watching them _every moment of their lives_! goods could no longer be transported without heavy guard. the wealthy--who could afford it--would have to live in massive, well-guarded fortresses. the rest of us would be like the feudal serf, with nothing worth stealing and quite accustomed to having his daughters raped. _we'd be thrown back into the dark ages!_ i nodded agreement to everything he said. then i took the guinea pig from my pocket, held it squirming, and fastened a little collar about its neck. i unwound a wire from the plastic disc on the collar so dr. whitney could see it. he instantly recognized the tiny node on the wire as a miniature microphone. "remember how you determined that the other pig was asleep?" i asked. i taped the tiny node to the artery on the pig's neck, carried it over to the cage, and placed it inside. "i call this my 'hey, rube!'" i explained, grinning. "but imagine it as a little wrist radio transmitter, worn by everyone who requests them, tuned to the police broadcast frequency. radio df could pinpoint the location in seconds." going back to the table, i picked up the pistol. "this one's just for demonstration," i added, and fired at the cage. as the guinea pig slumped beside its companion, the disc on its collar emitted a harsh, buzzing noise. whitney chuckled. "slowed heartbeat, eh? simple as that!" "and better than any burglar alarm," i pointed out. "this one needn't sit still while some crook disconnects it!" * * * * * he pointed out, of course, that this might destroy its usefulness to people in a police-state. the dictator's police and troops could wear "hey, rube!" radios, too. i replied that all the people's underground fighters would need is a cooling pistol and a saw-edged meat knife. one man could knock over a whole platoon and cut their heel-tendons in minutes. "the american indians used to collect scalps in less time!" i said. "but a wounded man's more trouble to the enemy than a dead one. i think the heel-tendon would be easiest." perhaps it was a bit out of character for me. whitney looked at me for a long moment, and blinked. both eyes, tight. but still he didn't think much of my plans. his subsequent suggestions were far more rational, however, than the ones i had evolved through fear. first, we didn't really know the armed forces _would_ suppress this gun. they were completely involved in their problems of space flight and military satellites; there probably wasn't anyone left in washington who was even looking for secret weapons now. and we just might get this gun through while they weren't looking. he suggested, therefore, that i attempt to patent my invention. but that we should take adequate safeguards: i must handle all patent correspondence through his office. then, if the armed forces clamped down, they'd come there first--and he could tip me off in time to escape. i'd have to flee the country. but at least i'd be free and we could adopt other measures for bringing out the gun. it would be pointless now to disclose what other plans and arrangements we made. it's enough to say i agreed. the discussion then turned to further speculation of what the future might be with the cooling gun. whitney was not at all convinced it would be good, but, rather, that neither we nor any group of men had the right to decide what humanity should or should not do. he had strong doubts that it would mean the end of dictatorship. "dictators dream world conquest, and dreams like that breed war," he said. "but they aren't the only ones to blame. you'll find people who _like_ dictatorships!" but the truth was that most of humanity didn't want to get involved, never realizing that that involved them more than anything else could. it was at approximately this time, so far as i can determine, that big jake claggett and one of his henchmen walked up to a service station where a porsche speedster was getting gas. they clubbed the station attendant unconscious, hauled the driver out of the little sports car and took off in it. dr. whitney left me with a problem. what could be done to keep people alert? it is this one thing that will determine the cooling gun's effect on the world--whether as an instrument of crime or protection for the weak, the innocent. where people are complacent, it will be a boon to thieves and revolutionaries. where people are alert-- but what could keep us alert? * * * * * driving back, i was preoccupied, hardly conscious of the little car's deft progress over the slick roads. it was almost with a feeling of detached interest that i saw the black skid-marks at the bottom of the hill--then, with chill shock, the dark bulk of the sedan on its side in the ditch. i was slowing when a flashlight beam raked outward from the car, showing crumpled metal and broken headlights. one figure, perhaps two, were standing behind it. another one, a man in a trenchcoat, mud-splattered almost to his hips, was walking onto the road in front of me, flagging me down. "get out of that car!" there were exasperation and rage in his voice, an expression of utter fury on his face. he stood just at the edge of my headlights' glare, not directly in it, with his hands thrust deep in his pockets. there was that. there was the speed of the sedan, as evidenced by its skid-marks. my mind leaped instantly to one nerve-shattering conclusion-- and i felt absolutely calm. i can't explain that. it may have been that the night's events had already drained me of tense emotion. _they're armed_, i thought, _but so am i! and i have a weapon that can get them all with one sweep--_ this, while i opened the door and climbed out. while i thrust my hand into my own pocket. i whipped out the little pistol. one instant, he was standing still, hands thrust in the wet trenchcoat. the next, a heavy revolver exploded at his hip. a sledgehammer caught me in the right side, knocked me reeling. it occurred to me then, lying there on the road, cold rain pelting my face, a warm wetness spreading along my side. i had met the one pitfall we shall never escape in a pistol-packing society: the man who's faster with a gun than you are! bending over me, sgt. nicolas falasca picked up the little plastic cooling gun and straightened up, peering at it, scowling. "what the hell!" he muttered. i was rather inclined to agree. * * * * * naturally, this had to be told. the state of ohio wants cooling guns for its police officers; after this, other states will undoubtedly follow suit. the armed forces don't want to suppress it. and dr. whitney will start production in just another week. they've been very decent about paying my hospital bills and seeing that nothing else happens to me. even though sgt. falasca was saddled with the latter responsibility, i must repeat that he's treated me very well. the future will depend a lot on men like him. as for the rest--i've been assured that the guinea pigs were honorably retired to the breeding farm; nurse wouldn't let me keep them here. everyone knows of the violent end of the claggett gang. i want to state vigorously at this point that, despite widespread public belief, neither i nor the cooling gun had anything whatsoever to do with it. i never at any time even saw claggett or any member of his gang. their unwitting contribution was the alerting of sgt. falasca and the rest of the police, and, as i mentioned at the beginning of this account, claggett's stealing a porsche like mine because he was fond of sports cars. that's the whole of the story, except for one additional item: this is scheduled to appear at the same time as the plans and specifications for the cooling gun. you'll find them given as premiums with safety razors, breakfast cereals, cigarettes and other articles. i wish to thank the manufacturers for their kind cooperation. this etext was produced from space science fiction september . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. [illustration] the variable man by philip k. dick illustrated by ebel he fixed things--clocks, refrigerators, vidsenders and destinies. but he had no business in the future, where the calculators could not handle him. he was earth's only hope--and its sure failure! security commissioner reinhart rapidly climbed the front steps and entered the council building. council guards stepped quickly aside and he entered the familiar place of great whirring machines. his thin face rapt, eyes alight with emotion, reinhart gazed intently up at the central srb computer, studying its reading. "straight gain for the last quarter," observed kaplan, the lab organizer. he grinned proudly, as if personally responsible. "not bad, commissioner." "we're catching up to them," reinhart retorted. "but too damn slowly. we must finally go over--and soon." kaplan was in a talkative mood. "we design new offensive weapons, they counter with improved defenses. and nothing is actually made! continual improvement, but neither we nor centaurus can stop designing long enough to stabilize for production." "it will end," reinhart stated coldly, "as soon as terra turns out a weapon for which centaurus can build no defense." "every weapon has a defense. design and discord. immediate obsolescence. nothing lasts long enough to--" "what we count on is the _lag_," reinhart broke in, annoyed. his hard gray eyes bored into the lab organizer and kaplan slunk back. "the time lag between our offensive design and their counter development. the lag varies." he waved impatiently toward the massed banks of srb machines. "as you well know." at this moment, : am, may , , the statistical ratio on the srb machines stood at - on the centauran side of the ledger. all facts considered, the odds favored a successful repulsion by proxima centaurus of a terran military attack. the ratio was based on the total information known to the srb machines, on a gestalt of the vast flow of data that poured in endlessly from all sectors of the sol and centaurus systems. - on the centauran side. but a month ago it had been - in the enemy's favor. things were improving, slowly but steadily. centaurus, older and less virile than terra, was unable to match terra's rate of technocratic advance. terra was pulling ahead. "if we went to war now," reinhart said thoughtfully, "we would lose. we're not far enough along to risk an overt attack." a harsh, ruthless glow twisted across his handsome features, distorting them into a stern mask. "but the odds are moving in our favor. our offensive designs are gradually gaining on their defenses." "let's hope the war comes soon," kaplan agreed. "we're all on edge. this damn waiting...." the war would come soon. reinhart knew it intuitively. the air was full of tension, the _elan_. he left the srb rooms and hurried down the corridor to his own elaborately guarded office in the security wing. it wouldn't be long. he could practically feel the hot breath of destiny on his neck--for him a pleasant feeling. his thin lips set in a humorless smile, showing an even line of white teeth against his tanned skin. it made him feel good, all right. he'd been working at it a long time. first contact, a hundred years earlier, had ignited instant conflict between proxima centauran outposts and exploring terran raiders. flash fights, sudden eruptions of fire and energy beams. and then the long, dreary years of inaction between enemies where contact required years of travel, even at nearly the speed of light. the two systems were evenly matched. screen against screen. warship against power station. the centauran empire surrounded terra, an iron ring that couldn't be broken, rusty and corroded as it was. radical new weapons had to be conceived, if terra was to break out. through the windows of his office, reinhart could see endless buildings and streets, terrans hurrying back and forth. bright specks that were commute ships, little eggs that carried businessmen and white-collar workers around. the huge transport tubes that shot masses of workmen to factories and labor camps from their housing units. all these people, waiting to break out. waiting for the day. reinhart snapped on his vidscreen, the confidential channel. "give me military designs," he ordered sharply. * * * * * he sat tense, his wiry body taut, as the vidscreen warmed into life. abruptly he was facing the hulking image of peter sherikov, director of the vast network of labs under the ural mountains. sherikov's great bearded features hardened as he recognized reinhart. his bushy black eyebrows pulled up in a sullen line. "what do you want? you know i'm busy. we have too much work to do, as it is. without being bothered by--politicians." "i'm dropping over your way," reinhart answered lazily. he adjusted the cuff of his immaculate gray cloak. "i want a full description of your work and whatever progress you've made." "you'll find a regular departmental report plate filed in the usual way, around your office someplace. if you'll refer to that you'll know exactly what we--" "i'm not interested in that. i want to _see_ what you're doing. and i expect you to be prepared to describe your work fully. i'll be there shortly. half an hour." * * * * * reinhart cut the circuit. sherikov's heavy features dwindled and faded. reinhart relaxed, letting his breath out. too bad he had to work with sherikov. he had never liked the man. the big polish scientist was an individualist, refusing to integrate himself with society. independent, atomistic in outlook. he held concepts of the individual as an end, diametrically contrary to the accepted organic state weltansicht. but sherikov was the leading research scientist, in charge of the military designs department. and on designs the whole future of terra depended. victory over centaurus--or more waiting, bottled up in the sol system, surrounded by a rotting, hostile empire, now sinking into ruin and decay, yet still strong. reinhart got quickly to his feet and left the office. he hurried down the hall and out of the council building. a few minutes later he was heading across the mid-morning sky in his highspeed cruiser, toward the asiatic land-mass, the vast ural mountain range. toward the military designs labs. sherikov met him at the entrance. "look here, reinhart. don't think you're going to order me around. i'm not going to--" "take it easy." reinhart fell into step beside the bigger man. they passed through the check and into the auxiliary labs. "no immediate coercion will be exerted over you or your staff. you're free to continue your work as you see fit--for the present. let's get this straight. my concern is to integrate your work with our total social needs. as long as your work is sufficiently productive--" reinhart stopped in his tracks. "pretty, isn't he?" sherikov said ironically. "what the hell is it? "icarus, we call him. remember the greek myth? the legend of icarus. icarus flew.... this icarus is going to fly, one of these days." sherikov shrugged. "you can examine him, if you want. i suppose this is what you came here to see." reinhart advanced slowly. "this is the weapon you've been working on?" "how does he look?" rising up in the center of the chamber was a squat metal cylinder, a great ugly cone of dark gray. technicians circled around it, wiring up the exposed relay banks. reinhart caught a glimpse of endless tubes and filaments, a maze of wires and terminals and parts criss-crossing each other, layer on layer. "what is it?" reinhart perched on the edge of a workbench, leaning his big shoulders against the wall. "an idea of jamison hedge--the same man who developed our instantaneous interstellar vidcasts forty years ago. he was trying to find a method of faster than light travel when he was killed, destroyed along with most of his work. after that ftl research was abandoned. it looked as if there were no future in it." "wasn't it shown that nothing could travel faster than light?" "the interstellar vidcasts do! no, hedge developed a valid ftl drive. he managed to propel an object at fifty times the speed of light. but as the object gained speed, its length began to diminish and its mass increased. this was in line with familiar twentieth-century concepts of mass-energy transformation. we conjectured that as hedge's object gained velocity it would continue to lose length and gain mass until its length became nil and its mass infinite. nobody can imagine such an object." "go on." "but what actually occurred is this. hedge's object continued to lose length and gain mass until it reached the theoretical limit of velocity, the speed of light. at that point the object, still gaining speed, simply ceased to exist. having no length, it ceased to occupy space. it disappeared. however, the object had not been _destroyed_. it continued on its way, gaining momentum each moment, moving in an arc across the galaxy, away from the sol system. hedge's object entered some other realm of being, beyond our powers of conception. the next phase of hedge's experiment consisted in a search for some way to slow the ftl object down, back to a sub-ftl speed, hence back into our universe. this counterprinciple was eventually worked out." "with what result?" "the death of hedge and destruction of most of his equipment. his experimental object, in re-entering the space-time universe, came into being in space already occupied by matter. possessing an incredible mass, just below infinity level, hedge's object exploded in a titanic cataclysm. it was obvious that no space travel was possible with such a drive. virtually all space contains _some_ matter. to re-enter space would bring automatic destruction. hedge had found his ftl drive and his counterprinciple, but no one before this has been able to put them to any use." reinhart walked over toward the great metal cylinder. sherikov jumped down and followed him. "i don't get it," reinhart said. "you said the principle is no good for space travel." "that's right." "what's this for, then? if the ship explodes as soon as it returns to our universe--" "this is not a ship." sherikov grinned slyly. "icarus is the first practical application of hedge's principles. icarus is a bomb." "so this is our weapon," reinhart said. "a bomb. an immense bomb." "a bomb, moving at a velocity greater than light. a bomb which will not exist in our universe. the centaurans won't be able to detect or stop it. how could they? as soon as it passes the speed of light it will cease to exist--beyond all detection." "but--" "icarus will be launched outside the lab, on the surface. he will align himself with proxima centaurus, gaining speed rapidly. by the time he reaches his destination he will be traveling at ftl- . icarus will be brought back to this universe within centaurus itself. the explosion should destroy the star and wash away most of its planets--including their central hub-planet, armun. there is no way they can halt icarus, once he has been launched. no defense is possible. nothing can stop him. it is a real fact." "when will he be ready?" sherikov's eyes flickered. "soon." "exactly how soon?" the big pole hesitated. "as a matter of fact, there's only one thing holding us back." sherikov led reinhart around to the other side of the lab. he pushed a lab guard out of the way. "see this?" he tapped a round globe, open at one end, the size of a grapefruit. "this is holding us up." "what is it?" "the central control turret. this thing brings icarus back to sub-ftl flight at the correct moment. it must be absolutely accurate. icarus will be within the star only a matter of a microsecond. if the turret does not function exactly, icarus will pass out the other side and shoot beyond the centauran system." "how near completed is this turret?" sherikov hedged uncertainly, spreading out his big hands. "who can say? it must be wired with infinitely minute equipment--microscope grapples and wires invisible to the naked eye." "can you name any completion date?" sherikov reached into his coat and brought out a manila folder. "i've drawn up the data for the srb machines, giving a date of completion. you can go ahead and feed it. i entered ten days as the maximum period. the machines can work from that." reinhart accepted the folder cautiously. "you're sure about the date? i'm not convinced i can trust you, sherikov." sherikov's features darkened. "you'll have to take a chance, commissioner. i don't trust you any more than you trust me. i know how much you'd like an excuse to get me out of here and one of your puppets in." reinhart studied the huge scientist thoughtfully. sherikov was going to be a hard nut to crack. designs was responsible to security, not the council. sherikov was losing ground--but he was still a potential danger. stubborn, individualistic, refusing to subordinate his welfare to the general good. "all right." reinhart put the folder slowly away in his coat. "i'll feed it. but you better be able to come through. there can't be any slip-ups. too much hangs on the next few days." "if the odds change in our favor are you going to give the mobilization order?" "yes," reinhart stated. "i'll give the order the moment i see the odds change." * * * * * standing in front of the machines, reinhart waited nervously for the results. it was two o'clock in the afternoon. the day was warm, a pleasant may afternoon. outside the building the daily life of the planet went on as usual. as usual? not exactly. the feeling was in the air, an expanding excitement growing every day. terra had waited a long time. the attack on proxima centaurus had to come--and the sooner the better. the ancient centauran empire hemmed in terra, bottled the human race up in its one system. a vast, suffocating net draped across the heavens, cutting terra off from the bright diamonds beyond.... and it had to end. the srb machines whirred, the visible combination disappearing. for a time no ratio showed. reinhart tensed, his body rigid. he waited. the new ratio appeared. reinhart gasped. - . toward terra! within five minutes the emergency mobilization alert had been flashed to all government departments. the council and president duffe had been called to immediate session. everything was happening fast. but there was no doubt. - . in terra's favor. reinhart hurried frantically to get his papers in order, in time for the council session. at histo-research the message plate was quickly pulled from the confidential slot and rushed across the central lab to the chief official. "look at this!" fredman dropped the plate on his superior's desk. "look at it!" harper picked up the plate, scanning it rapidly. "sounds like the real thing. i didn't think we'd live to see it." fredman left the room, hurrying down the hall. he entered the time bubble office. "where's the bubble?" he demanded, looking around. one of the technicians looked slowly up. "back about two hundred years. we're coming up with interesting data on the war of . according to material the bubble has already brought up--" "cut it. we're through with routine work. get the bubble back to the present. from now on all equipment has to be free for military work." "but--the bubble is regulated automatically." "you can bring it back manually." "it's risky." the technician hedged. "if the emergency requires it, i suppose we could take a chance and cut the automatic." "the emergency requires _everything_," fredman said feelingly. "but the odds might change back," margaret duffe, president of the council, said nervously. "any minute they can revert." "this is our chance!" reinhart snapped, his temper rising. "what the hell's the matter with you? we've waited years for this." the council buzzed with excitement. margaret duffe hesitated uncertainly, her blue eyes clouded with worry. "i realize the opportunity is here. at least, statistically. but the new odds have just appeared. how do we know they'll last? they stand on the basis of a single weapon." "you're wrong. you don't grasp the situation." reinhart held himself in check with great effort. "sherikov's weapon tipped the ratio in our favor. but the odds have been moving in our direction for months. it was only a question of time. the new balance was inevitable, sooner or later. it's not just sherikov. he's only one factor in this. it's all nine planets of the sol system--not a single man." one of the councilmen stood up. "the president must be aware the entire planet is eager to end this waiting. all our activities for the past eighty years have been directed toward--" reinhart moved close to the slender president of the council. "if you don't approve the war, there probably will be mass rioting. public reaction will be strong. damn strong. and you know it." margaret duffe shot him a cold glance. "you sent out the emergency order to force my hand. you were fully aware of what you were doing. you knew once the order was out there'd be no stopping things." a murmur rushed through the council, gaining volume. "we have to approve the war!... we're committed!... it's too late to turn back!" shouts, angry voices, insistent waves of sound lapped around margaret duffe. "i'm as much for the war as anybody," she said sharply. "i'm only urging moderation. an inter-system war is a big thing. we're going to war because a machine says we have a statistical chance of winning." "there's no use starting the war unless we can win it," reinhart said. "the srb machines tell us whether we can win." "they tell us our _chance_ of winning. they don't guarantee anything." "what more can we ask, beside a good chance of winning?" margaret duffe clamped her jaw together tightly. "all right. i hear all the clamor. i won't stand in the way of council approval. the vote can go ahead." her cold, alert eyes appraised reinhart. "especially since the emergency order has already been sent out to all government departments." "good." reinhart stepped away with relief. "then it's settled. we can finally go ahead with full mobilization." mobilization proceeded rapidly. the next forty-eight hours were alive with activity. reinhart attended a policy-level military briefing in the council rooms, conducted by fleet commander carleton. "you can see our strategy," carleton said. he traced a diagram on the blackboard with a wave of his hand. "sherikov states it'll take eight more days to complete the ftl bomb. during that time the fleet we have near the centauran system will take up positions. as the bomb goes off the fleet will begin operations against the remaining centauran ships. many will no doubt survive the blast, but with armun gone we should be able to handle them." reinhart took commander carleton's place. "i can report on the economic situation. every factory on terra is converted to arms production. with armun out of the way we should be able to promote mass insurrection among the centauran colonies. an inter-system empire is hard to maintain, even with ships that approach light speed. local war-lords should pop up all over the place. we want to have weapons available for them and ships starting _now_ to reach them in time. eventually we hope to provide a unifying principle around which the colonies can all collect. our interest is more economic than political. they can have any kind of government they want, as long as they act as supply areas for us. as our eight system planets act now." carleton resumed his report. "once the centauran fleet has been scattered we can begin the crucial stage of the war. the landing of men and supplies from the ships we have waiting in all key areas throughout the centauran system. in this stage--" reinhart moved away. it was hard to believe only two days had passed since the mobilization order had been sent out. the whole system was alive, functioning with feverish activity. countless problems were being solved--but much remained. he entered the lift and ascended to the srb room, curious to see if there had been any change in the machines' reading. he found it the same. so far so good. did the centaurans know about icarus? no doubt; but there wasn't anything they could do about it. at least, not in eight days. kaplan came over to reinhart, sorting a new batch of data that had come in. the lab organizer searched through his data. "an amusing item came in. it might interest you." he handed a message plate to reinhart. it was from histo-research: may , this is to report that in bringing the research time bubble up to the present the manual return was used for the first time. therefore a clean break was not made, and a quantity of material from the past was brought forward. this material included an individual from the early twentieth century who escaped from the lab immediately. he has not yet been taken into protective custody. histo-research regrets this incident, but attributes it to the emergency. e. fredman reinhart handed the plate back to kaplan. "interesting. a man from the past--hauled into the middle of the biggest war the universe has seen." "strange things happen. i wonder what the machines will think." "hard to say. probably nothing." reinhart left the room and hurried along the corridor to his own office. as soon as he was inside he called sherikov on the vidscreen, using the confidential line. the pole's heavy features appeared. "good day, commissioner. how's the war effort?" "fine. how's the turret wiring proceeding?" a faint frown flickered across sherikov's face. "as a matter of fact, commissioner--" "what's the matter?" reinhart said sharply. sherikov floundered. "you know how these things are. i've taken my crew off it and tried robot workers. they have greater dexterity, but they can't make decisions. this calls for more than mere dexterity. this calls for--" he searched for the word. "--for an _artist_." reinhart's face hardened. "listen, sherikov. you have eight days left to complete the bomb. the data given to the srb machines contained that information. the - ratio is based on that estimate. if you don't come through--" sherikov twisted in embarrassment. "don't get excited, commissioner. we'll complete it." "i hope so. call me as soon as it's done." reinhart snapped off the connection. if sherikov let them down he'd have him taken out and shot. the whole war depended on the ftl bomb. the vidscreen glowed again. reinhart snapped it on. kaplan's face formed on it. the lab organizer's face was pale and frozen. "commissioner, you better come up to the srb office. something's happened." "what is it?" "i'll show you." alarmed, reinhart hurried out of his office and down the corridor. he found kaplan standing in front of the srb machines. "what's the story?" reinhart demanded. he glanced down at the reading. it was unchanged. kaplan held up a message plate nervously. "a moment ago i fed this into the machines. after i saw the results i quickly removed it. it's that item i showed you. from histo-research. about the man from the past." "what happened when you fed it?" kaplan swallowed unhappily. "i'll show you. i'll do it again. exactly as before." he fed the plate into a moving intake belt. "watch the visible figures," kaplan muttered. reinhart watched, tense and rigid. for a moment nothing happened. - continued to show. then-- the figures disappeared. the machines faltered. new figures showed briefly. - for centaurus. reinhart gasped, suddenly sick with apprehension. but the figures vanished. new figures appeared. - for centaurus. then - . - in terra's favor. then nothing. the machines whirred, but nothing happened. nothing at all. no figures. only a blank. "what's it mean?" reinhart muttered, dazed. "it's fantastic. we didn't think this could--" "_what's happened?_" "the machines aren't able to handle the item. no reading can come. it's data they can't integrate. they can't use it for prediction material, and it throws off all their other figures." "why?" "it's--it's a variable." kaplan was shaking, white-lipped and pale. "something from which no inference can be made. the man from the past. the machines can't deal with him. the variable man!" ii thomas cole was sharpening a knife with his whetstone when the tornado hit. the knife belonged to the lady in the big green house. every time cole came by with his fixit cart the lady had something to be sharpened. once in awhile she gave him a cup of coffee, hot black coffee from an old bent pot. he liked that fine; he enjoyed good coffee. the day was drizzly and overcast. business had been bad. an automobile had scared his two horses. on bad days less people were outside and he had to get down from the cart and go to ring doorbells. but the man in the yellow house had given him a dollar for fixing his electric refrigerator. nobody else had been able to fix it, not even the factory man. the dollar would go a long way. a dollar was a lot. he knew it was a tornado even before it hit him. everything was silent. he was bent over his whetstone, the reins between his knees, absorbed in his work. he had done a good job on the knife; he was almost finished. he spat on the blade and was holding it up to see--and then the tornado came. all at once it was there, completely around him. nothing but grayness. he and the cart and horses seemed to be in a calm spot in the center of the tornado. they were moving in a great silence, gray mist everywhere. and while he was wondering what to do, and how to get the lady's knife back to her, all at once there was a bump and the tornado tipped him over, sprawled out on the ground. the horses screamed in fear, struggling to pick themselves up. cole got quickly to his feet. _where was he?_ the grayness was gone. white walls stuck up on all sides. a deep light gleamed down, not daylight but something like it. the team was pulling the cart on its side, dragging it along, tools and equipment falling out. cole righted the cart, leaping up onto the seat. and for the first time saw the people. men, with astonished white faces, in some sort of uniforms. shouts, noise and confusion. and a feeling of danger! cole headed the team toward the door. hoofs thundered steel against steel as they pounded through the doorway, scattering the astonished men in all directions. he was out in a wide hall. a building, like a hospital. the hall divided. more men were coming, spilling from all sides. shouting and milling in excitement, like white ants. something cut past him, a beam of dark violet. it seared off a corner of the cart, leaving the wood smoking. cole felt fear. he kicked at the terrified horses. they reached a big door, crashing wildly against it. the door gave--and they were outside, bright sunlight blinking down on them. for a sickening second the cart tilted, almost turning over. then the horses gained speed, racing across an open field, toward a distant line of green, cole holding tightly to the reins. behind him the little white-faced men had come out and were standing in a group, gesturing frantically. he could hear their faint shrill shouts. but he had got away. he was safe. he slowed the horses down and began to breathe again. the woods were artificial. some kind of park. but the park was wild and overgrown. a dense jungle of twisted plants. everything growing in confusion. the park was empty. no one was there. by the position of the sun he could tell it was either early morning or late afternoon. the smell of the flowers and grass, the dampness of the leaves, indicated morning. it had been late afternoon when the tornado had picked him up. and the sky had been overcast and cloudy. cole considered. clearly, he had been carried a long way. the hospital, the men with white faces, the odd lighting, the accented words he had caught--everything indicated he was no longer in nebraska--maybe not even in the united states. some of his tools had fallen out and gotten lost along the way. cole collected everything that remained, sorting them, running his fingers over each tool with affection. some of the little chisels and wood gouges were gone. the bit box had opened, and most of the smaller bits had been lost. he gathered up those that remained and replaced them tenderly in the box. he took a key-hole saw down, and with an oil rag wiped it carefully and replaced it. above the cart the sun rose slowly in the sky. cole peered up, his horny hand over his eyes. a big man, stoop-shouldered, his chin gray and stubbled. his clothes wrinkled and dirty. but his eyes were clear, a pale blue, and his hands were finely made. he could not stay in the park. they had seen him ride that way; they would be looking for him. far above something shot rapidly across the sky. a tiny black dot moving with incredible haste. a second dot followed. the two dots were gone almost before he saw them. they were utterly silent. cole frowned, perturbed. the dots made him uneasy. he would have to keep moving--and looking for food. his stomach was already beginning to rumble and groan. work. there was plenty he could do: gardening, sharpening, grinding, repair work on machines and clocks, fixing all kinds of household things. even painting and odd jobs and carpentry and chores. he could do anything. anything people wanted done. for a meal and pocket money. thomas cole urged the team into life, moving forward. he sat hunched over in the seat, watching intently, as the fixit cart rolled slowly across the tangled grass, through the jungle of trees and flowers. * * * * * reinhart hurried, racing his cruiser at top speed, followed by a second ship, a military escort. the ground sped by below him, a blur of gray and green. the remains of new york lay spread out, a twisted, blunted ruin overgrown with weeds and grass. the great atomic wars of the twentieth century had turned virtually the whole seaboard area into an endless waste of slag. slag and weeds below him. and then the sudden tangle that had been central park. histo-research came into sight. reinhart swooped down, bringing his cruiser to rest at the small supply field behind the main buildings. harper, the chief official of the department, came quickly over as soon as reinhart's ship landed. "frankly, we don't understand why you consider this matter important," harper said uneasily. reinhart shot him a cold glance. "i'll be the judge of what's important. are you the one who gave the order to bring the bubble back manually?" "fredman gave the actual order. in line with your directive to have all facilities ready for--" reinhart headed toward the entrance of the research building. "where is fredman?" "inside." "i want to see him. let's go." fredman met them inside. he greeted reinhart calmly, showing no emotion. "sorry to cause you trouble, commissioner. we were trying to get the station in order for the war. we wanted the bubble back as quickly as possible." he eyed reinhart curiously. "no doubt the man and his cart will soon be picked up by your police." "i want to know everything that happened, in exact detail." fredman shifted uncomfortably. "there's not much to tell. i gave the order to have the automatic setting canceled and the bubble brought back manually. at the moment the signal reached it, the bubble was passing through the spring of . as it broke loose, it tore off a piece of ground on which this person and his cart were located. the person naturally was brought up to the present, inside the bubble." "didn't any of your instruments tell you the bubble was loaded?" "we were too excited to take any readings. half an hour after the manual control was thrown, the bubble materialized in the observation room. it was de-energized before anyone noticed what was inside. we tried to stop him but he drove the cart out into the hall, bowling us out of the way. the horses were in a panic." "what kind of cart was it?" "there was some kind of sign on it. painted in black letters on both sides. no one saw what it was." "go ahead. what happened then?" "somebody fired a slem-ray after him, but it missed. the horses carried him out of the building and onto the grounds. by the time we reached the exit the cart was half way to the park." reinhart reflected. "if he's still in the park we should have him shortly. but we must be careful." he was already starting back toward his ship, leaving fredman behind. harper fell in beside him. reinhart halted by his ship. he beckoned some government guards over. "put the executive staff of this department under arrest. i'll have them tried on a treason count, later on." he smiled ironically as harper's face blanched sickly pale. "there's a war going on. you'll be lucky if you get off alive." reinhart entered his ship and left the surface, rising rapidly into the sky. a second ship followed after him, a military escort. reinhart flew high above the sea of gray slag, the unrecovered waste area. he passed over a sudden square of green set in the ocean of gray. reinhart gazed back at it until it was gone. central park. he could see police ships racing through the sky, ships and transports loaded with troops, heading toward the square of green. on the ground some heavy guns and surface cars rumbled along, lines of black approaching the park from all sides. they would have the man soon. but meanwhile, the srb machines were blank. and on the srb machines' readings the whole war depended. about noon the cart reached the edge of the park. cole rested for a moment, allowing the horses time to crop at the thick grass. the silent expanse of slag amazed him. what had happened? nothing stirred. no buildings, no sign of life. grass and weeds poked up occasionally through it, breaking the flat surface here and there, but even so, the sight gave him an uneasy chill. cole drove the cart slowly out onto the slag, studying the sky above him. there was nothing to hide him, now that he was out of the park. the slag was bare and uniform, like the ocean. if he were spotted-- a horde of tiny black dots raced across the sky, coming rapidly closer. presently they veered to the right and disappeared. more planes, wingless metal planes. he watched them go, driving slowly on. half an hour later something appeared ahead. cole slowed the cart down, peering to see. the slag came to an end. he had reached its limits. ground appeared, dark soil and grass. weeds grew everywhere. ahead of him, beyond the end of the slag, was a line of buildings, houses of some sort. or sheds. houses, probably. but not like any he had ever seen. the houses were uniform, all exactly the same. like little green shells, rows of them, several hundred. there was a little lawn in front of each. lawn, a path, a front porch, bushes in a meager row around each house. but the houses were all alike and very small. little green shells in precise, even rows. he urged the cart cautiously forward, toward the houses. no one seemed to be around. he entered a street between two rows of houses, the hoofs of his two horses sounding loudly in the silence. he was in some kind of town. but there were no dogs or children. everything was neat and silent. like a model. an exhibit. it made him uncomfortable. a young man walking along the pavement gaped at him in wonder. an oddly-dressed youth, in a toga-like cloak that hung down to his knees. a single piece of fabric. and sandals. or what looked like sandals. both the cloak and the sandals were of some strange half-luminous material. it glowed faintly in the sunlight. metallic, rather than cloth. a woman was watering flowers at the edge of a lawn. she straightened up as his team of horses came near. her eyes widened in astonishment--and then fear. her mouth fell open in a soundless _o_ and her sprinkling can slipped from her fingers and rolled silently onto the lawn. cole blushed and turned his head quickly away. the woman was scarcely dressed! he flicked the reins and urged the horses to hurry. behind him, the woman still stood. he stole a brief, hasty look back--and then shouted hoarsely to his team, ears scarlet. he had seen right. she wore only a pair of translucent shorts. nothing else. a mere fragment of the same half-luminous material that glowed and sparkled. the rest of her small body was utterly naked. he slowed the team down. she had been pretty. brown hair and eyes, deep red lips. quite a good figure. slender waist, downy legs, bare and supple, full breasts--. he clamped the thought furiously off. he had to get to work. business. cole halted the fixit cart and leaped down onto the pavement. he selected a house at random and approached it cautiously. the house was attractive. it had a certain simple beauty. but it looked frail--and exactly like the others. he stepped up on the porch. there was no bell. he searched for it, running his hand uneasily over the surface of the door. all at once there was a click, a sharp snap on a level with his eyes. cole glanced up, startled. a lens was vanishing as the door section slid over it. he had been photographed. while he was wondering what it meant, the door swung suddenly open. a man filled up the entrance, a big man in a tan uniform, blocking the way ominously. "what do you want?" the man demanded. "i'm looking for work," cole murmured. "any kind of work. i can do anything, fix any kind of thing. i repair broken objects. things that need mending." his voice trailed off uncertainly. "anything at all." "apply to the placement department of the federal activities control board," the man said crisply. "you know all occupational therapy is handled through them." he eyed cole curiously. "why have you got on those ancient clothes?" "ancient? why, i--" the man gazed past him at the fixit cart and the two dozing horses. "what's that? what are those two animals? _horses?_" the man rubbed his jaw, studying cole intently. "that's strange," he said. "strange?" cole murmured uneasily. "why?" "there haven't been any horses for over a century. all the horses were wiped out during the fifth atomic war. that's why it's strange." cole tensed, suddenly alert. there was something in the man's eyes, a hardness, a piercing look. cole moved back off the porch, onto the path. he had to be careful. something was wrong. "i'll be going," he murmured. "there haven't been any horses for over a hundred years." the man came toward cole. "who are you? why are you dressed up like that? where did you get that vehicle and pair of horses?" "i'll be going," cole repeated, moving away. the man whipped something from his belt, a thin metal tube. he stuck it toward cole. it was a rolled-up paper, a thin sheet of metal in the form of a tube. words, some kind of script. he could not make any of them out. the man's picture, rows of numbers, figures-- "i'm director winslow," the man said. "federal stockpile conservation. you better talk fast, or there'll be a security car here in five minutes." cole moved--fast. he raced, head down, back along the path to the cart, toward the street. something hit him. a wall of force, throwing him down on his face. he sprawled in a heap, numb and dazed. his body ached, vibrating wildly, out of control. waves of shock rolled over him, gradually diminishing. he got shakily to his feet. his head spun. he was weak, shattered, trembling violently. the man was coming down the walk after him. cole pulled himself onto the cart, gasping and retching. the horses jumped into life. cole rolled over against the seat, sick with the motion of the swaying cart. he caught hold of the reins and managed to drag himself up in a sitting position. the cart gained speed, turning a corner. houses flew past. cole urged the team weakly, drawing great shuddering breaths. houses and streets, a blur of motion, as the cart flew faster and faster along. then he was leaving the town, leaving the neat little houses behind. he was on some sort of highway. big buildings, factories, on both sides of the highway. figures, men watching in astonishment. after awhile the factories fell behind. cole slowed the team down. what had the man meant? fifth atomic war. horses destroyed. it didn't make sense. and they had things he knew nothing about. force fields. planes without wings--soundless. cole reached around in his pockets. he found the identification tube the man had handed him. in the excitement he had carried it off. he unrolled the tube slowly and began to study it. the writing was strange to him. for a long time he studied the tube. then, gradually, he became aware of something. something in the top right-hand corner. a date. october , . cole's vision blurred. everything spun and wavered around him. october, . could it be? but he held the paper in his hand. thin, metal paper. like foil. and it had to be. it said so, right in the corner, printed on the paper itself. cole rolled the tube up slowly, numbed with shock. two hundred years. it didn't seem possible. but things were beginning to make sense. he was in the future, two hundred years in the future. while he was mulling this over, the swift black security ship appeared overhead, diving rapidly toward the horse-drawn cart, as it moved slowly along the road. reinhart's vidscreen buzzed. he snapped it quickly on. "yes?" "report from security." "put it through." reinhart waited tensely as the lines locked in place. the screen re-lit. "this is dixon. western regional command." the officer cleared his throat, shuffling his message plates. "the man from the past has been reported, moving away from the new york area." "which side of your net?" "outside. he evaded the net around central park by entering one of the small towns at the rim of the slag area." "_evaded?_" "we assumed he would avoid the towns. naturally the net failed to encompass any of the towns." reinhart's jaw stiffened. "go on." "he entered the town of petersville a few minutes before the net closed around the park. we burned the park level, but naturally found nothing. he had already gone. an hour later we received a report from a resident in petersville, an official of the stockpile conservation department. the man from the past had come to his door, looking for work. winslow, the official, engaged him in conversation, trying to hold onto him, but he escaped, driving his cart off. winslow called security right away, but by then it was too late." "report to me as soon as anything more comes in. we must have him--and damn soon." reinhart snapped the screen off. it died quickly. he sat back in his chair, waiting. cole saw the shadow of the security ship. he reacted at once. a second after the shadow passed over him, cole was out of the cart, running and falling. he rolled, twisting and turning, pulling his body as far away from the cart as possible. there was a blinding roar and flash of white light. a hot wind rolled over cole, picking him up and tossing him like a leaf. he shut his eyes, letting his body relax. he bounced, falling and striking the ground. gravel and stones tore into his face, his knees, the palms of his hands. cole cried out, shrieking in pain. his body was on fire. he was being consumed, incinerated by the blinding white orb of fire. the orb expanded, growing in size, swelling like some monstrous sun, twisted and bloated. the end had come. there was no hope. he gritted his teeth-- the greedy orb faded, dying down. it sputtered and winked out, blackening into ash. the air reeked, a bitter acrid smell. his clothes were burning and smoking. the ground under him was hot, baked dry, seared by the blast. but he was alive. at least, for awhile. cole opened his eyes slowly. the cart was gone. a great hole gaped where it had been, a shattered sore in the center of the highway. an ugly cloud hung above the hole, black and ominous. far above, the wingless plane circled, watching for any signs of life. cole lay, breathing shallowly, slowly. time passed. the sun moved across the sky with agonizing slowness. it was perhaps four in the afternoon. cole calculated mentally. in three hours it would be dark. if he could stay alive until then-- had the plane seen him leap from the cart? he lay without moving. the late afternoon sun beat down on him. he felt sick, nauseated and feverish. his mouth was dry. some ants ran over his outstretched hand. gradually, the immense black cloud was beginning to drift away, dispersing into a formless blob. the cart was gone. the thought lashed against him, pounding at his brain, mixing with his labored pulse-beat. _gone._ destroyed. nothing but ashes and debris remained. the realization dazed him. finally the plane finished its circling, winging its way toward the horizon. at last it vanished. the sky was clear. cole got unsteadily to his feet. he wiped his face shakily. his body ached and trembled. he spat a couple times, trying to clear his mouth. the plane would probably send in a report. people would be coming to look for him. where could he go? to his right a line of hills rose up, a distant green mass. maybe he could reach them. he began to walk slowly. he had to be very careful. they were looking for him--and they had weapons. incredible weapons. he would be lucky to still be alive when the sun set. his team and fixit cart were gone--and all his tools. cole reached into his pockets, searching through them hopefully. he brought out some small screwdrivers, a little pair of cutting pliers, some wire, some solder, the whetstone, and finally the lady's knife. only a few small tools remained. he had lost everything else. but without the cart he was safer, harder to spot. they would have more trouble finding him, on foot. cole hurried along, crossing the level fields toward the distant range of hills. the call came through to reinhart almost at once. dixon's features formed on the vidscreen. "i have a further report, commissioner." dixon scanned the plate. "good news. the man from the past was sighted moving away from petersville, along highway , at about ten miles an hour, on his horse-drawn cart. our ship bombed him immediately." "did--did you get him?" "the pilot reports no sign of life after the blast." reinhart's pulse almost stopped. he sank back in his chair. "then he's dead!" "actually, we won't know for certain until we can examine the debris. a surface car is speeding toward the spot. we should have the complete report in a short time. we'll notify you as soon as the information comes in." reinhart reached out and cut the screen. it faded into darkness. had they got the man from the past? or had he escaped again? weren't they ever going to get him? couldn't he be captured? and meanwhile, the srb machines were silent, showing nothing at all. reinhart sat brooding, waiting impatiently for the report of the surface car to come in. * * * * * it was evening. "come on!" steven shouted, running frantically after his brother. "come on back!" "catch me." earl ran and ran, down the side of the hill, over behind a military storage depot, along a neotex fence, jumping finally down into mrs. norris' back yard. steven hurried after his brother, sobbing for breath, shouting and gasping as he ran. "come back! you come back with that!" "what's he got?" sally tate demanded, stepping out suddenly to block steven's way. [illustration] steven halted, his chest rising and falling. "he's got my intersystem vidsender." his small face twisted with rage and misery. "he better give it back!" earl came circling around from the right. in the warm gloom of evening he was almost invisible. "here i am," he announced. "what you going to do?" steven glared at him hotly. his eyes made out the square box in earl's hands. "you give that back! or--or i'll tell dad." earl laughed. "make me." "dad'll make you." "you better give it to him," sally said. "catch me." earl started off. steven pushed sally out of the way, lashing wildly at his brother. he collided with him, throwing him sprawling. the box fell from earl's hands. it skidded to the pavement, crashing into the side of a guide-light post. earl and steven picked themselves up slowly. they gazed down at the broken box. "see?" steven shrilled, tears filling his eyes. "see what you did?" "you did it. you pushed into me." "you did it!"' steven bent down and picked up the box. he carried it over to the guide-light, sitting down on the curb to examine it. earl came slowly over. "if you hadn't pushed me it wouldn't have got broken." night was descending rapidly. the line of hills rising above the town were already lost in darkness. a few lights had come on here and there. the evening was warm. a surface car slammed its doors, some place off in the distance. in the sky ships droned back and forth, weary commuters coming home from work in the big underground factory units. thomas cole came slowly toward the three children grouped around the guide-light. he moved with difficulty, his body sore and bent with fatigue. night had come, but he was not safe yet. he was tired, exhausted and hungry. he had walked a long way. and he had to have something to eat--soon. a few feet from the children cole stopped. they were all intent and absorbed by the box on steven's knees. suddenly a hush fell over the children. earl looked up slowly. in the dim light the big stooped figure of thomas cole seemed extra menacing. his long arms hung down loosely at his sides. his face was lost in shadow. his body was shapeless, indistinct. a big unformed statue, standing silently a few feet away, unmoving in the half-darkness. "who are you?" earl demanded, his voice low. "what do you want?" sally said. the children edged away nervously. "get away." cole came toward them. he bent down a little. the beam from the guide-light crossed his features. lean, prominent nose, beak-like, faded blue eyes-- steven scrambled to his feet, clutching the vidsender box. "you get out of here!" "wait." cole smiled crookedly at them. his voice was dry and raspy. "what do you have there?" he pointed with his long, slender fingers. "the box you're holding." the children were silent. finally steven stirred. "it's my inter-system vidsender." "only it doesn't work," sally said. "earl broke it." steven glared at his brother bitterly. "earl threw it down and broke it." cole smiled a little. he sank down wearily on the edge of the curb, sighing with relief. he had been walking too long. his body ached with fatigue. he was hungry, and tired. for a long time he sat, wiping perspiration from his neck and face, too exhausted to speak. "who are you?" sally demanded, at last. "why do you have on those funny clothes? where did you come from?" "where?" cole looked around at the children. "from a long way off. a long way." he shook his head slowly from side to side, trying to clear it. "what's your therapy?" earl said. "my therapy?" "what do you do? where do you work?" cole took a deep breath and let it out again slowly. "i fix things. all kinds of things. any kind." earl sneered. "nobody fixes things. when they break you throw them away." cole didn't hear him. sudden need had roused him, getting him suddenly to his feet. "you know any work i can find?" he demanded. "things i could do? i can fix anything. clocks, type-writers, refrigerators, pots and pans. leaks in the roof. i can fix anything there is." steven held out his inter-system vidsender. "fix this." there was silence. slowly, cole's eyes focussed on the box. "that?" "my sender. earl broke it." cole took the box slowly. he turned it over, holding it up to the light. he frowned, concentrating on it. his long, slender fingers moved carefully over the surface, exploring it. "he'll steal it!" earl said suddenly. "no." cole shook his head vaguely. "i'm reliable." his sensitive fingers found the studs that held the box together. he depressed the studs, pushing them expertly in. the box opened, revealing its complex interior. "he got it open," sally whispered. "give it back!" steven demanded, a little frightened. he held out his hand. "i want it back." the three children watched cole apprehensively. cole fumbled in his pocket. slowly he brought out his tiny screwdrivers and pliers. he laid them in a row beside him. he made no move to return the box. "i want it back," steven said feebly. cole looked up. his faded blue eyes took in the sight of the three children standing before him in the gloom. "i'll fix it for you. you said you wanted it fixed." "i want it back." steven stood on one foot, then the other, torn by doubt and indecision. "can you really fix it? can you make it work again?" "yes." "all right. fix it for me, then." a sly smile flickered across cole's tired face. "now, wait a minute. if i fix it, will you bring me something to eat? i'm not fixing it for nothing." "something to eat?" "food. i need hot food. maybe some coffee." steven nodded. "yes. i'll get it for you." cole relaxed. "fine. that's fine." he turned his attention back to the box resting between his knees. "then i'll fix it for you. i'll fix it for you good." his fingers flew, working and twisting, tracing down wires and relays, exploring and examining. finding out about the inter-system vidsender. discovering how it worked. steven slipped into the house through the emergency door. he made his way to the kitchen with great care, walking on tip-toe. he punched the kitchen controls at random, his heart beating excitedly. the stove began to whirr, purring into life. meter readings came on, crossing toward the completion marks. presently the stove opened, sliding out a tray of steaming dishes. the mechanism clicked off, dying into silence. steven grabbed up the contents of the tray, filling his arms. he carried everything down the hall, out the emergency door and into the yard. the yard was dark. steven felt his way carefully along. he managed to reach the guide-light without dropping anything at all. thomas cole got slowly to his feet as steven came into view. "here," steven said. he dumped the food onto the curb, gasping for breath. "here's the food. is it finished?" cole held out the inter-system vidsender. "it's finished. it was pretty badly smashed." earl and sally gazed up, wide-eyed. "does it work?" sally asked. "of course not," earl stated. "how could it work? he couldn't--" "turn it on!" sally nudged steven eagerly. "see if it works." steven was holding the box under the light, examining the switches. he clicked the main switch on. the indicator light gleamed. "it lights up," steven said. "say something into it." steven spoke into the box. "hello! hello! this is operator -z calling. can you hear me? this is operator -z . can you hear me?" in the darkness, away from the beam of the guide-light, thomas cole sat crouched over the food. he ate gratefully, silently. it was good food, well cooked and seasoned. he drank a container of orange juice and then a sweet drink he didn't recognize. most of the food was strange to him, but he didn't care. he had walked a long way and he was plenty hungry. and he still had a long way to go, before morning. he had to be deep in the hills before the sun came up. instinct told him that he would be safe among the trees and tangled growth--at least, as safe as he could hope for. he ate rapidly, intent on the food. he did not look up until he was finished. then he got slowly to his feet, wiping his mouth with the back of his hand. the three children were standing around in a circle, operating the inter-system vidsender. he watched them for a few minutes. none of them looked up from the small box. they were intent, absorbed in what they were doing. "well?" cole said, at last. "does it work all right?" after a moment steven looked up at him. there was a strange expression on his face. he nodded slowly. "yes. yes, it works. it works fine." cole grunted. "all right." he turned and moved away from the light. "that's fine." the children watched silently until the figure of thomas cole had completely disappeared. slowly, they turned and looked at each other. then down at the box in steven's hands. they gazed at the box in growing awe. awe mixed with dawning fear. steven turned and edged toward his house. "i've got to show it to my dad," he murmured, dazed. "he's got to know. _somebody's_ got to know!" iii eric reinhart examined the vidsender box carefully, turning it around and around. "then he did escape from the blast," dixon admitted reluctantly. "he must have leaped from the cart just before the concussion." reinhart nodded. "he escaped. he got away from you--twice." he pushed the vidsender box away and leaned abruptly toward the man standing uneasily in front of his desk. "what's your name again?" "elliot. richard elliot." "and your son's name?" "steven." "it was last night this happened?" "about eight o'clock." "go on." "steven came into the house. he acted queerly. he was carrying his inter-system vidsender." elliot pointed at the box on reinhart's desk. "that. he was nervous and excited. i asked what was wrong. for awhile he couldn't tell me. he was quite upset. then he showed me the vidsender." elliot took a deep, shaky breath. "i could see right away it was different. you see i'm an electrical engineer. i had opened it once before, to put in a new battery. i had a fairly good idea how it should look." elliot hesitated. "commissioner, it had been _changed_. a lot of the wiring was different. moved around. relays connected differently. some parts were missing. new parts had been jury rigged out of old. then i discovered the thing that made me call security. the vidsender--it really _worked_." "worked?" "you see, it never was anything more than a toy. with a range of a few city blocks. so the kids could call back and forth from their rooms. like a sort of portable vidscreen. commissioner, i tried out the vidsender, pushing the call button and speaking into the microphone. i--i got a ship of the line. a battleship, operating beyond proxima centaurus--over eight light years away. as far out as the actual vidsenders operate. then i called security. right away." for a time reinhart was silent. finally he tapped the box lying on the desk. "you got a ship of the line--with _this_?" "that's right." "how big are the regular vidsenders?" dixon supplied the information. "as big as a twenty-ton safe." "that's what i thought." reinhart waved his hand impatiently. "all right, elliot. thanks for turning the information over to us. that's all." security police led elliot outside the office. reinhart and dixon looked at each other. "this is bad," reinhart said harshly. "he has some ability, some kind of mechanical ability. genius, perhaps, to do a thing like this. look at the period he came from, dixon. the early part of the twentieth century. before the wars began. that was a unique period. there was a certain vitality, a certain ability. it was a period of incredible growth and discovery. edison. pasteur. burbank. the wright brothers. inventions and machines. people had an uncanny ability with machines. a kind of intuition about machines--which we don't have." "you mean--" "i mean a person like this coming into our own time is bad in itself, war or no war. he's too different. he's oriented along different lines. he has abilities we lack. this fixing skill of his. it throws us off, out of kilter. and with the war.... "now i'm beginning to understand why the srb machines couldn't factor him. it's impossible for us to understand this kind of person. winslow says he asked for work, any kind of work. the man said he could do anything, fix anything. do you understand what that means?" "no," dixon said. "what does it mean?" "can any of us fix anything? no. none of us can do that. we're specialized. each of us has his own line, his own work. i understand my work, you understand yours. the tendency in evolution is toward greater and greater specialization. man's society is an ecology that forces adaptation to it. continual complexity makes it impossible for any of us to know anything outside our own personal field--i can't follow the work of the man sitting at the next desk over from me. too much knowledge has piled up in each field. and there's too many fields. "this man is different. he can fix anything, do anything. he doesn't work with knowledge, with science--the classified accumulation of facts. he _knows_ nothing. it's not in his head, a form of learning. he works by intuition--his power is in his hands, not his head. jack-of-all-trades. his hands! like a painter, an artist. in his hands--and he cuts across our lives like a knife-blade." "and the other problem?" "the other problem is that this man, this variable man, has escaped into the albertine mountain range. now we'll have one hell of a time finding him. he's clever--in a strange kind of way. like some sort of animal. he's going to be hard to catch." reinhart sent dixon out. after a moment he gathered up the handful of reports on his desk and carried them up to the srb room. the srb room was closed up, sealed off by a ring of armed security police. standing angrily before the ring of police was peter sherikov, his beard waggling angrily, his immense hands on his hips. "what's going on?" sherikov demanded. "why can't i go in and peep at the odds?" "sorry." reinhart cleared the police aside. "come inside with me. i'll explain." the doors opened for them and they entered. behind them the doors shut and the ring of police formed outside. "what brings you away from your lab?" reinhart asked. sherikov shrugged. "several things. i wanted to see you. i called you on the vidphone and they said you weren't available. i thought maybe something had happened. what's up?" "i'll tell you in a few minutes." reinhart called kaplan over. "here are some new items. feed them in right away. i want to see if the machines can total them." "certainly, commissioner." kaplan took the message plates and placed them on an intake belt. the machines hummed into life. "we'll know soon," reinhart said, half aloud. sherikov shot him a keen glance. "we'll know what? let me in on it. what's taking place?" "we're in trouble. for twenty-four hours the machines haven't given any reading at all. nothing but a blank. a total blank." sherikov's features registered disbelief. "but that isn't possible. _some_ odds exist at all times." "the odds exist, but the machines aren't able to calculate them." "why not?" "because a variable factor has been introduced. a factor which the machines can't handle. they can't make any predictions from it." "can't they reject it?" sherikov said slyly. "can't they just--just _ignore_ it?" "no. it exists, as real data. therefore it affects the balance of the material, the sum total of all other available data. to reject it would be to give a false reading. the machines can't reject any data that's known to be true." sherikov pulled moodily at his black beard. "i would be interested in knowing what sort of factor the machines can't handle. i thought they could take in all data pertaining to contemporary reality." "they can. this factor has nothing to do with contemporary reality. that's the trouble. histo-research in bringing its time bubble back from the past got overzealous and cut the circuit too quickly. the bubble came back loaded--with a man from the twentieth century. a man from the past." "i see. a man from two centuries ago." the big pole frowned. "and with a radically different weltanschauung. no connection with our present society. not integrated along our lines at all. therefore the srb machines are perplexed." reinhart grinned. "perplexed? i suppose so. in any case, they can't do anything with the data about this man. the variable man. no statistics at all have been thrown up--no predictions have been made. and it knocks everything else out of phase. we're dependent on the constant showing of these odds. the whole war effort is geared around them." "the horse-shoe nail. remember the old poem? 'for want of a nail the shoe was lost. for want of the shoe the horse was lost. for want of the horse the rider was lost. for want--'" "exactly. a single factor coming along like this, one single individual, can throw everything off. it doesn't seem possible that one person could knock an entire society out of balance--but apparently it is." "what are you doing about this man?" "the security police are organized in a mass search for him." "results?" "he escaped into the albertine mountain range last night. it'll be hard to find him. we must expect him to be loose for another forty-eight hours. it'll take that long for us to arrange the annihilation of the range area. perhaps a trifle longer. and meanwhile--" "ready, commissioner," kaplan interrupted. "the new totals." the srb machines had finished factoring the new data. reinhart and sherikov hurried to take their places before the view windows. for a moment nothing happened. then odds were put up, locking in place. sherikov gasped. - . in favor of terra. "that's wonderful! now we--" the odds vanished. new odds took their places. - . in favor of centaurus. sherikov groaned in astonished dismay. "wait," reinhart said to him. "i don't think they'll last." the odds vanished. a rapid series of odds shot across the screen, a violent stream of numbers, changing almost instantly. at last the machines became silent. nothing showed. no odds. no totals at all. the view windows were blank. "you see?" reinhart murmured. "the same damn thing!" sherikov pondered. "reinhart, you're too anglo-saxon, too impulsive. be more slavic. this man will be captured and destroyed within two days. you said so yourself. meanwhile, we're all working night and day on the war effort. the warfleet is waiting near proxima, taking up positions for the attack on the centaurans. all our war plants are going full blast. by the time the attack date comes we'll have a full-sized invasion army ready to take off for the long trip to the centauran colonies. the whole terran population has been mobilized. the eight supply planets are pouring in material. all this is going on day and night, even without odds showing. long before the attack comes this man will certainly be dead, and the machines will be able to show odds again." reinhart considered. "but it worries me, a man like that out in the open. loose. a man who can't be predicted. it goes against science. we've been making statistical reports on society for two centuries. we have immense files of data. the machines are able to predict what each person and group will do at a given time, in a given situation. but this man is beyond all prediction. he's a variable. it's contrary to science." "the indeterminate particle." "what's that?" "the particle that moves in such a way that we can't predict what position it will occupy at a given second. random. the random particle." "exactly. it's--it's _unnatural_." sherikov laughed sarcastically. "don't worry about it, commissioner. the man will be captured and things will return to their natural state. you'll be able to predict people again, like laboratory rats in a maze. by the way--why is this room guarded?" "i don't want anyone to know the machines show no totals. it's dangerous to the war effort." "margaret duffe, for example?" reinhart nodded reluctantly. "they're too timid, these parliamentarians. if they discover we have no srb odds they'll want to shut down the war planning and go back to waiting." "too slow for you, commissioner? laws, debates, council meetings, discussions.... saves a lot of time if one man has all the power. one man to tell people what to do, think for them, lead them around." reinhart eyed the big pole critically. "that reminds me. how is icarus coming? have you continued to make progress on the control turret?" a scowl crossed sherikov's broad features. "the control turret?" he waved his big hand vaguely. "i would say it's coming along all right. we'll catch up in time." instantly reinhart became alert. "catch up? you mean you're still behind?" "somewhat. a little. but we'll catch up." sherikov retreated toward the door. "let's go down to the cafeteria and have a cup of coffee. you worry too much, commissioner. take things more in your stride." "i suppose you're right." the two men walked out into the hall. "i'm on edge. this variable man. i can't get him out of my mind." "has he done anything yet?" "nothing important. rewired a child's toy. a toy vidsender." "oh?" sherikov showed interest. "what do you mean? what did he do?" "i'll show you." reinhart led sherikov down the hall to his office. they entered and reinhart locked the door. he handed sherikov the toy and roughed in what cole had done. a strange look crossed sherikov's face. he found the studs on the box and depressed them. the box opened. the big pole sat down at the desk and began to study the interior of the box. "you're sure it was the man from the past who rewired this?" "of course. on the spot. the boy damaged it playing. the variable man came along and the boy asked him to fix it. he fixed it, all right." "incredible." sherikov's eyes were only an inch from the wiring. "such tiny relays. how could he--" "what?" "nothing." sherikov got abruptly to his feet, closing the box carefully. "can i take this along? to my lab? i'd like to analyze it more fully." "of course. but why?" "no special reason. let's go get our coffee." sherikov headed toward the door. "you say you expect to capture this man in a day or so?" "_kill_ him, not capture him. we've got to eliminate him as a piece of data. we're assembling the attack formations right now. no slip-ups, this time. we're in the process of setting up a cross-bombing pattern to level the entire albertine range. he must be destroyed, within the next forty-eight hours." sherikov nodded absently. "of course," he murmured. a preoccupied expression still remained on his broad features. "i understand perfectly." * * * * * thomas cole crouched over the fire he had built, warming his hands. it was almost morning. the sky was turning violet gray. the mountain air was crisp and chill. cole shivered and pulled himself closer to the fire. the heat felt good against his hands. _his hands._ he gazed down at them, glowing yellow-red in the firelight. the nails were black and chipped. warts and endless calluses on each finger, and the palms. but they were good hands; the fingers were long and tapered. he respected them, although in some ways he didn't understand them. cole was deep in thought, meditating over his situation. he had been in the mountains two nights and a day. the first night had been the worst. stumbling and falling, making his way uncertainly up the steep slopes, through the tangled brush and undergrowth-- but when the sun came up he was safe, deep in the mountains, between two great peaks. and by the time the sun had set again he had fixed himself up a shelter and a means of making a fire. now he had a neat little box trap, operated by a plaited grass rope and pit, a notched stake. one rabbit already hung by his hind legs and the trap was waiting for another. the sky turned from violet gray to a deep cold gray, a metallic color. the mountains were silent and empty. far off some place a bird sang, its voice echoing across the vast slopes and ravines. other birds began to sing. off to his right something crashed through the brush, an animal pushing its way along. day was coming. his second day. cole got to his feet and began to unfasten the rabbit. time to eat. and then? after that he had no plans. he knew instinctively that he could keep himself alive indefinitely with the tools he had retained, and the genius of his hands. he could kill game and skin it. eventually he could build himself a permanent shelter, even make clothes but of hides. in winter-- but he was not thinking that far ahead. cole stood by the fire, staring up at the sky, his hands on his hips. he squinted, suddenly tense. something was moving. something in the sky, drifting slowly through the grayness. a black dot. he stamped out the fire quickly. what was it? he strained, trying to see. a bird? a second dot joined the first. two dots. then three. four. five. a fleet of them, moving rapidly across the early morning sky. toward the mountains. toward him. cole hurried away from the fire. he snatched up the rabbit and carried it along with him, into the tangled shelter he had built. he was invisible, inside the shelter. no one could find him. but if they had seen the fire-- he crouched in the shelter, watching the dots grow larger. they were planes, all right. black wingless planes, coming closer each moment. now he could hear them, a faint dull buzz, increasing until the ground shook under him. the first plane dived. it dropped like a stone, swelling into a great black shape. cole gasped, sinking down. the plane roared in an arc, swooping low over the ground. suddenly bundles tumbled out, white bundles falling and scattering like seeds. the bundles drifted rapidly to the ground. they landed. they were men. men in uniform. now the second plane was diving. it roared overhead, releasing its load. more bundles tumbled out, filling the sky. the third plane dived, then the fourth. the air was thick with drifting bundles of white, a blanket of descending weed spores, settling to earth. on the ground the soldiers were forming into groups. their shouts carried to cole, crouched in his shelter. fear leaped through him. they were landing on all sides of him. he was cut off. the last two planes had dropped men behind him. he got to his feet, pushing out of the shelter. some of the soldiers had found the fire, the ashes and coals. one dropped down, feeling the coals with his hand. he waved to the others. they were circling all around, shouting and gesturing. one of them began to set up some kind of gun. others were unrolling coils of tubing, locking a collection of strange pipes and machinery in place. cole ran. he rolled down a slope, sliding and falling. at the bottom he leaped to his feet and plunged into the brush. vines and leaves tore at his face, slashing and cutting him. he fell again, tangled in a mass of twisted shrubbery. he fought desperately, trying to free himself. if he could reach the knife in his pocket-- voices. footsteps. men were behind him, running down the slope. cole struggled frantically, gasping and twisting, trying to pull loose. he strained, breaking the vines, clawing at them with his hands. a soldier dropped to his knee, leveling his gun. more soldiers arrived, bringing up their rifles and aiming. cole cried out. he closed his eyes, his body suddenly limp. he waited, his teeth locked together, sweat dripping down his neck, into his shirt, sagging against the mesh of vines and branches coiled around him. silence. cole opened his eyes slowly. the soldiers had regrouped. a huge man was striding down the slope toward them, barking orders as he came. two soldiers stepped into the brush. one of them grabbed cole by the shoulder. "don't let go of him." the huge man came over, his black beard jutting out. "hold on." cole gasped for breath. he was caught. there was nothing he could do. more soldiers were pouring down into the gulley, surrounding him on all sides. they studied him curiously, murmuring together. cole shook his head wearily and said nothing. the huge man with the beard stood directly in front of him, his hands on his hips, looking him up and down. "don't try to get away," the man said. "you can't get away. do you understand?" cole nodded. "all right. good." the man waved. soldiers clamped metal bands around cole's arms and wrists. the metal dug into his flesh, making him gasp with pain. more clamps locked around his legs. "those stay there until we're out of here. a long way out." "where--where are you taking me?" peter sherikov studied the variable man for a moment before he answered. "where? i'm taking you to my labs. under the urals." he glanced suddenly up at the sky. "we better hurry. the security police will be starting their demolition attack in a few hours. we want to be a long way from here when that begins." * * * * * sherikov settled down in his comfortable reinforced chair with a sigh. "it's good to be back." he signalled to one of his guards. "all right. you can unfasten him." the metal clamps were removed from cole's arms and legs. he sagged, sinking down in a heap. sherikov watched him silently. cole sat on the floor, rubbing his wrists and legs, saying nothing. "what do you want?" sherikov demanded. "food? are you hungry?" "no." "medicine? are you sick? injured?" "no." sherikov wrinkled his nose. "a bath wouldn't hurt you any. we'll arrange that later." he lit a cigar, blowing a cloud of gray smoke around him. at the door of the room two lab guards stood with guns ready. no one else was in the room beside sherikov and cole. thomas cole sat huddled in a heap on the floor, his head sunk down against his chest. he did not stir. his bent body seemed more elongated and stooped than ever, his hair tousled and unkempt, his chin and jowls a rough stubbled gray. his clothes were dirty and torn from crawling through the brush. his skin was cut and scratched; open sores dotted his neck and cheeks and forehead. he said nothing. his chest rose and fell. his faded blue eyes were almost closed. he looked quite old, a withered, dried-up old man. sherikov waved one of the guards over. "have a doctor brought up here. i want this man checked over. he may need intravenous injections. he may not have had anything to eat for awhile." the guard departed. "i don't want anything to happen to you," sherikov said. "before we go on i'll have you checked over. and deloused at the same time." cole said nothing. sherikov laughed. "buck up! you have no reason to feel bad." he leaned toward cole, jabbing an immense finger at him. "another two hours and you'd have been dead, out there in the mountains. you know that?" cole nodded. "you don't believe me. look." sherikov leaned over and snapped on the vidscreen mounted in the wall. "watch, this. the operation should still be going on." the screen lit up. a scene gained form. "this is a confidential security channel. i had it tapped several years ago--for my own protection. what we're seeing now is being piped in to eric reinhart." sherikov grinned. "reinhart arranged what you're seeing on the screen. pay close attention. you were there, two hours ago." cole turned toward the screen. at first he could not make out what was happening. the screen showed a vast foaming cloud, a vortex of motion. from the speaker came a low rumble, a deep-throated roar. after a time the screen shifted, showing a slightly different view. suddenly cole stiffened. he was seeing the destruction of a whole mountain range. the picture was coming from a ship, flying above what had once been the albertine mountain range. now there was nothing but swirling clouds of gray and columns of particles and debris, a surging tide of restless material gradually sweeping off and dissipating in all directions. the albertine mountains had been disintegrated. nothing remained but these vast clouds of debris. below, on the ground, a ragged plain stretched out, swept by fire and ruin. gaping wounds yawned, immense holes without bottom, craters side by side as far as the eye could see. craters and debris. like the blasted, pitted surface of the moon. two hours ago it had been rolling peaks and gulleys, brush and green bushes and trees. cole turned away. "you see?" sherikov snapped the screen off. "you were down there, not so long ago. all that noise and smoke--all for you. all for you, mr. variable man from the past. reinhart arranged that, to finish you off. i want you to understand that. it's very important that you realize that." cole said nothing. sherikov reached into a drawer of the table before him. he carefully brought out a small square box and held it out to cole. "you wired this, didn't you?" cole took the box in his hands and held it. for a time his tired mind failed to focus. what did he have? he concentrated on it. the box was the children's toy. the inter-system vidsender, they had called it. "yes. i fixed this." he passed it back to sherikov. "i repaired that. it was broken." sherikov gazed down at him intently, his large eyes bright. he nodded, his black beard and cigar rising and falling. "good. that's all i wanted to know." he got suddenly to his feet, pushing his chair back. "i see the doctor's here. he'll fix you up. everything you need. later on i'll talk to you again." unprotesting, cole got to his feet, allowing the doctor to take hold of his arm and help him up. after cole had been released by the medical department, sherikov joined him in his private dining room, a floor above the actual laboratory. the pole gulped down a hasty meal, talking as he ate. cole sat silently across from him, not eating or speaking. his old clothing had been taken away and new clothing given him. he was shaved and rubbed down. his sores and cuts were healed, his body and hair washed. he looked much healthier and younger, now. but he was still stooped and tired, his blue eyes worn and faded. he listened to sherikov's account of the world of ad without comment. "you can see," sherikov said finally, waving a chicken leg, "that your appearance here has been very upsetting to our program. now that you know more about us you can see why commissioner reinhart was so interested in destroying you." cole nodded. "reinhart, you realize, believes that the failure of the srb machines is the chief danger to the war effort. but that is nothing!" sherikov pushed his plate away noisily, draining his coffee mug. "after all, wars _can_ be fought without statistical forecasts. the srb machines only describe. they're nothing more than mechanical onlookers. in themselves, they don't affect the course of the war. _we_ make the war. they only analyze." cole nodded. "more coffee?" sherikov asked. he pushed the plastic container toward cole. "have some." cole accepted another cupful. "thank you." "you can see that our real problem is another thing entirely. the machines only do figuring for us in a few minutes that eventually we could do for our own selves. they're our servants, tools. not some sort of gods in a temple which we go and pray to. not oracles who can see into the future for us. they don't see into the future. they only make statistical predictions--not prophecies. there's a big difference there, but reinhart doesn't understand it. reinhart and his kind have made such things as the srb machines into gods. but i have no gods. at least, not any i can see." cole nodded, sipping his coffee. "i'm telling you all these things because you must understand what we're up against. terra is hemmed in on all sides by the ancient centauran empire. it's been out there for centuries, thousands of years. no one knows how long. it's old--crumbling and rotting. corrupt and venal. but it holds most of the galaxy around us, and we can't break out of the sol system. i told you about icarus, and hedge's work in ftl flight. we must win the war against centaurus. we've waited and worked a long time for this, the moment when we can break out and get room among the stars for ourselves. icarus is the deciding weapon. the data on icarus tipped the srb odds in our favor--for the first time in history. success in the war against centaurus will depend on icarus, not on the srb machines. you see?" cole nodded. "however, there is a problem. the data on icarus which i turned over to the machines specified that icarus would be completed in ten days. more than half that time has already passed. yet, we are no closer to wiring up the control turret than we were then. the turret baffles us." sherikov grinned ironically. "even _i_ have tried my hand at the wiring, but with no success. it's intricate--and small. too many technical bugs not worked out. we are building only one, you understand. if we had many experimental models worked out before--" "but this is the experimental model," cole said. "and built from the designs of a man dead four years--who isn't here to correct us. we've made icarus with our own hands, down here in the labs. and he's giving us plenty of trouble." all at once sherikov got to his feet. "let's go down to the lab and look at him." they descended to the floor below, sherikov leading the way. cole stopped short at the lab door. "quite a sight," sherikov agreed. "we keep him down here at the bottom for safety's sake. he's well protected. come on in. we have work to do." in the center of the lab icarus rose up, the gray squat cylinder that someday would flash through space at a speed of thousands of times that of light, toward the heart of proxima centaurus, over four light years away. around the cylinder groups of men in uniform were laboring feverishly to finish the remaining work. "over here. the turret." sherikov led cole over to one side of the room. "it's guarded. centauran spies are swarming everywhere on terra. they see into everything. but so do we. that's how we get information for the srb machines. spies in both systems." the translucent globe that was the control turret reposed in the center of a metal stand, an armed guard standing at each side. they lowered their guns as sherikov approached. "we don't want anything to happen to this," sherikov said. "everything depends on it." he put out his hand for the globe. half way to it his hand stopped, striking against an invisible presence in the air. sherikov laughed. "the wall. shut it off. it's still on." one of the guards pressed a stud at his wrist. around the globe the air shimmered and faded. "now." sherikov's hand closed over the globe. he lifted it carefully from its mount and brought it out for cole to see. "this is the control turret for our enormous friend here. this is what will slow him down when he's inside centaurus. he slows down and re-enters this universe. right in the heart of the star. then--no more centaurus." sherikov beamed. "and no more armun." but cole was not listening. he had taken the globe from sherikov and was turning it over and over, running his hands over it, his face close to its surface. he peered down into its interior, his face rapt and intent. "you can't see the wiring. not without lenses." sherikov signalled for a pair of micro-lenses to be brought. he fitted them on cole's nose, hooking them behind his ears. "now try it. you can control the magnification. it's set for x right now. you can increase or decrease it." cole gasped, swaying back and forth. sherikov caught hold of him. cole gazed down into the globe, moving his head slightly, focussing the glasses. "it takes practice. but you can do a lot with them. permits you to do microscopic wiring. there are tools to go along, you understand." sherikov paused, licking his lip. "we can't get it done correctly. only a few men can wire circuits using the micro-lenses and the little tools. we've tried robots, but there are too many decisions to be made. robots can't make decisions. they just react." cole said nothing. he continued to gaze into the interior of the globe, his lips tight, his body taut and rigid. it made sherikov feel strangely uneasy. "you look like one of those old fortune tellers," sherikov said jokingly, but a cold shiver crawled up his spine. "better hand it back to me." he held out his hand. slowly, cole returned the globe. after a time he removed the micro-lenses, still deep in thought. "well?" sherikov demanded. "you know what i want. i want you to wire this damn thing up." sherikov came close to cole, his big face hard. "you can do it, i think. i could tell by the way you held it--and the job you did on the children's toy, of course. you could wire it up right, and in five days. nobody else can. and if it's not wired up centaurus will keep on running the galaxy and terra will have to sweat it out here in the sol system. one tiny mediocre sun, one dust mote out of a whole galaxy." cole did not answer. sherikov became impatient. "well? what do you say?" "what happens if i don't wire this control for you? i mean, what happens to _me_?" "then i turn you over to reinhart. reinhart will kill you instantly. he thinks you're dead, killed when the albertine range was annihilated. if he had any idea i had saved you--" "i see." "i brought you down here for one thing. if you wire it up i'll have you sent back to your own time continuum. if you don't--" cole considered, his face dark and brooding. "what do you have to lose? you'd already be dead, if we hadn't pulled you out of those hills." "can you really return me to my own time?" "of course!" "reinhart won't interfere?" sherikov laughed. "what can he do? how can he stop me? i have my own men. you saw them. they landed all around you. you'll be returned." "yes. i saw your men." "then you agree?" "i agree," thomas cole said. "i'll wire it for you. i'll complete the control turret--within the next five days." iv three days later joseph dixon slid a closed-circuit message plate across the desk to his boss. "here. you might be interested in this." reinhart picked the plate up slowly. "what is it? you came all the way here to show me this?" "that's right." "why didn't you vidscreen it?" dixon smiled grimly. "you'll understand when you decode it. it's from proxima centaurus." "centaurus!" "our counter-intelligence service. they sent it direct to me. here, i'll decode it for you. save you the trouble." dixon came around behind reinhart's desk. he leaned over the commissioner's shoulder, taking hold of the plate and breaking the seal with his thumb nail. "hang on," dixon said. "this is going to hit you hard. according to our agents on armun, the centauran high council has called an emergency session to deal with the problem of terra's impending attack. centauran relay couriers have reported to the high council that the terran bomb icarus is virtually complete. work on the bomb has been rushed through final stages in the underground laboratories under the ural range, directed by the terran physicist peter sherikov." "so i understand from sherikov himself. are you surprised the centaurans know about the bomb? they have spies swarming over terra. that's no news." "there's more." dixon traced the message plate grimly, with an unsteady finger. "the centauran relay couriers reported that peter sherikov brought an expert mechanic out of a previous time continuum to complete the wiring of the turret!" reinhart staggered, holding on tight to the desk. he closed his eyes, gasping. "the variable man is still alive," dixon murmured. "i don't know how. or why. there's nothing left of the albertines. and how the hell did the man get half way around the world?" reinhart opened his eyes slowly, his face twisting. "sherikov! he must have removed him before the attack. i told sherikov the attack was forthcoming. i gave him the exact hour. he had to get help--from the variable man. he couldn't meet his promise otherwise." reinhart leaped up and began to pace back and forth. "i've already informed the srb machines that the variable man has been destroyed. the machines now show the original - ratio in our favor. but the ratio is based on false information." "then you'll have to withdraw the false data and restore the original situation." "no." reinhart shook his head. "i can't do that. the machines must be kept functioning. we can't allow them to jam again. it's too dangerous. if duffe should become aware that--" "what are you going to do, then?" dixon picked up the message plate. "you can't leave the machines with false data. that's treason." "the data can't be withdrawn! not unless equivalent data exists to take its place." reinhart paced angrily back and forth. "damn it, i was _certain_ the man was dead. this is an incredible situation. he must be eliminated--at any cost." suddenly reinhart stopped pacing. "the turret. it's probably finished by this time. correct?" dixon nodded slowly in agreement. "with the variable man helping, sherikov has undoubtedly completed work well ahead of schedule." reinhart's gray eyes flickered. "then he's no longer of any use--even to sherikov. we could take a chance.... even if there were active opposition...." "what's this?" dixon demanded. "what are you thinking about?" "how many units are ready for immediate action? how large a force can we raise without notice?" "because of the war we're mobilized on a twenty-four hour basis. there are seventy air units and about two hundred surface units. the balance of the security forces have been transferred to the line, under military control." "men?" "we have about five thousand men ready to go, still on terra. most of them in the process of being transferred to military transports. i can hold it up at any time." "missiles?" "fortunately, the launching tubes have not yet been disassembled. they're still here on terra. in another few days they'll be moving out for the colonial fracas." "then they're available for immediate use?" "yes." "good." reinhart locked his hands, knotting his fingers harshly together in sudden decision. "that will do exactly. unless i am completely wrong, sherikov has only a half-dozen air units and no surface cars. and only about two hundred men. some defense shields, of course--" "what are you planning?" reinhart's face was gray and hard, like stone. "send out orders for all available security units to be unified under your immediate command. have them ready to move by four o'clock this afternoon. we're going to pay a visit," reinhart stated grimly. "a surprise visit. on peter sherikov." * * * * * "stop here," reinhart ordered. the surface car slowed to a halt. reinhart peered cautiously out, studying the horizon ahead. on all sides a desert of scrub grass and sand stretched out. nothing moved or stirred. to the right the grass and sand rose up to form immense peaks, a range of mountains without end, disappearing finally into the distance. the urals. "over there," reinhart said to dixon, pointing. "see?" "no." "look hard. it's difficult to spot unless you know what to look for. vertical pipes. some kind of vent. or periscopes." dixon saw them finally. "i would have driven past without noticing." "it's well concealed. the main labs are a mile down. under the range itself. it's virtually impregnable. sherikov had it built years ago, to withstand any attack. from the air, by surface cars, bombs, missiles--" "he must feel safe down there." "no doubt." reinhart gazed up at the sky. a few faint black dots could be seen, moving lazily about, in broad circles. "those aren't ours, are they? i gave orders--" "no. they're not ours. all our units are out of sight. those belong to sherikov. his patrol." reinhart relaxed. "good." he reached over and flicked on the vidscreen over the board of the car. "this screen is shielded? it can't be traced?" "there's no way they can spot it back to us. it's non-directional." the screen glowed into life. reinhart punched the combination keys and sat back to wait. after a time an image formed on the screen. a heavy face, bushy black beard and large eyes. peter sherikov gazed at reinhart with surprised curiosity. "commissioner! where are you calling from? what--" "how's the work progressing?" reinhart broke in coldly. "is icarus almost complete?" sherikov beamed with expansive pride. "he's done, commissioner. two days ahead of time. icarus is ready to be launched into space. i tried to call your office, but they told me--" "i'm not at my office." reinhart leaned toward the screen. "open your entrance tunnel at the surface. you're about to receive visitors." sherikov blinked. "visitors?" "i'm coming down to see you. about icarus. have the tunnel opened for me at once." "exactly where are you, commissioner?" "on the surface." sherikov's eyes flickered. "oh? but--" "open up!" reinhart snapped. he glanced at his wristwatch. "i'll be at the entrance in five minutes. i expect to find it ready for me." "of course." sherikov nodded in bewilderment. "i'm always glad to see you, commissioner. but i--" "five minutes, then." reinhart cut the circuit. the screen died. he turned quickly to dixon. "you stay up here, as we arranged. i'll go down with one company of police. you understand the necessity of exact timing on this?" "we won't slip up. everything's ready. all units are in their places." "good." reinhart pushed the door open for him. "you join your directional staff. i'll proceed toward the tunnel entrance." "good luck." dixon leaped out of the car, onto the sandy ground. a gust of dry air swirled into the car around reinhart. "i'll see you later." reinhart slammed the door. he turned to the group of police crouched in the rear of the car, their guns held tightly. "here we go," reinhart murmured. "hold on." the car raced across the sandy ground, toward the tunnel entrance to sherikov's underground fortress. sherikov met reinhart at the bottom end of the tunnel, where the tunnel opened up onto the main floor of the lab. the big pole approached, his hand out, beaming with pride and satisfaction. "it's a pleasure to see you, commissioner. this is an historic moment." reinhart got out of the car, with his group of armed security police. "calls for a celebration, doesn't it?" he said. "that's a good idea! we're two days ahead, commissioner. the srb machines will be interested. the odds should change abruptly at the news." "let's go down to the lab. i want to see the control turret myself." a shadow crossed sherikov's face. "i'd rather not bother the workmen right now, commissioner. they've been under a great load, trying to complete the turret in time. i believe they're putting a few last finishes on it at this moment." "we can view them by vidscreen. i'm curious to see them at work. it must be difficult to wire such minute relays." sherikov shook his head. "sorry, commissioner. no vidscreen on them. i won't allow it. this is too important. our whole future depends on it." reinhart snapped a signal to his company of police. "put this man under arrest." sherikov blanched. his mouth fell open. the police moved quickly around him, their gun tubes up, jabbing into him. he was searched rapidly, efficiently. his gun belt and concealed energy screen were yanked off. "what's going on?" sherikov demanded, some color returning to his face. "what are you doing?" "you're under arrest for the duration of the war. you're relieved of all authority. from now on one of my men will operate designs. when the war is over you'll be tried before the council and president duffe." sherikov shook his head, dazed. "i don't understand. what's this all about? explain it to me, commissioner. what's happened?" reinhart signalled to his police. "get ready. we're going into the lab. we may have to shoot our way in. the variable man should be in the area of the bomb, working on the control turret." instantly sherikov's face hardened. his black eyes glittered, alert and hostile. reinhart laughed harshly. "we received a counter-intelligence report from centaurus. i'm surprised at you, sherikov. you know the centaurans are everywhere with their relay couriers. you should have known--" sherikov moved. fast. all at once he broke away from the police, throwing his massive body against them. they fell, scattering. sherikov ran--directly at the wall. the police fired wildly. reinhart fumbled frantically for his gun tube, pulling it up. sherikov reached the wall, running head down, energy beams flashing around him. he struck against the wall--and vanished. "down!" reinhart shouted. he dropped to his hands and knees. all around him his police dived for the floor. reinhart cursed wildly, dragging himself quickly toward the door. they had to get out, and right away. sherikov had escaped. a false wall, an energy barrier set to respond to his pressure. he had dashed through it to safety. he-- from all sides an inferno burst, a flaming roar of death surging over them, around them, on every side. the room was alive with blazing masses of destruction, bouncing from wall to wall. they were caught between four banks of power, all of them open to full discharge. a trap--a death trap. * * * * * reinhart reached the hall gasping for breath. he leaped to his feet. a few security police followed him. behind them, in the flaming room, the rest of the company screamed and struggled, blasted out of existence by the leaping bursts of power. reinhart assembled his remaining men. already, sherikov's guards were forming. at one end of the corridor a snub-barreled robot gun was maneuvering into position. a siren wailed. guards were running on all sides, hurrying to battle stations. the robot gun opened fire. part of the corridor exploded, bursting into fragments. clouds of choking debris and particles swept around them. reinhart and his police retreated, moving back along the corridor. they reached a junction. a second robot gun was rumbling toward them, hurrying to get within range. reinhart fired carefully, aiming at its delicate control. abruptly the gun spun convulsively. it lashed against the wall, smashing itself into the unyielding metal. then it collapsed in a heap, gears still whining and spinning. "come on." reinhart moved away, crouching and running. he glanced at his watch. _almost time._ a few more minutes. a group of lab guards appeared ahead of them. reinhart fired. behind him his police fired past him, violet shafts of energy catching the group of guards as they entered the corridor. the guards spilled apart, falling and twisting. part of them settled into dust, drifting down the corridor. reinhart made his way toward the lab, crouching and leaping, pushing past heaps of debris and remains, followed by his men. "come on! don't stop!" * * * * * suddenly from around them the booming, enlarged voice of sherikov thundered, magnified by rows of wall speakers along the corridor. reinhart halted, glancing around. "reinhart! you haven't got a chance. you'll never get back to the surface. throw down your guns and give up. you're surrounded on all sides. you're a mile, under the surface." reinhart threw himself into motion, pushing into billowing clouds of particles drifting along the corridor. "are you sure, sherikov?" he grunted. sherikov laughed, his harsh, metallic peals rolling in waves against reinhart's eardrums. "i don't want to have to kill you, commissioner. you're vital to the war: i'm sorry you found out about the variable man. i admit we overlooked the centauran espionage as a factor in this. but now that you know about him--" suddenly sherikov's voice broke off. a deep rumble had shaken the floor, a lapping vibration that shuddered through the corridor. reinhart sagged with relief. he peered through the clouds of debris, making out the figures on his watch. right on time. not a second late. the first of the hydrogen missiles, launched from the council buildings on the other side of the world, were beginning to arrive. the attack had begun. at exactly six o'clock joseph dixon, standing on the surface four miles from the entrance tunnel, gave the sign to the waiting units. the first job was to break down sherikov's defense screens. the missiles had to penetrate without interference. at dixon's signal a fleet of thirty security ships dived from a height of ten miles, swooping above the mountains, directly over the underground laboratories. within five minutes the defense screens had been smashed, and all the tower projectors leveled flat. now the mountains were virtually unprotected. "so far so good," dixon murmured, as he watched from his secure position. the fleet of security ships roared back, their work done. across the face of the desert the police surface cars were crawling rapidly toward the entrance tunnel, snaking from side to side. meanwhile, sherikov's counter-attack had begun to go into operation. guns mounted among the hills opened fire. vast columns of flame burst up in the path of the advancing cars. the cars hesitated and retreated, as the plain was churned up by a howling vortex, a thundering chaos of explosions. here and there a car vanished in a cloud of particles. a group of cars moving away suddenly scattered, caught up by a giant wind that lashed across them and swept them up into the air. dixon gave orders to have the cannon silenced. the police air arm again swept overhead, a sullen roar of jets that shook the ground below. the police ships divided expertly and hurtled down on the cannon protecting the hills. the cannon forgot the surface cars and lifted their snouts to meet the attack. again and again the airships came, rocking the mountains with titanic blasts. the guns became silent. their echoing boom diminished, died away reluctantly, as bombs took critical toll of them. dixon watched with satisfaction as the bombing came to an end. the airships rose in a thick swarm, black gnats shooting up in triumph from a dead carcass. they hurried back as emergency anti-aircraft robot guns swung into position and saturated the sky with blazing puffs of energy. dixon checked his wristwatch. the missiles were already on the way from north america. only a few minutes remained. the surface cars, freed by the successful bombing, began to regroup for a new frontal attack. again they crawled forward, across the burning plain, bearing down cautiously on the battered wall of mountains, heading toward the twisted wrecks that had been the ring of defense guns. toward the entrance tunnel. an occasional cannon fired feebly at them. the cars came grimly on. now, in the hollows of the hills, sherikov's troops were hurrying to the surface to meet the attack. the first car reached the shadow of the mountains.... a deafening hail of fire burst loose. small robot guns appeared everywhere, needle barrels emerging from behind hidden screens, trees and shrubs, rocks, stones. the police cars were caught in a withering cross-fire, trapped at the base of the hills. down the slopes sherikov's guards raced, toward the stalled cars. clouds of heat rose up and boiled across the plain as the cars fired up at the running men. a robot gun dropped like a slug onto the plain and screamed toward the cars, firing as it came. dixon twisted nervously. only a few minutes. any time, now. he shaded his eyes and peered up at the sky. no sign of them yet. he wondered about reinhart. no signal had come up from below. clearly, reinhart had run into trouble. no doubt there was desperate fighting going on in the maze of underground tunnels, the intricate web of passages that honeycombed the earth below the mountains. in the air, sherikov's few defense ships were taking on the police raiders. outnumbered, the defense ships darted rapidly, wildly, putting up a futile fight. sherikov's guards streamed out onto the plain. crouching and running, they advanced toward the stalled cars. the police airships screeched down at them, guns thundering. dixon held his breath. when the missiles arrived-- the first missile struck. a section of the mountain vanished, turned to smoke and foaming gasses. the wave of heat slapped dixon across the face, spinning him around. quickly he re-entered his ship and took off, shooting rapidly away from the scene. he glanced back. a second and third missile had arrived. great gaping pits yawned among the mountains, vast sections missing like broken teeth. now the missiles could penetrate to the underground laboratories below. on the ground, the surface cars halted beyond the danger area, waiting for the missile attack to finish. when the eighth missile had struck, the cars again moved forward. no more missiles fell. dixon swung his ship around, heading back toward the scene. the laboratory was exposed. the top sections of it had been ripped open. the laboratory lay like a tin can, torn apart by mighty explosions, its first floors visible from the air. men and cars were pouring down into it, fighting with the guards swarming to the surface. * * * * * dixon watched intently. sherikov's men were bringing up heavy guns, big robot artillery. but the police ships were diving again. sherikov's defensive patrols had been cleaned from the sky. the police ships whined down, arcing over the exposed laboratory. small bombs fell, whistling down, pin-pointing the artillery rising to the surface on the remaining lift stages. abruptly dixon's vidscreen clicked. dixon turned toward it. reinhart's features formed. "call off the attack." his uniform was torn. a deep bloody gash crossed his cheek. he grinned sourly at dixon, pushing his tangled hair back out of his face. "quite a fight." "sherikov--" "he's called off his guards. we've agreed to a truce. it's all over. no more needed." reinhart gasped for breath, wiping grime and sweat from his neck. "land your ship and come down here at once." "the variable man?" "that comes next," reinhart said grimly. he adjusted his gun tube. "i want you down here, for that part. i want you to be in on the kill." reinhart turned away from the vidscreen. in the corner of the room sherikov stood silently, saying nothing. "well?" reinhart barked. "where is he? where will i find him?" sherikov licked his lips nervously, glancing up at reinhart. "commissioner, are you sure--" "the attack has been called off. your labs are safe. so is your life. now it's your turn to come through." reinhart gripped his gun, moving toward sherikov. "_where is he?_" for a moment sherikov hesitated. then slowly his huge body sagged, defeated. he shook his head wearily. "all right. i'll show you where he is." his voice was hardly audible, a dry whisper. "down this way. come on." reinhart followed sherikov out of the room, into the corridor. police and guards were working rapidly, clearing the debris and ruins away, putting out the hydrogen fires that burned everywhere. "no tricks, sherikov." "no tricks." sherikov nodded resignedly. "thomas cole is by himself. in a wing lab off the main rooms." "cole?" "the variable man. that's his name." the pole turned his massive head a little. "he has a name." reinhart waved his gun. "hurry up. i don't want anything to go wrong. this is the part i came for." "you must remember something, commissioner." "what is it?" sherikov stopped walking. "commissioner, nothing must happen to the globe. the control turret. everything depends on it, the war, our whole--" "i know. nothing will happen to the damn thing. let's go." "if it should get damaged--" "i'm not after the globe. i'm interested only in--in thomas cole." they came to the end of the corridor and stopped before a metal door. sherikov nodded at the door. "in there." reinhart moved back. "open the door." "open it yourself. i don't want to have anything to do with it." reinhart shrugged. he stepped up to the door. holding his gun level he raised his hand, passing it in front of the eye circuit. nothing happened. reinhart frowned. he pushed the door with his hand. the door slid open. reinhart was looking into a small laboratory. he glimpsed a workbench, tools, heaps of equipment, measuring devices, and in the center of the bench the transparent globe, the control turret. "cole?" reinhart advanced quickly into the room. he glanced around him, suddenly alarmed. "where--" the room was empty. thomas cole was gone. when the first missile struck, cole stopped work and sat listening. far off, a distant rumble rolled through the earth, shaking the floor under him. on the bench, tools and equipment danced up and down. a pair of pliers fell crashing to the floor. a box of screws tipped over, spilling its minute contents out. cole listened for a time. presently he lifted the transparent globe from the bench. with carefully controlled hands he held the globe up, running his fingers gently over the surface, his faded blue eyes thoughtful. then, after a time, he placed the globe back on the bench, in its mount. the globe was finished. a faint glow of pride moved through the variable man. the globe was the finest job he had ever done. the deep rumblings ceased. cole became instantly alert. he jumped down from his stool, hurrying across the room to the door. for a moment he stood by the door listening intently. he could hear noise on the other side, shouts, guards rushing past, dragging heavy equipment, working frantically. a rolling crash echoed down the corridor and lapped against his door. the concussion spun him around. again a tide of energy shook the walls and floor and sent him down on his knees. the lights flickered and winked out. cole fumbled in the dark until he found a flashlight. power failure. he could hear crackling flames. abruptly the lights came on again, an ugly yellow, then faded back out. cole bent down and examined the door with his flashlight. a magnetic lock. dependent on an externally induced electric flux. he grabbed a screwdriver and pried at the door. for a moment it held. then it fell open. cole stepped warily out into the corridor. everything was in shambles. guards wandered everywhere, burned and half-blinded. two lay groaning under a pile of wrecked equipment. fused guns, reeking metal. the air was heavy with the smell of burning wiring and plastic. a thick cloud that choked him and made him bend double as he advanced. "halt," a guard gasped feebly, struggling to rise. cole pushed past him and down the corridor. two small robot guns, still functioning, glided past him hurriedly toward the drumming chaos of battle. he followed. at a major intersection the fight was in full swing. sherikov's guards fought security police, crouched behind pillars and barricades, firing wildly, desperately. again the whole structure shuddered as a great booming blast ignited some place above. bombs? shells? cole threw himself down as a violet beam cut past his ear and disintegrated the wall behind him. a security policeman, wild-eyed, firing erratically. one of sherikov's guards winged him and his gun skidded to the floor. a robot cannon turned toward him as he made his way past the intersection. he began to run. the cannon rolled along behind him, aiming itself uncertainly. cole hunched over as he shambled rapidly along, gasping for breath. in the flickering yellow light he saw a handful of security police advancing, firing expertly, intent on a line of defense sherikov's guards had hastily set up. the robot cannon altered its course to take them on, and cole escaped around a corner. he was in the main lab, the big chamber where icarus himself rose, the vast squat column. icarus! a solid wall of guards surrounded him, grim-faced, hugging guns and protection shields. but the security police were leaving icarus alone. nobody wanted to damage him. cole evaded a lone guard tracking him and reached the far side of the lab. it took him only a few seconds to find the force field generator. there was no switch. for a moment that puzzled him--and then he remembered. the guard had controlled it from his wrist. too late to worry about that. with his screwdriver he unfastened the plate over the generator and ripped out the wiring in handfuls. the generator came loose and he dragged it away from the wall. the screen was off, thank god. he managed to carry the generator into a side corridor. crouched in a heap, cole bent over the generator, deft fingers flying. he pulled the wiring to him and laid it out on the floor, tracing the circuits with feverish haste. the adaptation was easier than he had expected. the screen flowed at right angles to the wiring, for a distance of six feet. each lead was shielded on one side; the field radiated outward, leaving a hollow cone in the center. he ran the wiring through his belt, down his trouser legs, under his shirt, all the way to his wrists and ankles. he was just snatching up the heavy generator when two security police appeared. they raised their blasters and fired point-blank. cole clicked on the screen. a vibration leaped through him that snapped his jaw and danced up his body. he staggered away, half-stupefied by the surging force that radiated out from him. the violet rays struck the field and deflected harmlessly. he was safe. he hurried on down the corridor, past a ruined gun and sprawled bodies still clutching blasters. great drifting clouds of radioactive particles billowed around him. he edged by one cloud nervously. guards lay everywhere, dying and dead, partly destroyed, eaten and corroded by the hot metallic salts in the air. he had to get out--and fast. at the end of the corridor a whole section of the fortress was in ruins. towering flames leaped on all sides. one of the missiles had penetrated below ground level. cole found a lift that still functioned. a load of wounded guards was being raised to the surface. none of them paid any attention to him. flames surged around the lift, licking at the wounded. workmen were desperately trying to get the lift into action. cole leaped onto the lift. a moment later it began to rise, leaving the shouts and the flames behind. the lift emerged on the surface and cole jumped off. a guard spotted him and gave chase. crouching, cole dodged into a tangled mass of twisted metal, still white-hot and smoking. he ran for a distance, leaping from the side of a ruined defense-screen tower, onto the fused ground and down the side of a hill. the ground was hot underfoot. he hurried as fast as he could, gasping for breath. he came to a long slope and scrambled up the side. the guard who had followed was gone, lost behind in the rolling clouds of ash that drifted from the ruins of sherikov's underground fortress. cole reached the top of the hill. for a brief moment he halted to get his breath and figure where he was. it was almost evening. the sun was beginning to set. in the darkening sky a few dots still twisted and rolled, black specks that abruptly burst into flame and fused out again. cole stood up cautiously, peering around him. ruins stretched out below, on all sides, the furnace from which he had escaped. a chaos of incandescent metal and debris, gutted and wrecked beyond repair. miles of tangled rubbish and half-vaporized equipment. he considered. everyone was busy putting out the fires and pulling the wounded to safety. it would be awhile before he was missed. but as soon as they realized he was gone they'd be after him. most of the laboratory had been destroyed. nothing lay back that way. beyond the ruins lay the great ural peaks, the endless mountains, stretching out as far as the eye could see. mountains and green forests. a wilderness. they'd never find him there. cole started along the side of the hill, walking slowly and carefully, his screen generator under his arm. probably in the confusion he could find enough food and equipment to last him indefinitely. he could wait until early morning, then circle back toward the ruins and load up. with a few tools and his own innate skill he would get along fine. a screwdriver, hammer, nails, odds and ends-- a great hum sounded in his ears. it swelled to a deafening roar. startled, cole whirled around. a vast shape filled the sky behind him, growing each moment. cole stood frozen, utterly transfixed. the shape thundered over him, above his head, as he stood stupidly, rooted to the spot. then, awkwardly, uncertainly, he began to run. he stumbled and fell and rolled a short distance down the side of the hill. desperately, he struggled to hold onto the ground. his hands dug wildly, futilely, into the soft soil, trying to keep the generator under his arm at the same time. a flash, and a blinding spark of light around him. the spark picked him up and tossed him like a dry leaf. he grunted in agony as searing fire crackled about him, a blazing inferno that gnawed and ate hungrily through his screen. he spun dizzily and fell through the cloud of fire, down into a pit of darkness, a vast gulf between two hills. his wiring ripped off. the generator tore out of his grip and was lost behind. abruptly, his force field ceased. cole lay in the darkness at the bottom of the hill. his whole body shrieked in agony as the unholy fire played over him. he was a blazing cinder, a half-consumed ash flaming in a universe of darkness. the pain made him twist and crawl like an insect, trying to burrow into the ground. he screamed and shrieked and struggled to escape, to get away from the hideous fire. to reach the curtain of darkness beyond, where it was cool and silent, where the flames couldn't crackle and eat at him. he reached imploringly out, into the darkness, groping feebly toward it, trying to pull himself into it. gradually, the glowing orb that was his own body faded. the impenetrable chaos of night descended. he allowed the tide to sweep over him, to extinguish the searing fire. dixon landed his ship expertly, bringing it to a halt in front of an overturned defense tower. he leaped out and hurried across the smoking ground. from a lift reinhart appeared, surrounded by his security police. "he got away from us! he escaped!" "he didn't escape," dixon answered. "i got him myself." reinhart quivered violently. "what do you mean?" "come along with me. over in this direction." he and reinhart climbed the side of a demolished hill, both of them panting for breath. "i was landing. i saw a figure emerge from a lift and run toward the mountains, like some sort of animal. when he came out in the open i dived on him and released a phosphorus bomb." "then he's--_dead_?" "i don't see how anyone could have lived through a phosphorus bomb." they reached the top of the hill. dixon halted, then pointed excitedly down into the pit beyond the hill. "there!" they descended cautiously. the ground was singed and burned clean. clouds of smoke hung heavily in the air. occasional fires still flickered here and there. reinhart coughed and bent over to see. dixon flashed on a pocket flare and set it beside the body. the body was charred, half destroyed by the burning phosphorus. it lay motionless, one arm over its face, mouth open, legs sprawled grotesquely. like some abandoned rag doll, tossed in an incinerator and consumed almost beyond recognition. "he's alive!" dixon muttered. he felt around curiously. "must have had some kind of protection screen. amazing that a man could--" "it's him? it's really him?" "fits the description." dixon tore away a handful of burned clothing. "this is the variable man. what's left of him, at least." reinhart sagged with relief. "then we've finally got him. the data is accurate. he's no longer a factor." dixon got out his blaster and released the safety catch thoughtfully. "if you want, i can finish the job right now." at that moment sherikov appeared, accompanied by two armed security police. he strode grimly down the hillside, black eyes snapping. "did cole--" he broke off. "good god." "dixon got him with a phosphorus bomb," reinhart said noncommittally. "he had reached the surface and was trying to get into the mountains." sherikov turned wearily away. "he was an amazing person. during the attack he managed to force the lock on his door and escape. the guards fired at him, but nothing happened. he had rigged up some kind of force field around him. something he adapted." "anyhow, it's over with," reinhart answered. "did you have srb plates made up on him?" sherikov reached slowly into his coat. he drew out a manila envelope. "here's all the information i collected about him, while he was with me." "is it complete? everything previous has been merely fragmentary." "as near complete as i could make it. it includes photographs and diagrams of the interior of the globe. the turret wiring he did for me. i haven't had a chance even to look at them." sherikov fingered the envelope. "what are you going to do with cole?" "have him loaded up, taken back to the city--and officially put to sleep by the euthanasia ministry." "legal murder?" sherikov's lips twisted. "why don't you simply do it right here and get it over with?" reinhart grabbed the envelope and stuck it in his pocket. "i'll turn this right over to the machines." he motioned to dixon. "let's go. now we can notify the fleet to prepare for the attack on centaurus." he turned briefly back to sherikov. "when can icarus be launched?" "in an hour or so, i suppose. they're locking the control turret in place. assuming it functions correctly, that's all that's needed." "good. i'll notify duffe to send out the signal to the warfleet." reinhart nodded to the police to take sherikov to the waiting security ship. sherikov moved off dully, his face gray and haggard. cole's inert body was picked up and tossed onto a freight cart. the cart rumbled into the hold of the security ship and the lock slid shut after it. "it'll be interesting to see how the machines respond to the additional data," dixon said. "it should make quite an improvement in the odds," reinhart agreed. he patted the envelope, bulging in his inside pocket. "we're two days ahead of time." * * * * * margaret duffe got up slowly from her desk. she pushed her chair automatically back. "let me get all this straight. you mean the bomb is finished? ready to go?" reinhart nodded impatiently. "that's what i said. the technicians are checking the turret locks to make sure it's properly attached. the launching will take place in half an hour." "thirty minutes! then--" "then the attack can begin at once. i assume the fleet is ready for action." "of course. it's been ready for several days. but i can't believe the bomb is ready so soon." margaret duffe moved numbly toward the door of her office. "this is a great day, commissioner. an old era lies behind us. this time tomorrow centaurus will be gone. and eventually the colonies will be ours." "it's been a long climb," reinhart murmured. "one thing. your charge against sherikov. it seems incredible that a person of his caliber could ever--" "we'll discuss that later," reinhart interrupted coldly. he pulled the manila envelope from his coat. "i haven't had an opportunity to feed the additional data to the srb machines. if you'll excuse me, i'll do that now." * * * * * for a moment margaret duffe stood at the door. the two of them faced each other silently, neither speaking, a faint smile on reinhart's thin lips, hostility in the woman's blue eyes. "reinhart, sometimes i think perhaps you'll go too far. and sometimes i think you've _already_ gone too far...." "i'll inform you of any change in the odds showing." reinhart strode past her, out of the office and down the hall. he headed toward the srb room, an intense thalamic excitement rising up inside him. a few moments later he entered the srb room. he made his way to the machines. the odds - showed in the view windows. reinhart smiled a little. - . false odds, based on incorrect information. now they could be removed. kaplan hurried over. reinhart handed him the envelope, and moved over to the window, gazing down at the scene below. men and cars scurried frantically everywhere. officials coming and going like ants, hurrying in all directions. the war was on. the signal had been sent out to the warfleet that had waited so long near proxima centaurus. a feeling of triumph raced through reinhart. he had won. he had destroyed the man from the past and broken peter sherikov. the war had begun as planned. terra was breaking out. reinhart smiled thinly. he had been completely successful. "commissioner." reinhart turned slowly. "all right." kaplan was standing in front of the machines, gazing down at the reading. "commissioner--" sudden alarm plucked at reinhart. there was something in kaplan's voice. he hurried quickly over. "what is it?" kaplan looked up at him, his face white, his eyes wide with terror. his mouth opened and closed, but no sound came. "_what is it?_" reinhart demanded, chilled. he bent toward the machines, studying the reading. and sickened with horror. - . _against_ terra! he could not tear his gaze away from the figures. he was numb, shocked with disbelief. - . _what had happened?_ what had gone wrong? the turret was finished, icarus was ready, the fleet had been notified-- there was a sudden deep buzz from outside the building. shouts drifted up from below. reinhart turned his head slowly toward the window, his heart frozen with fear. across the evening sky a trail moved, rising each moment. a thin line of white. something climbed, gaining speed each moment. on the ground, all eyes were turned toward it, awed faces peering up. the object gained speed. faster and faster. then it vanished. icarus was on his way. the attack had begun; it was too late to stop, now. and on the machines the odds read a hundred to one--for failure. at eight o'clock in the evening of may , , icarus was launched toward the star centaurus. a day later, while all terra waited, icarus entered the star, traveling at thousands of times the speed of light. nothing happened. icarus disappeared into the star. there was no explosion. the bomb failed to go off. at the same time the terran warfleet engaged the centauran outer fleet, sweeping down in a concentrated attack. twenty major ships were seized. a good part of the centauran fleet was destroyed. many of the captive systems began to revolt, in the hope of throwing off the imperial bonds. two hours later the massed centauran warfleet from armun abruptly appeared and joined battle. the great struggle illuminated half the centauran system. ship after ship flashed briefly and then faded to ash. for a whole day the two fleets fought, strung out over millions of miles of space. innumerable fighting men died--on both sides. at last the remains of the battered terran fleet turned and limped toward armun--defeated. little of the once impressive armada remained. a few blackened hulks, making their way uncertainly toward captivity. icarus had not functioned. centaurus had not exploded. the attack was a failure. the war was over. "we've lost the war," margaret duffe said in a small voice, wondering and awed. "it's over. finished." the council members sat in their places around the conference table, gray-haired elderly men, none of them speaking or moving. all gazed up mutely at the great stellar maps that covered two walls of the chamber. "i have already empowered negotiators to arrange a truce," margaret duffe murmured. "orders have been sent out to vice-commander jessup to give up the battle. there's no hope. fleet commander carleton destroyed himself and his flagship a few minutes ago. the centauran high council has agreed to end the fighting. their whole empire is rotten to the core. ready to topple of its own weight." reinhart was slumped over at the table, his head in his hands. "i don't understand.... _why?_ why didn't the bomb explode?" he mopped his forehead shakily. all his poise was gone. he was trembling and broken. "_what went wrong?_" gray-faced, dixon mumbled an answer. "the variable man must have sabotaged the turret. the srb machines knew.... they analyzed the data. _they knew!_ but it was too late." reinhart's eyes were bleak with despair as he raised his head a little. "i knew he'd destroy us. we're finished. a century of work and planning." his body knotted in a spasm of furious agony. "all because of sherikov!" * * * * * margaret duffe eyed reinhart coldly. "why because of sherikov?" "he kept cole alive! i wanted him killed from the start." suddenly reinhart jumped from his chair. his hand clutched convulsively at his gun. "and he's _still_ alive! even if we've lost i'm going to have the pleasure of putting a blast beam through cole's chest!" "sit down!" margaret duffe ordered. reinhart was half way to the door. "he's still at the euthanasia ministry, waiting for the official--" "no, he's not," margaret duffe said. reinhart froze. he turned slowly, as if unable to believe his senses. "_what?_" "cole isn't at the ministry. i ordered him transferred and your instructions cancelled." "where--where is he?" there was unusual hardness in margaret duffe's voice as she answered. "with peter sherikov. in the urals. i had sherikov's full authority restored. i then had cole transferred there, put in sherikov's safe keeping. i want to make sure cole recovers, so we can keep our promise to him--our promise to return him to his own time." reinhart's mouth opened and closed. all the color had drained from his face. his cheek muscles twitched spasmodically. at last he managed to speak. "you've gone insane! the traitor responsible for earth's greatest defeat--" "we have lost the war," margaret duffe stated quietly. "but this is not a day of defeat. it is a day of victory. the most incredible victory terra has ever had." reinhart and dixon were dumbfounded. "what--" reinhart gasped. "what do you--" the whole room was in an uproar. all the council members were on their feet. reinhart's words were drowned out. "sherikov will explain when he gets here," margaret duffe's calm voice came. "he's the one who discovered it." she looked around the chamber at the incredulous council members. "everyone stay in his seat. you are all to remain here until sherikov arrives. it's vital you hear what he has to say. his news transforms this whole situation." * * * * * peter sherikov accepted the briefcase of papers from his armed technician. "thanks." he pushed his chair back and glanced thoughtfully around the council chamber. "is everybody ready to hear what i have to say?" "we're ready," margaret duffe answered. the council members sat alertly around the table. at the far end, reinhart and dixon watched uneasily as the big pole removed papers from his briefcase and carefully examined them. "to begin, i recall to you the original work behind the ftl bomb. jamison hedge was the first human to propel an object at a speed greater than light. as you know, that object diminished in length and gained in mass as it moved toward light speed. when it reached that speed it vanished. it ceased to exist in our terms. having no length it could not occupy space. it rose to a different order of existence. "when hedge tried to bring the object back, an explosion occurred. hedge was killed, and all his equipment was destroyed. the force of the blast was beyond calculation. hedge had placed his observation ship many millions of miles away. it was not far enough, however. originally, he had hoped his drive might be used for space travel. but after his death the principle was abandoned. "that is--until icarus. i saw the possibilities of a bomb, an incredibly powerful bomb to destroy centaurus and all the empire's forces. the reappearance of icarus would mean the annihilation of their system. as hedge had shown, the object would re-enter space already occupied by matter, and the cataclysm would be beyond belief." "but icarus never came back," reinhart cried. "cole altered the wiring so the bomb kept on going. it's probably still going." "wrong," sherikov boomed. "the bomb _did_ reappear. but it didn't explode." reinhart reacted violently. "you mean--" "the bomb came back, dropping below the ftl speed as soon as it entered the star proxima. but it did not explode. there was no cataclysm. it reappeared and was absorbed by the sun, turned into gas at once." "why didn't it explode?" dixon demanded. "because thomas cole solved hedge's problem. he found a way to bring the ftl object back into this universe without collision. without an explosion. the variable man found what hedge was after...." the whole council was on its feet. a growing murmur filled the chamber, a rising pandemonium breaking out on all sides. "i don't believe it!" reinhart gasped. "it isn't possible. if cole solved hedge's problem that would mean--" he broke off, staggered. "faster than light drive can now be used for space travel," sherikov continued, waving the noise down. "as hedge intended. my men have studied the photographs of the control turret. they don't know _how_ or _why_, yet. but we have complete records of the turret. we can duplicate the wiring, as soon as the laboratories have been repaired." comprehension was gradually beginning to settle over the room. "then it'll be possible to build ftl ships," margaret duffe murmured, dazed. "and if we can do that--" "when i showed him the control turret, cole understood its purpose. not _my_ purpose, but the original purpose hedge had been working toward. cole realized icarus was actually an incomplete spaceship, not a bomb at all. he saw what hedge had seen, an ftl space drive. he set out to make icarus work." "we can go _beyond_ centaurus," dixon muttered. his lips twisted. "then the war was trivial. we can leave the empire completely behind. we can go beyond the galaxy." "the whole universe is open to us," sherikov agreed. "instead of taking over an antiquated empire, we have the entire cosmos to map and explore, god's total creation." margaret duffe got to her feet and moved slowly toward the great stellar maps that towered above them at the far end of the chamber. she stood for a long time, gazing up at the myriad suns, the legions of systems, awed by what she saw. "do you suppose he realized all this?" she asked suddenly. "what we can see, here on these maps?" "thomas cole is a strange person," sherikov said, half to himself. "apparently he has a kind of intuition about machines, the way things are supposed to work. an intuition more in his hands than in his head. a kind of genius, such as a painter or a pianist has. not a scientist. he has no verbal knowledge about things, no semantic references. he deals with the things themselves. directly. "i doubt very much if thomas cole understood what would come about. he looked into the globe, the control turret. he saw unfinished wiring and relays. he saw a job half done. an incomplete machine." "something to be fixed," margaret duffe put in. "something to be fixed. like an artist, he saw his work ahead of him. he was interested in only one thing: turning out the best job he could, with the skill he possessed. for us, that skill has opened up a whole universe, endless galaxies and systems to explore. worlds without end. unlimited, _untouched_ worlds." reinhart got unsteadily to his feet. "we better get to work. start organizing construction teams. exploration crews. we'll have to reconvert from war production to ship designing. begin the manufacture of mining and scientific instruments for survey work." "that's right," margaret duffe said. she looked reflectively up at him. "but you're not going to have anything to do with it." reinhart saw the expression on her face. his hand flew to his gun and he backed quickly toward the door. dixon leaped up and joined him. "get back!" reinhart shouted. margaret duffe signalled and a phalanx of government troops closed in around the two men. grim-faced, efficient soldiers with magnetic grapples ready. reinhart's blaster wavered--toward the council members sitting shocked in their seats, and toward margaret duffe, straight at her blue eyes. reinhart's features were distorted with insane fear. "get back! don't anybody come near me or she'll be the first to get it!" peter sherikov slid from the table and with one great stride swept his immense bulk in front of reinhart. his huge black-furred fist rose in a smashing arc. reinhart sailed against the wall, struck with ringing force and then slid slowly to the floor. the government troops threw their grapples quickly around him and jerked him to his feet. his body was frozen rigid. blood dripped from his mouth. he spat bits of tooth, his eyes glazed over. dixon stood dazed, mouth open, uncomprehending, as the grapples closed around his arms and legs. reinhart's gun skidded to the floor as he was yanked toward the door. one of the elderly council members picked the gun up and examined it curiously. he laid it carefully on the table. "fully loaded," he murmured. "ready to fire." reinhart's battered face was dark with hate. "i should have killed all of you. _all_ of you!" an ugly sneer twisted across his shredded lips. "if i could get my hands loose--" "you won't," margaret duffe said. "you might as well not even bother to think about it." she signalled to the troops and they pulled reinhart and dixon roughly out of the room, two dazed figures, snarling and resentful. for a moment the room was silent. then the council members shuffled nervously in their seats, beginning to breathe again. sherikov came over and put his big paw on margaret duffe's shoulder. "are you all right, margaret?" she smiled faintly. "i'm fine. thanks...." sherikov touched her soft hair briefly. then he broke away and began to pack up his briefcase busily. "i have to go. i'll get in touch with you later." "where are you going?" she asked hesitantly. "can't you stay and--" "i have to get back to the urals." sherikov grinned at her over his bushy black beard as he headed out of the room. "some very important business to attend to." * * * * * thomas cole was sitting up in bed when sherikov came to the door. most of his awkward, hunched-over body was sealed in a thin envelope of transparent airproof plastic. two robot attendants whirred ceaselessly at his side, their leads contacting his pulse, blood-pressure, respiration, body temperature. cole turned a little as the huge pole tossed down his briefcase and seated himself on the window ledge. "how are you feeling?" sherikov asked him. "better." "you see we've quite advanced therapy. your burns should be healed in a few months." "how is the war coming?" "the war is over." cole's lips moved. "icarus--" "icarus went as expected. as _you_ expected." sherikov leaned toward the bed. "cole, i promised you something. i mean to keep my promise--as soon as you're well enough." "to return me to my own time?" "that's right. it's a relatively simple matter, now that reinhart has been removed from power. you'll be back home again, back in your own time, your own world. we can supply you with some discs of platinum or something of the kind to finance your business. you'll need a new fixit truck. tools. and clothes. a few thousand dollars ought to do it." cole was silent. "i've already contacted histo-research," sherikov continued. "the time bubble is ready as soon as you are. we're somewhat beholden to you, as you probably realize. you've made it possible for us to actualize our greatest dream. the whole planet is seething with excitement. we're changing our economy over from war to--" "they don't resent what happened? the dud must have made an awful lot of people feel downright bad." "at first. but they got over it--as soon as they understood what was ahead. too bad you won't be here to see it, cole. a whole world breaking loose. bursting out into the universe. they want me to have an ftl ship ready by the end of the week! thousands of applications are already on file, men and women wanting to get in on the initial flight." cole smiled a little, "there won't be any band, there. no parade or welcoming committee waiting for them." "maybe not. maybe the first ship will wind up on some dead world, nothing but sand and dried salt. but everybody wants to go. it's almost like a holiday. people running around and shouting and throwing things in the streets. "afraid i must get back to the labs. lots of reconstruction work being started." sherikov dug into his bulging briefcase. "by the way.... one little thing. while you're recovering here, you might like to look at these." he tossed a handful of schematics on the bed. cole picked them up slowly. "what's this?" "just a little thing i designed." sherikov arose and lumbered toward the door. "we're realigning our political structure to eliminate any recurrence of the reinhart affair. this will block any more one-man power grabs." he jabbed a thick finger at the schematics. "it'll turn power over to all of us, not to just a limited number one person could dominate--the way reinhart dominated the council. "this gimmick makes it possible for citizens to raise and decide issues directly. they won't have to wait for the council to verbalize a measure. any citizen can transmit his will with one of these, make his needs register on a central control that automatically responds. when a large enough segment of the population wants a certain thing done, these little gadgets set up an active field that touches all the others. an issue won't have to go through a formal council. the citizens can express their will long before any bunch of gray-haired old men could get around to it." * * * * * sherikov broke off, frowning. "of course," he continued slowly, "there's one little detail...." "what's that?" "i haven't been able to get a model to function. a few bugs.... such intricate work never was in my line." he paused at the door. "well, i hope i'll see you again before you go. maybe if you feel well enough later on we could get together for one last talk. maybe have dinner together sometime. eh?" but thomas cole wasn't listening. he was bent over the schematics, an intense frown on his weathered face. his long fingers moved restlessly over the schematics, tracing wiring and terminals. his lips moved as he calculated. sherikov waited a moment. then he stepped out into the hall and softly closed the door after him. he whistled merrily as he strode off down the corridor. escape velocity by charles l. fontenay _it was a duel to the death and kraag had all the advantages, including offense and defense. jonner had neither, but he employed an old equation peculiarly adaptable to the situation. and the proper equation properly worked...._ [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from worlds of if science fiction, october . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] murdering stein was easy. kraag waited until jonner donned his spacesuit and went out to have a personal look at the asteroid. even then kraag held his patience, because he wanted jonner to come back to the ship unsuspecting. kraag sat tensely at the back of the control room while stein, the navigator and communications man, operated the radio. there was a brief period when stein talked with marsport, then he got in touch with jonner. until jonner got some distance from the wrecked ship, most of their conversation was an argument. "i still think two of us ought to go out and one stay at the ship," argued stein. "kraag agrees with me. what if you fall into a crevice?" "there's not much danger, and you've got a directional fix on me," replied jonner's voice through the loudspeaker. "if we had a large crew, i'd agree we ought to explore in pairs. since there are just three of us, only one ought to be endangered at a time. i'm the captain, so i'm it." "well, don't get out of sight," warned stein. "we don't have an atmosphere here to bounce radio waves over the horizon." through the glassite port, kraag could see jonner poking around at the asteroid's surface with his steel probe. against the incredibly curved horizon, jonner's suited figure leaned at a slight angle under the black, star-studded sky. the distant sun gleamed from the sphere of his helmet. "pretty smooth terrain," remarked jonner. "it's not much of a planet, but it seems to have enough mass to pull down any mountains. looks like there should be some hills, though. it must have been in a molten state when the original trans-martian planet was broken up." "that ought to mean high albedo," said stein. "higher than it ought to be." "sounds more like vesta," said jonner. "sure we're on ceres?" stein looked at the notes he had made from the ship's instruments, before the crash. "the escape velocity was , . feet per second," he said, "and the diameter . . i figure the mass at . ." "all those figures are off according to the latest table for ceres," said jonner. "the fellows that made that table were on mars," reminded stein. "vesta doesn't have a -mile diameter. it must be ceres." "you're the navigator," surrendered jonner. "i'll take your word for it." the personnel sphere of the ship rested on the ground, tilted at almost a -degree angle from the horizontal. the tilt was no inconvenience, however. each of the men weighed only five or six pounds here, and slippage was hardly noticeable. "i'll turn you over to kraag," said stein at last, glancing up at the chronometer. "it's my day to fix supper, you know." it was the signal kraag had been waiting for. he reached behind him and fumbled in the rack for a gun. the one he brought out was jonner's, and it wasn't a heat-gun but the ancient pistol jonner swore by. kraag put it back hurriedly, but not before stein had turned in his chair and seen it. "what's up, kraag?" asked stein without alarm. "why the gun?" kraag pulled a heat-gun from the rack. "nothing's up," he said, and shot stein. the ray burned into stein's shoulder, and kraag swung it down across stein's chest to his stomach before relaxing his pressure on the trigger. "my god, kraag!" gurgled stein. summoning a last effort, he croaked into the microphone: "jonner! watch out! kraag shot...." kraag blasted him in the face, cutting him off. stein's body floated forward and upward out of the chair and began to settle slowly toward the slanting floor. "what's going on, stein?" came jonner's alarmed voice over the loudspeaker. "stein? stein!" "it's all right, jonner," said kraag as calmly as he could, when he could reach the microphone. "stein just fainted." there was silence from jonner. "i'll take care of stein and then take over the mike till you get ready to come in," said kraag into the microphone. "i want to talk to stein when he comes around," said jonner. his voice sounded cold. so jonner suspected something. well, that couldn't be helped. maybe he could be talked around. "all right, jonner," agreed kraag soothingly. stein's body had to be hidden from jonner, just in case. jonner got into the personnel sphere alive--something kraag did not intend for him to do. when he had taken care of jonner, he could dispose of both bodies before the rescue ship got there. dragging stein's body was like towing someone through water. it floated through the air of the sphere at kraag's tug, settling slowly. his only problem was getting good leverage for pushing. after some cogitation, he jammed the body into an empty food compartment two decks below the control room. back in the control room, kraag looked out the port. jonner was closer to the personnel sphere now, looking toward it but not moving. other portions of the ship, some jettisoned, some crumpled and broken apart by its crash, lay at varying distances from the personnel sphere. some of the parts were scattered out of sight beyond the horizon, a mile away. kraag had not wanted to fool with the asteroid. there had been no question that they had to swing back off their original orbit toward titan when the meteorite slashed open both of their hydrazine tanks. but kraag's idea had been to stay in space and try to turn back toward mars before the fuel gave out. as the engineer, kraag resented jonner overruling him. jonner had felt it safer to take an orbit around the asteroid and wait for rescue. but the fuel pumps had failed before they could adjust to the orbit. kraag would never forget that helpless waiting as they circled and circled, spiraling downward to the inevitable crash. he went back to the microphone. "okay, jonner," he said. "what's going on out there now?" "where's stein?" countered jonner. "i want to talk to him." "he's not feeling so good. said he'd rather not try to get back up to the control room right now." "tell him to come to the mike anyhow. i don't want to talk to you till i talk to stein." "stein can't talk, i tell you. if you don't want to talk to me, then are you ready to come in?" "and get shot?" retorted jonner. so jonner's suspicions were that definite. it was to be expected after the words stein had been able to shout into the microphone. jonner was nobody's dumbbell. kraag tired once more. "that's a ridiculous idea, jonner," he said. "i can't figure why you'd say such a thing." "you shot stein," said jonner positively. "there's no use your denying it. i know you shot stein, and i'll know it until stein himself tells me it isn't so." kraag knew jonner too well to try to keep up the pretense any longer. he tried another tack. "okay, so i shot stein," he admitted. "that doesn't mean i'll shoot you. come on in and talk it over. we can make a deal." "if you shot stein, why wouldn't you shoot me?" asked jonner logically. "there wasn't enough air for three. there is for two." jonner was silent for a moment. "so that's why you did it," he said then. "figured it pretty close, didn't you, kraag?" "i'm the guy who has to watch supplies on this boat. i checked the oxygen after the crash broke open those three compartments on the supply deck. there's pounds of oxygen left. it'll take about months for the rescue ship to get here from mars. at . pounds of oxygen a day, you and i can make it, but it would have lasted the three of us only months." jonner cursed him for a full minute, not loudly but with such intensity that kraag felt his face getting warm. "you damn murderer!" finished jonner. "you damn cold-blooded murderer!" "cut it out, jonner," growled kraag. "i can't understand you and stein. what were you expecting to save us? a miracle?" "i don't feel like talking about it now," said jonner warily. "if you had only ... hell, kraag, we'd been together a long time. even if all of us had thought we were going to die, i didn't think we'd kill each other off like animals." "self-preservation is the first law of nature," said kraag cynically. "better that two should die than three. come on in, jonner." "that's self-preservation? no thanks, kraag. you know i'll turn you in as a murderer when the rescue ship gets here. i have no hankering to walk up where you can burn me down." "okay, stay out there till your air gives out." the airlock was not a comfortable place to spend one of the asteroid's seven-hour nights, but kraag was afraid not to stand guard there with his heat-gun. he was afraid to sleep, too, for the airlock combination was virtually noiseless and jonner could open it from the outside. jonner was unarmed, but kraag had no hankering for a hand-to-hand fight with the powerfully built captain inside the personnel sphere. because the air would swish out of the lock instantly if jonner opened it, kraag had to wear a spacesuit. he tried to talk to jonner several times, but got no answer. toward dawn, kraag dozed off, only to be brought awake with a start by jonner's voice in his earphones. "good morning, kraag," said jonner. there was iron in his voice. "have a good night's sleep?" "about as good as yours, i'd say," retorted kraag, wishing he could get his hands inside his helmet to rub his eyes. "i slept fine. found me a good foxhole just beyond the horizon." "damn you, jonner! where are you now?" "go on and have breakfast, kraag. i'm far enough away for you to see me. take a look." kraag peered out of the uppermost airlock ports, one by one. they slanted at a bad angle, but through one of them he made out jonner, standing half a mile away. uncannily, as though he could see kraag's helmet at the port, jonner waved. kraag was afraid to take off the spacesuit now because the supply deck had no ports and jonner could get to the ship in a hurry if he wanted to. he took off the helmet, though, and went up to the center deck. hurriedly, he opened the cover of the port in the direction he had seen jonner. jonner was still in the same place, sitting down. kraag heated breakfast and ate it with an eye on the port. jonner didn't move. kraag felt better when he had eaten, and went up to the control room. "why don't you give it up and come on in, jonner?" he asked. "the oxygen in that suit's not good for more than another hours." "that's where you're wrong, kraag, and that's what's so tragic about your murdering stein," said jonner quietly. "you either forgot that we carried oxygen instead of nitric acid as the fuel oxidizer this trip or, being an engineer, you didn't think of it except as fuel. "there's enough oxygen in the tanks scattered over the landscape to keep a dozen men alive until the rescue ship gets here. it's hard for me to get at, but i've already found i can manage it." kraag was profoundly shocked. for a moment the enormity of what he had done in killing stein almost overwhelmed him. it had been completely unnecessary. then his self-reproach turned into a growing anger against jonner. jonner was always so reticent, always required his orders to be obeyed without explanation. during the whole argument about taking an orbit around the asteroid, during the whole time it had taken to spiral down to a crash, he had not told kraag how he expected them to stay alive until they were rescued. kraag hadn't asked him, of course. kraag had assumed jonner was thinking in terms of his own figures. "i'm sorry about stein," said kraag, and meant it. "but it can't be helped now, jonner. there's enough air for both of us, if you'll keep your mouth shut when the rescue ship gets here." "if i promised, i still wouldn't trust you and you wouldn't trust me. no, kraag. the only way it'll work is for you to come out unarmed and let me go in and get the guns. then i'll lock you in the control room till the rescue ship gets here." "one of us is a fool, jonner, and you seem to think it's me. i'm not going to burn for murder. i've got the whip hand. you may have oxygen, but you've got to have food and water, too." jonner laughed, without humor. "i've got enough of that for three earth days and i can last longer," he said. "before that time, i'll come and get you, kraag. don't go to sleep!" kraag cursed and switched off the loudspeaker. but he kept an eye on jonner through the glassite. always, he had to watch jonner--or stay on guard in the airlock. if there were only some way to lock jonner out! but the only real lock was on the control room, and a man couldn't live in the control room with an enemy below who could cut the water and oxygen lines. kraag would have to sleep some time. jonner couldn't know when, but jonner already was seven hours sleep up on him. jonner could pick his own time to slip up to the sphere under cover of darkness, he could pick his own time to come through the lock. maybe kraag would be awake and could burn him down--but maybe not. there was only one thing to do. he'd have to take the attack to jonner. * * * * * still watching jonner through every port he passed, always watching jonner, kraag hung a heat-gun on one of the hooks at his spacesuit's belt. he went back below, put the helmet on, and went out through the airlock. the shadow of the sphere stretched away toward his left. he was in sunlight. jonner, still in the same spot, got to his feet but made no move to approach. "welcome to the great outdoors," said jonner. "i'm going to get you, jonner," said kraag grimly. "one way or another, i'm going to get you." he moved toward jonner. each step was a long, floating leap and it was hard to stay balanced before landing. jonner moved, not away from him but sidewise. kraag stopped. the effective range of the heat-gun was no more than feet. if he tried to get close enough to jonner to use it, jonner could circle and get to the personnel sphere. there were the oxygen tanks, the big ones used for fuel. if kraag could get to them and burn them open, jonner couldn't last long outside. but they were scattered pretty far from the personnel sphere. jonner would get to the sphere for sure if he tried that. "okay, jonner, i know when i'm licked," said kraag. "come on in." "i'm not too far away to see the gun, kraag." "i'll take it back to the sphere and leave it." "why not just toss it away?" "and have you beat me to it and get the drop on me? we'll leave the guns in the sphere and i'll meet you on even terms." "i'll believe it when i see it." kraag went back to the sphere. he couldn't stand in shadow without looking suspicious, but he took the heat-gun from his belt ostentatiously and swung it in an arc, apparently tossing it through the open outer lock. instead, he held onto it and hung it by the trigger guard to a belt hook at the back of his suit. "i'm all clean, jonner. come on up," he invited. "let's see the hooks, kraag," said jonner. kraag held his arms aloft, wriggling the empty steel fingers of the spacesuit. jonner came toward him, floating high above the surface with each step. at just about the extreme range of the heat-gun, he stopped. kraag kept his arms outspread, but tensed himself. "clean, so far," said jonner drily. "now turn around, kraag." "and have you jump me from behind? not hardly." "gun on the back hook, eh, kraag?" "damn you, jonner!" kraag reached behind him for the gun and at the same time leaped toward jonner. jonner, ready, jumped back, and jonner was a more powerful man. handling a heat-gun with the hand-hooks of a spacesuit is awkward business, and by the time kraag could bring the weapon to bear on jonner and press the trigger, jonner's distance was such that the ray obviously did no worse than make things uncomfortably warm for him. "i didn't think that surrender rang true," commented jonner. "if you'd been level, you'd have tossed away the heat-gun." then jonner revealed that he was not entirely weaponless. as he hit the surface, his arm moved in an arc and a good-sized rock came hurtling through space toward kraag. kraag writhed frantically, two feet off the ground, and the stone missed him by inches. kraag landed on his side and bounced again. jonner hit once more and hurled another rock. evidently he was armed with several of them. this one ricocheted off the ground near kraag just as kraag finally slid to rest. getting to his feet and turning to flee was agonizingly slow, when every frantic movement lifted him off the ground. another stone came sailing by, to strike the personnel sphere and rebound at an angle, before kraag could jump back, away from jonner. perspiring and panting, he clambered hastily back into the safety of the airlock. jonner's rocks were a better weapon than a heat-gun, kraag realized. they weighed only a fraction of an ounce and jonner could fling them an amazing distance. but their mass was just the same as ever, and a jagged one could rip a fatal hole in a spacesuit. he had no intention of engaging in a stone-throwing duel with jonner, in which jonner would be at least on equal terms with him. on the other hand, it was even more imperative than before that he eliminate jonner as soon as possible. a rock could be a deadly weapon if jonner got inside the sphere, too. at any rate, there was no point in concealing stein's body from jonner any longer and kraag couldn't take chances on it polluting the atmosphere of the sphere. he dragged the corpse from the food compartment, down to the airlock, and pushed it out onto the surface of ceres. the body settled stiffly to the ground a few feet away. kraag removed his helmet and hand-hooks, went back up to the control room and settled himself to watch jonner. jonner walked around freely, periodically hurling rocks at the sphere. the rocks bounced off without damage, but every time one of them hit the hull, the sound of it rang through the sphere. kraag switched on the communications system. "do you have to do that?" he demanded in irritation. "it's not doing you any good." "keeping me in practice," replied jonner cheerfully. "i developed a pretty good arm throwing grenades in the charax uprising." jonner was a veteran of that brief but savage war on mars, and sometimes reminisced about it. it was there he had developed his preference for the old-style projectile pistol over the heat-gun. * * * * * kraag's eyes lingered on jonner's pistol, hanging in the rack with the heat-guns, and slowly an idea spread through his mind. the heat-gun range was the same anywhere, but the range of a projectile weapon should be greater here than on mars or earth. its range should be far greater than jonner's rocks. kraag took it from the rack and turned it over in his hand, studying it. he wasn't sure of its principle, but thought it was something on the order of rocket fuel. it should fire without an atmosphere around it. there were some figures stamped on the barrel: "colt , cal-. , mv- , ser- ." kraag puzzled over them. he knew the first one was the make and year and the last undoubtedly was the serial number. he deduced that "mv- " probably was a figure showing the relationship between the projectile's mass and velocity. but it had been a long time since projectile weapons were common. he called on the memory of a demonstration of the weapon jonner had given his companions once on mars. there was something that had to be done to prepare it for firing. holding it in his right hand, kraag grasped the barrel with his left. after a moment of hesitant tugging, he hit the right movement and the whole outer casing of the barrel slid backward and clicked. it snapped back into position as kraag released it, and he remembered. the gun was primed now. all he had to do was press the trigger and it would fire. it would automatically prime itself again after firing. it would fire each time he pressed the trigger now, until it exhausted its projectiles. exultant, he laid it carefully in a contour chair, where it wouldn't slide out. he put his helmet back on and replaced the hand-hooks of his spacesuit. he looked out several ports before he found jonner. the captain was not more than feet away, casually lobbing rocks at the sphere. kraag picked up jonner's pistol and made his way down to the airlock. he emerged and walked around the sphere to the side where he had located jonner. jonner was moving away now, though he couldn't have known kraag was coming out. he was about feet away--too far for a heat-gun, but certainly within range of the projectile weapon. he seemed to be headed toward one of the big fuel tanks. kraag levelled the pistol toward jonner and pulled the trigger. to his astonishment, he was hurtled backward, heels over head. the kick of a . on an asteroid is pretty powerful. kraag must have bounced feet backward over the terrain before he slid to rest on his stomach. but he held on to the pistol--and, since he never had a chance to release the pressure of his hand-hook on the trigger, it did not fire again. when he struggled upright, jonner was standing at the edge of the fuel tank, watching him. "using my gun now, eh, kraag?" jonner said. "you'd better stick to weapons you know something about." with that, he disappeared behind the fuel tank. kraag got to his feet and advanced confidently. his heat-gun was still hanging at his belt if he got close enough to jonner to use it, and he could fire the projectile weapon at jonner when jonner was out of heat-gun range. he was learning. one had to point the projectile gun accurately before firing. it couldn't be swung around and focused while pressing the trigger, like a heat-gun. he might miss a few times, but he ought to be able to hit jonner at least once before the ammunition was exhausted. once should be enough. heat-gun ready in his left hand, projectile gun in his right, kraag circled the fuel tank. keeping it between them, jonner had headed straight for the horizon, running in long, shallow leaps. he was at least half a mile away. kraag pointed the projectile pistol and pulled the trigger. nothing happened. then he realized that he had never released the pressure of his hand-hook on the trigger after firing the first time. he let up on it and pressed it down. and again kraag was hurled backward, but this time he was smashed against the fuel tank and rebounded forward, falling on his face. by the time he reached his feet again, jonner had vanished over the horizon. cursing softly, kraag made his way back to the personnel sphere. he had hoped to get jonner with that shot. he was very sleepy, and now he was faced with another night on guard. he entered the airlock, pushed himself gently upward to catch the rungs of the metal ladder and turned the wheel of the airlock's inner door. nothing happened. the door did not open. fear gripped him like a paralyzing hand. for a moment he thought jonner had managed to get to the sphere ahead of him and somehow had locked him out. but that was impossible. then he thought the inner door might be jammed, and he and jonner locked out together. he glanced frantically below him, then broke into relieved laughter. he had left the outer airlock door open. as a safety measure against the sphere's accidentally losing its air, neither door would open unless the other was shut. and that meant he could lock jonner out of the sphere simply by leaving the inner door of the airlock open! his laugh was full and genuine now as he pulled the outer door closed. "having fun, kraag?" asked jonner in his earphones. "just looking forward to a good night's sleep, for a change," retorted kraag triumphantly. "prowl around all you want to, jonner. i can wait you out, now." "the airlock, eh? i wondered when your guilty conscience would settle down and let you remember about that airlock," said jonner phlegmatically. "you know, kraag, i had no idea you wouldn't think about a simple thing like that, till i looked through the airlock port last night and saw you huddled up there with a heat-gun. you should have turned out the light." jonner was silent for a few minutes. then he added: "i don't think i'd laugh yet, though, kraag. remember, you're fighting with my weapons." kraag wasn't sure what he meant by that: whether he was talking about kraag's using the projectile pistol or the fact that they were in space, jonner's natural element. kraag himself had been in space years, most of it with jonner, but before then he had never left earth. jonner had been born and raised on mars, where a man needed a suit to go to the next settlement, and he had been on a ship since he was . as for using the pistol, kraag could see danger for no one but jonner. he had proved, twice, that he could fire it. he was quite sure the old-fashioned weapon was no more likely to explode than a heat-gun. the only trouble he foresaw was figuring how to reload it if he used up all its projectiles before hitting jonner. kraag shrugged and removed his suit. he was hungry, and he was looking forward to a supper better than jonner had available in the concentrated supplies in his spacesuit. jonner's food and water by now had dwindled to less than hours' supply, unless he was weakening himself by going on slim rations. * * * * * as he wolfed down his supper, kraag took stock of his situation. he could see no flaw in his position. all he had to do was sit back and wait. he decided not to destroy the tanks that were jonner's supply of extra oxygen. after all, jonner could not last beyond his food and water supply. the presence of the oxygen made his case airtight. he could dispose of the bodies of stein and jonner and tell the crew of the rescue ship they had wandered off on an exploration tour and never returned. with plenty of oxygen for the three of them, no motive could be established against him for the murders. he began to feel rather sorry for jonner. they had been companions, and stein with them, for a long time. after eating, he went up to the control room and turned jonner in on the communications system. he was genuinely regretful that jonner had to die so soon. it would be lonesome on the asteroid with no one to talk to. "i hope you've been keeping the radio open to marsport, in case there were any inquiries," said jonner. "if they get the idea we're all dead out here, they may call off the rescue." "the last time they called was right after you left the ship," said kraag. "stein was going to tell you, but i suppose he forgot it. marsport knows where we are. a rescue ship should have blasted off by now." "that's the advantage of being on ceres instead of in space," jonner pointed out. "they know ceres' orbit, but they'd have to have several directional fixes on us, spaced several days apart, to pinpoint us if the ship were in space. what did stein say the escape velocity here is?" surprised at the unexpected question, kraag consulted the notes stein had left lying in the control room. "ev , . feet per second," he replied. "not figuring on jumping off the planet, are you, jonner?" "maybe," said jonner. "well, don't wake me up if you do. i'm really going to pound the pillow tonight." jonner laughed shortly, and kraag heard the click as the captain switched off his helmet radio. he grinned. kraag was asleep almost as soon as he hit the bunk. he came awake slowly, reluctantly, knowing he had not had all the sleep he needed. something was pounding noisily somewhere, ringing through his head. he shook his head to clear it. for just an instant there was silence in the utter darkness. then: crash! like a clap of thunder the noise reverberated through the metal hull of the sphere. kraag started violently, and only the bunk straps kept him from rocketing to the ceiling. again: crash! and kraag could feel the sphere shiver with the blow. he switched on the lights just as another terrific crash sounded. this time he could see everything on the central deck quiver with the impact. one of the four small ports around the central deck was uncovered, and the light threw a beam out into the black night of the asteroid. it brought a temporary cessation of the regular blows. during the interval, kraag unstrapped himself and tumbled up to the control room, to switch on the communications system. "jonner!" he shouted. "jonner, what in hell?" "i'm not deaf," said the loudspeaker resentfully. "give me a chance to turn down my volume, if you're going to holler." "what the devil are you doing out there, jonner?" "what i promised you. i'm coming in after you." kraag swore. "i'm going to blow you off the damned planet," he threatened, and leaped for the gun rack. "you'll have to come outside to do it," reminded jonner. "if you try to shoot through the ports, you'll save me a lot of work." kraag raced up and down the sphere twice before he had sense enough to turn out all the lights and use the searchlight. then he located jonner, clinging to the sphere outside the astrodome on the navigation deck. jonner had a sledge hammer from the ship's cargo section in his hand. jonner grinned at him and moved quickly out of the searchlight's beam. ten seconds later, another thunderous crash sounded, apparently from the other side of the sphere. kraag swung the light in a circle, but jonner could move faster than the beam. hastily, kraag made another tour of the sphere, this time closing all the metal covers over the ports. when he reached the control room, jonner's voice was calling him over the loudspeaker, repeating his name every few seconds. "what do you want?" demanded kraag, panting. "just wanted to tell you i could have knocked out the astrodome or one of the ports before you woke up," said jonner cheerfully. "i don't want to kill you, kraag. i just want you to surrender, and if you don't i can eventually batter through the meteor shield and the hull, and ruin the sphere for you." "we'll see about that," gritted kraag. hurriedly he donned a spacesuit. hanging jonner's pistol at his belt, he took a heat-gun in his right hand and a flashlight in his left and ventured out through the airlock. he did not make the mistake of switching on the airlock light, but jonner seemed to know when he emerged, possibly from the vibration when the lock opened. "nice night out, isn't it, kraag?" jonner welcomed him. kraag grunted. the night was black as pitch. the only way he could tell where the ground ended and the sky began was that the sky was jewelled with stars. he turned the light on and flashed it over the sphere. no sign of jonner. but a rock struck his helmet and bounced off with a clang that nearly knocked him down and left him momentarily dizzy. "i'm behind you, kraag," said jonner pleasantly. "better go back inside. i promise not to break your shell open tonight." kraag twisted around and fired the heat-gun even as he searched for jonner with the flashlight. both beams pierced emptiness. jonner just laughed at him. afraid now that jonner would get into the sphere, kraag scuttled back around to the airlock. heat-gun ready, he turned on the light before closing the outer door, and breathed a sigh of relief at finding it empty. trembling with reaction, he closed the outer lock, left the inner one open and made his way up to the center deck. he needed coffee. "i see you've gone back to the heat-gun," said jonner. "that's smart." "you'd like to see me exhaust the fuel tank of your pistol shooting it in the dark, when i can't hit you, wouldn't you?" retorted kraag. "no, thanks. i'll keep it for long distances." "fuel tank? oh, you mean the magazine." jonner laughed. "i'd stay away from that old . of mine if i were you, kraag. it's been with me too long. it's a lot more likely to turn on my enemies than to do me any harm." "rot!" snapped kraag. "it's a gun. all i have to do is get the hang of aiming it properly." "i wouldn't use too much power tonight, either," warned jonner. "you don't get much with the solar mirror this far out. anyhow, i took the mirror off while you were having your nap. the batteries should give out in a few hours." without answering, kraag switched off his radio and removed his helmet. that last bit of information was a blow. gradually, jonner was stripping kraag down to his own subsistence level. power or not, kraag was determined to have his coffee. but first he went over the sphere again and switched off all unnecessary lights. jonner was a man who kept his word, but kraag couldn't afford to trust him. jonner might change his mind and try to break open the sphere again before morning. kraag kept his spacesuit on. he did not sleep too well, for about once every or minutes something--either a large rock or jonner's sledge hammer--would strike the sphere a resounding blow. * * * * * when kraag's watch told him it was morning, he opened the ports of the center deck and let the weak sunlight stream into the sphere. off to the east, he saw jonner digging with a pick from the cargo. jonner was far enough away for his legs from the knees down to be hidden by the extreme curvature of the little planet. kraag's first impulse was to go out and take a pot shot at him. instead, he switched on the short-wave cooker and prepared some breakfast. taking it up to the control room, where he could switch on the communications system, he opened the eastern port and watched jonner. this high, he could see jonner's feet and the hole he was digging--and stein's body. jonner had taken stein's body from the spot outside the sphere where kraag had pushed it. he was burying stein. jonner finished his excavation and laid stein gently to rest in it. he pushed rocks back in to fill it up, and wrested a boulder that would have weighed a ton over it for a monument. then he murmured a brief prayer over the grave. kraag was ashamed and then, unaccountably, angry. but he stood at the port, drinking his coffee and watching jonner, and said nothing. either with chalk or with some soft rock he had found--kraag could not tell which--jonner wrote something on the big stone that was stein's monument. then he stood up and turned toward the sphere. "kraag," he said. "kraag, are you tuned in?" "yes," replied kraag shortly. "you have today to surrender. tonight i'm going to hatch you out of your comfortable egg." kraag switched off the communications system and paced the room, anger burning slowly inside him. this was ridiculous. he held all the cards. he had the guns, he had the sphere. jonner was outside, weaponless, with a limited supply of food and water. yet jonner had him on the defensive. how had it happened? how could it happen? kraag lit a cigarette and puffed at it slowly, applying his mind coldly to the situation. he didn't doubt that jonner would do as he threatened, but he didn't think it was the recklessness of desperation. more likely, jonner deliberately, calculatingly, planned to reduce his own chances for comfort, in order to bring kraag down to more even terms with him. if jonner broke the hull of the sphere, it could be repaired--by someone working outside, free from interruption by an enemy. until it was repaired, it would mean that kraag, too, would have to live in a spacesuit. and jonner might knock open a hole, or more than one, big enough to permit him to enter the sphere and attack kraag in the darkness. if only he could surround the sphere with light at night, he could keep jonner at a distance. but with the solar mirror gone, the searchlight, on top of the sphere's other electrical requirements, would discharge the batteries before the night was half gone. kraag knew jonner's stubbornness, his resourcefulness, his raw courage. jonner was the one of them who was really at bay, when you considered it. yet kraag felt that jonner was closing in on him, gradually, inexorably. facing this, kraag felt the steel enter his own will. he wasn't a coward. he had just been expecting this to be too easy. if jonner would force him to fight, he would fight. he still had the advantage. he must abandon the sphere as an asset. jonner could take that away from him anyhow. on the other hand, if jonner took over the sphere, kraag could use the same weapon against him. he could break open the sphere. so the sphere was no longer a factor. the food and water were no longer a factor, for food and water went with the sphere. he would admit jonner to equality in those supplies--not full equality, for he could provision himself now more fully than jonner had been provisioned two ceres days earlier. he still might pin jonner down as jonner tried to get to the sphere for more supplies. then kraag's remaining advantage lay in the guns. they should be enough. if he could get close enough to use a heat-gun, he could blast jonner. jonner's own projectile weapon would keep jonner out of rock-throwing range, and sooner or later he would hit jonner with it. he couldn't keep on missing; the law of average would give him a hit sooner or later. and all he needed was just one.... kraag provisioned his spacesuit and hung all three of the heat-guns at his belt. in one of the capacious outside pockets he put two spare flashlights and half a dozen of the extra fuel packets--what was it jonner had called them? magazines, that was it--for jonner's projectile pistol. he took that pistol in his right hand and sallied forth to do battle. * * * * * jonner was nowhere in sight. kraag shut the outer lock to make it appear he might be still in the sphere if jonner happened not to spot him. he went over to stein's new grave. jonner had written on the stone: rest in peace. r. stein murdered by a. kraag. dec. , . angrily, kraag burned the lettering off in a -second blast with his heat-gun that left the face of stein's gravestone cherry red. he turned to survey the terrain, and saw jonner. the captain was crouched half a mile away, apparently writing more on a flat rock or on the ground itself. jonner was facing him, but his head was down and he hadn't seen kraag. if kraag fired the projectile pistol, he probably would miss and might warn jonner with the shot. he was sure of his accuracy with a heat-gun. kraag took a heat-gun in his left hand and ran toward jonner. possibly the vibration of the ground warned jonner. he looked up, jumped to his feet and fled. as soon as he could stop and get his feet planted firmly on the ground, kraag fired the projectile pistol after him. he was still shooting low and to one side. kraag picked himself up from the ground, where the backlash of the weapon had knocked him, and went up to the spot where jonner had been writing. a mathematical problem had been scratched on the surface with a sharp rock. kraag had interrupted jonner in the middle of it. the figures that had been written were: ------ . ) . --- --- [transcriber's note: figures are long division of . divided by . ] kraag stared at it, carrying out the rest of the simple mathematics in his head. the answer was . but what was the problem? the figure " . " was familiar enough. it was the square root of two, carried to two decimal places. but what was jonner dividing by it, and why? he frowned in concentration. there was something familiar about the numbers, something that had to do with him and jonner, and jonner wouldn't be working arithmetic just for amusement. he saw jonner moving on the horizon, just his head visible against the black sky, his body hidden by the curve of the planet. jonner was circling. the sudden realization of danger wiped other thoughts from his mind. until he saw the epitaph jonner had written for stein, kraag had thought jonner looked at this as he did: one man against the other, and winner take all. but jonner intended to win even if he lost, because jonner was not fighting just for jonner's survival but for due process of law. jonner was trying to make certain that, even if kraag killed him, martian law would punish kraag for stein's death. and if jonner got into the sphere, he could get his message to marsport or the rescue ship simply by turning on the radio. kraag turned and raced back to the sphere. he arrived, panting heavily. jonner was nowhere in sight, but he knew jonner, circling, could not have gotten there ahead of him. he must kill jonner before nightfall, if he could, but he must not get far enough from the sphere to let jonner slip in behind him. he was not ready, yet, to destroy the radio to keep jonner from it. he walked around the sphere. there was jonner on the other side, only his head above the horizon, moving clockwise. the sun flashed and gleamed from jonner's helmet. there was no sense in shooting at so small a target as a head. a mile away, jonner's whole body was a small enough target. a carefully gauged leap carried kraag to the top of the sphere. here, feet higher, his range of view was increased considerably. he could see jonner well. jonner could see him, too. jonner stopped to hurl a stone. it took a while for the missile to cover the distance. it passed below kraag's level, some distance away from him. "why don't you give it up, jonner?" asked kraag. "you can't hurt me with a rock, at this distance." "why should i?" retorted jonner. "all i have to do is wait till night." "sure, wait. but i'm not waiting, jonner. one of us is going to win this thing before night, or i'm going to blast the radio so you can't reach marsport. if i have to do that, i'll track you down tomorrow--and i think i can stay outside and fight you away from the sphere tonight." "getting desperate enough to fight like a man now, aren't you, kraag? if you want a showdown today, i'm willing." kraag's mind was clear now. he had the situation under control. he glanced around the landscape at the scattered portions of the wrecked ship. there was the cargo hull, burst open, where jonner had gotten his sledge hammer and the pick to bury stein. over there was a red sphere, ripped by the jagged gash of the meteor collision--one of the two hydrazine fuel tanks. the yellow sphere degrees away from it was an oxygen fuel tank. kraag leveled jonner's gun and fired at the yellow sphere. the kick knocked him off the sphere, but as he somersaulted backwards he saw the projectile hit the ground. still low and to one side. but he noticed something on the gun, he hadn't seen before. there were ridges for sighting along the barrel of jonner's pistol. regaining his position atop the sphere, kraag pressed his back against the observatory dome, to brace himself against the gun's backlash. he aimed carefully at the yellow sphere and fired again. the yellow tank jumped--not from the impact, but from the spout of freed, expanding oxygen through the hole the bullet made. it moved and wobbled about in the weak gravity, like a dying balloon. when it stopped, kraag knew he had destroyed half of jonner's oxygen supply. "good shot, kraag," congratulated jonner, with fatalistic irony in his tone. "of course, i'm not as big a target as the tanks." "each target in its own time," replied kraag triumphantly, and looked around for the other yellow sphere. he had been afraid it might be one of the parts that had fallen over the horizon, but it wasn't. it was behind him, a little closer than the first. he hit it with one shot. now jonner had only the oxygen in his spacesuit tanks. jonner had made no effort to move farther away. he was still visible on the horizon, from the knees up, moving in a great circle around the personnel sphere. kraag aimed carefully and fired. he did not know the projectile's speed, but certainly it would be much faster than jonner's rocks. after half a minute had passed, he knew he had missed. there was only one thing to do. he settled himself and fired again, trying to lead jonner slightly. again he missed. methodically, taking his time, kraag fired. jonner walked on unconcernedly, circling. kraag tried to fire so the path of his projectile would strike at the top of jonner's strides, for then jonner rose several feet into the air and his whole body was visible. occasionally, jonner would stop and hurl a stone at kraag. one man was as inaccurate as the other. jonner's stones went wide at that distance, and kraag obviously had not hit jonner with a bullet. at last jonner stopped. he seemed to be fiddling with something that was right on the ground, below kraag's line of vision. then a tremendous stone, bigger than kraag's head, came hurtling toward the sphere. kraag ducked instinctively, but the missile passed feet above him, still going well. "what in the devil!" exclaimed kraag. "a little innovation of mine, to make things more interesting," said jonner. "in case you ever want to use the idea, i made me a super-slingshot out of two of the jeep inner tubes from the cargo, and a couple of crowbars i could drive into crevices. fixed it up yesterday for bombardment purposes." the duel went on. there came the time when the hammer of the pistol clicked on an empty chamber. "how do you refuel this thing, jonner?" asked kraag pleasantly. the sun was still high. he could retreat to the interior of the sphere and figure it out if he had to. "it's pretty hard to do with spacesuit hooks," replied jonner. "be glad to demonstrate, if you'll toss me the gun." kraag laughed, a laugh with more triumph in it than humor, because in his fumbling he had just hit the button that ejected the magazine. to push in a fresh one was the matter of a moment. he had hoped jonner would move in closer when he knew the pistol was empty, but no such luck. jonner stayed put. kraag's first effort with the new magazine brought no results, for he had neglected to prime the weapon by pushing the outer covering back on the barrel. he did this, and resumed his methodical firing. as the time wore on, kraag began to appreciate the difficulties involved in hitting a moving target, even a slowly moving one, when the marksman was as inexperienced as he was. the trouble was that, at that distance, he could not see where the bullets were striking and had no way of knowing how wide of his mark he was shooting. he was on the fourth magazine and the sun had passed the meridian when he felt the sphere vibrate faintly and momentarily beneath him. he twisted around, alarmed. he could see nothing. it wasn't one of jonner's rocks, because a big one had just missed. his eye detected a shining streak that stretched a few inches along the curve of the sphere's meteor shield, at about the level of his feet. he bent to examine it. something had struck it at high speed, a glancing blow. it couldn't be one of jonner's rocks. small meteor? a jagged hole suddenly appeared in the observatory dome near him. kraag moved up and examined it closely. it had been made by some small object. through the glassite he could see a similar hole in the other side of the dome. did jonner have some sort of new weapon? he couldn't. even jonner wasn't resourceful enough to invent a high-powered weapon with the innocuous cargo they were carrying for the titan colony. something struck kraag a powerful blow in the left chest, a blow that hurled him sideways, to tumble off the sphere and fall slowly to the ground below. there was a great pain in his chest, and he released his hand-hooks in agony, so that the pistol fell away from him. kraag gasped for breath as he struck the ground and bounced. he coughed up blood. he fell slowly again, and bounced again. the third time he settled jarringly, prone on his back. he couldn't understand what had happened to him. he pulled his right arm inside the suit with an effort and probed the painful area on his chest. he felt the hot wetness of flowing blood. he would have to get to the sphere. he tried to move. he couldn't get off his back. he lay there and writhed in pain. jonner's voice was in his ears, saying something. "i knew it would get you," jonner said. "it was my only chance. but it got you at last, kraag." "come help me, jonner," whimpered kraag weakly. "i've been hit by ... i don't know. it must have been a meteor." "i'm coming as fast as i can, kraag, but it was no meteor. it was my gun." "gun?" repeated kraag wonderingly. "i warned you about that gun of mine, kraag. if you'd looked at the figures on the barrel, the muzzle velocity of those . -calibre bullets is feet a second. with ceres' escape velocity, that's almost exactly the circular velocity at the asteroid's surface." jonner was standing over him, and then was lifting him gently, to carry him to the sphere. "i deliberately got just out of your range of vision, from the ground, so you'd climb to a high spot," said jonner. "you had to be high, so the bullet would clear the irregularities on the planet's surface, and i knew that sooner or later you'd shoot a bullet or two high enough not to hit the ground. "when you were firing at me, your bullets weren't describing a trajectory and falling to the surface, as they would on earth or mars. they were taking an orbit that brought them all the way around the planet to the same spot, to hit you from the other side two hours later." kraag tried to look up at him. something was going wrong with his sight, and everything outside his face plate was a blur. must be the oxygen ... maybe his suit didn't seal the bullet hole properly. "i thought...." kraag began, and choked. he coughed, slowly and painfully, then tried again: "i thought that ... problem on the rocks ... looked familiar." "you've always done it with a slide rule. that's probably why the long division didn't register," said jonner. "the equation is one every spaceman knows: the circular velocity equals the escape velocity divided by the square root of two." images of public domain material from the google print project.) [illustration: frontispiece. "the end of the war." a graphic record. one minute before the hour. all guns firing. nov. , . a.m. one minute after the hour. all guns silent. this is the last record by sound ranging of artillery activity on the american front near the river moselle. it is the reproduction of a piece of recording tape as it issued from an american sound-ranging apparatus when the hour of o'clock on the morning of november , , brought the general order to cease firing, and the great war came to an end. six seconds of sound recording are shown. the broken character of the records on the left indicates great artillery activity; the lack of irregularities on the right indicates almost complete cessation of firing, two breaks in the second line probably being due to the exuberance of a doughboy firing his pistol twice close to one of the recording microphones on the front in celebration of the dawn of peace. the two minutes on either side of the exact armistice hour have been cut from the strip to emphasize the contrast. sound ranging was an important means of locating the positions and calibers of enemy guns. a description of these wonderful devices, which were a secret with america and the allies, is given in book iii, chapter .] america's munitions - report of benedict crowell the assistant secretary of war director of munitions [illustration] washington government printing office washington, d. c., _december , _. dear mr. crowell: american munitions production, which for some time has been in your charge, played an important part in the early decision of the war, yet the very immensity and complexity of the problem has made it difficult for this accomplishment to be adequately understood by the public or in fact by any except those who have had occasion to give the matter special study. as the whole people have been called upon to make sacrifices for the war, all the people should be given an opportunity to know what has been done in their behalf in munitions production, and i therefore ask that you have prepared a historical statement of munitions production, so brief that all may have time to read it, so nontechnical that all may be able readily to understand it, and so authoritative that all may rely upon its accuracy. cordially yours, newton d. baker, _secretary of war_. hon. benedict crowell, _the assistant secretary of war_. washington, d. c., _may , _. dear mr. secretary: responding to your request, i transmit herewith a brief, nontechnical, authoritative history of munitions production during the recent war. the several chapters have been prepared in the first instance by the officers who have been directly responsible for production, and have been assembled and edited, under my direction, by hon. robert j. bulkley, assisted by capt. robert forrest wilson and capt. benjamin e. ling. capt. wilson has undertaken responsibility for the literary style of the report, and has rewritten the greater part of it, consulting at length with the officers who supplied the original material, and with officers of the statistics branch of the general staff, in order to insure accuracy. maj. gen. c. c. williams, chief of ordnance; brig. gen. w. s. peirce, acting chief of ordnance; maj. gen. c. t. menoher, chief of air service; maj. gen. w. m. black, chief of engineers; maj. gen. w. l. sibert, chief of chemical warfare service; maj. gen. h. l. rogers, quartermaster general; mr. r. j. thorne, acting quartermaster general; maj. gen. g. o. squier, chief signal officer; brig. gen. charles b. drake, chief of motor transport corps; and maj. gen. w. m. ireland, the surgeon general, have cooperated in the preparation of the material transmitted herewith. special acknowledgment for the preparation and correction of the several chapters is due to the following officers: the ordnance problem, col. james l. walsh. gun production, col. william p. barba. mobile field artillery, col. j. b. rose. railway artillery, col. g. m. barnes and maj. e. d. campbell. explosives, propellants, and artillery ammunition, col. c. t. harris and maj. j. herbert hunter. sights and fire-control apparatus, col. h. k. rutherford and maj. fred e. wright. motorized artillery, col. l. b. moody and lieut. col. h. w. alden. tanks, lieut. col. h. w. alden. machine guns, col. earl mcfarland and lieut. col. herbert o'leary. service rifles, maj. lewis p. johnson and maj. parker dodge. pistols and revolvers, lieut. col. j. c. beatty and maj. parker dodge. small arms ammunition, lieut. col. j. c. beatty, maj. lee o. wright, maj. a. e. hunt, and capt. c. j. evans. trench warfare material, lieut. col. e. j. w. ragsdale, capt. j. r. caldwell, capt. r. d. smith, and lieut. j. t. libbey. miscellaneous ordnance equipment, lieut. col. s. h. macgregor, maj. bashford dean, capt. a. l. fabens, and capt. james s. wiley. the aircraft problem and airplane production, lieut. col. george w. mixter. the liberty engine and other airplane engines, lieut. h. h. emmons, united states navy. aviation equipment and armament, lieut. col. e. j. w. ragsdale, maj. e. bradley, capt. robert d. smith, capt. h. e. ives, and lieut. john m. hammond. the airplane radio telephone, col. c. c. culver and lieut. col. nugent h. slaughter. balloons, capt. h. w. treat. the engineers in france, lieut. col. j. b. cress and capt. c. beard. military railways, col. j. m. milliken and mr. s. m. felton. engineer activities at home, lieut. col. j. b. cress and lieut. col. r. w. crawford. sound and flash ranging and searchlights, lieut. col. j. b. cress and maj. w. d. young. toxic gases, col. m. t. bogert, col. w. a. walker, lieut. col. e. m. chance, and lieut. col. william mcpherson. defensive gas equipment, col. bradley dewey and lieut. col. a. l. besse. subsistence, lieut. col. j. h. adams and capt. s. b. johnson. clothing and equipage, lieut. col. f. a. ellison and capt. w. h. porter. miscellaneous quartermaster undertakings: music, maj. george h. richards; fuel, oil, and paints, mr. j. elliott hall; brushes, capt. t. w. s. phillips; rolling kitchens, capt. j. g. williams and mr. m. a. dunning; tools and tool chests, mr. w. f. fusting and mr. m. e. moye; hardware, lieut. col. h. p. hill and mr. william a. graham; factory enterprises, lieut. col. h. p. hill; shoe fitting, col. f. a. ellison; meat cutting, dr. w. o. trone; packing, capt. r. h. moody; horses and mules, maj. a. cedarwald. motor and horse-drawn vehicles: motor vehicles, col. fred glover; horse-drawn vehicles, maj. a. volgeneau. medical and dental supplies, lieut. col. j. p. fletcher and capt. w. g. guth. salvage, col. j. s. chambers and capt. f. c. simpson. mr. w. l. pollard, mr. aaron rachofsky, and lieut. j. j. cameron have rendered very valuable assistance in assembling data concerning quartermaster activities. cantonments and camps, and miscellaneous construction, maj. w. g. maupin. signal corps material, brig. gen. c. mck. saltzman and capt. donald macgregor. the accuracy of all statistics and direct statements of fact has been checked and approved by the statistics branch of the general staff, under the direction of maj. w. r. burgess. respectfully submitted, benedict crowell, _the assistant secretary of war, director of munitions_. hon. newton d. baker, _secretary of war_. preface. except in one or two instances, this account of the production of munitions in america for the war against germany and her allies contains nothing about secret devices invented during the period under discussion. when the necessity for silence with respect to vital matters brought about a voluntary censorship in american publications, the land was filled with rumors of new and revolutionary developments in war matériel, particularly of new weapons of offense. it is fair to the american public to-day to state that such rumors were not without foundation. american inventiveness rose splendidly to the emergency. the expected american offensive in would have had its "surprises" in numbers, some of which might well have proved to be decisive. certain of these inventions had been put in large production before the armistice was declared, others had been carried to an advanced experimental stage that insured their success. since the value of these innovations as part of the nation's permanent military assets depends largely upon their secret nature, it would be obviously unwise to mention or describe them at this time. the director of munitions wishes to acknowledge the debt of america, so far as the production of munitions is concerned, to the navy for its cooperation in industrial matters at home and its strong aid in the safe transport of munitions to france, and to all the other government departments, each one of which contributed in numerous and important ways to the success of the munitions enterprise. the debt also extends heavily to the war industries board, its functions of creating facilities for manufacture, opening up new sources of raw materials, allocating materials, decreeing priorities, fixing prices, and acting as purchasing agent for the allies, making it the national industrial clearing house through which the war department could work without waste effort. acknowledgment is made to such essential agencies as the united states railroad administration, the united states fuel administration, the war trade board, and the united states food administration, and to all official or volunteer activities looking to the conservation and mobilization of our national resources. without this entire cooperation the history set forth in these pages would not be what it is. contents. page. introduction book i--ordnance. chapter . the ordnance problem . gun production . mobile field artillery . railway artillery . explosives, propellants, and artillery ammunition . sights and fire-control apparatus . motorized artillery . tanks . machine guns . service rifles . pistols and revolvers . small-arms ammunition . trench-warfare material . miscellaneous ordnance equipment book ii--the air service. chapter . the aircraft problem . airplane production . the liberty engine . other airplane engines . aviation equipment and armament . the airplane radio telephone . balloons book iii--the engineer corps. chapter . the engineers in france . military railways . engineer activities at home . sound and flash ranging and searchlights book iv--chemical warfare. chapter . toxic gases . gas defense equipment. book v--quartermaster activities. chapter . subsistence . clothing and equipage . miscellaneous quartermaster undertakings . motor and horse-drawn vehicles . medical and dental supplies . salvage book vi--the construction division. chapter . cantonments and camps . miscellaneous construction book vii--the signal corps. chapter . signal corps material conclusion america's munitions, - introduction. as our war against germany recedes into the past its temporal boundaries become more sharply defined, and it assumes the character of a complete entity--a rounded-out period of time in which the united states collected her men and resources, fought, and shared in the victory. as such it offers to the critic the easy opportunity to discover that certain things were not done. american airplanes did not arrive at the front in sufficient numbers. american guns in certain essential calibers did not appear at all. american gas shells were not fired at the enemy. american troops fought with french and british machine guns to a large extent. the public is familiar with such statements. it should be remembered that the war up to its last few weeks--up to its last few days, in fact--was a period of anxious suspense, during which america was straining her energies toward a goal, toward the realization of an ambition which, in the production of munitions, dropped the year almost out of consideration altogether, which indeed did not bring the full weight of american men and matériel into the struggle even in , but which left it for , if the enemy had not yet succumbed to the growing american power, to witness the maximum strength of the united states in the field. necessarily, therefore, the actual period of hostilities, between april , , and november , , was devoted in this country to laying down the foundations of a munitions industry that should bring about its overwhelming results at the appointed time. what munitions of the more difficult sort were actually produced in this period might almost be termed casual to the main enterprise--pilots of the quantities to come. the decision to prepare heavily for and and thus sacrifice for and the munitions that might have been produced at the cost of any less adequate preparation for the more distant future, was based on sound strategical reasoning on the part of the allies and ourselves. on going back to the past we find that on april , , the united states scarcely realized the gravity of the undertaking. there was a general impression, reaching even into government, that the allies alone were competent to defeat the central powers in time, and that america's part would be largely one of moral support, with expanding preparation in the background as insurance against any unforeseen disasters. in line with this attitude we sent the first division of american troops to france in the spring of to be our earnest to the governments and peoples of the allies that we were with them in the great struggle. not until after the departure of the various foreign missions that came to this country during that spring did america fully awake to the seriousness of the situation. all through the summer of the emphasis upon american man power in france gradually grew, but no definite schedule upon which the united states could work was reached until autumn or early winter, until the mission headed by col. edward m. house visited europe to give america place on the supreme war council and in the interallied conference. the purpose of the house mission was to assure the allies that america was in the war for all she was worth and to determine the most effective method in which she could cooperate. in the conferences in london and paris the american representatives looked into the minds of the allied leaders and saw the situation as it was. two dramatic factors colored all the discussions--the growing need for men and the gravity of the shipping situation. the german submarines were operating so effectively as to make exceedingly dark the outlook for the transport on a sufficient scale either of american troops or of american munitions. as to man power, the supreme war council gave it as the judgment of the military leaders of the allies that, if the day were to be saved, america must send , , troops by the following july. there were in france then (on dec. , ) parts of four divisions of american soldiers-- , men in all. the program of american cooperation, as it crystallized in these conferences, may be summarized as follows: . to keep the allies from starvation by shipping food. . to assist the allied armies by keeping up the flow of matériel already in production for them in the united states. . to send as many men as could be transported with the shipping facilities then at america's command. . to bend energies toward a big american army in equipped with american supplies. in these conferences sat the chief military and political figures of the principal european powers at war with germany. in the supreme war council were such strategists as gen. foch for the french and gen. robertson for the british, gen. bliss representing the united states. the president of the interallied conference was m. clemenceau, the french prime minister. mr. winston churchill, the minister of munitions, represented great britain, while mr. lloyd-george, the prime minister of england, also participated to some extent in the conferences. out of bodies of such character came the international ordnance agreement. it will be apparent to the reader that this agreement must have represented the best opinion of the leaders of the principal allies, initiated out of their intimate knowledge of the needs of the situation and concurred in by the representatives of the united states. the substance of this agreement was outlined for washington in a cabled message signed by gen. bliss, a document that had such an important bearing upon the production of munitions in this country that its more important passages are set down at this point: the representatives of great britain and france state that their production of artillery (field, medium, and heavy) is now established on so large a scale that they are able to equip completely all american divisions as they arrive in france during the year with the best make of british and french guns and howitzers. the british and french ammunition supply and reserves are sufficient to provide the requirements of the american army thus equipped at least up to june, , provided that the existing -inch shell plants in the united states and dominion of canada are maintained in full activity, and provided that the manufacture of -inch howitzer carriages in the united states is to some extent sufficiently developed. on the other hand, the french, and to a lesser extent the british, require as soon as possible large supplies of propellants and high explosives: and the british require the largest possible production of -inch howitzers from now onward and of -inch and . -inch shell from june onward. in both of these matters they ask the assistance of the americans. with a view, therefore, first to expedite and facilitate the equipment of the american armies in france, and, second, to secure the maximum ultimate development of the ammunition supply with the minimum strain upon available tonnage, the representatives of great britain and france propose that the american field, medium, and heavy artillery be supplied during , and as long after as may be found convenient, from british and french gun factories; and they ask: (a) that the american efforts shall be immediately directed to the production of propellants and high explosives on the largest possible scale; and (b) great britain also asks that the -inch, -inch, and . -inch shell plants already created for the british service in the united states shall be maintained in the highest activity, and that large additional plants for the manufacture of these shells shall at once be laid down. in this way alone can the tonnage difficulty be minimised and potential artillery development, both in guns and shells, of the combined french, british, and american armies be maintained in and still more in . this agreement had a profound effect upon american production of munitions. most important of all, it gave us time; time to build manufacturing capacity on a grand scale without the hampering necessity for immediate production; time to secure the best in design; time to attain quality in the enormous output to come later as opposed to early quantity of indifferent class. in the late autumn of , shortly after russia collapsed and withdrew from the war, it became evident that germany would seize the opportunity to move her troops from the eastern front and concentrate her entire army against the french and british in . this intelligence at once resulted in fresh emphasis upon the man-power phase of american cooperation. as early as december, , the war department was anticipating the extraordinary need for men in the coming spring by considering plans for the transport of troops up to the supposed limit of the capacity of all available american ships, with what additional tonnage great britain and the other allies could spare us. it is of record that the actual dispatch of troops to france far outstripped these early estimates. then came the long-expected german offensive, and the cry went up in europe for men. england, "her back against the wall," offered additional ships in which to transport six divisions over and above the number of troops already scheduled for embarkation, agreeing further to feed and maintain these men for weeks while they were brigaded with british units for final training. after the six additional divisions had embarked there was still need of men, and the british continued their transports in our service. the high mark of shipment was in july, when , american soldiers were transported across the atlantic, more than three times the number contemplated for july in the schedule adopted six months earlier. [illustration: actual troop sailings compared with programs.] the effect of this stepping up of the man-power program upon the shipment of supplies was described by lieut. col. repington, the british military critic, writing in the morning post (london) on december , , in part as follows: * * * they (the british war cabinet) also prayed america in aid, implored her to send in haste all available infantry and machine guns, and placed at her disposal, to her great surprise, a large amount of transports to hasten arrivals. * * * the american government acceded to this request in the most loyal and generous manner. assured by their allies in france that the latter could fit out the american infantry divisions on their arrival with guns, horses, and transport, the americans packed their infantry tightly in the ships and left to a later occasion the dispatch to france of guns, horses, transport, labor units, flying service, rolling stock, and a score of other things originally destined for transport with the divisions. if subsequently--and indeed up to the day that the armistice was signed--gen. pershing found himself short of many indispensable things, and if his operations were thereby conducted under real difficulties of which he must have been only too sensible, the defects were not due to him and his staff, nor to the washington administration, nor to the resolute gen. march and his able fellow workers, but solely to the self-sacrificing manner in which america had responded to the call of her friends. * * * * * [illustration: british and american expeditionary forces on western front.] the really amazing thing which america did was to place in france in months an army of the size and the ability of the american expeditionary force. the war taught us that america can organize, train, and transport troops of a superior sort at a rate which leaves far behind any program for the manufacture of munitions. it upset the previous opinion that adequate military preparedness is largely a question of trained man power. when the war touched us our strategical equipment included plans ready drawn for the mobilization of men. there were on file at the army war college in washington detailed plans for defending our harbors, our coasts, and our borders. there were also certain plans for the training of new troops. it is worthy of note, however, that this equipment included no plan for the equally important and equally necessary mobilization of industry and production of munitions, which proved to be the most difficult phase of the actual preparation for war. the experience of and was a lesson in the time it takes to determine types, create designs, provide facilities, and establish manufacture. these years will forever stand as the monument to the american genius of workshop and factory, which in this period insured the victory by insuring the timely arrival of the overwhelming force of america's resources in the form of america's munitions. b. c. washington, _may, _. book i. ordnance. chapter i. the ordnance problem. to arm the manhood called to defend the nation in and , to make civilians into soldiers by giving them the tools of the martial profession--such was the task of the ordnance department in the late war. the off-hand thought may identify ordnance as artillery alone. it may surprise many to know that in the american ordnance catalogue of supplies during the recent war there were over , separate and distinct items. thousands of the items of ordnance were distinctly noncommercial, meaning that they had to be designed and produced specially for the uses of war. while the principles of fighting essentially have changed not one whit since the age when projectiles were stones hurled by catapults, nearly every advance in mechanical science has had its reflection in warfare, until to-day the weapons which man has devised to destroy the military power of his enemy make up an intricate and an imposing list. when america accepted the challenge of germany in , part of the range of ordnance had already been produced in moderate quantities in the united states, part of it had been developed by the more militaristic nations of the world in the last decade or quarter century, and part of it was purely the offspring of two and one-half years of desperate fighting before america entered the great struggle. yet all of it, both the strange and the familiar, had to be put in production here on a grand scale and in a minimum of time, that the american millions might go adequately equipped to meet the foe. let us examine the range of this equipment, seeing in the major items something of the character of the problem which confronted the ordnance department at the outset of the great enterprise. starting with the artillery, there was first in order of size the baby two-man cannon of millimeters (about an inch and a half) in the diameter of its bore--a european development new to our experience, so light that it could be handled by foot troops in the field, used for annihilating the enemy's machine-gun emplacements. then the mobile field guns--the famous 's, the equivalent in size of our former -inch gun, the -millimeter howitzer, the french millimeter g. p. f. (grand puissance filloux) gun of glorious record in the war, and its american prototypes, the . -inch, -inch, and -inch guns--all of these employed to shell crossroads and harass the enemy's middle area. beyond these were the -inch and . -inch howitzers and the terrific -millimeter howitzer, for throwing great weights of destruction high in air to descend with a plunge upon the enemy's strongest defenses. then there were the -inch, -inch, -inch, and -inch guns on railway mounts, for pounding the depots and dumps in the enemy's back areas. these weapons were so tremendous in weight when mounted as to require from to axles on the car to distribute the load and the recoil of firing within the limits of the strength of standard heavy railway track. all of these guns had to be produced in great numbers, if the future requirements of the american forces were to be met, produced by the thousands in the cases of the smaller ones and by the hundreds and scores in the cases of the larger. these weapons would be ineffective without adequate supplies of ammunition. in the case of the mobile held guns this meant a requirement of millions of shell or shrapnel for the incessant bombardments and the concentrated barrages which characterized the great war. the entire weight of projectiles fired in such an historic engagement as gettysburg would supply the artillery only for a few minutes in such intensive bombardments as sowed the soil of flanders with steel. the artillery demanded an immense amount of heavy equipment--limbers, caissons, auto ammunition trucks, and tractors to drag the heavy and middle-heavy artillery. some of them were fitted with self-propelled caterpillar mounts which could climb a ° grade or make as high as miles an hour on level ground. these, the adaptations to warfare of peaceful farm and construction machine traction, for the first time rendered the greater guns exceedingly mobile, enabling them to go into action instantly upon arrival and to depart to safety just as soon as their mission was accomplished. then, too, this artillery equipment must have adequate facilities for maintenance in the field, and this need brought into existence another enormous phase of the ordnance program. there must be mobile ordnance repair shops for each division, consisting of miniature machine shops completely fitted out with power and its transmission equipment and mounted directly on motor trucks. then there must be semi-heavy repair shops on -ton tractors, these to be for the corps what the truck machine shop was to the division. each army headquarters called for its semipermanent repair shop for artillery and still larger repair shops for its railway artillery. and in addition to all these were the base repair shops in france, which were erected on a scale to employ a force three times as large as the combined organizations of all the manufacturing arsenals of the united states in time of peace, having a capacity for relining , cannon and overhauling and repairing , motor vehicles, , machine guns, , rifles, and , pistols every month. this equipment of artillery and its maintenance organization implies the flow from american industry of enormous quantities of repair parts and spare parts to keep the artillery in good condition. coming next to the more personal equipment of the soldier, we find the necessity confronting the ordnance department to manufacture shoulder rifles by the million and cartridges for them by the billion. the great war brought the machine gun into its own, requiring in the united states the manufacture of these complicated and expensive weapons by the tens of thousands, including the one-man automatic rifle, itself an arm of a deadly and effective type. simultaneously with the mass employment of machine guns in the field came the development of the modern machine gun barrage, the indirect fire, of which required sighting instruments of the most delicate and accurate sort, and tripods with finely calibrated elevating and traversing devices, so that the gunner might place the deadly hail safely over the heads of his own unseen but advancing lines and with maximum damage to the enemy. these thousands of machine guns required water jackets to keep their barrels cool and specially built carts to carry them. the personal armament of the soldier also called for an automatic pistol or a revolver for use in the infighting, when squads came in actual contact with soldiers of the enemy. these had to be produced by the hundreds of thousands. the requirements of the field demanded hundreds of thousands of trench knives, murderous blades backed by the momentum of heavily weighted handles, which in turn were protected by guards embodying the principle of the thug's brass "knucks" armed with sharp points. then there were the special weapons, largely born of modern trench warfare. these included mortars, ranging from the small -inch stokes, light enough to go over the top and simple enough to be fired from between the steadying knees of a squatting soldier, to the great -millimeter trench mortar of fixed position. the mortars proved to be exceedingly effective against concentrations of troops, and so there was devised for them a great variety of bombs and shell, not only of the high explosive fragmentation type, but also containing poison gas or fuming chemicals. great quantities both of mortars and their ammunition were required. from the security of the trenches the soldiers first threw out grenades, which burst in the enemy's trenches opposite and created havoc. from the original device were developed grenades of various sorts--gas grenades for cleaning up dugouts, molten-metal grenades for fusing the firing mechanisms of captured enemy cannon and machine guns, paper grenades to kill by concussion. then there were the rifle grenades, each to be fitted on the muzzle of a rifle and hurled by the lift of gases following the bullet, which passed neatly through the hole provided for it. the production of grenades was no small part of the american ordnance problem. in addition to these trench weapons were the livens projectors, which, fired in multiple by electricity, hurled a veritable cloud of gas containers into a selected area of enemy terrain, usually with great demoralization of his forces. bayonets for the rifles, bolos, helmets, periscopes for looking safely over the edges of the trenches, panoramic sights, range finders--these are only a few of the ordnance accessories of general application. then those innovations of the great war--the tanks--the -ton "whippet," built to escort the infantry waves, the -ton tanks, most used of all, and the powerful anglo-american heavy tanks, each mounting a -millimeter cannon and four machine guns. the war in the air put added demands upon ordnance. it required the stripped machine gun firing cartridges so rapidly that their explosions merged into a single continuous roar, yet each shot so nicely timed that it passed between the flying blades of the propeller. there had to be electric heaters for the gun mechanisms to prevent the oil which lubricated them from becoming congealed in the cold of high altitudes. the airplane guns required armor-piercing bullets for use against armored planes, incendiary bullets to ignite the hydrogen of the enemy's balloon or to fire the gasoline escaping through the wound in the hostile airplane's fuel tank, and tracer bullets to direct the aim of the aerial gunner. other equipment for the airman included shot counters, to tell him instantly what quantity of ammunition he had on hand, and gun sights, ingeniously contrived to correct his aim automatically for the relative speed and direction of the opposing plane. these were all developments in ordnance brought about by the great war, and in each case they involved problems for the production organization to solve. then there were the drop bombs of aerial warfare, of many gradations in weight up to pounds each, these latter experimental ones forecasting the day when bombs weighing , pounds would be dropped from the sky; then bomb sights to determine the moment when the missile must be dropped in order to hit its target, sights which corrected for the altitude, the wind resistance, and the rate of speed of the airplane; and then mechanisms to suspend the bombs from the plane and to release them at the will of the operator. the list might be stretched out almost indefinitely--through pyrotechnics, developed by the exigencies in europe into an elaborate system; through helmets and armor, revivals from medieval times to protect the modern soldier from injury; through the assortment of heavy textiles, which gave the troops their belts, their bandoleers, their haversacks, and their holsters; through canteens, cutlery for the mess in the fields, shotguns, and so on, until there might be set down thousands of items of the list which we know as modern ordnance. it will be noted that the most important articles in this range are articles of a noncommercial type. in other words, they are not the sort of things that the industry of the country builds in time of peace, nor learns how to build. many other war functions came naturally to a country skilled in handling food supplies for teeming populations, in solving housing problems for whole cities, and in managing transportation for a hundred million people; there was at hand the requisite ability to conduct war enterprises of such character smoothly and efficiently. yet there was in the country at the outbreak of war little knowledge of the technique of ordnance production. the declaration of war found an american ordnance department whose entire commissioned personnel consisted of officers. only of this number were experienced in the design of artillery weapons. the projected army of , , men required , trained officers to handle every phase of ordnance service. while a portion of this production would have to do with the manufacture of articles of a commercial type, such as automobiles, trucks, meat cans, mess equipment, and the like, yet the ratio of to , gives an indication of the amount of ordnance knowledge possessed by the war department at the outbreak of war as compared to what it would need to equip the first , , men for battle. the government could obtain commissary officers from the food industry; it could turn bank tellers into paymasters, or convert builders into construction quartermasters; find transportation officers in the great railway systems, signal corps officers in the telegraph companies, or medical officers in professional life. but there was no broad field to which ordnance could turn to find specialized skill available. the best it could do was to go into the heavy manufacturing industry for expert engineers who could later be trained in the special problems of ordnance. prior to there were but six government arsenals and two large private ordnance works which knew anything about the production of heavy weapons. after , war industry sprang up in the united states, yet in there were only a score or so of firms engaged in the manufacture of artillery ammunition, big guns, rifles, machine guns, and other important ordnance supplies for the allies. when the armistice was signed nearly , manufacturing plants in the united states were working on ordnance contracts. while many of these contracts entailed production not much dissimilar to commercial output, yet here is another ratio--the or more original factories compared with the ultimate , --which serves as an indication of the expansion of the industrial knowledge of the special processes incident to ordnance manufacture. when we found ourselves in the war the first step was to extend our ordnance knowledge as quickly as possible. the war in europe had developed thousands of new items of ordnance, many of them carefully guarded as military secrets, with which our own officers were familiar only in a general way. as soon as we became a belligerent, however, we at once turned to the allies, and they freely and fully gave us of their store of knowledge--plans, specifications, working models, secret devices, and complete manufacturing processes. with this knowledge at hand we adopted for our own program certain french types of field guns and howitzers and british types of heavy howitzers. the reproduction of the british types caused no unusual difficulties, but the adoption of french plans brought into the situation a factor the difficulties of which are apt not to be appreciated by the uninitiated. this new element for consideration was the circumstance that the entire french system of manufacture in metals is radically different from our own in its practices and is not readily adapted to american methods. the english and the american engineers and shops use inches and feet in their measurements, but the french use the metric system. this fact means that there was not a single standard american drill, reamer, tap, die, or other machine-shop tool that would accurately produce the result called for by a french ordnance drawing in the metric system. moreover, the french standards for metal stocks, sheets, plates, angles, i-beams, rivet holes, and rivet spacing are far different from american standards. it was discovered that complete french drawings were in numerous cases nonexistent, the french practice relying for small details upon the memory and skill of its artisans. but even when the complete drawings were obtained, then the american ordnance engineer was confronted with the choice of either revolutionizing the machining industry of the united states by changing over its entire equipment to conform to the metric system, or else of doing what was done--namely, translating the french designs into terms of standard american shop practice, a process which in numerous cases required weeks and even months of time on the part of whole staffs of experts working at high tension. nor do the french know the american quantity-production methods. the french artisan sees always the finished article, and he is given discretion in the final dimensions of parts and in the fitting and assembling of them. but the american mechanic sees only the part in which he is a specialist in machining, working with strict tolerances and producing pieces which require little or no fitting in the assembling room. consequently, in the translating of french plans it was necessary to put into them what they never had before, namely, rigid tolerances and exact measurements. [illustration: figure . expenditure of artillery ammunition in modern battles. -----+-----------+---------+--------+------------------------------ year.|battle. | days' |army. |rounds of artillery ammunition | |duration.| |expended. -----+-----------+---------+--------+------------------------------ |chickamauga| |union | , | | | | |gettysburg | |union | , | | | | |st. privat | |german | , | | | | |nan shan | |japanese| , | | | | |liao yang | |russian |= , | | | | |sha ho | |russian |= , | | | | |neuve | [ ] |british |= , |chapelle | | | | | | | |souches | [ ] |french |== , | | | | |somme | [ ] |british |==================== , , | | | | |messines | [ ] |british |============== , , |ridge | | | | | | | |st. mihiel | [ ] |united |===== , , | | |states | -----+-----------+---------+--------+------------------------------ [ ] artillery preparation lasted minutes. [ ] artillery preparation lasted hours. [ ] artillery preparation intermittent days. one of the most striking developments of the present war has been the great increase in the use of artillery to precede infantry action in battle. this is illustrated by a comparison of the expenditure of artillery ammunition in characteristic battles of recent wars with that in important battles of the present war. the special features of the several battles should be kept in mind. chickamauga was fought in a heavily wooded region; gettysburg and st. privat over open farm land. the latter battles, together with nan shan, and all the battles of the present war considered below, involved artillery preparation for assault upon armies in defensive position. the expenditures, therefore, are roughly comparable. the high mark of the use of artillery in offensive battle was reached at the somme and messines ridge, before the effective use of tanks was developed.] when an army of , men expands and becomes an army of , , , it becomes a job just times bigger to feed the , , than it was to feed the , . a soldier of a campaigning army eats no more than a soldier of a quiet military post. the same is true approximately in the case of clothing an army. but the army's consumption of ammunition in time of war is far out of proportion to its numerical expansion to meet the war emergency. for instance, an army machine gun in time of peace might fire , rounds in practice during the year. this was the standard quantity of cartridges provided in peace. yet it is necessary to provide for a single machine gun on the field in such a war as the recent one , rounds of ammunition during its first year of operation, this figure including the initial stock and the reserve supply as well as the actual number of rounds fired. thus the machine gun of war increases its appetite, so to speak, for ammunition , per cent in the first year of fighting. [illustration: figure . rates of artillery fire per gun per day in recent wars. ------------------------+------------------+------------------------ war. | army. | approximate rounds per | | gun per day. ------------------------+------------------+------------------------ - , crimean |british and french|== [ ] | | , italian |austrian |. | | - , civil |union |== | | , austro-prussian |{austrian |= . |{prussian |. | | - , franco-prussian|german |= [ ] . | | - , russo-japanese |russian |== | | - , balkan |bulgarian |==== | | present war | | | | september, |french |==== [ ] | | jan. -oct. , |italian |==== [ ] | | jan. -nov. , |united states |=============== [ ] | | jan. -nov. , |french |================= [ ] | | jan. -nov. , |british |================== [ ] ------------------------+------------------+------------------------ [ ] siege of sebastopol. [ ] field gun ammunition only. the rates are based upon total expenditure and average number of guns in the hands of field armies for the period of the wars. a large part of the heavy expenditure of artillery ammunition in the present as compared with other modern wars can be attributed to the increased rate of fire made possible by improved methods of supply in the field and by the rapid-fire guns now in use. in wars fought before the introduction of quick-firing field guns, four or five rounds per day was the greatest average rate. even this was reached only in the siege of sebastopol, where armies were stationary and supply by water was easy, and in the american civil war, which was characterized by advanced tactical developments. the guns of the allied armies in france fired throughout the year at a rate about seven times greater than these previously high rates.] in the case of larger weapons the increase in ammunition consumption is even more startling. prior to the war department allotted to each -inch field gun rounds of ammunition per year for practice firing. ammunition for the -millimeter guns (the -inch equivalent) was being produced to meet an estimated supply of , rounds for each gun in a single year, or an increased consumption of ammunition in war over peace of , per cent. [illustration: figure . expenditure of artillery ammunition in recent wars. past wars compared with one month of present war. ---------+---------------+---------+------------------------------------ year. | war. | army. | rounds expended during war. ---------+---------------+---------+------------------------------------ |italian |austrian | , | | | - |civil |union |========== , , | | | |austro-prussian|{prussian| , | |{austrian| , | | | - |franco-prussian|german |== , | | | - |russo-japanese |russian |== , | | | - |balkan |bulgarian|= , | | | |present |british |in one | |and |month.[ ] | |french |========================= , , ---------+---------------+---------+------------------------------------ expenditures for one year, civil and present wars. ---------+---------------+---------+------------------------------------ [ ] |civil |union |= , , | | | [ ] |present |united |== , , | |states | | | | [ ] |present |british |====================== , , | | | [ ] |present |french |========================= , , ---------+---------------+---------+------------------------------------ [ ] average, year ended nov. , . [ ] year ended june , . [ ] year ended nov. , . the industrial effort necessary to maintain modern armies in action may be measured to a certain extent by their expenditure of artillery ammunition. european wars of the past years were for the most part decided before peace-time reserves had been exhausted. the american civil war, however, required for its decision an industrial mobilization at that time unprecedented, which, like the use in that war of intrenchments by field armies, was more truly indicative of the trend of modern warfare than were the conditions of the more recent european wars.] thus when a peace army of , becomes a war army of , , its ammunition consumption becomes not times greater, but anywhere from to times times greater--an increase far out of proportion to its increase in the consumption of food, clothing, or other standard supplies. modern invention has made possible and modern practice has put into effect a greatly augmented use of ammunition. figures , , and show graphically how ammunition expenditure has increased in modern times. another circumstance that complicated the ordnance problem was the increasing tendency throughout the great war to use more and more the mechanical or machine methods of fighting as opposed to the older and simpler forms in which the human or animal factor entered to a greater extent. at the time the united states entered the war the regulations prescribed machine guns as the equipment for an infantry division. when the armistice was signed the standard equipment of a division called for heavy machine guns and light automatic rifles. of the heavy machine guns with a division, only were supposed to be in active service, the remainder being in reserve or in use for antiaircraft work. however, the comparison in the two standards of equipment shows the tendency toward machine methods in the wholesale killing of modern warfare and indicates the fresh demands made upon the ordnance organization to procure this additional machinery of death. moreover, when the fighting came to an end the a. e. f. was on the point of adding to its regimental and divisional equipment a further large number of automatic rifles. the day of the horse was passing in the great war as far as his connection with the mobile artillery was concerned, and the gasoline motor was taking his place, this tendency being accelerated particularly by america, the greatest nation of all in automotivity. trucks and tractors to pull the guns, motor ammunition trucks displacing the old horse-drawn caissons and limbers, even self-propelling platforms for the larger field guns, with track laying or caterpillar mounts supplying not only mobility for the gun but aiming facilities as well; these were the fresh developments. some of these improvements were produced and put in the field, the others were under development at the signing of the armistice. the whole tendency toward motorization served to complicate ordnance production in this country, not only in the supply of the weapons and traction devices themselves, but in the production of increased supplies of ammunition, since these improvements also tended to increase the rapidity with which bullets and shell were consumed. the total cost of the ordnance alone required to equip the first , , americans called to arms was estimated to be between $ , , , and $ , , , . this was equal to about half of all the money appropriated by congresses of the united states from the first continental congress down to our declaration of war against germany, out of which appropriations had been paid the cost of every war we ever had, including the civil war, and the whole enormous expenses of the government in every official activity of years. to equip with ordnance an army of this size in the period projected meant the expenditure of money at a rate which would build a panama canal complete every days. above are sketched some of the difficulties of the situation. in our favor we had the greatest industrial organization in the world, engineering skill to rank with any, a race of people traditionally versatile in applying the forces of machinery to the needs of mankind, inventive genius which could match its accomplishments with those of the rest of the world added together, a capacity for organization that proved to be astonishingly effective in such an effort as the nation made in and , enormous stores of raw materials, the country being more nearly self-sufficient in this respect than any other nation of the globe, magnificent facilities of inland transportation, a vast body of skilled mechanics, and a selective-service law designed to take for the army men nonessential to the nation's industrial efforts for war and to leave in the workshops the men whose skill could not be withdrawn without subtracting somewhat from the national store of industrial ability. it only remains to sketch in swift outlines something of the accomplishments of the american ordnance effort. in general it may be said that those projects of the ordnance program to which were assigned the shorter time limits were most successful. there never was a time when the production of smokeless powder and high explosives was not sufficient for our own requirements, with large quantities left over for both france and england. america in months of development built over , , shoulder rifles, a quantity greater than that produced either by england or by france in the same period, although both those countries in april, , at the time when we started, had their rifle production already in a high stage of development. (see fig. .) however, the franco-british production of rifles dropped in rate in because there was no longer need for original rifle equipment for new troops. in the months of war american factories produced over , , , rounds of rifle and machine-gun ammunition. this was somewhat less than the production in great britain during the same period and somewhat less than that of france; but america began the effort from a standing start, and in the latter part of the war was turning out ammunition at a monthly rate twice that of france and somewhat higher than that of great britain. (see fig. .) between april , , and november , , america produced as many machine guns and automatic rifles as great britain did in the same period and per cent of the number produced by france; while at the end of the effort america was building machine guns and machine rifles nearly three times as rapidly as great britain and more than twice as fast as france. (fig. .) when it is considered that a long time must elapse before machine-gun factories can be equipped with the necessary machine tools and fixtures, the effort of america in this respect may be fairly appreciated. [illustration: figure . production of rifles, machine guns, and ammunition, france and united states compared with great britain. average monthly rate, july, august, and september, . _machine guns and machine rifles:_ per cent of rate for great britain. great britain , ========== france , =========== united states , ========================= _rifles:_ great britain , ========== france , ==== united states , ===================== _rifle and machine-gun ammunition:_ great britain , , ========== france , , ===== united states , , =========== total production, april , , to november , _machine guns and machine rifles:_ per cent of rate for great britain. great britain , ========== france , ============= united states , ========== _rifles:_ great britain , , ========== france , , ======= united states , , ============= _rifle and machine-gun ammunition:_ great britain , , , ========== france , , , ========= united states , , , ======== british and french production of rifles during was at a lower rate than had been attained because there was no longer need for original equipment of troops.] prior to november , , america produced in the -millimeter size alone about , , high-explosive shell, over , gas shell, and over , , shrapnel. of the high-explosive shell produced , , were shipped to france up to november , . in all , , rounds of shell of this caliber were floated--nearly two-thirds of it being shrapnel. american troops on the line expended a total of , , rounds of -millimeter ammunition, largely high-explosive shell of french manufacture drawn from the franco-american ammunition pool. american high-explosive shell were tested in france by the french ordnance experts and approved for use by the french artillery just before the armistice. [illustration: the munitions building, washington, d. c. the lincoln memorial and the potomac river in the background.] [illustration: a park of american-built -millimeter howitzers at aberdeen proving ground.] [illustration: american-built g. p. f. -millimeter guns stored at aberdeen proving ground.] [illustration: guns of various sorts and sizes returned from france by american expeditionary forces just as they were unloaded from train at aberdeen.] [illustration: american-built ordnance material, parked on aberdeen proving ground.] [illustration: american-built ordnance stores at aberdeen proving ground.] [illustration: a park of american-built caissons, back from france, at aberdeen proving ground.] [illustration: charging floor of an open-hearth furnace. the charging floor of an "open-hearth" furnace building, showing two furnaces on the side into which the raw materials are "charged." each of these furnaces is feet long and feet wide, and the melted steel lies in a shallow bath inside the three doors, into one of which the man is looking. the pool or "bath," as it is termed, is feet long by feet wide and approximately ½ feet deep, weighs approximately tons, and is composed of pig iron and well-selected scrap steel from previous operations, which are placed in the furnace through the three doors shown, the furnace being all the time at a temperature so high that the naked eye may not look within the furnace, but must be protected with blue glass or smoked glass, exactly as when looking at the noonday sun. the eye can see nothing in the atmosphere of the bath in which the steel is being melted and refined, due to the exceedingly high temperature, which gives a light as white as that of the sun.] [illustration: figure . production of artillery ammunition, france and united states compared with great britain. [types for use in a. e. f.] monthly rate at end of war. _unfilled rounds_: =per cent of rate for great britain.= great britain , , ==================== france , , ================= united states , , ================== _complete rounds_: great britain , , ==================== france , , ===================== united states , , ======= total production, april , , to november , . _unfilled rounds_: =per cent of rate for great britain.= great britain , , ==================== france , , ======================= united states , , ====== _complete rounds_: great britain , , ==================== france , , ========================= united states , , === ] in artillery ammunition rounds of all calibers america at the end of the war was turning out unfilled shell faster than the french and nearly as fast as the british; but, due to the shortage in adapters and boosters, a shortage rapidly being overcome at the end of the war, the rate of production of completed rounds was only about one-third that of either great britain or france. in total production during her months of belligerency america turned out more than one-quarter as many unfilled rounds as great britain did in the same time and about one-quarter as many as came from the french munition plants. in completed rounds alone did america lag far behind the records of the two principal allies during and . (fig. .) the production of completed rounds of artillery ammunition was gaining rapidly, beginning with the early summer of , and in the month of october was approaching half the rate of manufacture in great britain or in france. figure shows graphically the rate at which the artillery ammunition deliveries were expanding. [illustration: figure . complete rounds of artillery ammunition produced for the army each month during (figures in thousands of rounds). jan. == feb. == mar. ====== apr. =========== may. ============ june. ================ july. ============= aug. ======================== sept. ============================== oct. ==================================== nov. =============================== dec. ======================== ] in artillery proper the war ended too soon for american industry to arrive at a great production basis. the production of heavy ordnance units is necessarily a long and arduous effort even when plants are in existence and mechanical forces are trained in the work. america in large part had to build her ordnance industry from the ground up--buildings, machinery, and all--and to recruit and train the working forces after that. the national experience in artillery production in the great war most like our own was that of great britain, who started in from scratch, even as we did. it is interesting, then, to know how great britain expanded her artillery industry, and the testimony of the british ministry of munitions may throw a new light on our own efforts in this respect. in discussing artillery in the war the british ministry of munitions issued a statement from which the following is an excerpt: it is very difficult to say how long it was before the british army was thoroughly equipped with artillery and ammunition. the ultimate size of the army aimed at was continually increased during the first three years of the war, so that the ordnance requirements were continually increasing. it is probably true to say that the equipment of the army as planned in the early summer of was completed by september, . as a result, however, of the battle of verdun and the early stages of the battle of the somme, a great change was made in the standard of equipment per division of the army, followed by further increases in september, . the army was not completely equipped on this new scale until spring, . [illustration: figure . complete units of mobile artillery produced for the army each month during . jan. ====== feb. ===== mar. ======= apr. ======= may. ====== june. ======== july. ======= aug. ============== sept. ===================== oct. ==================================== nov. ===================== dec. ====================== ] thus it took england three and a half years to equip her army completely with artillery and ammunition on the scale called for at the end of the war. on this basis america, when the armistice came, had two years before her to equal the record of great britain in this respect. as to the production of gun bodies ready for mounting, the attainments of american ordnance were more striking. at the end of the fighting america had passed the british rate of production and was approaching that of the french. in totals for the whole war period (apr. , , to nov. , ) the american production of gun bodies could scarcely be compared with either that of the british or that of the french, this due to the fact that it required many months to build up the forging plants before production could go ahead. in completed artillery units the american rate of production at the end of the war was rapidly approaching both that of the british and that of the french. in total production of complete units in the months of war, american ordnance turned out about one-quarter as many as came from the british ordnance plants and less than one-fifth as many as the french produced in the same period. figure represents visually america's comparative performances in the production of gun bodies and complete artillery units. [illustration: figure . production of artillery, france and united states compared with great britain. average monthly rate at end of war. _gun bodies (new)_: =per cent of rate for great britain.= great britain ==================== france , ============================ united states ===================== _complete units_: great britain ==================== france =========================== united states ================= total production, april , , to november , . _gun bodies (new)_: =per cent of rate for great britain.= great britain , ==================== france , ================================= united states , ======= _complete units_: great britain , ==================== france , =========================== united states , ===== ] stress has sometimes been laid upon the fact that the american army was required to purchase considerable artillery and other supplies abroad, the latter including airplanes, motor trucks, food and clothing, and numerous other materials. yet, balanced against this fact is that every time we spent a dollar with the allied governments for ordnance, we sold ordnance, or materials for conversion into munitions to the allied governments to the value of five dollars. the interallied ordnance agreement provided that certain munitions plants in the united states should continue to furnish supplies to the allies, and that additional plants for the allies should be built up and fostered by us. thus, while we were purchasing artillery and ammunition from the allies we were shipping to them great quantities of raw materials, half-completed parts, and completely assembled units, and such war-time commodities as powder and explosives, forgings for cannon and other heavy devices, motors, and structural steel. the following table shows the ordnance balance sheet between america and the allied governments: _purchase and sales from apr. , , to nov. , ._ purchases: by army ordnance department from $ , , . allied governments =============== sales: by army ordnance department to allied governments , , . by united states manufacturers other than army ordnance department to allied governments , , , . ---------------- total , , , . the credit for the ordnance record can not go merely to those men who wore the uniform and were part of the ordnance organization. rather it is due to american science, engineering, and industry, all of which combined their best talents to make the ordnance development worthy of america's greatness. chapter ii. gun production. the sole use of a gun is to throw a projectile. the earliest projectile was a stone thrown by the hand and arm of man--either in an attack upon an enemy or upon a beast that was being hunted for food. both of these uses of thrown projectiles persist to this day, and during all time, from prehistoric days until now, every man who had a projectile to throw was steadily seeking for a longer range and a heavier projectile. the man who could throw the heaviest stone the longest distance was the most powerfully armed. in the biblical battle between david and goliath, the arm of david was strengthened and lengthened by a leather sling of very simple construction. much practice had given the young shepherd muscular strength and direction, and his longer arm and straighter aim gave him power to overcome his more heavily armed adversary. later, machines were developed after the fashion of a crossbow mounted upon a small wooden carriage which usually was a hollowed trough open on top and upon which a heavy stone was laid. the thong of the crossbow was drawn by a powerful screw operated by man power, and the crossbow arrangement when released would throw a stone weighing many pounds quite a distance over the walls of a besieged city or from such walls into the camps and ranks of the besiegers. this again was an attempt by mechanical means to develop and lengthen the stroke of the arm and the weight of the projectile. with the development of explosives, which was much earlier than many people suppose, there came a still greater range and weight of projectile thrown, although the first guns were composed of staves of wood fitted together and hooped up like a long, slender barrel, wound with wet rawhide in many folds, which, when dried, exerted a compressive force upon the staves of the barrel exactly as do the steel hoops of barrels used in ordinary commercial life to-day. this, the first gun, sufficed for a long while until the age of iron came. and then the same principle of gun construction was followed as is seen in that historical gun, the "mons meg," in the castle at edinburgh. the barrel of that gun is made of square bars of iron, placed lengthwise, and similar bars of iron were wrapped hot around the staves to confine them in place and to give more resisting power than was possible with the wooden staves and the rawhide hooping. thus, all during the age of iron, gun development went steadily forward. every military power was always striving by the aid of its best engineers, designers, and manufacturers to get a stronger gun, either with or without a heavier projectile, but in every case striving for greater power. as a special development we find in march, , the now famous long-range gun of the germans, which was at that time trained upon paris, where it successfully delivered a shell approximately inches in diameter, punctually every minutes for a good part of each day until the gun was worn out. this occurred after a comparatively small number of shots, probably not more than in all. the rapid wearing out was due to the immense demands of the long range upon the material of the gun. the germans in the shelling of paris used three of these long-range weapons and shells are known to have fallen in the city. the germans evidently calculated with great care and experience upon the factors leading up to this famous long-range type of gun, which had an effective shooting distance of approximately miles, which range, in the opinion of our experts, it is now quite easy for an experienced designer and manufacturer to equal and excel at will. in fact, one would hesitate to place a limit upon the length of range that could be achieved by a gun that it is now possible to design and build. in this connection it is interesting to note that the great french ordnance works at le creusot in produced the first known and well-authenticated long-range gun, which was constructed from the design of a -inch gun, but bored down to throw a -inch projectile. and instead of the usual miles expected from the flight of a -inch shell this early creusot long-range gun gave a range of approximately miles with a -inch projectile, using a -inch gun's powder charge. closely connected with the development of the gun itself, and a necessary element of the gun's successful use, is the requirement that the weapon itself be easily transported from point to point, where its available range and capacity for throwing the projectile can be made of maximum use. this requires a gun carriage which has within itself various functions, the primary one being to establish the gun in the desired position where it can be made most effective against the enemy. then, too, the gun carriage must have stability in order to withstand, absorb, and care for the enormous recoil energies let loose by the firing of the gun. it is obvious that the force which propels the projectile forward is equal to the reacting force to the rear, and in order to care for, absorb, and distribute to the earth this reacting force to the rear the carriage must have within itself some very peculiar and important properties. to this end there is provided what is known as a "brake" which permits the gun, upon the moment of firing, to slide backward bodily within the controlling apparatus mounted upon a fixed carriage. the sliding of the whole gun to the rear by means of the mechanism of the brake is controlled, as to speed and time, by springs, by compressed air, by compressed oil, etc., either all together or in combinations of two or three of these agencies; so that the whole recoil energy is absorbed and the rearward action of the gun brought to rest in a fraction of a second and in but a very few inches of travel. the strains are distributed from the recoil mechanism to the fixed portion of the carriage that is necessarily anchored to the ground by means of spades, which the recoil force of each shot sets more firmly into the ground, so that the whole apparatus is thus steadily held in place for successive shots. in mobile artillery, again, rapid firing is a prime essential. the -millimeter gun of modern manufacture is capable of being fired at a rate in excess of shots a minute--that is, a shot every seconds. rarely however, is a gun served as rapidly as this. the more usual rate of fire is shots a minute or about each seconds, and this rate of fire can be maintained in the -millimeter gun with great accuracy over a comparatively long period. the larger guns are served at proportionately slower rates, until as the calibers progress to the -inch rifles, which have been set up upon railway mounts as well as on fixed emplacements for seacoast defense, the rate of fire is reduced to one shot in three minutes for railway mounts, and to one shot a minute for seacoast mounts, although upon occasions a more rapid rate of fire can be reached. under rapid fire conditions, the gun becomes very hot, owing to the heat generated by the combustion of the powder within the gun at pressures as high as , pounds per square inch or more, which are generated at the moment of fire. this heat is communicated through the walls of the gun and taken off by the cooling properties of the air. nevertheless, the wall of the gun becomes so hot that it would scorch or burn a hand laid upon it. the rapid fire and heating of the gun lessens the effective life of the weapon, due to the fact that the hot powder gases react more rapidly on hot metal than they do upon cold metal; hence a gun will last many rounds longer if fired at a slow rate than if fired at a rapid rate. it may be helpful to keep in mind throughout that the sole purpose of a gun is to fire a projectile, as was stated at the very beginning of this chapter. all other operations connected with the life of a gun, its manufacture, its transportation to the place where it is to be used, its aiming, its loading and all its functions and operations are bound up in the single purpose of actually firing the shot. consider now for a moment, the life of, let us say, one of the -inch guns. in the great steel mills it requires hundreds and perhaps thousands of workmen to constitute the force necessary to handle the enormous masses of steel through the various processes which finally result in the finished gun. from the first operation in the steel mill it requires perhaps as long as months to produce the gun ready for the first test. during the months of manufacture of one of these -inch rifles there has been expended for the gun and its carriage approximately $ , . of course, while it requires months to make a final delivery of one gun after its first operation is commenced, it should be remembered that yet other guns are following in series and that in a well-equipped ordnance factory two and perhaps three guns per month of this kind can be turned out continuously, if required. remembering now that it requires months to produce one such -inch rifle and that its whole purpose is to fire a shot, consider now the time required to fire this shot. as the primer is fired and the powder charge ignited the projectile begins to move forward in the bore of the gun at an increasingly rapid rate, so that by the time it emerges from the muzzle and starts on its errand of death and destruction, it has taken from a thirtieth to a fiftieth of a second in time, depending upon certain conditions. assuming that a fiftieth of a second has been taken up and that the life of a large high-pressure gun at a normal rate of firing is shots, it is obvious then that in the actual firing of these shots only three seconds of time are consumed. therefore, the active life of the gun, which it has taken months to build, is but three seconds long in the actual performance of the function of throwing a shot. however, after the gun has fired its life of shots it is a comparatively simple and inexpensive matter to bore out the worn-out liner and insert a new liner, thus fitting the gun again for service, with an expenditure of time and money much less than would be required in the preparation of a new gun. as the size of the powder charge decreases, a progressively longer life of the walls of the bore of a gun is attained, so that we have had the experience of a -millimeter gun firing , rounds without serious effect upon the accuracy of fire. large-caliber guns, such as -inch howitzers, with the reduced powder charge required for the lower muzzle velocities employed in howitzer attack, have retained their accuracy of fire after , rounds. from the fact that when in action guns are served with ammunition, aimed, fired, and cared for by a crew of men carefully trained to every motion involved in the successful use of the gun, it is most essential that the design and the material shall be such, both as to calculation in the design and as to manufacture in the material, as will insure the maintenance of the morale of the crew that serves the gun. each man must be confident to the very last bit of fiber in his make-up that his gun is the best gun in the world, that it will behave properly, that it will protect him and his fellow soldiers who are caring for the welfare of their country, that it will respond accurately and well to every demand made upon it, that it will not yield or burst, that it will not shoot wild, but that it will in every respect give the result required in its operation. to this end it has for generations been known that the requirements of manufacture of ordnance material, particularly for the body of the gun, are of the very highest order and call for the finest attainable quality in material, workmanship, and design. it is well known and admitted that the steel employed in the manufacture of guns must be of the highest quality and of the finest grade for its purpose. it requires the most expert knowledge of the manufacture of steel to obtain this grade and quality. until recently this knowledge in america was confined to the ordnance officers of the army and of the navy and to a comparatively small number of manufacturers--not more than four in all--and only two of these manufacturers had provided the necessary equipment and appliances for the manufacture of complete guns. until the number of guns whose manufacture was provided for in this country as well as in the countries of europe, excepting germany, was very small. it might be stated that the sum total of guns purchased by the united states from the two factories mentioned did not exceed an average of guns a year in calibers of from -inch to -inch, and that the stock of guns which by this low rate of increase of manufacture had been provided for us was pitifully small with which to enter a war of the magnitude of the one through which this country has just passed. the two factories in question not having been encouraged by large purchases of ordnance material, as were similar industries in germany, were not capable of volume production when we entered the war. but at the same time the gun bodies produced by these concerns at least equaled in quality those built in any other country on earth; so that while the big-gun-making art was in existence in this country and was maintained as to quality, it was most insufficient as to the quantity of the production available. when the united states faced the war in april, , arrangements were at once entered into to obtain in the shortest space of time an adequate supply of finished artillery of all calibers required by our troops and to get this supply in time to meet our men as they should set foot on the shores of france. many thousands of forgings for guns, and finished guns too, had been ordered by the allies of the few gun makers in this country; and these makers were, at the time we got into the conflict, fully occupied for at least a year ahead with orders from the french and english ordnance departments. all of this production was immediately useful and available for the combined armies of the allies, and so it was allowed to go forward, the forgings preventing a gap in the output of the finished articles from the british and french arsenals which were then using the semifinished guns made in the old factories in existence in this country in april, . some idea of the volume of this production in this country will be gained from the following table showing material supplied to the allies between april, , and the date of the signing of the armistice, november , . guns of calibers from -inch to . -inch , furnished to the allies additional gun forgings furnished to the allies tubes , shell and shell forgings furnished to the allies pieces , , in this period in supplying all of this material from our regular sources of manufacture in this country to the finishing arsenals of the allies we were but maintaining our position as a part of the general source of supply. the plan of the french and british ordnance engineers at the outbreak of the war in was to build their factories as quickly and as extensively as could possibly be done. by the time the united states entered the war all of these factories were in operation and clamoring for raw material at a rate which was far in excess of that which could be supplied by the home steel makers in great britain and france. consequently their incursions into the semifinished ordnance material supplies in the united states were necessary. in sending these large quantities of our own materials abroad, when we needed them ourselves, we were distinctly adding to the rate and quantity of the supply of finished ordnance for the use of our own army in the field as well as being at the same time of inestimable value to the allies. this was because the french and british had agreed to supply our first armies with finished fighting weapons while we were giving them the raw materials which they needed so badly. the four gunmakers in america meanwhile were being expanded into a total of makers. all of these factories during the month of october, , were practically in full operation. many of them were producing big guns at a faster rate than that for which the plants had been designed. in the month of october, , with of the factories yet to have their machine-tool equipment completed, there were produced , sets of gun forgings between the calibers of -inch and . -inch, which is at the rate of upward of , guns a year. this figure, of course, does not indicate anything of the gun-finishing capacity of the country; yet this expansion may be contrasted to the fact that our supply of finished guns prior to amounted only to weapons a year. _monthly production of finished cannon, ranging in size from millimeters to millimeters, at the various machining and assembling plants._[ ] ------------------------+------+------------------------------------------ | | caliber. +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- | dec. | jan. | feb. | mar. | apr. | may. | june. +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- -millimeter | | | | | | | -inch antiaircraft | | | | | | | . -inch | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | -millimeter gun | | | | | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- total | | | | | | | ========================+======+======+======+======+======+======+======= | | caliber. +------+------+------+------+------+------| total | july.| aug. | sept.| oct. | nov. | dec. | ------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------- -millimeter | | | | | | | , -inch antiaircraft | | | | | | | . -inch | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | , -millimeter gun | | | | | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- total | | | | | | | , ------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------- [ ] carriages, recuperators, and sights had to be added to these cannon to make them complete units ready for service. _monthly production of cannon forgings._ ------------------------+------+------------------------------------------ | | caliber. +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- | dec. | jan. | feb. | mar. | apr. | may. | june. ------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------- -millimeter | | | | | | | -inch antiaircraft | | | | | | | . -inch gun | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | -millimeter gun | | | | | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- total | | | | | | | ========================+======+======+======+======+======+======+======= | | caliber. +------+------+------+------+------+------| total | july.| aug. | sept.| oct. | nov. | dec. | ------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------- -millimeter | | | | , | | | , -inch antiaircraft | | | | | | | . -inch gun | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | , -millimeter gun | | | | | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | -millimeter howitzer | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- total | | , | , | , | , | | , ------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------- our chain of gun factories, that were making this remarkable production, were built as follows: one at the watertown arsenal, watertown, mass., near boston, for the manufacture of rough machined gun forgings of the larger mobile calibers. this factory was entirely built and equipped on government land with government money and is splendidly able to produce rough machined gun forgings of the highest quality at the rate of two sets a day for the -millimeter g. p. f. rifles, and one set a day of the -millimeter howitzers. at watervliet arsenal, watervliet, n. y., large extensions were made to the existing plant that had always been the army's prime reliance for the finishing and the assembly of guns of all calibers, including the very largest. this plant was extended to manufacture complete four of the -millimeter howitzers each day, and two a day of the -millimeter g. p. f. guns. at bridgeport, conn., there was constructed a complete new factory by the bullard engineering works for the united states to turn out four -millimeter g. p. f. guns a day. at philadelphia, the tacony ordnance corporation, as agents for the government, erected complete a new factory officered and manned by experts well-trained and experienced in the difficult art of the manufacture of steel and gun forgings. on october , , the grounds for this great undertaking had been merely staked out for the outline of the buildings. seven months later, on may , , the entire group of buildings, comprising a complete steel works from making the steel to the final completion of -millimeter gun forgings, was entirely erected at a cost of about $ , , . this difficult and rapid building operation was carried through successfully during the extraordinarily severe winter of - . on june , , the first carload of gun forgings was accepted and shipped from this plant, so we have the marvelous enterprise of building a complete steel works from the bare ground forward to the shipment of its first forgings in a total elapsed time of only eight and one-half months. at another, the works of the midvale steel co. in philadelphia, large extensions were made to enable some of the larger guns to be produced, to be finished later at the watervliet arsenal. at the bethlehem steel co.'s plant, bethlehem, pa., as early as may, , orders were placed and appropriations allotted for expansions to this enterprise to enable a rapid output of a larger number of gun forgings and finished guns. large extensions were made at the works of the standard steel works co., burnham, pa., to increase their existing forging and heat treating facilities, so that at this plant two sets of -millimeter howitzers and one set of -millimeter gun forgings were produced each day. at pittsburgh, pa., the plants of the heppenstall forge & knife co. and the edgewater steel co. were extended so as to provide for the daily production at the first plant of forgings for one -inch antiaircraft gun and one . -inch gun, and at the second plant of forgings for one -millimeter g. p. f. gun and one -millimeter howitzer per day. at columbus, ohio, the buckeye steel & castings co. in combination with the works of the symington-anderson co. at rochester, n. y., had their facilities extended to provide for the manufacture each day of six sets of forgings for the -millimeter guns. at the symington-anderson co. in rochester, n. y., there was provided a finishing plant for the -millimeter gun with a capacity of finished guns per day. at erie, pa., one of the most remarkable achievements in rapid construction and successful mechanical operation was performed by the erection of a plant that was commenced in july, , and out of which the first production was shipped to the aberdeen proving grounds in february, . the american brake shoe & foundry co. built and operated this plant as agents for the ordnance department, and much credit is due them for their energy and organizing capacity. it is doubtful if history records any similar enterprise in which guns were turned out in a plant seven months from the date of beginning the erection of the factory. this plant was laid out to manufacture of the -millimeter schneider-type howitzers a day, and before the signing of the armistice it had more than fulfilled every expectation by regularly turning out up to howitzers a day, or a week. at detroit, mich., the chalkis manufacturing co. adapted an existing plant, and additional facilities were erected for the manufacture of three of the -inch antiaircraft guns each day. at madison, wis., the northwestern ordnance co. erected for the united states an entire new factory, beautifully equipped for the manufacture of four guns a day of the . -inch model. at milwaukee, wis., the wisconsin gun co. put up for the government an entirely new works capable of finishing six -millimeter guns each day. the plants at both milwaukee and madison acquitted themselves very well and gave us guns of the highest quality. at chicago, the illinois steel co. expanded existing facilities to produce more of the necessary electric furnace steel, which was forged into guns at several works producing gun forgings, both for the army and navy. at indiana harbor, ind., the works of the standard forgings co., whose sole business had been the volume production of forgings with steam hammers and hydraulic presses, were expanded to the enormous degree of producing each day sets of gun forgings for the -millimeter howitzer and sets a day for the -millimeter gun. it should be stated that this was a triumph of organizing ability and that this factory was one of our main reliances for these guns. at gary, ind., the american bridge co. created what is perhaps the finest gun-forging plant in the world, comprising four presses from , tons to , tons forging capacity and all the other necessary apparatus for the production each day of two sets of -millimeter g. p. f. guns and the equivalent of one and one-half sets a day of the -millimeter howitzers. at baltimore, md., the plant of the hess steel corporation was enlarged from its peace-time capacity and caused to produce at three times its normal rate the special steels required for gun manufacture. it will become evident that the collection of machinery, buildings, and equipment necessary to produce these guns in the short space of time required and at the rate of production stipulated, was an enormous task in itself. it required the production of vast quantities of raw materials and the congregating in one place of large numbers of men capable of undertaking the exceedingly intricate mechanical processes of manufacture. the success of this plan and its carrying out is due largely to the loyalty of the manufacturers who unselfishly came forward early in and agreed at the request of the ordnance department to turn over their plants, lock, stock, and barrel, to the requirements of the department; agreed also to undertake the manufacture of products totally unfamiliar to them; agreed likewise to lend all of their organizing ability and great material resources to the success of the plants which the united states found necessary to build in the creation of a new art, in new locations and in an extent theretofore undreamed of. the making of a big gun. steel, of course, and steel in some of its finest forms is the basis of gun manufacture. the word "steel" for the purpose of producing guns means much more than is ordinarily carried by the word in its everyday and most commonly accepted use. only steel of the very highest quality is suitable for gun manufacture, as was indicated previously when attention was directed to the complete reliance which the operating crews must place in their guns and the severity of the uses to which the big guns are put. let us take a hasty trip through a big gun plant, watching the processes through which is finally evolved from the raw materials one of our hardy and efficient big guns. entering an open-hearth furnace building at one of our big gun plants, we find two large furnaces in which the raw materials are charged. each of these furnaces is feet long and feet wide, and in them in a shallow bath or pool lies the molten steel. the pool is about feet long by feet wide and approximately ½ feet deep. this pool, or "bath" as it is termed, weighs approximately tons and is composed of pig iron and well-selected scrap steel from previous operations. the furnace is at all times during the operation of melting these raw materials in the bath kept at such a high temperature that the eye may not look within at the molten mass without being protected with blue glass or smoked glass, exactly as when looking at the noonday sun. the eye can see nothing in the atmosphere of the bath in which the steel is being melted and refined because the temperature is so exceedingly high that it gives a light as white as that of the sun. after or hours of refining treatment in this furnace the metal is tested, analyzed in the chemical laboratory, and, if found to be refined to the proper degree, it is allowed to flow out of the furnace on the opposite side from that through which it entered. flowing out of the furnace the entire charge of tons finds its way into a huge ladle which is suspended from a traveling crane capable of safely carrying this great weight. the ladle is then transferred by the crane to a heavy cast-iron mold which is built so as to contain as much of the tons of molten metal as is required for the particular gun forging under manufacture. the mold, which we have before us now on our imaginary trip through the gun plant, will provide an "ingot" from the molten metal that will be inches in diameter and inches high. on top of this ingot is a brick-lined so-called "sinkhead." this sinkhead is that portion of the molten metal that has been allowed to cool more slowly in the brick lining than the ingot does in the cast-iron mold proper. the ingot with the sinkhead will weigh approximately , pounds. this sinkhead is to insure greater solidity to the portion of the ingot which is used for the gun forging. only that part of the ingot below the sinkhead enters the forging. the sinkhead itself is cut off while hot under the press in a subsequent operation and afterwards remelted. next the ingot is placed under a , -ton forging press which handles ingots up to inches in diameter. there it is forged into a square shape after coming from the mold in an octagonal form. previous to its being put under this press, however, a careful chemical analysis has been made of the ingot to determine that it is satisfactory for gun purposes, and then before being put under the press the whole ingot is heated in the charge chamber and fired either by a gas or oil flame. [illustration: view of ladle, containing tons of molten steel suspended from a traveling crane. the ladle is receiving metal from the furnace and the crane is conveying the ladle to the mold.] [illustration: molten steel being poured from ladle into mold, which is of heavy cast-iron construction, at the tacony ordnance corporation. arrow points from letter a to a completed ingot from a mold. the brick-lined sink head is a part of the mold and is to insure greater solidity to the portion of the ingot which is used for the gun forging; only the part below the sink head entering the forging, the sink head itself being cut off hot under the press in a subsequent operation.] [illustration: view of ingot mold.] [illustration: a , -ton forging press at the tacony ordnance corporation plant. this press can forge ingots up to inches in diameter. the ingot under the press is shown in a partly forged state. note that the original octagonal shape of the ingot as it came from the mold has been forged down to a square shape and later will be forged into a round shape. after coming from the mold, the ingot has been subjected to a careful chemical analysis to determine its fitness for use as a gun barrel.] [illustration: a , ton hydraulic forging press in the plant of the midvale steel co. this press is needed for such large caliber guns as the -inch and -inch guns. the piece of forging under the press is armor plate and not a gun forging.] [illustration: three tubes of the -millimeter guns suspended at furnace. three tubes of the -millimeter guns suspended at furnace ready for heating and quenching to give them the necessary combination of hardness and toughness. the door of the furnace is open. the tubes remain in this furnace for perhaps eight hours at a temperature of , ° fahrenheit or until a bright yellow color, uniform in every part.] [illustration: a tube for a -inch gun just out of the furnace, where it was tempered at white heat and is now ready for quenching in the plant of the midvale steel co. the gun tube is feet long.] [illustration: tube of a -millimeter gun being turned, prior to boring, at the tacony ordnance corporation plant.] [illustration: tube of a -millimeter gun in a lathe being bored. the ingot out of which this tube was made, came from the mold in an octagonal shape and later was forged into a square shape and finally made round. it now, too, has the hole bored partially into it. through this hole, ultimately, will pass the projectile.] the forging press used for the larger caliber guns, such as -inch and -inch, is of a , -ton weight capacity. after the ingot forging has been reduced from squareness to a cylindrical shape under the press, it is allowed to cool, then taken to the machine shop, where it is turned and the hole through which the projectile ultimately will pass is bored into it. this hole is somewhat smaller than the diameter of the projectile, because in the finishing operation, when the gun is assembled finally and put together, the hole must be within one-one-thousandth of an inch of the diameter required, which is all the tolerance that is allowed from the accuracy to which the projectiles are brought. otherwise the accuracy of the gun in firing would be injured and the reliability of its aim would not be satisfactory. during all of these operations with the ingot, the steel is largely in the soft condition in which it left the forging press. as is well known, steel is capable of taking many degrees of "temper." temper is an old term that no longer is quite descriptive of the condition desired or obtained, but it is sufficiently expressive of the condition desired for the purposes here. this condition is one of a certain degree of hardness--greater than that ordinarily carried by the soft steel--combined with the greatest obtainable degree of toughness. this combination of hardness and toughness produced to the proper degree resists the explosive power of the powder and also causes the wear on the gun in firing to be diminished and made as slight as possible. to effect this combination of hardness and toughness it is necessary to take the bored and turned tubes of the guns and suspend them by means of a specially made apparatus in a furnace where they are heated for a period of perhaps eight hours to a temperature of approximately , ° f. or a bright-yellow color, uniform in every part of the piece. after being subjected to this treatment for the time mentioned, the tube is then conducted by means of a traveling crane apparatus to a tank of warm water in which it is dipped and the heat rapidly taken from it down to a point of practically atmospheric temperature. this "quench" as it is called, produces the required degree of hardness called for by the ordnance officers' design; but the piece has not yet got the required degree of toughness. this toughness is now imparted to the hard piece by heating it once more in another furnace to a temperature of approximately , ° f., or a warm rosy red, for a period of perhaps hours. from this temperature, the piece is allowed to cool naturally and slowly to the atmospheric temperature. the ordnance inspectors at this point determine whether the piece has the required properties in a sufficient degree, by cutting from the tube a piece inches long and ½ inch in diameter. the ends of this piece are threaded suitably for gripping in a machine. the piece is then pulled until the half-inch stem breaks. the machine registers the amount of force required to break this piece and this gives the ordnance engineer his test as to the degree of hardness and toughness to which the piece has been brought by the heat treatment processes just described. a satisfactory physical condition having been determined by pulling and breaking the test pieces described, the whole forging is sent to the finishing shop where it is machined to a mirror polish on all its surfaces. the diameters are accurately measured and the forgings assembled into the shape of a finished gun. in this process there is required a different kind of care and accuracy. up until this time the care has been to provide a metal of proper consistency and quality. from this point forward the manufacture of a gun requires the machining and fitting of this metal into a shape and form so accurate that the full strength of the gun and the best accuracy of fire may be attained. to explain how and why hoops are placed upon the gun tubing and how the various hoops are shrunk from the outside diameter of the gun will require a few lines. cannon are made of concentric cylinders shrunk one upon another. the object of this method of construction is twofold. the distinctly practical object is the attainment throughout the wall of each cylinder of the soundness and uniformity of metal which is more certainly to be had in thin pieces than in thick ones; the other object is more closely connected with the theory of gun construction. when a hollow cylinder is subjected to an interior pressure the walls of the cylinder are not uniformly strained throughout their thickness, but the layer at the bore is much more severely strained than that at the outside. this can be readily seen if we consider a cylinder of rubber, for example, with a bore of inch and an exterior diameter of inches, which are about the proportions of many guns. if we put an interior air pressure on the cylinder until we expand the bore to inches, the exterior diameter will not thereby be increased inch. but supposing that it were increased as much as the bore, that is, inch, we would have the diameter, and therefore the circumference, of the bore increased per cent, and the circumference of the exterior increased - / per cent. that is, the layer at the bore would be strained three times as much as that at the exterior, and the interior layer would commence to tear before that at the exterior would reach anything like its limit of strength. the whole wall of the cylinder therefore would not be contributing its full strength toward resisting the interior pressure, and there would be a waste of material as well as a loss of strength. let us now consider, instead of our simple cylinder, a built-up cylinder composed of two concentric ones, the inner one of a bore originally a little greater than inch, and the outer one of exterior diameter a little less than three inches, originally; so that when the outer one is pressed over the inner one (its inner diameter being originally too small for it to go over the inner one without stretching) the bore of the inner one is brought to inch, and the exterior of the outer one to inches. we now have a cylinder of the same dimensions as our simple one, but in a different state; the layers of the inner one being compressed and those of the outer one extended. if now we commence to put air pressure on the bore, we can put on a certain amount before we wipe out the compression of the inner layer, and bring it to a neutral state, and thereafter can go on putting on more pressure until we stretch the inner layer per cent beyond the neutral state, as before; which would take just as much additional pressure as the total pressure which we employed with our simple cylinder. we have therefore gained all that pressure which is necessary to bring the inner layer of our built-up cylinder from its state of compression to the neutral state. if we have so proportioned the diameter of junction of our inner and outer cylinders and so gauged the amount of stretching required to get the outer one over the inner one that we have not in the process caused any of the layers of the outer one to be overstrained, the gain has been a real one, attained by causing the layers of the outer cylinder to make a better contribution of strength toward resisting the interior pressure. this is the theory of the built-up gun. the number of cylinders employed generally increases, up to a certain limit, with the size of the gun, practical considerations governing; and the "shrinkage," or amount by which the inner diameter of the outer cylinder is less than the outer diameter of the one which it is to be shrunk over, is a matter of nice calculation. roughly speaking, it is about one and one half one-thousandths of an inch for each inch of diameter, varying with the position of the cylinder in the gun; and its accurate attainment, throughout the length of the cylinder of a large gun, is a delicate matter of the gun-maker's art and the machinist's skill. the method of assembly is to have the cold tube set upright and prepared for a circulation of water within the bore of the tube to keep it cool. then the hoop, whose inside diameter is smaller than the outside diameter of the tube on which it is to be shrunk, is measured and carefully heated to a temperature of approximately ° f., or just about the temperature of a good oven for baking or roasting. this mild temperature so expands the material in the hoop that the difference of diameter is overcome and the hot hoop is expanded to a larger inside diameter than the outside diameter of the cold tube on which the hoop is to be placed. next the hot, expanded hoop is placed in position around the breech end of the tube, and slowly and carefully cooled, so that in contracting from the high temperature to the low ordinary temperature, the hoop shrinks toward its original diameter and thus exerts an inclosing pressure or compressive strain upon the breech end of the tube. now when the gun is fired the tube tends to expand under the pressure and this expansion is resisted, first by the compressive force exerted by the shrunken hoop and later by the hoop itself, so that the built-up system is stronger and better able to resist the explosive charge of the burning powder than would be the case if the gun were made in one piece and of the same thickness of metal. this brief explanation will show why so many pieces are provided for the manufacture of the finished gun and the reason for the large number of machine tools and machining operations necessary in order to carry forward the manufacture of the finished article. sometimes one or more of the outer cylinders are replaced by layers of wire, wound under tension. both our . -inch gun, model , with which our troops have been equipped for a long time and which throws a projectile weighing pounds a distance of about miles, and the french -millimeter ( . -inch) gun, successfully used by the french since , were designed to be drawn by horses, and the guns are best used when drawn by teams of or horses. as the horse has a sustained pulling power of only pounds, it is obvious that the weight to be drawn by the team of horses must not be more than , pounds. so there is every incentive for making mobile artillery of this kind as light as possible, consistent with the strength required for the work to be done. thus the pulling power of the horse coupled with his speed has been the limiting factor in the design and weight of mobile field artillery. as one of our foremost united states ordnance engineers once said, "the limited power of the horse is what has governed the weight of our artillery," and that "if divine providence had given the horse the speed of the deer and the power of the elephant, we might have had a far wider and more effective range for our mobile artillery." [illustration: a section of the midvale steel co. plant, showing types of -inch, -inch, and -inch, nickel-steel, breech-loading rifles.] [illustration: three finished -inch rifles, calibers, set up on turret mounts in the plant of the midvale steel co. where they were made. in the foreground are three large gun tubes partially completed. this company started the manufacture of the first piece of ordnance material in america in .] one of the answers of the united states ordnance engineers to this problem, as developed in the recent war, has been the production of a tractor to replace the horse, and this tractor has the speed of the deer and the power of the elephant. the most powerful tractors are mounted on track-laying devices and are colloquially known as caterpillars. one of these powerful caterpillars, on which is mounted an -inch howitzer with a range of miles, which is manned and operated by only two men, and which can go up hill and down hill, over broken brushwood, trees, etc., was recently given a severe test at the aberdeen proving grounds. here it was sent through a dense wood in which it bumped square into a live locust tree that was inches in diameter at the bottom. this tree, almost the tallest in the wood, was prostrated by the attack of the tractor, which rode over it and then emerged from the wood, took up its position, and fired its shot almost in as short a time as that which it takes to tell of the deed. truly the power of the elephant and the speed of the deer has been brought to the aid of the ordnance engineer for any future warlike operations. the number of workmen employed in gun production at once in this country totaled , , and fully that many more are estimated to have been employed in the manufacture of gun carriages and fire-control instruments. consequently in turning out the complete big guns there were fully , workmen engaged by the month of october, . furthermore, these men became so skilled in their work that it may be said that the difficult art of gun making has become firmly established in this country and that the united states may now and at any time in the near future rely on this trained body of artisans for the finest kind of gun-metal manufacture. production of cannon forgings. _production of cannon forgings during the war at the various plants._ ------------------+------------------+-----+------------------------------- caliber. | contractor. | | | +-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- | |dec. |jan.|feb. |mar.|apr.|may.|june. ------------------+------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- -mm. field gun, |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | model |co., bethlehem, | | | | | | | |pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard forgings | | | | | | | |co., indiana | | | | | | | |harbor, ind. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |buckeye steel | | | | | | | |co., columbus, | | | | | | | |ohio | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. field gun, | do. | | | | | | | model | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard forgings | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. field gun, |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | model |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch anti- | do. | | | | | | | aircraft gun | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |heppenstall forge | | | | | | | |& knife co., | | | | | | | |pittsburgh, pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | . -inch gun |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |heppenstall forge | | | | | | | |& knife co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard forgings | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard steel co.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |edgewater steel | | | | | | | |co., pittsburgh, | | | | | | | |pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard steel | | | | | | | |car co., burnham, | | | | | | | |pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |tacony | | | | | | | |ordnance co., | | | | | | | |philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |american bridge | | | | | | | |co., gary, ind. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch howitzer |midvale steel co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |edgewater steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |tacony ordnance | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |watertown arsenal | | | | | | | ------------------+------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- total | | | | | | | | ------------------+------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- ------------------+--------------------------------------------------+----- caliber. | contractor. | |total. | +-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- | |july.|aug.|sept.|oct.|nov.|dec.| ------------------+------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- -mm. field gun, |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | moodel |co., bethlehem, | | | | | | | |pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard forgings | | | | | | | |co., indiana | | | | | | | |harbor, ind. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |buckeye steel | | | | | | | |co., columbus, | | | | | | | |ohio | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. field gun, | do. | | | | | | | model | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard forgings | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. field gun, |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | model |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch anti- | do. | | | | | | | aircraft gun | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |heppenstall forge | | | | | | | |& knife co., | | | | | | | |pittsburgh, pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | . -inch gun |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |heppenstall forge | | | | | | | |& knife co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard forgings | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard steel co.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |edgewater steel | | | | | | | |co., pittsburgh, | | | | | | | |pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |standard steel | | | | | | | |car co., burnham, | | | | | | | |pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |tacony | | | | | | | |ordnance co., | | | | | | | |philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |american bridge | | | | | | | |co., gary, ind. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch howitzer |midvale steel co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer |bethlehem steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |edgewater steel | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |tacony ordnance | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |watertown arsenal | | | |[ ]| | | ------------------+------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- total | | | | | | | | ------------------+------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+----+----- [ ] figures in first table indicate delivery of completed sets of forgings only. deliveries of finished and accepted gun forgings, not in complete sets, were made in carload lots and in other large quantities by various factories prior to the dates when their receipt of machine tools enabled them to produce completed sets. for instance, watertown arsenal made its first carload shipment of forgings on oct. , . cannon machining and assembling. _progress of the work of machining and assembling cannon at the various factories during the war._ +------------+--------------+-----+----------------------------------- | | | | +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- caliber. | contractor. |dec. |jan. |feb. |mar. |apr. |may. |june. +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |symington- | | | | | | | field gun, |anderson co., | | | | | | | model |rochester, | | | | | | | |n. y. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |wisconsin | | | | | | | " |gun co., | | | | | | | |milwaukee, | | | | | | | |wis. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |watervliet | | | | | | | " |arsenal, | | | | | | | |watervliet, | | | | | | | |n. y. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |bethlehem | | | | | | | " |steel co. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |symington- | | | | | | | field gun, |anderson | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | model | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |wisconsin | | | | | | | " |gun co. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |bethlehem | | | | | | | field gun, |steel co. | | | | | | | model | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -inch |chalkis | | | | | | | antiaircraft |manufacturing | | | | | | | gun |co., detroit, | | | | | | | |mich. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -inch |watervliet | | | | | | | antiaircraft |arsenal | | | | | | | gun, | | | | | | | | -pdr. | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- . -inch, |northwestern | | | | | | | model |ordnance co., | | | | | | | |madison, wis. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |watervliet | | | | | | | " |arsenal | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm |american | | | | | | | howitzer |brake shoe | | | | | | | |& foundry | | | | | | | |co., | | | | | | | |erie, pa. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |bullard | | | | | | | gun |engine | | | | | | | |works | | | | | | | |co., | | | | | | | |bridgeport, | | | | | | | |conn. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |watervliet | | | | | | | " |arsenal | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -inch |midvale | | | | | | | howitzer |steel co. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |watervliet | | | | | | | |arsenal | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- total | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- +------------+--------------+----------------------------------------- | | | +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- caliber. | contractor. |july.| aug.|sept.| oct.| nov.| dec.|total. +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |symington- | | | | | | | field gun, |anderson co., | | | | | | | model |rochester, | | | | | | | |n. y. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |wisconsin | | | | | | | " |gun co., | | | | | | | |milwaukee, | | | | | | | |wis. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |watervliet | | | | | | | " |arsenal, | | | | | | | |watervliet, | | | | | | | |n. y. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |bethlehem | | | | | | | " |steel co. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |symington- | | | | | | | field gun, |anderson | | | | | | | |co. | | | | | | | model | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |wisconsin | | | | | | | " |gun co. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |bethlehem | | | | | | | field gun, |steel co. | | | | | | | model | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -inch |chalkis | | | | | | | antiaircraft |manufacturing | | | | | | | gun |co., detroit, | | | | | | | |mich. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -inch |watervliet | | | | | | | antiaircraft |arsenal | | | | | | | gun, | | | | | | | | -pdr. | | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- . -inch, |northwestern | | | | | | | model |ordnance co., | | | | | | | |madison, wis. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |watervliet | | | | | | | " |arsenal | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm |american | | | | | | | howitzer |brake shoe | | | | | | | |& foundry | | | | | | | |co., | | | | | | | |erie, pa. | | | | | | | , +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |bullard | | | | | | | gun |engine | | | | | | | |works | | | | | | | |co., | | | | | | | |bridgeport, | | | | | | | |conn. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- |watervliet | | | | | | | " |arsenal | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -inch |midvale | | | | | | | howitzer |steel co. | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- -mm. |watervliet | | | | | | | |arsenal | | | | | | | +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- total | | | | | | | | , +------------+--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----- chapter iii mobile field artillery. the chance observer might assume that once the ordnance department had succeeded in putting in production the cannon of various sizes described in the preceding chapter the battle of providing artillery was as good as won. but such was not the case. even after the ponderous tubes had come finished from the elaborate processes of the steel mills, the task of the ordnance officers had only just begun. each one of these guns had to be rendered mobile in the field and it had to be equipped with a mechanism to take up the retrograde shock of firing (the "kick") and to prevent the weapon from leaping out of aim at each discharge. mobility to a gun is given by the carriage on which it rides. the device which absorbs the recoil and restores the gun to position is called the recuperator (in the case of the hydropneumatic french design) or the recoil mechanism. carriage and recuperator, or recoil mechanism, together are known as the mount. the forging, boring, reinforcing, machining, and finishing of the gun body is not half the battle of manufacturing a modern military weapon; it is scarcely one-third of it. no ordnance officer of - will ever forget the heartbreaking experiences of manufacturing the mounts, a work which went along simultaneously with the production of the cannon themselves. the manufacture of carriages often presented engineering and production problems of the most baffling sort. as to the recuperators, a short analysis of the part they play in the operation of a gun will indicate something of the nature of the project of building them in quantities. the old schoolbook axiom that action and reaction are equal has a peculiar emphasis when applied to the firing of a modern piece of high-power artillery. the force exerted to throw a heavy projectile miles or more from the muzzle of a gun is equally exerted toward the breach of the weapon in its recoil. some of these forces handled safely and easily by mechanical means are almost beyond the mind's grasp. not long ago a touring car, weighing tons, traveled at the rate of miles an hour along a florida beach. conceive of such a car going miles an hour, which is much faster than any man ever traveled; then conceive of a mechanism which would stop this car, going nearly miles a minute, stop it in inches of space and half a second of time, without the slightest injury to the automobile. that is precisely the equivalent of the feat performed by the recuperator of a -millimeter howitzer after a shot. conceive of a , -pound locomotive traveling at . miles an hour. the action of the -millimeter recuperator after a shot is equivalent to stopping that locomotive in less than feet in half a second without damage. the forging for the -millimeter howitzer's recuperator is a block of steel weighing nearly tons--in exact figures, , pounds. this must be bored and machined out until it weighs, with the accessory parts of the complete recuperator placed on the scales with it, only pounds. it is scarcely fair to a modern hydropneumatic recuperator to say that it must be finished with the precision of a watch. it must be finished with a mechanical nicety comparable only to the finish of such a delicate instrument as a navigator's sextant or the mechanism which adjusts the lick telescope to the movement of the earth. no heavy articles ever before turned out in american workshops required in their finish the degree of microscopic perfection the recuperators called for. we adopted from the french, the greatest of all artillery builders, four recuperators--one for the -millimeter gun, one for the -millimeter gun, another for the -millimeter howitzer, and the fourth for the -millimeter howitzer. these mechanisms had never been built before outside of france. indeed, one could find pessimists ready to say that none but french mechanics could build them at all and that our attempt to duplicate them could end only in failure. yet american mechanical genius "licked" every one of these problems, as the men in the greasy overalls say, and did it in little more than a year of time after the plans came to the workshops. there was not one of these beautiful mechanisms, in france the product of patient handiwork on the part of metal craftsmen of deep and inherited skill, that eventually did not become in american workshops a practical proposition of quantity production. the problem of building french recuperators in the united states, in short, may be regarded as the crux of the whole american ordnance undertaking in the war against germany, the index of its success. it presented the most formidable challenge of all to american industrial skill. there were men whose opinion had to be considered and who were convinced that it was impracticable to attempt to produce french recuperators here. although the superiority of these recoil devices in their respective classes were universally conceded, germany had never been able to make them, while england, with the cooperation of the french ordnance engineers freely offered, did not attempt them. the french built them one by one, as certain custom-built and highly expensive automobiles are produced. when american factories proposed to produce french recuperators not only but to manufacture them by making parts and assembling them according to the modern practice of quantity production, the ranks of the skeptics increased. yet, as we have said, the thing was done. the first of these recuperators ever produced outside of the french industry were produced in america and manufactured by typically american quantity methods. the first of these recuperators to come into quantity production was that for the -millimeter howitzer. rough forgings began to be turned out in heavy quantities by the mesta machine co. in the spring of , while the watertown arsenal, the other contractor, reached quantity production in rough forgings in september, . at their special recuperator plant at detroit the dodge bros. turned out the first finished -millimeter howitzer recuperator in july, , and went into quantity production with them in september, producing in the month of november alone, and turning out up to the end of april, , the great number of , of them. next in order of time to be conquered as a factory problem was the -millimeter gun recuperator. the rough forgings at the carnegie steel co., the sole contractor, were in quantity production in the spring of . the first of these recuperators finished came from the dodge plant in october, ; and although issued from the plant and were accepted before the end of the year, quantity production may be said to have started on january , , when the factory began producing them at the rate of more than four a day. in march the high mark of recuperators was reached, and the total production up to the end of april was . the heavy -millimeter howitzer recuperator was third to come into quantity production. the rough forgings were being turned out in quantity in the spring of by the carnegie steel co., while the watertown arsenal, the other contractor, produced a number of these rough forgings in august, . the two contractors for finishing and turning out the complete recuperators were the otis elevator co., at its chicago plant, and the watertown arsenal. the arsenal produced the pilot recuperator in october, . in january the otis elevator co. produced its first four, while quantity production began in february, , both contractors that month sending out recuperators, a number which may be regarded as good quantity when the size of this mechanism is taken into consideration. both plants together in april turned out the large number of recuperators for the . last to come through to quantity production was the hardest of the four to build, the one that promised to defy american industry to build it at all--the -millimeter gun recuperator. the two contractors for the rough forgings for this recuperator were the carbon steel co. and the bucyrus co. the carbon steel co. was in large series production of them in the spring of , and the bucyrus co. reached the quantity basis of manufacture in october, . in that month alone both contractors together turned out , sets of forgings. the machining and finishing of the recuperator was in the hands of the rock island arsenal and the singer manufacturing co., which built a costly plant especially for the purpose at elizabethport, n. j. the first recuperator of this size to appear and be accepted under the severe tests came from the arsenal in october. thereafter the production ceased for a while. the contractors indeed built recuperators in this period, but the recuperators could not pass the tests. the machining and production of parts seemed to be as perfect as human skill could accomplish, but still the devices would not function perfectly. adjustments, seemingly of the most microscopical and trivial sort, had to be made--there was trouble with the leather of the valves and with oil for the cylinders. these matters, which could scarcely cause any delay at all in the production of less delicate machinery, indicate the infinite care which had to be employed in the manufacture of the recuperators. at length the producers smoothed out the obstacles and learned all the secrets and necessary processes, and then the -millimeter recuperators began to come-- in january, , and then in february, in march, and in april. it should be remembered that by quantity production in this particular is meant the production in quantity of recuperators of such perfect quality as to pass the inspection of the government and to be accepted as part of our national ordnance equipment. in this inspection the government was assisted by french engineers sent from the great artillery factories in france which had designed the recuperators and which until the successful outcome of the american attempt were their sole producers. such inspection naturally required that the american recuperators should be the equals of their french prototypes in every respect. because the production of french recuperators stands at the summit of american ordnance achievement, here at this point, before there is given any account of the manufacture of field artillery, the theme of this chapter, a performance table is inserted to show the records written by the various concerns engaged in making these devices. _american acceptances of recuperators by firms on army ordnance orders only._ =========================+================================================= | +-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ item, process, and firm. | to |july.|august.|septem-|octo-|novem-|decem- |july .| | | ber. | ber.| ber. | ber. -------------------------+-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ -mm. gun recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | carbon steel co. | | | | | , | | | | | | | | | bucyrus co. | | | | | | | +-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ total | | | | | , | | +=======+=====+=======+=======+=====+======+====== finish machining and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | singer manufacturing | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | rock island arsenal | | | | | | | +-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ total | | | | | | | +=======+=====+=======+=======+=====+======+====== -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | mesta machine co. | | | | | , | | | | | | | | | watertown arsenal | | | | | | | +-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ total | | | | , | , | | +=======+=====+=======+=======+=====+======+====== machining complete and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | dodge bros. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | finish machining and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | dodge bros. | | | | | | | +=======+=====+=======+=======+=====+======+====== -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | watertown arsenal | | | | | | | +-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ total | | | | | | | +=======+=====+=======+=======+=====+======+====== finish machining and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | otis elevator co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | watertown arsenal | | | | | | | +-------+-----+-------+-------+-----+------+------ total | | | | | | | =========================+=======+=====+=======+=======+=====+======+====== =========================+===========================+========+=====+======== | | total, |total| total, +------+------+------+------+nov. ,| .|apr. , item, process, and firm. | jan- |febru-|march.|april.| . | | . |uary. | ary. | | | | | -------------------------+------+------+------+------+--------+-----+-------- -mm. gun recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | carbon steel co. | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | bucyrus co. | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+--------+-----+-------- total | | | | | , | , | , +======+======+======+======+========+=====+======== finish machining and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | singer manufacturing | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | rock island arsenal | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+--------+-----+-------- total | | | | | | | +======+======+======+======+========+=====+======== -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | mesta machine co. | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | watertown arsenal | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+--------+-----+-------- total | | | | | , | , | , +======+======+======+======+========+=====+======== machining complete and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | dodge bros. | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | -mm. gun recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co. | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | finish machining and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | dodge bros. | | | | | | | +======+======+======+======+========+=====+======== -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | recuperator: | | | | | | | | | | | | | | forging-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | watertown arsenal | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+--------+-----+-------- total | | | | | | | +======+======+======+======+========+=====+======== finish machining and | | | | | | | assembling-- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | otis elevator co. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | watertown arsenal | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+--------+-----+-------- total | | | | | | | =========================+======+======+======+======+========+=====+======== the process of manufacture of recuperators requires four steps--forging, rough machining, finish machining, and assembling. in the case of -millimeter howitzer recuperators all the machining was done by one firm; in the other cases rough machining was done by various firms, including, in the case of the -millimeter gun and -millimeter howitzer recuperators, the firms doing the forging. complete records of rough machining are not available. in discussing here, therefore, the production of field artillery in the war period, we are concerned chiefly with carriages and recuperators, for they offered the major difficulties. since the production of gun bodies for these various units has been taken up in the preceding chapter, such reference to them as is necessary will be brief. for the sake of additional clearness in the mind of the reader inexpert in these things, the line should be sharply drawn between field artillery and the so-called railway artillery, which was also mobile to a limited degree. the mobile field artillery consisted of all rolling guns or caterpillar guns up to and including the -millimeter howitzer in size; and also included the antiaircraft guns of various sizes. all mobile guns of larger caliber than the -millimeter howitzer were mounted on railroad cars. the list of the mobile field artillery weapons in manufacture here during the war period was as follows: the little -millimeter gun, the so-called infantry cannon, one of which two husky men could lift from the ground--a french design; the -millimeter guns--three types of them--the french , adopted bodily by the united states; our own -inch gun redesigned to the french caliber; and the british . -inch gun, similarly redesigned; the . -inch gun of american design; the -inch and -inch guns, taken from our coast defenses and naval stores and placed on mobile mounts; the -millimeter gun, a french weapon with a barrel diameter of approximately inches; the -millimeter howitzer, also french; the -inch and . -inch howitzers, british designs, being manufactured in the united states when war was declared; the -millimeter howitzer, french and american; and, finally, the antiaircraft guns. in modern times, but prior to , the united states had designed types of field-artillery weapons and produced them in quantities shown by the following tabulation: pieces. . -inch mountain gun -inch gun . -inch gun -inch gun -inch howitzer -inch howitzer --- total a comparison of this list with the enumeration above of weapons put in production during the war against germany indicates that we greatly expanded our artillery in types. that we were able to do this at the outset and go ahead immediately with the production of many weapons strange and unknown to our experience, without waiting to develop models and types of our own, is due solely to the generosity of the governments of france and great britain, with whom we became associated. we manufactured in all eight new weapons, taking the designs of three of them from the british and of five from the french. it might seem to the uninitiated that the way of the united states to a great output of artillery would be made smooth by the action of the british and french governments in agreeing to turn over to us without reservation the blue prints and specifications that were the product of years of development in their gun plants. yet this was only relatively true. in numerous instances we were not able to secure complete drawings until months after we had entered the war, due to the practice of continental manufacturers that intrusts numerous exact measurements to the memories of the mechanics working in their shops. consequently it required several months to complete drawings, and when we received them our troubles had only begun. first there came the problem of translating the plans after we received them. all french dimensions are according to the metric system. a millimeter is one one-thousandth part of a meter, and a meter is . inches. an inch is approximately . meter. thus to translate french plans into american factory practice involves hundreds of mathematical computations, most of them carried out to decimals of four or five places. moreover, the french shop drawings are put down on an angle of projection different from what is used in this country. this fact involved the recasting of drawings even when the metric system measurements were retained. when it is considered that such a mechanism as the recuperator on the -millimeter gun involves the translation of drawings, the fact that the preparation of french plans for our own use never took more than two months is remarkable, particularly so since it was hard to find in the united states draftsmen and engineers familiar with such translation work. once our specifications were worked out from the french plans, it then became necessary to find american manufacturers willing to bid on the contracts. the average manufacturer would look at these specifications, realize what a highly specialized and involved sort of work would be required in the production of the gun carriages or recoil mechanisms, and shake his head. in numerous instances no such work had ever before been attempted in the united states. however, as the result of efforts on the part of the government an increased capacity for producing mobile field artillery was created as follows: at watertown, n. y., the new york air brake co., as agent for the united states, constructed a completely new factory to turn out gun carriages a month for the -millimeter guns, model --the american -inch type modified to the french dimensions. at toledo, ohio, increased facilities were put up at the plant of the willys-overland co. to manufacture a daily output of french -millimeter gun carriages, model . at elizabethport, n. j., the singer manufacturing co. erected for the government a complete new factory for finishing daily french -millimeter recuperators. at new britain, conn., the plant of the new britain machine co. was adapted and increased facilities were created for the manufacture of two -inch antiaircraft gun carriages a day. at detroit, mich., dodge bros., as agents for the government, erected an entirely new factory, costing in the neighborhood of $ , , to give the final machining to the rough-machine forgings for five recuperators daily for the -millimeter gun and to machine completely the parts for twelve recuperators daily for the -millimeter howitzer. their huge new plant for this purpose established a record for rapidity of construction in one of the most severe winters of recent history. at the plant of the studebaker corporation at detroit, facilities were extended for turning out three carriages a day for the . -inch guns. at plainfield, n. j., extended facilities were created at the factory of the walter scott co. for manufacturing carriages a month for the . -inch guns. at worcester, mass., at the plant of the osgood bradley car co. increased facilities were built for the daily manufacture of five carriages for the -millimeter howitzers. at hamilton, ohio, at the works of the american rolling mill co., extensions were made to provide for the manufacture each day of three carriages for the -millimeter howitzers. the plant of the mesta machine co., at west homestead, pa., near pittsburgh, was extended to the enormous capacity of turning out the forgings for recuperators a day for the -millimeter howitzers. extensively increased facilities were made at the shops of the standard steel car co., at hammond, ind., for the daily output of two carriages for the -millimeter howitzers. increased facilities were created in the plant of the otis elevator co., chicago, ill., for the finish machining of the equivalent in parts of two and one-half recuperators a day for the -millimeter howitzers. large extensions were made to the plant of the morgan engineering co., alliance, ohio, for the manufacture monthly of improvised mounts for the -inch guns taken from the seacoast fortifications. the facilities of the united states arsenals at watertown, mass., and at rock island, ill., for the manufacture of field-gun carriages and recuperators were greatly increased. this carriage construction for the big guns required the closest kind of fine machine work and fittings where the brake or recuperator construction entered the problem, and the great plants built for this purpose of turning out carriages and recuperators were marvels for the rapidity of their construction, the speed with which they were equipped with new and intricate tools, and the quality of their output. every mobile gun mount must be equipped with a shield of armor plate. the size of the artillery project may be read in the fact that our initial requirement for armor for the guns ran to a total of , tons to be produced as soon as it could be done. now, we had no real source for getting armor in such large quantities, because the previous demands of our artillery construction had never called for it. the prewar manufacturers of artillery armor were three in number--the simmons manufacturing co., of st. louis; thomas disston & sons, of philadelphia; and the crucible steel co. to meet the new demand two armor sources were developed--the mosler safe co. plant of the standard ordnance co. and the universal rolling mill co. the process of building this armor had been a closely guarded secret in the past, a fact entailing extended experiments in the new plants before satisfactory material could be obtained. the new artillery program required the manufacture of , wheels of various types and sizes for the mobile carriages. the rock island arsenal and two commercial concerns prior to the war had been building artillery wheels in limited quantities. one completely new plant had to be erected for the manufacture of wheels, while seven existing factories were specially equipped for this work. we had to develop new sources of supply of oak and hickory and to erect dry kilns especially for the wheel project. the largest order for rubber tires in the history of the american rubber industry was placed as one relatively small phase of the artillery program, the order amounting to $ , , . rubber tires on the wheels of all the heavier types of artillery carriages, so that the units might be drawn at good speed by motor vehicles, was essentially an american innovation. no tires of this size had ever been manufactured in this country. consequently it was necessary for the firms who got the orders to build machinery especially designed for the purpose. with practically all of the manufacturers of the american metal-working industries clamoring for machine tools, and with some branches of the government commandeering the machine-tool shops in whole sections of the country, it is evident that the necessity for the heavier types of machine tools required by the manufacturers of artillery material offered a weighty problem at the outset. in fact, the machine-tool supply was never adequate at any time, and the shortage of this machinery hampered and impeded to a great degree the speed of our artillery production. the nation was raked with a fine-toothed comb for shop equipment. the government went to almost any honorable length to procure this indispensable tooling. for instance, when the dodge plant at detroit was being equipped to manufacture the -millimeter recuperators, the government agents discovered trainloads of machinery consigned to the russian government and awaiting shipment. these tools were commandeered on the docks. one huge metal planer had dropped overboard while it was being lightered to the ocean tramp that was to carry it to a russian port. government divers fixed grappling hooks to this machine, and it was brought to the surface and shipped at once to the dodge plant. the -inch gun which we had been building for many years prior to the war was a serviceable and efficient weapon; but still we were unable to put it into production immediately as it was. our earliest divisions in france, under the international arrangement, were to be equipped by the french with -millimeter guns; while we, on this side of the water, reaching out for all designs of guns of proven worth, expected to manufacture the 's in large numbers in this country. the french in its barrel diameter is a fraction of an inch smaller than our -inch gun, the exact equivalent of millimeters being . inches. thus, if we built our own -inch gun (and the british . -inch gun, as we intended) and also went ahead with the -millimeter project on a great scale, we should be confronted by the necessity of providing three sorts of ammunition of almost the same size, with all the delays and confusion which such a situation would imply. consequently we decided to redesign the american and british guns to make their bores uniformly millimeters, thus simplifying the ammunition problem and making available to us in case of shortage the supplies of shell of this size in france. with all of the above considerations in mind, it is evident now, and it was then, that we could not hope to equip our army with american-built artillery as rapidly as that army could be collected, trained, and sent to france; and this was particularly true when in the spring of the army policy was changed to give each , , men almost twice as many field guns as our program had required prior to that date. consequently, when on june , , the secretary of war directed the chief of ordnance to provide the necessary artillery for the , , men who were to be mobilized in and the first half of , the first thought of our officers was to find outside supplies of artillery which we could obtain for an emergency that would not be relieved until our new facilities had reached great production. we found this source in france. the french had long been the leading people in europe in the production of artillery, and even the great demands of the war had not succeeded in utilizing the full capacity of their old and new plants. two days later, on june , , the french high commissioner, by letter, offered us in behalf of france a daily supply of five -millimeter guns and carriages, beginning august , . the french also offered at this time to furnish us with -millimeter howitzers; and on august , , the french government informed gen. pershing that each month, beginning with september, he could obtain twelve -millimeter filloux guns and carriages from the french factories. before the signing of the armistice -millimeter guns to the number of , had been ordered from the french, and of this number , had been delivered. of -millimeter howitzers, , had been ordered from the french and delivered before november , . of -millimeter guns, had been ordered from the french and delivered previous to the granting of the armistice. from british plants we ordered vickers-type -inch howitzers, and had been delivered before the armistice had been signed; while of . -inch howitzers, vickers model, of an order for had been completed. in addition to this, british -inch howitzers were in manufacture in england for delivery to us by april , . these figures, with the exception of those relating to the order for british -inch howitzers, do not include the arrangements being made by this government during the last few weeks of hostilities for additional deliveries of foreign artillery. as to our own manufacture of artillery, when we had conquered all the difficulties--translated the drawings, built the new factories, equipped them with machine tools and dies, gages, and other fixtures needed by the metal workers, and had mobilized the skilled workers themselves--we forged ahead at an impressive rate. when the armistice was signed we were turning out artillery units per month. compare this with great britain's units per month in the fall of and measure our progress, remembering that england had approximately three years' head start. compare it with the french monthly production of units per month, and remember that france was the greatest artillery builder in the world. when it came to the gun bodies themselves we obtained a monthly output of , as against great britain's and france's , . and our artillery capacity was then, in the autumn of , only coming into production. in the war period--april , , to november , --we produced , complete artillery units, as against , turned out by france and , completed by great britain in the same period. in those months we turned out , gun bodies, while in the same months france produced , and great britain , . the -millimeter infantry field guns the smallest weapon of all the field guns we built was the french -millimeter gun, the diameter of its bore being about ½ inches in our measurements, the figure being . inches. this was the so-called infantry field gun, to be dragged along by foot soldiers when they are making an advance. its chief use in the war was in breaking up the german concrete pill boxes, machine gun nests, and other strong points of enemy resistance. in service it was manned by infantrymen instead of artillerists, a crew of eight men handling each weapon, the squad leader being the gunner. one of the men of the crew was the loader, and he was likewise able to fire the piece. the other six men served as assistants. the -millimeter outfit as it exists to-day consists of the gun, with a split trail, mounted on axle and wheels. by means of a trailer attachment on the ammunition cart it can be drawn by one horse or one mule. the ammunition cart itself is merely a redesigned machine-gun ammunition vehicle. the wheels and axle can easily be removed and left a short distance in the rear of the place where it is desired to set up the gun. the whole outfit weighs only pounds and is about feet long. the gun rests on its front leg which is dropped to form a tripod with the two legs of the split trail. the gun proper can be removed from the trail and the sponge staff can be inserted in the barrel through the opened breech. two men can bear this part of the weapon in advancing action. two other men are able to carry the trail, when its legs are locked together, while the four other members of the squad bring along the boxes of ammunition. the ammunition cart holds ammunition boxes, each containing rounds. a spare-parts case, strapped to the trail, contains a miscellaneous assortment of such parts as can readily be handled in the field. a tool kit in a canvas roll is also transported on the cart, along with entrenching tools and other accessories. equipped with a telescopic sight for direct fire and a quadrant, or collimating sight, for indirect fire, great accuracy is obtained by this small piece of artillery. the length of the barrel of the gun proper is calibers, which means that it is times millimeters in length, or about inches. the length of the recoil when the gun is fired is inches. two types of ammunition were provided for this gun at first; but, as the low-explosive type was not so effective as desired, it was abandoned entirely in favor of the high-explosive type contained in a projectile weighing ¼ pounds. this projectile is loaded with grains of t. n. t. and detonated by a base percussion fuse. the range of the gun is , meters, or considerably more than miles. only three to six shots from this gun were found to be necessary to demolish an enemy machine gun emplacement or other strongly held position. in the great war the -millimeter gun found itself and proved its usefulness. the original model had been designed at the puteaux arsenal in france in ; but it was not until after that the weapon was produced in quantities. in this country we took up the production of -millimeter guns in october, . while our shops were tooling up for the effort, of these weapons were purchased from the french and turned over to the american expeditionary forces. for the purposes of greater speed in manufacture our executives took the gun apart and divided it into three groups, known as the barrel group, the breech group, and the recoil group. additional to these, as a manufacturing proposition, were the axle and wheels and the trail. the barrel group went to the poole engineering & machine co., of baltimore, md., who subcontracted for some of the parts to the maryland pressed steel co., of hagerstown, md. the breech group was manufactured by the krasberg manufacturing co., of chicago. the c. h. cowdrey machine works, of fitchburg, mass., turned out the recoil mechanisms. the axles and wheels were built by the international harvester co., of chicago. the trails were turned out by the universal stamping & manufacturing co., also of chicago. when crated for overseas shipment, the gun, ammunition cart, and all accessories, weighed , pounds and occupied about cubic feet of space. the first delivery of completed -millimeter guns from our factories was made in june, , and at the cessation of hostilities manufacturers were turning out the guns at the rate of per day. between june and november american-built -millimeter guns were shipped abroad, and more were ready to be sent over when the armistice was signed. the gun had been so successful in use abroad that our original order of , had been increased to , before the signing of the armistice, including the purchased from the french. the various groups of this gun were shipped to the plant of the maryland pressed steel co., hagerstown, md., for assembly and were there tested at a specially built proving ground, miles from the factory. three 's were issued to each infantry regiment, making one for each battalion. the required equipment for a division was, therefore, weapons. [illustration: the -millimeter infantry cannon.] [illustration: two views of -millimeter field gun, model (american).] _figures on -millimeter gun production._ guns procured from the french government guns ordered manufactured in united states, october, , increase in order, september, , total number ordered in united states , total number of guns completed prior to the signing of the armistice guns delivered for overseas shipment prior to the signing of the armistice guns shipped to various camps in this country guns shipped to other points in this country on hand at hagerstown arsenal, proof fired completed and ready for proof firing the -millimeter guns. next in order in the upward scale of sizes we come to the -millimeter gun, which was by far the most useful and most used piece of artillery in the great war. in fact the american artillery program might be divided in two classes, the 's in one class, and all other sizes in the other, since it may be said practically that for every gun of another size produced we also turned out a . in number the 's made up almost half of our field artillery. the -millimeter gun threw projectiles weighing between and pounds and it had an effective range of over ½ miles. we approached the war production of this weapon with three types available for us to produce--our own -inch gun; its british cousin the . -inch gun or -pounder; and the french -millimeter gun, with its bore of . inches. the decision to adopt the -millimeter size and modify the other two guns to this dimension, giving us interchangeability of ammunition with the french, was an historic episode in the american ordnance development of . while in the french with their excess manufacturing capacity began work on our first orders for , guns of this size to supply our troops during the interim until american factories could come into production, we were preparing our factories for the effort. roughly speaking the consists of a cannon mounted on a two-wheeled support for transportation purposes. this support also provides a means for aiming by suitable elevating and traverse mechanisms. as previously explained, a recoil mechanism is also provided to absorb the shock of firing, allowing a certain retrograde movement of the cannon and then returning it in position for the next shot--returning it "into battery," as the artillerists say. by its recuperator device the field gun of to-day is chiefly distinguished from its brother of the latter part of the nineteenth century. without a recuperator the gun would leap out of aim at each shot and would have to be pointed anew; but one with a recuperator needs to be pointed only at the beginning of the action. when we entered the war we found ourselves with an equipment of field guns of the old -inch model of . this gun had a carriage provided with the old-style single trail. by , however, we had been experimenting with the split trail and it had been strongly recommended by our ordnance experts; and in we had placed orders for nearly carriages of the split-trail type, which had come to be known as model . of these orders carriages were to come from the bethlehem steel co., and the remainder from the rock island arsenal. meanwhile for some time the bethlehem steel co. had been engaged in turning out carriages for the british . -inch guns. here was capacity that might be utilized to the limit; and, accordingly, in may, , we ordered from the bethlehem co. of the british carriages. at the same time we ordered from the same company approximately of our own model carriages at a cost of $ , , . a few weeks later the decision had been made to make all our guns of this sort conform to the french -millimeter size, and these british and american carriages contracted for in may were ordered modified to take -millimeter guns. the carriages needed little modification and the guns not much. subsequently, in rapid succession we placed orders with the bethlehem steel co., calling for the construction of an additional , of the british carriages, all of them to be adapted to -millimeter guns. next it was the concern of the ordnance department to find other facilities for manufacturing carriages for these weapons. the artillery committee of the council of national defense located the new york air brake co. as a concern willing to undertake this work; and in june, , this company signed a contract to produce american model carriages at a cost of $ , , . by december we had the drawings for the french carriages of this size and made a contract with the willys-overland motor car co. to produce , of them. the table at the end of this section shows the production attained at these various plants. the manufacture of carriages for the 's produced concrete results, as our factories here were turning them out for us at the rate of per month when the fighting ceased, and our contract plants in france were making per month. in all we received from american factories , carriages. at the rate of increase we would have been building carriages per month by february, . it may be said we were thoroughly impressed with the difficulties attached to the transplanting to this country of the manufacture of french -millimeter recuperators. it was a question whether this device could possibly be built by any except the french mechanics trained by long years in its production. at first it seemed that we could secure no manufacturer at all who would be willing to assume such a burden. not until february, , were complete drawings and specifications of the recuperator received from france. at length the singer manufacturing co., builders of sewing machines, consented to take up this new work, and on march the company contracted to produce , recoil systems for the -millimeter gun carriages. in april, , the rock island arsenal was instructed to turn out , of these recuperators. [illustration: two views of the french -millimeter gun. this type of gun has been used by the french army since , and was the gun most used by the allies in the great war. this gun throws a shell weighing . pounds a distance of , meters or shrapnel weighing pounds a distance of , meters. the weight of the gun and carriage is , pounds. the service muzzle velocity of the shell is , feet per second, while for shrapnel it is , feet per second.] [illustration: the -millimeter field gun, model (british). this gun throws a shell weighing . pounds a distance of , meters, and pounds of shrapnel a distance of , meters. the weight of the gun and carriage is , pounds. its muzzle velocity for shell is , feet a second and for shrapnel , feet a second.] the production of gun bodies for the -millimeter units was quite satisfactory. the bethlehem co., the wisconsin gun co., the symington-anderson co., and the watervliet arsenal were the contractors who built the gun bodies. gun bodies of three types, but all of the same -millimeter bore, were ordered--the american type (the modified -inch gun), the british type (the modified . -inch gun), and the french type. our ordnance preparation would have given us enough 's for the projected army of , , men on the front in the summer of , together with appropriate provision for training in the united states. of the 's built in this country, units were shipped to the american expeditionary forces before the armistice went into effect. meanwhile the french had delivered to our troops , units of this size. the total equipment of 's for our army in france from all sources thus amounted to , guns with their complete accessories. ------------------------+------------------------+------+------+------+------ unit. | contractor. |number|number|number|number | | or- | comp-|float-| com- | |dered.| leted| ed |leted | | | at |over- |up to | | | sign-| seas |april | | |ing of| to | , | | | armi-| nov. | . | | |stice.| , | | | | | . | ------------------------+------------------------+------+------+------+------ -mm. gun carriage, |{rock island arsenal | | | }| { model |{bethlehem steel co. | | | } | { |{new york air brake co. | | | }| { | | | | | -mm. gun carriage |willys-overland co. | , | | | , (french) | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun carriage |bethlehem steel co. | , | | | (british), complete | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun carriage | do. | | | | , limber (british), | | | | | complete | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun carriage |{ do. | | | | limber, model |{american car & foundry | , | , | | , |co. | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun caisson, |{bethlehem steel co. | , | | , | model |{american car & foundry | , | , | | , |co. | | | | | | | | | -mm. caisson limber, |{bethlehem steel co. | , | , | | , model |{american car & foundry | , | , | , | , |co. | | | | | | | | | |{symington-anderson co. | | | }| { -mm. cannon, model |{wisconsin gun co. | | | } | { |{watervliet arsenal | | | }| { |{bethlehem steel co. | | | }| { | | | | | -mm. cannon (french) |{symington-anderson co. | , | | | |{wisconsin gun co. | , | | | | | | | | -mm. cannon (british) |bethlehem steel co. | , | | | ------------------------+------------------------+------+------+------+------ . -inch guns. in the . -inch field gun, model of , america took to france a weapon all her own. it was a proven gun, too, developed under searching experiments and tests. there were of these in actual service when we got into the war. the . -inch guns, with their greater range and power, promised to be particularly useful for destroying the enemy's -millimeter guns. the carriage model of for the . -inch gun is of the long recoil type, the recoil being inches in length. the recoil is checked by a hydraulic cylinder, and a system of springs thereupon returns the gun to the firing position. the gun's maximum elevation is degrees, at which elevation, with a -pound projectile, the gun has a range of , meters, or ½ miles. with a -pound projectile a range of , meters, or nearly ½ miles, can be obtained at degrees elevation. it is possible to increase this range to about , meters, or well over miles, by depressing the trail into a hole prepared for it, a practice often adopted on the field to obtain greater range. the total weight of the gun carriage with its limber is about , pounds. an order for of the . -inch carriages was placed with the walter scott co., at plainfield, n. j., july , , upon the recommendation of committees of the council of national defense, who were assisting the ordnance department in the selection of industrial firms willing to accept artillery contracts. of the ordered from this concern, were delivered up to the signing of the armistice. the rock island arsenal had also been employed previously in turning out . -inch carriages; and the capacity of that plant, although small, was utilized. under the date of july , , the arsenal was instructed to deliver carriages. late in december, , the studebaker corporation was given an order for . on september , , rock island arsenal was given an additional order for carriages, while the studebaker order was reduced to . additional plant facilities had to be provided at both the walter scott co. and the studebaker corporation. up to december , , a total of carriages of the . -inch type had been completed and delivered. these carriages included the recoil mechanism. in the month of october, , alone, were produced, and this rate would have been continued had the armistice not been signed. cannon for the . -inch units were turned out at the watervliet arsenal and the northwestern ordnance co., madison, wis. deliveries from the watervliet arsenal began in june, , totaling up to december, while the northwestern ordnance co., starting its deliveries in august, had completed by december. up to the th of november, complete . -inch units had been floated for our forces overseas. forgings for the . -inch gun cannon were made by the bethlehem steel co. and the heppenstall forge & knife co., of pittsburgh, pa. owing to the great difference in cross section between muzzle and breech end of the jacket, great difficulty was experienced in the heat treatment of these forgings, particularly on the part of manufacturers who had had no previous experience in the production of gun forgings. [illustration: front and rear views of our . -inch gun and carriage, model , with which our troops have been equipped for a long time. this gun throws a projectile weighing pounds a distance of about miles.] [illustration: two views of -millimeter gun, model , g. p. f. the upper view shows the piece mounted on an auto truck for quick moving about.] in order to produce enough forgings to supply the finish-machining shops, an order for jackets was later given to the edgewater steel co., of pittsburgh, pa., where the jackets were forged. these were then sent to the heppenstall forge & knife co. for rough machining and finally returned to the edgewater steel co. for heat treating. an order for jackets was also given to the tacony ordnance corporation. shortly before the signing of the armistice, the jacket was redesigned so that the heavy breech end was forged separately in the shape of a breech ring. this design, however, was not produced. it was desired to develop a . -inch gun carriage having the characteristics of the split-trail -millimeter gun carriage, model of , so that greater elevation and wide traverse could be obtained. the bethlehem steel co. was given a small order for carriages of their own design prior to the war, and their pilot carriage had been undergoing tests at the proving ground. the design was, however, not sufficiently advanced to be used in the war. -----------------------+-----------------------+--------+----------+--------- unit. | contractor. | number | number | number | |ordered.|completed |completed | | | at the | up to | | |signing of|april , | | |armistice.| . -----------------------+-----------------------+--------+----------+--------- . -inch gun carriage, |{rock island arsenal | | | model of |{studebaker corporation| | | |{walter scott co. | | | | | | | . -inch gun-carriage |{american car & | | | limber |foundry co. | | | |{maxwell motor co. | | | | | | | . -inch gun caisson |{american car & | , | | |foundry co. | | | |{ford motor co. | , | | | | | | . -inch cannon |{northwestern gun co. | | | |{watervliet arsenal | | | -----------------------+-----------------------+--------+----------+--------- sixteen of these units, also which were previously on hand, were floated for overseas up to november , . the -inch and -inch gun mounts. in the war emergency america sought to put on the front every pound of artillery she could acquire from any source whatsoever. accordingly, before any of the manufacturing projects were even started, the ordnance department conducted a preparedness inventory of the united states to see what guns already in existence we might find that could be improvised for use as mobile artillery in france. the search discovered a number of heavy cannon that could serve the purpose--part of them belonging to the army, these being the guns at our seacoast fortifications; part belonging to the navy, in its stores of supplies for battleships; and part of them being the property of a private dealer, francis bannerman & son, of new york. the guns for this improvised use were obtained as follows: from the coast artillery, a branch of the army, we obtained ninety-five -inch guns, calibers in length, and twenty-eight -inch guns, . calibers; from the navy stores came forty-six -inch guns, ranging from to calibers in length; from francis bannerman & son, thirty -inch guns, calibers long. this was a total of weapons of great destructive power, awaiting only suitable mobile mounts to make them of valiant service on the western front. it was the task of the ordnance department to take these guns and as swiftly as possible mount them on field artillery carriages of an improvised type that could be most quickly built. minor changes had to be made on many of the guns obtained in this manner in order to adapt them for use on field artillery carriages. the various seacoast guns were retained as they were in length, because it was planned to return them eventually to the fortifications from which they had been taken. the navy guns, all of the -inch size, were shipped to the watervliet arsenal to be cut down to a uniform length of calibers. the need for speed in manufacture demanded that the carriages for these guns should be of the simplest design consistent with the ruggedness required for field operations and the accuracy necessary for effectiveness. when tests of the first carriages produced were made it was found that requirements had been more than met. orders were placed on september , , with the morgan engineering co., of alliance, ohio, for mounts for the -inch units. a few days later this number was increased to , while on the th of september, , the same company was given an order for additional -inch gun mounts and mounts for the -inch guns. orders for limbers were placed with the same company on december . it was soon discovered that big transport wagons would be required to carry the long -inch seacoast guns separately because of their great weight. on february , , the morgan engineering co. was ordered to build these necessary transport wagons. difficulties in securing skilled labor, necessary materials, and tools delayed production of these mounts, but the eighteen -inch gun mounts ordered september , , were completed in march, , while the twenty-eight -inch gun mounts ordered on the same date were finished in april. in august, , the seventy-four -inch gun mounts were turned out. the production of an additional order for thirty-seven -inch gun mounts was just beginning when the armistice was signed. the -inch gun carriage, bearing the gun, weighs about , pounds. a maximum range of over miles can be obtained by this weapon. the complete -inch gun unit weighs about , pounds and has a maximum range of more than miles. in understanding the difficulties that faced the ordnance department in building carriages for these guns, it should be recalled that these big weapons were originally built for fixed-emplacement duty and were therefore much heavier than mobile types. this fact complicated the problem of designing the wheeled mounts. they proved to be more difficult to maneuver than the lighter types of guns. --------+---------+----------+------------+------------ | | | number | number | | number | completed | floated for model. | size. | ordered. | prior to | overseas. | | | nov. . | --------+---------+----------+------------+------------ | -inch | | | | -inch | | | -a | -inch | | | -b | -inch | | | --------+---------+----------+------------+------------ -millimeter howitzers. it is a testimonial to the adaptability and skill of american industry that we were able to duplicate successfully in this country the celebrated -millimeter howitzer, before built only in the factory of its original designer, the great firm of schneider et cie., in france. this powerful weapon is a fine example of the french gun builders' art, in a country where the art of gun-making has been carried to a perfection unknown anywhere else. the -millimeter howitzer's history dates back to the nineteenth century. in its development the french designers had so strengthened its structure, increased its range, and improved its general serviceability, that in it was ready to take its place as one of the two most-used and best-known weapons of the allies, the other being the -millimeter field gun. as thus perfected the howitzer weighs less than tons and is extremely mobile for a weapon of its size. it can hurl a -pound projectile well over miles and fire several times a minute. the rapidity of fire is made possible by a hydropneumatic recoil system that supports the short barrel of the gun and stores up the energy of the recoil by the compression of air. with the gun pointing upward at an angle of degrees, the recoil mechanism will restore it into battery in less than seconds. the carriage of the gun is extremely light, being built of pressed steel parts that incorporate many ingenious features of design to reduce the weight. the shell and the propelling charge of powder are loaded separately. the american-built -millimeter howitzer was practically identical with that built in france. any of the important parts of the american weapon would interchange with those which had come from the schneider factory. we equipped the wheels of our field carriage, however, with rubber tires, and gave the gun a straight shield of armor plate instead of a curved shield. in the spring of we bought the plans of the howitzer from schneider et cie. and began at once the work of translating the specifications into american measurements. this work monopolized the efforts of an expert staff until october , . in order to facilitate the reproduction here, we divided the weapon, as a manufacturing proposition, into three groups--the cannon itself, the carriage, and the recuperator or recoil system--and placed each group in the hands of separate contractors. there was, of course, the usual difficulty in finding manufacturers willing to undertake production of such an intricate device and who also possessed machine shops that had the equipment and talent required for such work, and in procuring for these shops the highly specialized machinery that would be necessary. the american brake shoe & foundry co., of erie, pa., whose magnificent work in building a special plant has been described in the preceding chapter, took an order in august, , for , howitzer cannon and by october, , was producing of them every day. the company turned out its first cannon in february, , approximately six months after receiving the contract, having in the interim built and equipped a most elaborate plant. it is doubtful if the annals of industry in any country can produce a feat to match this. in fact, the production of cannon by the erie concern so outstripped the manufacture of carriages and other important parts for the howitzer that it was possible by september, , for us to sell howitzer bodies to the french government. when the armistice was signed on november , , the company had completed , cannon. in november, , we placed orders for , carriages for this weapon, splitting the order between the osgood-bradley car co., of worcester, mass., and the mosler safe co., of hamilton, ohio. then followed a long battle to secure the tools and equipment, the skilled mechanical labor, and the necessary quantities of the best grades of steel and bronze, an effort in which the contracting companies were at all times aided by the engineers of the ordnance department. all obstacles were overcome and the first carriages were ready for testing in june, . when the armistice was signed carriages had been delivered, and production was moving so rapidly that one month later this number had been run up to . the limbers were manufactured by the maxwell motor car co., which had orders to turn out , of them. the first deliveries of limbers came in september, , and seven a day were being turned out in october, a total of having been completed by the day of the armistice. a month later the number of completed limbers totaled . it was in the making of the recuperator systems that the greatest problems were presented. no mechanism at all similar to this had ever been made in this country. no plant was in existence here capable of turning out such a highly complicated, precise, and delicate device. finally, after much governmental search and long negotiation, the dodge bros., of detroit, motor car builders, agreed to accept the responsibility. in this effort they built and equipped the splendid factory, costing $ , , , described elsewhere. this howitzer recuperator is turned out from a solid forging, weighing , pounds, but the completed recuperator weighs only pounds. each cylinder must be bored, ground, and lapped to a degree of fineness and accuracy that requires the most painstaking care. difficulties of almost every sort were experienced with the forgings and other elements of the recuperators. the steel was analyzed and its metallurgical formulas were changed. the work of machining proceeded favorably until the very last operation--that of polishing the interior of the long bores to a mirrorlike glaze and still retaining the extreme accuracy necessary to prevent the leakage of oil past the pistons. such precision had been theretofore unknown in american heavy manufacture. until the many processes could be perfected, the deliveries were held back. even with the delivery of the first recuperator, difficulties did not vanish. this mechanism has no adjustments which can be made on the field, but depends for its wonderful operation upon the extreme nicety of the relation of its parts. it required the alteration of certain small parts before the first trial models could be made to function. however, all obstacles and difficulties were finally overcome, and in the plant that had been erected during the bitter cold of one of our severest winters, and with practically entirely new machinery and workmen, production got under way, and the first recuperator was delivered early in july, , nine months after the contract was signed. production in quantity began to follow shortly after that month, and by november an average of recuperators a day was being turned out. of the , recuperators contracted for, had been finished when the armistice was signed, and this quantity was increased to , one month later. the steel required for the recuperators in these -millimeter howitzers, and also for those of the -millimeter guns, was of special composition; yet all the forge capacity in this country was being utilized in other war manufacture. new facilities for the manufacture of these forgings had to be developed by increasing the capacity of the mesta machine co. of pittsburgh, until it could meet our requirements. the government itself contracted for these forgings and supplied them to dodge bros. each howitzer required some items of miscellaneous equipment, such as air and liquid pumps and other tools. these were purchased from many sources, and many of these contractors had just as much difficulty with the small parts as the larger firms had with the more important sections of the howitzers. many of the problems involved in turning out the complete unit could not be known or understood until they were met with in actual manufacture. mechanical experts representing schneider et cie. were on hand at all times to help solve difficulties as they arose. the government turned to france for an auxiliary supply of carriages for the american-built howitzers, placing orders for , with french concerns. of this number had been completed when the armistice was signed, and the french expected soon to turn out the carriages at the rate of per month. it might also be noted here that we placed an order in england for british -inch howitzers, a piece very like the french howitzer. the british contract was to be completed april , . the various parts of the -millimeter howitzer were assembled into complete units and tested at the aberdeen proving grounds. after being assembled and tested, the whole unit was taken apart and packed into crates especially designed for overseas shipment. one crate held two howitzer carriages with recuperators in less space than would have been occupied by one carriage on its wheels. it will be noted that the first gun body of the -millimeter howitzers made in this country was delivered in february and the first recuperator in july. before the recuperators were ready, the other parts of the howitzer had been proof-tried by using a recuperator of french manufacture. during the months of august and september, , the first regiment equipped with -millimeter howitzers was made ready at aberdeen. the big weapons were packed and on the dock for shipment overseas when the armistice was signed. these first ones were to be followed by a steady stream of howitzers. all arrangements had been made to assemble units and crate them for overseas at the erie proving ground at port clinton, ohio. none of the -millimeter howitzers built here reached the american expeditionary forces, but french deliveries of the weapon up to the signing of the armistice totaled . ------------------------+------------------------+--------+---------+--------- unit. | contractor. | number | number | number | |ordered.|completed|completed | | |nov. , |apr. , | | | . | . ------------------------+------------------------+--------+---------+--------- -mm. howitzer |osgood bradley car co. | | | carriage | | | | | | | | -mm. carriage | do. | | | replacement parts | | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer | do. | | | carriage | | | | | | | | do |american rolling mill | , | | |co. (old mosler safe | | | |contract) | | | | | | | do |rock island arsenal | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer | | | | carriage limbers |maxwell motor co. | , | | | | | | do |rock island arsenal | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer caisson|ford motor co. | , | , | , | | | | -mm. howitzer cannon |american brake shoe & | | | |foundry co. | | , | , ------------------------+------------------------+--------+---------+--------- the -millimeter g. p. f. guns. the reproduction in the united states of the french -millimeter g. p. f. (the french designation) gun presents much the same story as that of the howitzer of equal size--a story of difficulties in translating plans, writing into them the precision of finishing measurements that the french factory usually leaves to the skill of the mechanic himself, difficulties in finding manufacturers willing to undertake the work, and then of providing them with suitable raw materials and machinery, and, above all, of locating the necessary skilled mechanics. this strange, big monster of a weapon is of rugged design. the entire unit weighs , pounds. the gun has the extremely high muzzle velocity of , feet per second, a rate of propulsion that throws the -pound projectile , yards, or a little more than miles. the wheels of the carriage have a double tread of solid rubber tire. by an ingenious arrangement a caterpillar tread can be applied to the wheels in a few minutes whenever soft ground is encountered. the center of gravity of the unit is low. the wheels are of small dimensions and the cradle is trunnioned behind in such a fashion as to reduce the height of the cannon. the carriage has a split trail, which allows for a large clearance for recoil at a high elevation and a large angle of traverse. the carriage when traveling is supported on semielliptical springs, as is also the carriage limber. two large steel castings make up the carriage of this unit. the bottom part of the carriage is supported by the axle, which carries the two sections of the split trail upon the hinge pins. the top part of the carriage is supported by and revolves upon the bottom carriage and carries in trunnioned bearings the recuperator. the principal difficulty in carriage manufacture was to obtain in this country the extremely large steel castings of light-section, high-grade steel. the carriages, , in number, were ordered in november, , from the minneapolis steel & machinery co. the first delivery of carriages was made in august, , and in the last week of october they were being turned out at the rate of seven a day. up to the armistice date had been produced, of which had been sent overseas. we also placed orders in france for of these carriages, of which had been completed upon the signing of the armistice. the american monthly rate of production of carriages in october was . the -millimeter gun itself is far from being simple to manufacture. it is of considerable length and is built of a number of jackets and hoops to give the required resistance to the heavy pressures exerted in firing, this being a high-velocity gun. except for a slight change in the manner of locking the hoops to the jacket, our gun is identical with that of the french. orders for , cannon were given to the watervliet arsenal and the bullard engineering works, at bridgeport, conn., in november, . the bullard engineering works had to construct new buildings and to purchase and install special equipment, and the watervliet arsenal had to extend its shops and also purchase and install much additional machinery--a job that took time at both places. the first deliveries of cannon came from watervliet arsenal in july, . during october cannon were delivered, and it seemed certain that by early in the projected eight cannon per day would be the rate attained. we shipped of the cannon overseas. by november we had received cannon, a number increased to by december . limbers in the same quantity as carriages were ordered from the minneapolis steel & machinery co., which produced a limber to accompany each one of its delivered carriages. this limber has an extremely heavy axle, similar to the automobile front axle. its size and weight caused difficulty in obtaining it as a drop forging. to dodge bros. was assigned the task of producing the recuperators for this gun in their special plant. the -millimeter gun recuperators, however, were made secondary to the production of the recuperators for the -millimeter howitzers, which were the easier of the two sorts to build. forgings were available and work started on recuperators in april, . no rapid completion of these intricate mechanisms was possible, however, as the first forgings encountered many delays in their machinings. in the cycle of operations, with everything speeded up to the limit, more than three months must elapse from the day the recuperator forging is received to the day when the completed mechanism can be turned over to the inspector as an assembled article. [illustration: -millimeter howitzer, model (schneider). this weapon throws shell or shrapnel weighing pounds. muzzle velocity for shell is , feet per second. the weight of the howitzer and carriage is , pounds.] [illustration: -inch howitzer, model .] it was in october, , that the first -millimeter gun recuperator was delivered. the factory expected to reach a maximum capacity of a day. the company built more by december . after the armistice was signed the company's order was reduced to , which had all been completed by may , . in order to have recuperators available for use for the units shipped from the united states minus these mechanisms, rough-machined recuperator forgings were shipped to france, where the work of machining and completing was done. the translation of the french plans for this weapon furnished one of the most difficult pieces of work undertaken by the ordnance department. without counting in the gun pieces, the carriage and limber is made up of pieces, while the recoil mechanism itself has pieces. a total of mechanical tracings had to be made by our draftsmen for the carriage and test tools; for the carriage limbers; for the recoil mechanism; for the tools and accessories; or a total of . it was extremely difficult to secure draftsmen who could do this work, and the translation, accomplished in a few weeks, is regarded as a remarkable achievement. the cannon for this gun were tested at the erie proving grounds and there packed for overseas shipment. we had many cannon and carriages awaiting shipment when the armistice was signed, the plan being to send them to france, where they would be equipped with recuperators. --------------------+------------------+--------+---------+----------+-------- | | | number | number | number units. | contractors. | number |completed|completed |floated | |ordered.|nov. , | apr. , |nov. , | | | . | . | . --------------------+------------------+--------+---------+----------+-------- -mm. gun carriage|minneapolis steel | , | | | model | & machinery co. | | | | (filloux) | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun carriage| do. | , | | | limber, model | | | | | (filloux) | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun cannon |bullard engine | , | | |} proper | works | | | |} do |watervliet arsenal| | | |} --------------------+------------------+--------+---------+----------+-------- -inch howitzers in the early days of the war the british designed an -inch field howitzer that proved itself on battle fields in france. great britain loaded her own plants with orders for this weapon and then turned to the united states for additional facilities. the midvale steel & ordnance co. at nicetown, pa., was manufacturing this unit for the british at the time we entered the war. on april , , exactly eight days after we had formally announced our purpose of warring with germany, an order for of these -inch howitzers was placed with the midvale steel co. it was understood that production on our order was to be begun upon the completion of the british contract on which the midvale co. was then engaged. the order included the complete units, with carriages, limbers, tools, and accessories, all to be built in accordance with british specifications. contracts for the trails were sublet by the midvale co. to the cambria steel co; for the wheels, to the american road & machinery co.; for the limbers and firing platforms, to the j. g. brill co.; and for the open sights, to the british-american manufacturing co. panoramic sights for these guns were furnished by the frankford arsenal. so satisfactory did the production proceed that on december , , the first of the -inch howitzers was proof-tried with good results. early in january, , the complete units began to come through at the rate of three a week, increasing to four a week in april and to six a week in may. a subsequent contract with midvale brought the total number of howitzers ordered from that plant up to . these weapons, all of the model known as the mark vi, were all produced and accepted before the signing of the armistice, of them being shipped overseas, with their full complement of accessories. each completed unit cost in the neighborhood of $ , . these weapons throw a -pound projectile , yards. the progress of the war moved so swiftly, however, that there soon was need for artillery units of this same size but with longer range. accordingly, a new design, known as the mark viii½, was brought out, having a range of over , yards. on october , , we placed with the midvale co. an order for of these -inch howitzers, specifying carriages of the new, heavier type. when we entered the war the bethlehem steel co., at bethlehem, pa., was producing for the british government a howitzer with a bore of . inches. the bethlehem co. expected to complete these british contracts in july, . the . -inch howitzer was approximately the same size as the -millimeter howitzer which we were getting ready to put into production. however, in our desire to utilize every bit of the production facilities of the country, we ordered of the . -inch howitzer units from the bethlehem steel co. and placed additional orders for of these units in england. the british concerns delivered howitzers before the armistice was signed. -----------+------------+------------+--------+---------+--------+--------- | | | number | number | | number mark. | size. |contractor. |ordered.|completed| number |completed | | | |nov. , |floated.| to apr. | | | | . | | , . -----------+------------+------------+--------+---------+--------+--------- vi | -inch |midvale | | | | | howitzer | steel co. | | | | viii½ | do. | do. | | | | model | . -inch |bethlehem | | | | | howitzer | steel co. | | | | -----------+------------+------------+--------+---------+--------+--------- [illustration: the . -inch howitzer, model . this gun shoots shell weighing pounds , meters. the weight of the howitzer and carriage is , pounds.] [illustration: two views of the -millimeter howitzer, model .] the -millimeter howitzers. the scheme of production of the french -millimeter howitzers was entirely aimed at the year ; since even if american heavy manufacturing establishments had not been loaded with war orders, it would have been well-nigh impossible to turn out this mighty engine of destruction in quantities in any shorter period of time. although approximately the same size as the british . -inch howitzer (the exact diameter of the bore of the being . inches) and only a little larger than the -inch howitzer, the french gun was far more powerful than either. the -inch and the . -inch howitzers had ranges in the neighborhood of miles, while their shell weighed from to pounds. the , on the other hand, hurled a shell weighing pounds and carrying a bursting charge of between and pounds of high explosive. its range was almost miles. we produced the -inch and the . -inch howitzers to fill the gap during the two years which must elapse before we could get into quantity production of the . the french and british governments in the fall of asserted their ability to equip our first combat divisions in with heavy howitzers, so that if our production came along in the spring of it could meet the requirements of the war situation. consequently we planned to equip our first army of divisions with -inch and . -inch howitzers in equal numbers of each. our second army of divisions should be wholly equipped with -millimeter howitzers; and our expected production of these, being beyond our own contemplated needs, would serve to replace such -inch and . -inch howitzers as had been lost in the meantime. as we adapted it from the french schneider model, the -millimeter howitzer consisted of four main parts--the howitzer barrel, the top carriage, the cradle with recoil and mechanism, and the firing platform. each of these four parts had its own transportation wagon and limber drawn by a -ton tractor. the weapon was set up with the aid of an erecting frame and a small hand crane. each of the main sections is composed of numerous smaller assembled parts made up of various grades of iron and steel and raw materials, all requiring the greatest precision in their manufacture and all having to pass rigid and exacting tests for strength and dimensions. the production of even one of these enormous weapons would have been a hard job for any american industrial plant, but to manufacture over , of them, and that within the comparatively limited time allowed and under the abnormal industrial and transportation conditions then prevailing, was a task of tremendous difficulty and complexity. on september , , an order was placed with the watertown arsenal for carriages for the american 's, to be turned out complete with the recoil mechanism, transportation vehicles, tools, and accessories. to show the size of the job, an allotment of $ , , was set aside to cover the estimated expenses at the arsenal. well equipped as the watertown arsenal was said to be at the time for the production of heavy gun carriages, it was found necessary, in order to handle this job, to construct a new erecting shop that had a capacity practically as large as all the other buildings of the plant put together. the number of employees at the arsenal was increased from , to more than , . the greatest difficulty experienced was in obtaining the large number of heavy machine tools required, and experts were sent out to scour the country in an effort to locate these tools wherever they might be available. raw materials could not be procured in sufficient quantities, while numerous transportation delays impeded the work. finally, in october, , the pilot carriage was completed and sufficient progress had been made on the entire contract to assure production of the required number of units in the early part of . a second carriage contract (nov. , ) went to the standard steel car co., of hammond, ind. this called for the delivery of carriages complete with transportation vehicles, limbers, tools, etc., but not with recuperators. these the otis elevator co., of new york, undertook to deliver. the standard steel car co. is one of the most important builders of railway cars, freight and passenger, in the country, and it possessed a large and well-equipped plant. nevertheless, the company was compelled to construct several additional buildings and practically to double the capacity of its huge erecting shop in order to prepare adequately for the tremendous task undertaken. as a means to save time, subcontracts were immediately placed with more than firms throughout the east and middle west for the production and machining of as many as possible of the component parts needed by the standard steel car co. wherever practicable, the subcontractors working on similar contracts for the watertown arsenal were retained by the indiana company, so that better prices might be obtained, parts standardized, and the whole production greatly facilitated. once the work was well under way the ramifications of this one contract, with its subcontracts for parts, materials, tools, building construction, etc., extended throughout practically the entire industrial facilities of the eastern and central sections of the country. as in the case of the contract given the watertown arsenal, there were many difficulties in obtaining tools and raw materials. in a large majority of cases allocations, partly of iron and steel products, had to be obtained through the war industries board. when allocations had been granted, priority orders had to be secured, as the producers of these materials were already overworked with government orders of varying importance. with the pilot carriage complete in the early part of october, production on all the main parts had progressed by november to such an extent that a large output of finished carriages was assured for december and thereafter, had not the signing of the armistice intervened and ended the necessity for further expedition of the work. orders for howitzer bodies were placed as follows: sets. bethlehem steel co., nov. , . edgewater steel co., oct. , . tacony ordnance corporation, nov. , . watertown arsenal, nov. , . american bridge co., mar. , . the watervliet arsenal on november , , was instructed to do the machining of forgings so as to turn out gun bodies for the -millimeter howitzers, and three months later this order was doubled. on november , , an additional were ordered from watervliet, making a grand total of , howitzer cannon of this caliber ordered machined and completed at the watervliet arsenal. the arsenal contracted to reach an output of cannon a month and deliver the last of the , not later than september , . it was found necessary to erect an entirely new shop for the machining of these howitzers. this shop was completed in may, . during the war period $ , , was spent or allotted to the watervliet arsenal for increasing its facilities. forgings were furnished to the arsenal by the government, but the forging situation was never a delaying factor in the production of -millimeter howitzers. in all, sets, of , ordered, were delivered up to december , . the pilot howitzer was delivered by the watervliet arsenal to the proving ground on august , . in the summer of the watertown arsenal contracted to build additional recuperators for these howitzers. work was started at once in the shops, and, though additional facilities had to be prepared and much new equipment added, the production of the first recuperator was begun without delay. it was found that the planing equipment at the arsenal was not sufficient to handle the work, and therefore a great deal of the rough planing was done by subcontractors. the watertown arsenal was to furnish its own forgings, but it was quickly found that an additional source of supplies was required. the carnegie steel co. had been given an order on december , , for , recuperator forgings, and some of these were sent to the watertown arsenal. the first recuperator was completed october , , and had been finished up to december , , when forgings were in the process of machining. to handle its order for , recuperators, the otis elevator co., of new york, found it necessary to rebuild a plant which it owned in chicago. forgings were furnished by the government. on may , , the otis elevator co. started its rough machining. hard spots were found in the metal, causing great trouble at first, but this difficulty was overcome by changes in the heat treatment. the carnegie steel co. was then instructed to rough-machine the forgings before sending them to the otis elevator co. an order was also given to the midvale steel co. to rough-machine forgings. early in november, , the otis elevator co. finished its first recuperator. one -millimeter howitzer unit was completed at the time of the signing of the armistice, out of a total of , contracted for; but had war conditions continued, the expectation was for a monthly capacity of units by . actual deliveries are given below: --------------------+-------------------+--------+---------+--------- | | |number |number units. | contractors. |number |completed|completed | |ordered.|nov. , |apr. , | | | . | . --------------------+-------------------+--------+---------+--------- -mm. unit, |} watertown | |{ [ ] | [ ] complete, except |} arsenal | |{ [ ] | [ ] howitzer |} | | | -mm. howitzer | standard | | | carriage units, | steel car co. | | | except recuperators | | | | windlasses | dodge | , | | | manufacturing co | | | rammer trucks | do. | , | | shot trucks | do. | , | | , -mm. howitzer | watervliet | | | cannon | arsenal | | | --------------------+-------------------+--------+---------+--------- [ ] carriage alone. [ ] carriages with recuperators. fighting the airplane with artillery. the american development of antiaircraft artillery had, previously to , been confined almost exclusively to the task of designing and constructing stationary units of defense for our coast fortifications. it was naturally expected that it would be at those points that we would first, if ever, have to meet an attack from the air. very little attention had been paid mobile artillery of this sort. before april, , the ordnance department had designed a high-powered -inch antiaircraft mount for the fixed emplacement at coast fortifications. the gun on this mount fired a -pound projectile with a muzzle velocity of , feet a second. it is still to-day the most powerful antiaircraft weapon of its caliber. between may, , and june , , orders for of these mounts were placed with the watertown arsenal and the bethlehem steel co. up to april , , a total of of these had been completed and sent for emplacement at the points selected. [illustration: two views of antiaircraft guns on truck mounts.] [illustration: two other views of antiaircraft guns.] by the end of , however, it was foreseen that it would be necessary to provide antiaircraft artillery of a mobile type as part of the equipment for any field forces that might be sent abroad. since that contingency seemed entirely possible at that time, and as it appeared to be impossible to provide a suitable design that would have a sufficient period of time in which to get proper consideration and test, it was decided to improvise a simple structural steel design that would permit quick construction and on which a -millimeter field gun, that was already in production, could be mounted. this design was completed may , , and an order for placed with the builders iron foundry. deliveries on these were made during the fall of , and the carriages were at once shipped to france for equipment with french field guns and recuperators that had been already procured for the purpose. in its mobility the improvised antiaircraft gun mount was far from perfect. it was necessary to disassemble it partly and mount it on trailers. the need for a mount that could be moved easily and speedily had been realized before our entrance in the war, and a design embodying these qualities was completed as early as december, . this truck was designed to be equipped with the american -millimeter field gun, model of . before the drawings were completed an order for the pilot mounts of this type was placed with the rock island arsenal. the war came on, and it was decided not to wait for a test of the mounts before starting general manufacture. accordingly the new britain machine co., in july, , was given an order for carriages. no further orders were placed for carriages of this sort, as it was not thought best to go too heavily into production of an untried mount. it may be noted here that our first antiaircraft guns were mounted on white ½-ton trucks. it was also realized that the field guns with which these mounts were to be equipped did not have the power and range that the war experience was showing to be necessary. the only reasons that the field guns of the -millimeter caliber were used in this way was because they were the guns most quickly available and because the french were already using them for this purpose. to meet the need of more powerful antiaircraft weapons, a need becoming more pressing each day, a -inch high-powered antiaircraft gun was designed and mounted on a four-wheel trailer of the automobile type. this mount permitted elevations of the gun from degrees to degrees and also allowed for "all around" firing. an order for of these carriages was given to the new britain machine co. in july, , shortly after the contract for the truck mounts had been placed with that concern. because of the urgency of the situation it was necessary to construct these carriages without the preliminary tests on a pilot carriage. this, of course, is a very undesirable practice, but under the existing conditions no other procedure would have been practicable. the french antiaircraft auto truck mount, which had the french -millimeter field gun with its recuperator placed upon a special antiaircraft mount, was not adopted at the time, because, in july, , the whole question of the possibility of constructing french recuperators in this country was still entirely unsettled. it was imperative then that we develop our own designs. all of the truck mounts for the antiaircraft guns were delivered during the fall and early winter of , and of them were in france before december, . delivery of the first carriage for the -inch high-powered gun mounted on the trailer carriage was made in august, . it had been rushed ahead of general production in order to be given some sort of a test. no further deliveries were made, but manufacture reached a point where production in quantity could begin. a representative of the ordnance department was sent to france and england in december, , to gather all the information possible on antiaircraft artillery. as a result of his investigations it was determined that it would be best to procure the greater part of our fire-control equipment in france, since the instruments developed there were in some cases of a highly complicated nature and their manufacture entirely controlled by private parties. orders were placed for enough of these instruments for the equipment of the first batteries. meanwhile, fire-control instruments of various types were in the process of development in this country; but, as they were largely based upon theoretical construction derived from study of the french practices, it was deemed best not to manufacture any of these instruments in quantity, as better instruments of french design were available. drawings of the french instruments were brought back by the ordnance officer on his visit to france and were available in this country in the spring of , when manufacture of some of them began in the united states. at the signing of the armistice our forces in france were equipped almost wholly with antiaircraft artillery loaned to us and supplied by the french. this, of course, does not include the improvised and truck mounts completed during . production here, however, had reached such a point that shipment of material would have begun in quantity in january, . the estimated requirements of antiaircraft artillery for , , men in divisions is only guns. other material, of course, would have been required previously for defense of depots, railheads, etc., dependent in a great measure upon the activities of german bombers. it is estimated that about guns would have sufficed for this purpose. to summarize, of the so-called improvised -millimeter antiaircraft guns and mounts had been ordered and completed up to the time of the signing of the armistice; of the -millimeter antiaircraft mounts, model of , had been ordered and completed; while of the -inch antiaircraft trailer carriage mounts, model of , had been ordered, of which had been actually delivered at the signing of the armistice, the balance to come at the rate of per month starting in december. _artillery--production of complete units, by months._ [deliveries in the united states on u. s. army orders only.] -----------------------+-----+------------------------------ | to | |jan.,+----+----+----+----+----+----- | .|jan.|feb.|mar.|apr.|may.|june. -----------------------+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----- -mm. gun, model | | | | | | | -mm. gun, model | | | | | | | -mm. gun, model | | | | | | | -mm. antiaircraft gun| | | | | | | -inch antiaircraft gun| | | | | | | . -inch gun | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | -inch seacoast gun | | | | |[ ]|[ ]| [ ] -inch seacoast gun | | | | | | | -mm. gun | | | | | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer[ ] | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | -inch seacoast gun | | | | | | | -inch seacoast gun | | | | | | | -inch gun | | | | | | | -inch seacoast mortar| | | | | | | -----------------------+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----- total | | | | | | | -----------------------+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----- -----------------------+--------------------------------+----- | | +-----+----+-----+----+----+-----+total. |july.|aug.|sept.|oct.|nov.| dec.| -----------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+-----+----- -mm. gun, model | | | | | | | -mm. gun, model | | | | | | | -mm. gun, model | | | | | | | -mm. antiaircraft gun| | | | | | | -inch antiaircraft gun| | | | | | | . -inch gun | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | -inch seacoast gun | [ ]|[ ]| [ ]|[ ]|[ ]| [ ]| -inch seacoast gun | | | [ ]|[ ]|[ ]| [ ]| -mm. gun | | | | | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer[ ] | | | | | | |[ ] -mm. howitzer | | | | | | | -inch seacoast gun | | | | | | | -inch seacoast gun | | | | | | | -inch gun | | | | | | | -inch seacoast mortar| | | | | | | -----------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+-----+----- total | | | | | | | , -----------------------+-----+----+-----+----+----+-----+----- [ ] project complete. [ ] no deliveries made by bethlehem steel co. on u.s. army orders until after signing of the armistice because of priority given to british orders placed before the american declaration of war. by "complete units" is meant gun body complete, carriage, and recoil mechanism or recuperator. units are given as complete when their component parts were complete, although the actual assembly of these parts at a common point, testing, and final delivery usually required from two weeks' to two months' additional time. the -inch, -inch, -inch, and -inch seacoast guns and the -inch seacoast mortars were taken from the fortifications and modified for use with mobile carriages, all above inches for railway mounts. the -millimeter gun, model , was the approved model for active service in france. model and model were used for training purposes both in the united states and in france. _production of mobile artillery (complete units), apr. , , to nov. , ._ [including all produced for france and great britain in united states.] ------------------------------------------+------------+--------- | produced. | shipped | |overseas. ------------------------------------------+------------+--------- -mm. guns (or british -pounder) | | -inch and -mm. antiaircraft guns | | [ ] . -inch howitzers | | . -inch guns | | -mm. ( -inch and -inch seacoast guns) | |[ ] -mm. howitzers | | -inch guns on caterpillar mounts | [ ] | railway artillery | | heavy howitzers | [ ] | +------------+--------- total | , | ------------------------------------------+------------+--------- [ ] does not include improvised mounts for which guns were furnished by french. [ ] includes sixteen -mm. guns and carriages shipped without recuperators. [ ] built for the marine corps. [ ] includes sixteen -inch howitzers built for the marine corps. [illustration: ½-ton antiaircraft machine gun trailer.] [illustration: two views of the -inch navy rifle mounted on a pedestal on a railway car. this rifle has a range of about miles and throws a projectile weighing pounds. note the means of loading and the depression angle.] chapter iv. railway artillery. as soon as war was declared against germany the ordnance department, in its search for an immediate equipment of strong artillery, surveyed the ordnance supplies of the country and discovered some heavy guns which might be spared from the seacoast defenses, obtained from the navy, or commandeered at private ordnance plants where they were being manufactured for foreign governments. there were six guns of this last-named class--powerful -inch weapons which had been produced for the chilean government. it was seen that if all, or if a large part, of these guns could be made available for service in france, america would quickly provide for herself a heavy artillery equipment of respectable proportions. the guns thus available for mounting on railway cars ranged in size from the -inch guns of the navy to the single enormous -inch howitzer which had been built experimentally by the ordnance department prior to . the list of these guns according to number, size, length, and source whence obtained was as follows: ----------------+---------+----------+--------------------------- number of guns. | size. | length. | source whence obtained. ----------------+---------+----------+--------------------------- | inches. |calibers. | | | | navy. | | | seacoast defenses. | | | do. | | | do. | | | in manufacture for chile. (mortars) | | | seacoast defenses. | | | navy. ----------------+---------+----------+--------------------------- in addition to these there was the -inch howitzer, calibers in length, which had been built by the ordnance department before . the expression -inch gun, calibers, means that the gun has a barrel diameter of inches and that the gun body is fifty times the caliber of inches, or inches ( feet inches) long. the ordnance department conceived that the only way to make these guns available for use abroad would be to mount them on railway cars. these guns were not vital in the defense of our coast under the conditions of the war with germany, but it was evident that they would make a valuable type of long-range artillery when placed on satisfactory railway mounts. mounting heavy artillery on railway cars, however, was not an idea born of the recent war. the idea was probably originally american. the union forces at the siege of richmond in mounted a -inch cast-iron mortar on a reinforced flat car, this being the first authenticated record of the use of heavy railway artillery. in the commanding officer of the defenses of the potomac, which comprise forts washington and hunt, was called upon to report on the condition of these defenses. in reply, he advised that no further expenditure be made on any one of the fixed defenses, but recommended that a "strategic railroad" be built along the backbone of the peninsula from point lookout to washington, with spurs leading to predetermined positions both on chesapeake bay and the potomac river, so placed as to command approaches to washington and baltimore. further, he recommended that major-caliber guns, medium-caliber guns, and mine-defense guns be mounted on railroad platforms, with ammunition, range finding, and repair cars making up complete units, so that this armament could be quickly transported at any time to the place where most needed. he suggested that this scheme be made applicable to any portion of the coast line of the united states. his argument was based upon the fact that guns in fixed positions, of whatever caliber, violate the cardinal military principle of mobility. the nations engaged in the war now ending developed to a high stage the use of heavy artillery mounted on railway cars, bringing about a combination of the necessary rigidity with great mobility, considering the weight of this material. railway artillery came to be as varied in its design as field artillery. each type of railway mount had certain tactical uses and it was not considered desirable to use the different types interchangeably. the three types of cannon used on railway mounts were mortars, howitzers, and guns. it was not practicable to use the same type of railway mounts for the different kinds of cannon. moreover, these mounts differed radically from the mounts for such weapons at the seacoast defenses. the three general types of railway mounts adopted were those which gave the gun all-around fire ( -degree traverse), those which provided limited traverse for the gun, and those which allowed no lateral movement for the gun on the carriage but were used on curved track, or epis, to give the weapons traverse aim. the smaller weapons, such as the -inch and the -inch guns and the -inch mortars, were placed on mounts affording -degree traverse. the limited traverse mounts were used for the moderately long-range guns and howitzers. the fixed type of mount was used for long-range guns only, and included the sliding railway mounts, such as the american -inch and -inch sliding mounts and the french schneider à glissement mounts. the work of providing railway artillery--that is, taking the big, fixed-position guns already in existence within the united states and similar guns being produced and designing and manufacturing suitable mounts for them on railway cars--grew into such an important undertaking that it enlisted the exclusive attention of a large section within the ordnance department. this organization eventually found itself engaged in major construction projects, which, in time, had the war continued, would have delivered more than of these monster weapons to the field in france and, to a lesser extent, to the railway coast defenses of the united states. as it was, so much of the construction--the machining of parts, and so on--was complete at the date of the armistice, that it was decided to go ahead with all of the projects except three, these involving the mounting of guns of -inch size, calibers long, the production of long-range -inch guns, calibers, and their mounting on railway cars, and the mounting of coast-defense, -inch guns, calibers long, on the french batignolles type of railway mount. inasmuch as it will be necessary in this chapter to refer frequently to the barbette, schneider, and batignolles types of gun mounts for railway artillery, it should be made clear to the reader what these types are. the barbette carriage revolves about a central pintle, or axis, and turns the gun around with it. when it was decided to put coast-defense guns on railway cars, the guns were taken from their emplacements, barbette carriages manufactured for them, and the whole mounted upon special cars. the barbette mount revolves on a support of rollers traveling upon a circular base ring. in the railway mount the base ring is attached to the dropped central portion of the railway car. the barbette railway mount is provided with struts and plates by which the car is braced against the ground. the schneider railway mount is named after the french ordnance concern schneider et cie, who designed it. in this mount the gun and its carriage are fastened rigidly parallel to the long axis of the railway car. thus the gun itself, independently of any movement of the car, can be pointed only up and down in a vertical plane, having no traverse or swing from left to right, and vice versa. in order to give the weapon traverse for its aim, special railway curved tracks, called epis, are prepared at the position where it is to be fired. the car is then run along the curve until its traverse aim is correct, and the vertical aim is achieved by the movement of the gun itself. in the schneider mount there is no recoil mechanism, but the recoil is absorbed by the retrograde movement of the car itself along the rails after the gun is fired. this movement, of course, puts the gun out of aim, and the entire unit must then be pushed by hand power back to the proper point. in the batignolles type, gun and cradle are mounted on a so-called top carriage that permits of small changes in horizontal pointing right and left. thus with the railway artillery of the batignolles type also, track curves, or epis, are necessary for the accurate aiming. the batignolles mount partially cushions the recoil by the movement of the gun itself in the cradle. but, in addition, a special track is provided at the firing point and the entire gun car is run on this track and bolted to it with spades driven into the ground to resist what recoil is not taken up in the cradle. the unit is thus stationary in action, and the gun can be more readily returned to aim than can a gun on a schneider mount. the -inch rifles. the conditions under which the war with germany was fought virtually precluded any chance of a naval attack on our shores which would engage our fixed coast defenses. the british grand fleet, with the assistance of fleets of the other allies and america, had the german battle fleet securely bottled. on the other hand there was the prowling submarine able at all times to go to sea and even to cross the ocean, and some of the latest of these submarines were armed with long-range medium-caliber guns. it was not beyond possibility that some sort of an attack would be made on our shores by submarines of this character, yet it was safe to believe that these craft would keep well out of range of the guns at our stationary coast defenses. to protect our coast from such attack the ordnance department conceived the plan of mounting heavy guns on railway cars. they might then be moved quickly to places on the seacoast needing defense. for this purpose the navy turned of its -inch rifles over to the ordnance department for mounting. meanwhile our ordnance officers had designed certain standard railway artillery cars, known as models , mark i, and mark ii, for -inch and -inch guns and -inch mortars, respectively. these cars all had the same general features. the model car was selected for the converted -inch navy rifle. the rifle was mounted on a pedestal set on the gun car in such a manner as to give all-around fire, or -degree traverse. the pedestal mount permitted the gun to be depressed at an angle suitable for firing from high places along the coast down upon the low-lying submarines. contracts for the various parts for these cars and the pedestal gun mounts were let to concerns engaged in heavy steel manufacture, but the assembling was done by the american car & foundry co., of berwick, pa. twelve of the -inch rifles were so mounted. as this equipment was intended exclusively for use in this country, the gun cars were equipped with the american type of car couplings. the -inch guns. for the -inch guns taken from seacoast fortifications the ordnance department designed a barbette mount giving complete, -degree, traverse, thus providing for fire in any direction. there were such guns available for railway mounts. orders for gun cars with carriages for mounting the weapons were placed with three concerns--the morgan engineering co., of alliance, ohio, the harrisburg manufacturing & boiler co., of harrisburg, pa., and the american car & foundry co., of berwick. two of the three contractors found it necessary to provide additional facilities and machine-tool equipment at their plants in order to handle this job. the first railway mount for the -inch gun was completed and sent to the aberdeen proving ground for test in may, . in early june the test had shown that the weapon was efficient and entirely satisfactory. before the end of the year a total of complete units, with ammunition cars for standard-gauge track, shell cars for narrow-gauge track, transportation cars, tools, spare parts, and all the other necessary appurtenances of a unit of this character, had been completed. three complete -inch units were shipped overseas before the armistice was signed. when the armistice came the harrisburg company had delivered of these mounts and the morgan engineering co. an equal number, making in all. the former concern had reached an output of mounts per month and the latter per month. an interesting feature of this mount is that it can be used either on standard-gauge or on narrow-gauge railroad track. the narrow gauge adopted was that in standard use in the fighting zones in france, the distance between the rails being centimeters, or the approximate equivalent of inches. each gun car was provided with interchangeable trucks to fit either gauge. the artillery train necessary for the maneuvering of the weapon was also similarly equipped to travel on either sort of track. as a rule the longer the barrel of a cannon, the greater its range. the -inch seacoast guns thus mounted were calibers in length, that is, thirty-five times inches, or feet inches. the requirements of our forces in the field in france called for guns of this same size but of longer range. consequently an -inch gun of calibers--that is, feet longer than the seacoast -inch gun--was designed, and of them were ordered. this project came as a later development in the war, the guns being intended for use abroad in . the railway mounts for the weapons had not been placed in production when the armistice came. because of the incomplete status of this project in the autumn of , the whole undertaking was abandoned. -inch and -inch guns. there were at the seacoast defenses and in the stores of the army a large number of -inch guns of calibers. of these were available for mounting on railway cars. it was proposed to mount these weapons on two types of french railway mounts--the schneider and the batignolles. the project to mount of these weapons on schneider mounts was taken up as a joint operation of the united states and french governments, the heavy forging and rough machining to be done in this country and the finishing and assembling in the french shops. the american contractors were three. the harrisburg manufacturing & boiler co. undertook to furnish the major portion of the fabricated materials for the carriages and cars. the pullman car co. contracted to produce the necessary trucks for the gun cars, while the american car & foundry co. engaged to build the ammunition cars. eight sets of fabricated parts to be assembled in france had been produced before the armistice was signed. gen. pershing had requested the delivery in france of the sets of parts by march , . after the armistice was signed there was a natural letdown in speed in nearly all ordnance factories, but even without the spur of military necessity the contracting concerns were able by april , , to deliver of the sets ordered. had the war continued through the winter there is little question but that all sets of parts would have been in france on the date specified. the -inch seacoast gun, batignolles mount project, was placed exclusively in the hands of the marion steam shovel co., of marion, ohio. it had been proposed also to mount -inch seacoast guns on this same type of equipment, and this work, too, went to the marion concern. there were to be produced of the -inch units and of the larger ones. [illustration: -inch railway artillery, barbette type. this view shows gun in act of hurling projectile parallel to track.] [illustration: -inch seacoast rifle, with recoil mechanism, set up on a specially designed railway mount. this gun, thus mounted on a railway car, is capable of an all-around fire and can deliver a shot in any direction from its location on the car.] [illustration: -inch rifle in act of firing. the force of the recoil sends the entire car back on track about feet.] [illustration: -inch rifle elevated to its maximum position. it is capable of hurling a -pound shell miles. this is a modified schneider type of carriage. two views of -inch rifle on sliding type railway mount.] the marion steam shovel co. had had a large experience in producing heavy construction and road-building equipment. the concern encountered numerous difficulties at the start in translating the french drawings and in substituting the american standard materials for those specified by the french. these difficulties, combined with struggles to obtain raw materials and the equipment for the increased facilities which had to be provided at the factory, so delayed production that no mount for either the -inch or -inch guns had been delivered at the time of the armistice. the first mount of these classes--one with a -inch gun--reached the aberdeen proving ground about april , . the -inch project, calling for mounts, was canceled soon after november , . the work on the dozen mounts for -inch guns, however, had progressed so far that the ordnance department ordered the completion of the entire equipment. as has been stated, the government found in this country six -inch guns being made for the republic of chile. their length of calibers gave them a specially long range. it was decided to place the chilean guns on a sliding mount. in a mount of this type the retrograde movement of the car along the track as and after the gun is fired takes up and absorbs the energy of fire. the first sliding railway mount used on the allied side in the great war was of french design. but our manufacturers had so much trouble with french designs that when the project came up of mounting the chilean guns in this fashion it was decided that it would be quicker to design our own mount. consequently the french design was taken in hand by our ordnance engineers and redesigned to conform to american practice, with the inclusion in the design of all original ideas developed by the ordnance department in its creative work during the war period up to that time. the manufacturers who looked at the french design of the sliding railway mount estimated that it would take from to months before the unit could be duplicated in this country and first deliveries made. they looked at the american design and estimated that they could build it in months. it was decided to build three mounts of this character and thus have a reserve of one gun for each mount to serve as replacement when the original guns were worn out. contracts were placed in the early summer of , and all three mounts were delivered before the armistice was signed, the first mount being completed within days after the order was placed. for these mounts the american bridge co. furnished the main girders or side pieces, the baldwin locomotive co. built the railway trucks, and the morgan engineering co. manufactured the many other parts and assembled the complete units. the speed in manufacture was made possible by the fact that the plant engineers of the three companies helped the ordnance officers in designing the details. with such intimate cooperation, the concerns were able to begin the manufacture of component parts while the drawings were being made. all three weapons with their entire equipment, including supplies, spare parts, ammunition cars, and the whole trains that make up such units, were ready for shipment to france in november, . each mount as it stands to-day is feet long and weighs , pounds. the load of the gun and the peak load put on the carriage when the gun is fired are so great that it requires four trucks of wheels each, car wheels in all, to distribute the load safely over ordinary standard-gauge track. the -inch mortars. in years past the ordnance department had procured a large number of -inch mortars for use at seacoast defenses. these great weapons are calibers in length, or feet in linear measurement, the diameter of the barrel being just an even foot. of the number stationed at the coastal forts and in reserve it was decided that could be safely withdrawn and prepared for use against germany. when gen. pershing was informed of the proposal, he asked that of these weapons mounted on railway cars should be delivered to the american expeditionary forces for use in the planned campaign of . in order that there might be an adequate supply of them, the ordnance department let contracts for the mounting of of these mortars on railway equipment, a project which would give the united states a formidable armament and still provide a reserve of mortars to replace the service mortars on the carriages after repeated firing had worn them out. this job proved to be one of the largest in the whole artillery program. the entire contract was let to the morgan engineering co., of alliance, ohio. in order to handle the contract, a special ordnance plant, costing $ , , for the building alone, had to be constructed at the company's works at alliance. the work was so highly specialized that machine tools designed for the particular purpose had to be produced. the government itself bought these tools at a cost of $ , , . although work on this plant was not started until december , , and although thereafter followed weeks and weeks of the severest winter weather known in recent years, with all the delays in the deliveries of materials which such weather conditions bring about, the plant was entirely complete on june , , not only, but the work of producing the mounts had started in it long before that, some machines getting to work as early as april. the gun car used for mounting the mortar carriage was of the same design as that for the -inch and -inch guns, except that each truck had six wheels. the carriage built upon this car was of the barbette type, and it allowed the gun to be pointed upward to an angle as high as ° and provided complete traverse, so that the mortar could be fired in any direction from the car. a hydropneumatic system for absorbing the recoil of the mortar after firing was adopted. this recuperator in itself was a difficult problem for the manufacturer to solve, being the first hydropneumatic recuperator of the size ever built in this country. [illustration: -inch seacoast gun on a creusot railway mount. this huge weapon in this position is ready to fire half a ton of shot a distance of miles. it requires only two men to operate the powerful elevating apparatus necessary to bring the gun into quick-firing position.] [illustration: two views of -inch mortar on railway mount. lower view shows the mortar in its extreme position of recoil.] in spite of the weight and elaborate character of this unit it was put into production in an astonishingly short space of time. the pilot mount came through on august , , less than nine months after the spade was first struck in the ground to begin the erection of the ordnance plant. by the end of august the pilot mortar had successfully passed its firing tests at aberdeen, functioning properly at angles of elevation from degrees to degrees and in any direction from the mount. while this unit was put through hurriedly for these tests, the preparation for the rest of the deliveries was made on a grand scale, looking toward quantity production later on. when the armistice was signed, every casting, forging, and structural part for every one of the railway mounts was on hand and completed at the works of the morgan engineering co., and thereafter the process was merely one of assembling, although in a unit of such size the assembling job alone was one of great magnitude. even at the reduced rate of production incident to the relaxation of tension after the armistice was signed, the company delivered complete units to the government up to april , , or five more than gen. pershing said he would require during the whole campaign of . careful estimates show that if the war had continued the company would have delivered the mounts at the rate of per month beginning on december , , a rate which would have completed the entire project for mounts by the middle of june, . as in the case of the -inch railway guns, the -inch mortars were provided with interchangeable wheel trucks allowing the unit to travel and work either on standard-gauge track or on the -centimeter, narrow-gauge track of the war zone in france. -inch guns. the war department did not have any -inch guns which could be spared from the seacoast defenses for use abroad. the ordnance department, therefore, inaugurated the project for the construction of guns of -inch caliber. for the construction of such guns complete new plants were required, as all available facilities were already taken over for other projects considered more important. this contract was to have been turned out by the neville island ordnance plant. the navy department in may, , expressed willingness to turn over to the army certain -inch guns, calibers, then under construction and of which it was estimated that would be completed by march, . it was decided to place some of these -inch guns on american sliding railway mounts, and such mounts were ordered from the baldwin locomotive works, deliveries to begin february , . the units were to be delivered prior to april, , but due to the signing of the armistice work was suspended on the contracts, since the mounts were designed for use in france. the contract was canceled in march, . the navy itself placed five of these guns on railway mounts of another design to be operated in france by naval forces on shore. eleven such mounts were built by the baldwin locomotive works under the supervision of the navy ordnance bureau, and six of them were afterwards turned over to the army. the -inch howitzer. without discussing here the -inch howitzers, feet long, which the ordnance department ordered produced and mounted on railway trucks, a development for use abroad in , we come, finally, to the largest weapon of all in the railway artillery program, the -inch howitzer, the barrel of this mighty weapon being feet inches long. the american -inch howitzer had been forged out and finished prior to the date of america's entrance into the war. it was proposed to place this weapon on a railway mount and make it available for use on the western front. the ordnance department completed the design for the mount on february , . in order to turn out the unit in the shortest possible time, the project was placed with three manufacturers, each of whom was to produce different parts. the american bridge co. received the order to build the structural parts, the baldwin locomotive works contracted for the trucks, while the morgan engineering co. undertook to assemble the unit and also to build the top carriage and other mechanical parts. the contractors did a speedy job in producing the mount for this howitzer. in nearly all railway artillery of this size it is necessary to provide bracing when the gun is set up in position for firing. the -inch howitzer mount was unique in that the weapon could be fired from the trucks without any track preparation whatsoever. an exhaustive test at the aberdeen proving grounds demonstrated that this piece of artillery ranked with the highest types of ordnance in use by any country in the world. in the meantime orders had been placed for additional howitzers. the american expeditionary forces asked that of these enormous weapons be sent overseas as soon as they could be produced, a job which would have extended over a period of months, if not years. since none of the additional howitzers had been produced when the armistice was signed, the project of building mounts for them never got under way. the pilot howitzer and mount were not shipped abroad. [illustration: two views of -inch railway artillery. this type was evolved entirely by the ordnance department. it is an excellent weapon for coast defense and hurls a , -pound projectile more than miles.] [illustration: -inch howitzer on railway mount. a , -pound projectile being loaded into the -inch howitzer from which it will be sent on a journey of approximately miles.] [illustration: -inch howitzer on railway mount. this view shows howitzer in the act of firing.] in the design of railway equipment for high-angle weapons such as howitzers, two loads must be considered by the builders in order to provide a gun car of sufficient strength to hold its freight. one of these loads, the lighter one, consists merely of the ordinary weight of the gun and its carriage upon the car wheels. the other load, the so-called firing load, consists of the weight of the unit plus the additional weight of the down-thrust of the howitzer when it recoils. in the case of the -inch howitzer the firing load is , pounds. the weight of , pounds must be distributed along the tracks by the numerous sets of wheels at the instant the gun is fired. the mount for the howitzer is so constructed that this load is partly taken up by the slide of the gun car along the track. in addition, the howitzer is equipped with a hydraulic recoil cylinder. thus the unit has a double recoil system. the car trucks in the tests comfortably transmitted, through a series of equalizer springs, this enormous load upon an ordinary rock-ballast track, without any distortion to the track or roadbed or impairment to the working parts of the unit. after each discharge the whole huge mount moves backward along the track for a distance of or feet. each railway artillery project called for the manufacture of a great equipment of ammunition cars, fire-control cars, spare-parts cars, supply cars, and the like, a complete unit being a heavy train in itself. such armament-train cars, together with numerous other accessories and necessary equipment, were designed by the ordnance department and produced for each mount. in all, ammunition cars were produced up to april, . most of them were shipped abroad, but were retained for use in this country. since the overseas cars were to be used with french railway equipment, it was necessary to fit them out with french standard screw couplers, air brakes, and other appliances for connecting up with french railway cars. the matter of traction power for these gun and armament trains near the front set a problem for the ordnance department to solve. it was out of the question to use steam engines near the enemy's lines, since the steam and smoke would betray the location of artillery trains at great distances. the ordnance department adopted a gas-electric locomotive of horsepower to be used to pull railway artillery trains at the front, and was on the point of letting a contract to the general electric co. for the manufacture of of them when the armistice was signed. neville island. it seems fitting at this point to say something about the neville island ordnance plant, on an island in the ohio river near pittsburgh, which would have produced weapons of the character of those used with railway mounts and would have turned them out in large numbers had the armistice not come to put an end to this enormous project. the plant was being erected for the government by the united states steel corporation without profit to itself. the estimated cost of this plant when finished was $ , , . designed to supply the needs of the army for artillery of the heaviest types, the neville island plant was being constructed on such a scale that it would surpass in size and capacity any of the famous gun works of europe, including the krupps. it was being equipped to handle huge ordnance undertakings, such as the monthly completion of great -inch guns and the production of , projectiles monthly for -inch and -inch guns. the plans of the government contemplated the production of -inch guns to the number of in all and their shipment to france in time to be in the field before may , . an initial order for of these weapons had been placed at the arsenal while it was being erected. besides -inch guns the plant was being equipped to turn out -inch and even -inch weapons. the immense size of the machinery necessary for such production can be understood when it is noted that an -inch gun weighs , pounds and a -inch gun , pounds. it requires from to months to produce guns of this size, yet neville island was being developed on a scale to build hundreds of them simultaneously. the entire plant was to cover acres and was to employ , workmen when in full operation. at the signing of the armistice work was suspended at neville island, and four months later the whole project was abandoned. ------------+--------+--------+--------+-----------+------+---------------- | | | | number | | | | number | number | required | | | |produced|produced|by a. e. f.| guns | type. | total |nov. ,| to | for |avail-| remarks. |ordered.| . | apr. ,| campaign | able.| | | | . | during | | | | | | . | | ------------+--------+--------+--------+-----------+------+---------------- -inch | | | | | |produced for navy gun, | | | | | | antisubmarine railway | | | | | | work along mount | | | | | | america's | | | | | | seacoast. | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | | -caliber| | | | | | seacoast | | | | | | gun, | | | | | | railway | | | | | | mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch, | |[ ] |[ ] | | |fabricated -caliber| | | | | | material and seacoast | | | | | | trucks, gun on | | | | | | complete, french | | | | | | produced type | | | | | | within railway | | | | | | country, mount | | | | | | mount to be | | | | | | assembled | | | | | | in france. | | | | | | do | | | | | |project | | | | | | cancelled on | | | | | | signing of | | | | | | the armistice, | | | | | | batignolles. | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | |french -caliber| | | | | | batignolles seacoast | | | | | | type. gun on | | | | | | french | | | | | | type | | | | | | railway | | | | | | mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | |guns obtained -caliber| | | | | | from chilean gun on | | | | | | government american | | | | | | manufactured sliding | | | | | | in this railway | | | | | | country. mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | | -caliber| | | | | | naval gun | | | | | | on | | | | | | railway | | | | | | mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | | -caliber| | | | | | seacoast | | | | | | mortar on | | | | | | railway | | | | | | mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch | | | | | | guns howitzer, | | | | | | under -caliber| | | | | | construction. on | | | | | | railway | | | | | | mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | |protect -caliber| | | | | | cancelled guns on | | | | | | mar. , american | | | | | | . guns sliding | | | | | | under railway | | | | | | construction. mount | | | | | | | | | | | | -inch, | | | | | |if war had -caliber| | | | | | continued, howitzer | | | | | | mounts on | | | | | | contemplated. railway | | | | | | mount | | | | | | ------------+--------+--------+--------+-----------+------+---------------- [ ] sets, fabricated parts. chapter v. explosives, propellants, and artillery ammunition. the interallied ordnance agreement of the late fall of , supplying to the united states as it did french and british artillery and other heavy ordnance supplies until the developing american ordnance industry could come into production, nevertheless called upon the united states to produce heavily the explosives and propellants that are of such major importance to a modern army. these commodities were needed by the armies of france and great britain more than any other sort of ordnance which america could supply. the result was an enormous production of propellants and explosives in the united states during the period of american belligerency, no other prime phase of the ordnance program being carried to such a stage of development. the reader will clearly see the distinction between propellants and explosives. the propellant is the smokeless powder that sends the shell or bullet from the gun; the explosive is the bursting charge within the shell. to realize the expansion of the american explosives industry during the war period, consider such figures as these: america in months turned out , , pounds of propellants--the powder loaded into small-arms cartridges or packed into the big guns behind the projectiles to send them against the enemy. in those same months france produced , , pounds of propellants and great britain , , pounds. the american production was practically equal to that of england and france together. in those months we produced , , pounds of high explosives for loading into shell. in the same months england produced , , pounds of high explosives and france , , pounds. america was below both france and england in total output, but in monthly rate of output america had reached , , pounds as against france's , , pounds and england's , , pounds. our rate of manufacturing propellants at the end of the fighting was up to , , pounds as against france's , , and england's , , . figure shows graphically the achievements of america in manufacturing propellants and explosives. in the production of artillery ammunition a comparison with france and great britain shows that our monthly rate in turning out unfilled rounds of ammunition at the end of the war was , , rounds, as against , , rounds for great britain and , , rounds for france. in producing complete rounds of artillery ammunition, our monthly rate at the signing of the armistice was , , rounds while that of great britain was , , rounds and that of france , , rounds. [illustration: figure . production of smokeless powder and high explosives, france and united states compared with great britain. average monthly rate, august, september, and october, . _smokeless powder_: pounds. per cent of rate for great britain. great britain , , ========== france , , ============== united states , , ==================================== _high explosives_: great britain , , ========== france , , ======= united states , , ============== total production, april , , to november , . _smokeless powder_: pounds. per cent of rate for great britain. great britain , , ========== france , , ============ united states , , ====================== _high explosives_: great britain , , ========== france , , ========= united states , , ===== ] in the months of our participation in the war our production of unfilled rounds in ammunition was , , rounds, while that of france was , , rounds and that of great britain , , rounds. in that time we had produced , , complete rounds, while france had produced , , rounds, and great britain , , complete rounds. the entrance of the united states into the war found the existing american explosives manufacturers operating to the very limit of their capacity in production for the allied governments and for general commercial purposes. since the outbreak of the war in the explosives business in this country had increased enormously and the trained men familiar with manufacturing operations and conditions in this highly specialized and extremely dangerous industry had fallen short of meeting demands. when we entered the war, therefore, it became necessary at once to distribute this limited force of experts as equitably as possible and to put chemists, engineers and other specialists in the various plants under the supervision of this trained personnel so as to produce in as quick a time as possible a vastly enlarged force of competent operators and supervisors for the production of explosives. summed up, the problem that faced the ordnance department was, while maintaining the current great production of explosives, to expand enormously the facilities for further production, to provide personnel for operating these expanded facilities, to build up entirely new manufacturing plants for making both propellants and high explosives, and in addition to all of this, to bring into existence huge loading plants. in all, new plants for making explosives and propellants and for loading these were undertaken at a cost of approximately $ , , . when the armistice was signed a very large part of this construction work had been completed and was in an efficient state of operation. how creditably this reflects upon america can be understood when it is made plain that in addition to the development of production there was also to be worked out the very intricate question of design, not only of the plants themselves but also of their products, which required an exceptional degree of technical skill and thorough control. prior to our entry into the war the ordnance department had depended upon ammonium picrate, known in the army vernacular as explosive "d," as a bursting charge for our high-explosive shell. during the progress of the european conflict the british had developed an explosive they called amatol, which is a mixture of trinitrotoluol--t. n. t.--and ammonium nitrate. as this had proved to be entirely satisfactory in actual service on european battle fields, and as ammonium nitrate could be produced here in large quantities, we adopted it. the ordnance department eventually put into effect a standard policy for the use of high explosives. every effort was being made to conserve the supply of t. n. t., and consequently this explosive was specified for the shell of smaller calibers only. the standard filling scheme was as follows: t. n. t. for shell between and including the calibers of -millimeter and . -inch; amatol for shell of calibers between . -inch and . -inch, including the latter; ammonium picrate, or explosive d, for shell of -inch caliber and higher. while these were the standards the scheme was not always followed rigidly. as a matter of fact amatol was loaded into shell of all sizes and so was t. n. t., although explosive d was never used in shell smaller than those for the -inch guns. these departures from standard practice were due to the necessity for keeping certain plants in production and to other special causes and exceptional circumstances. production of large quantities of t. n. t. and ammonium nitrate was the first big problem to be solved by the high-explosives section of the ordnance department. all the work of the explosives section can be subdivided under four group heads--raw materials, propellants, high explosives, and loading. raw materials. the first steps taken in the endeavor to meet the need for raw materials were to increase greatly the available means for obtaining toluol, phenol, caustic soda, sodium nitrate, sulphuric and nitric acids, ammonia liquor or aqua ammonia, and to attempt to provide a substitute for cellulose in case a shortage of cotton should render its use necessary. how to increase the supply of toluol, the basic raw material from which t. n. t. is made, was the greatest and most pressing of all the problems in regard to the existing raw materials. before the war the sole source of this ingredient was from by-product coke ovens. the monthly capacity of these ovens in was, approximately, , pounds. by april, , when we stepped into the conflict, this capacity had been increased to , , pounds a month. by the time the armistice was signed our efforts for greater production had been carried on so successfully that the supply had been increased to , , pounds a month, and the average cost of this was only cents a pound. this tremendous increase of production not only took care of all demands for commercial purposes and permitted the shipment of about , , pounds to the allied governments, but was more than ample to take care of our own entire explosives program, leaving a stock on hand december , , of , , pounds. a few details of how this tremendous increase in production was brought about through the energies of the officials charged with this task and the most efficient and whole-hearted cooperation of patriotic business concerns are interesting. three general sources existed from which toluol was obtained: first, from the by-product recovery coke ovens; second, by the stripping or absorbing of toluol from carbureted water and coal gas; and third, by the cracking or breaking down of oils. in augmenting the supply of toluol through the first process, construction of additional by-product coke ovens by the following big steel companies was arranged: -------------------------------------------------+---------------------- company. | toluol capacity | per year. -------------------------------------------------+---------------------- | _pounds._ jones & laughlin steel co., pittsburgh, pa. | , , the sloss-sheffield co., birmingham, ala. | , , united states steel corporation, clairton, pa. | , , international harvester co., chicago, ill. | , , united states steel corporation, birmingham, ala.| , , rainey-wood co., swedeland, pa. | , , the seaboard by-product co., jersey city, n. j. | , pittsburgh crucible steel co., midland, pa. | , , -------------------------------------------------+---------------------- the total cost of these additional ovens was about $ , , , which was met by private capital after contracts for the purchase of the product had been made, insuring a secure return on the investment. production was to begin in . in addition to this there was arranged construction for additional ovens at the following places: -------------------------------------------+-----------+----------+----------- company. | | | estimated | date of |estimated | time of | contract. | cost. |completion. -------------------------------------------+-----------+----------+----------- donner steel co., buffalo, n. y. |may, |$ , , | mar., birmingham coke co., birmingham, ala. |july, | , , | oct., domestic coke corporation, fairmont, w. va.|sept., | , , | nov., domestic coke corporation, cleveland, ohio |july, | , , | feb., international coal products corporation, |may, | , , | aug., clinchfield, va. | | | -------------------------------------------+-----------+----------+----------- from these sources the monthly production of toluol in would have been increased by , pounds a month. while all these arrangements for vastly increasing the supply of this chemical in and were being made, technical experts of the ordnance department stimulated production by visiting existing by-product coke ovens and advising as to changes and alterations in the plants, both in regard to equipment and methods of operation. investigations were made early in the summer of on the possibility of recovering toluol by stripping illuminating gas, and a report was made on this subject in october, . construction of the necessary plants to carry out this plan was begun late in november, and the first plants were in operation in april, . this was considered a remarkable record, in view of the fact that the operating personnel for the purpose had to be established and trained in this entirely new line of activity. in this connection it is extremely interesting to note that the american people in of the largest cities of the country played an unconscious part in contributing to the successful termination of the war by using artificial gas of considerably less heating power, as a result of the removal of the toluol for explosive purposes. for example, in new york city, due to the extraction of toluol, the artificial gas there was reduced in heating value approximately per cent and the candlepower lowered from to because of this stripping process. contracts for taking the toluol from artificial gas were made with companies in the following cities: new york and brooklyn, n. y.; boston, mass.; new haven, conn.; albany, n. y.; utica, n. y.; elizabeth, n. j.; washington, d. c.; detroit, mich.; st. louis, mo.; new orleans, la.; denver, colo.; and seattle, wash. the total cost of the installations made for this purpose in these cities in connection with the gas plants was about $ , , . for the production of toluol by cracking crude oils or petroleum distillates, three processes of the many submitted were officially approved and contracts awarded for operation. the first and most important of these was that of the general petroleum co. of los angeles, calif. under their scheme a yield of per cent toluol was obtained from a petroleum distillate, of which there was a large quantity available, by treatment under temperature and pressure. to facilitate production of toluol by this means, two large plants, one at los angeles and the other at san francisco, were erected at a cost of approximately $ , , . these plants have a monthly capacity of , , pounds of toluol and their construction destroyed all possibility of a shortage in this vital raw material. another process was that known as the rittman process, evolved by a scientist of the bureau of mines. this scheme, which called for producing toluol from solvent naphtha or light oils by cracking under high pressure and temperature, was finally demonstrated to be capable of operation under war conditions, and production had just started at a plant on neville island, pittsburgh, pa., at the time of the signing of the armistice. a third process was that known as the hall process, by which toluol was also obtained by cracking solvent naphtha under high pressure and temperature by another, different, mechanical system. this scheme was in operation on a small scale during at the standard oil plant, bayonne, n. j. phenol, one of the essentials in the manufacture of picric acid, was another raw material, the production of which was greatly augmented. at the time of our entry into the war the monthly production amounted to , pounds, while in october, , it had been increased to , , pounds. in december, , the price of phenol as fixed by the war industries board was cents a pound, while government contracts in force a year later had reduced this figure to cents a pound. the price of sulphuric acid jumped from $ a ton to $ a ton early in the war, while nitric acid advanced from ¼ cents a pound to cents. the shortage of sulphuric acid was met by the erection of both chamber and contact plants in all high-explosives factories built for or under direction of the ordnance department. both pyrites and sulphur were used at the beginning of the war, but the submarine warfare stopped the importation of the pyrites from spain, and therefore sulphur deposits in texas and louisiana were depended upon. a destructive storm in the early part of temporarily curtailed the production from louisiana deposits, but repairs were made in time to prevent its effect being felt by the acid manufacturers. the submarine also had the effect of lessening the importations from chile of sodium nitrate, which prior to the war were depended upon entirely in the production of nitric acid. it became necessary, therefore, to develop other methods of production. after investigations a plant for the fixation of nitrogen under what is known as a modified haber process was erected at sheffield, ala., while a plant for the same purpose using the cyanamide process was erected at muscle shoals, ala. both of these were equipped for the oxidation of ammonia to nitric acid, each using a different process. when the armistice was signed these plants were just coming into production. the existence of these two nitrate plants insures the independence of this country in its supply of commercial nitrogen, either for peace or for war. there were also in course of erection, though not in operation on november , , great plants for the extraction of nitrogen from the air, at toledo and cincinnati, ohio, but construction on these two plants, each of which was to cost $ , , , was stopped when the armistice was signed. propellants. in army usage the term "propellant" includes both smokeless powder and black powder. at the outbreak of the european war, the producing capacity in this country for smokeless powder was approximately , , pounds a month. by the time the united states got into the war this capacity had been increased from to times, and under the explosives program laid down by us it was indicated that even this capacity would have to be greatly increased. the increase in the production of smokeless powder was helped by the construction of two of the largest smokeless-powder plants in the world--one known as the old hickory plant, located almost on the site of andrew jackson's old home at nashville, tenn., and the other at nitro, near charleston, w. va. the old hickory plant was the larger and more complete of the two. it is probably the biggest plant of its kind in the world and is entirely self-contained; in other words, the plant actually takes the crude, raw cotton and, producing both the acid and solvents used, puts it through every process until the final product is attained. nine powder lines were planned for this enterprise, each with a capacity of , pounds per day, although developments from the early operations indicated that the ultimate production of the plant would reach , , pounds a day. the estimated cost of this huge undertaking was in the neighborhood of $ , , . negotiations were begun in october of and led to a contract with the du pont engineering co., under which this concern was to construct the plant and operate it for a six months' period after its completion. operation of the first powder line in the plant was to start september , , or seven and one-half months after the signing of the contract. ground was broken march , , and work was pushed so efficiently and successfully that on july , , the first powder line was put in operation, days ahead of the schedule called for in the contract. some idea of the magnitude of this enterprise can be realized in the statements that the plant covers an area of , acres and that in addition to the powder plant proper there was built a city, housing twenty odd thousand people, complete with schools, churches, and all other elements that go to make up a town. there was also built in connection with the plant a number of subprocess plants for the manufacture of purified cotton, sulphuric acid, nitric acid, diphenylamine, and other chemicals used in powder manufacture. each of these was an undertaking of no little size in itself. operation of the plant during the four and one-half months preceding the signing of the armistice showed a production in excess of contract requirements. on november , , the plant was over per cent complete and about per cent in operation. at that time , , pounds of powder over and above contract expectations had been produced, the total capacity having reached , pounds a day. the second powder plant, located at nitro, is somewhat smaller than the old hickory plant. it has a capacity of , pounds of smokeless powder a day. it was built under the direction of d. c. jackling, director of united states government explosive plants, by the thompson-starrett co., of new york. the contract was dated january , , and ground was broken february . a contract for the operation of the plant was signed with the hercules powder co., and at the time of the armistice the output was running approximately , pounds a day, with the expectation of early and speedy increase. as in the case of the old hickory plant, a large village and many subprocess plants were constructed in connection with this enterprise. [illustration: nitro, west virginia.] when the war began smokeless powder was dried by the circulation of warm dried air for a long period of time over the damp powder as it came from the solvent recovery house. this process required from six weeks for small-caliber powder to nine months for large-caliber powder. this time-consuming method being obviously impracticable in war, the ordnance department authorized the so-called water-drying process. this consists in the immersion of the powder as it comes from the solvent recovery house in warm water for varying periods up to hours, the water then being expelled by filtration or centrifugal force and the surplus external moisture dried off by hot air. by this method the time of drying was reduced to days for the small-caliber powder and to days for powder for the larger caliber guns. just prior to the signing of the armistice an entirely new drying process had been experimentally tried out. this was known as the nash or alcohol-drying process. the preliminary tests indicated that this method was a great improvement both in safety and in the reduction of cost. the indications were that drying could be reduced from days to hours by this new method. the nash process also insured apparently a more uniform and tougher grade of powder, both of which characteristics were greatly to be desired. in spite of the rise in price of labor and of almost everything else, the cost of powder was being reduced. at the beginning of the war cost figures were cents a pound for small-arms and cents a pound for cannon powder. when the armistice was signed these costs had been reduced to cents for small-arms powder and ¼ cents for cannon powder. at the time of the signing of the armistice there was on hand approximately , , pounds of smokeless powder. it early became evident that the supply of cellulose, even though all available sources of supply were utilized to the utmost, would nevertheless be insufficient to meet our vast production program. for years it had been rumored that the germans in the manufacture of their smokeless powder had been using, with great success, cellulose produced from wood pulp. following out this idea, experimental work was undertaken in an effort to develop cellulose that could be produced from wood pulp in suitable physical form for nitration and which would meet the chemical requirements. in the southern and southwestern portions of the united states there are large tracts of land from which timber has been removed and there are also vast acreages of swamp lands. processes developed by the ordnance department had in view the idea of taking as much of these lands as possible for farming and reforesting and utilizing the tree stumps thereon. these stumps contained quantities of turpentine and resin that could be recovered and the resultant pulp after proper treatment could be prepared in suitable form as cellulose for nitration purposes. the question of black powder, while an important one, did not present many difficulties excepting one, the necessary supply of potassium nitrate. this was because germany was the principal source of the potash. it was thought that sodium nitrate might possibly have to be used as a substitute. experimental work along these lines indicated that by using certain precautions, this substitution, if necessary, could be made, although it was never adopted. black powder of all grades for military purposes was being produced at the rate of , pounds a month, at a cost of cents a pound, at the time the armistice was signed. at that time there was on hand , , pounds of black powder. if the war had continued the united states could have produced during the year more than , , , pounds of smokeless powder. two-thirds of this would have been available for our overseas forces and the balance would have gone to the allied governments. this rate of production would have amounted to about seven times the quantity of explosives normally manufactured in peace times. loading the propellants. in addition to solving the problem of producing a sufficient quantity of propellant powder there was also the problem, just as important, of assembling this powder into fixed ammunition, or loading it into bags. the frankford arsenal and commercial cartridge factories, after expansion, were enabled to take care of the expanded small-arms program. but it became necessary for the government to erect and operate several great bag-loading plants. these were located at woodbury, n.j., tullytown, pa., and seven pines, va. the ordinary cartridge fired from the rifle is familiar to most people. the projectile is fitted into the metal case in which the explosive force is contained. projectiles for big guns are made along similar lines, until the . -inch gun is reached. up to and including guns of this caliber the projectile is fired with what is known as fixed ammunition--that is to say, the shell itself is fixed into a metal container which holds the powder. guns above the caliber of . inches, however, are fired with unfixed ammunition--that is, the powder is loaded in silk bags, the projectile placed in the gun, and a number of bags, depending upon the size of the charge necessary, put into the breach of the gun behind the projectile. the powder is then ignited and the big shell ejected by the gases generated. from the mills the powder is shipped to the bag-loading plants in bulk. the silken bags are manufactured in huge quantities by industrial plants and forwarded to the bag-loading plants, where are also daily received large quantities of metal and fiber containers, into which are loaded bags packed for overseas shipment not to be unpacked again until they have reached the battle field. filling the bags is a precise and delicate operation. chances can not be taken or averages struck. errors may mean the possible loss of battles. a battery commander who has figured his range and who is about to drop a number of high-explosive shell on an enemy battery must know exactly how much powder he has behind his charge. if more powder is in the bag than he calculates on, he will overshoot his mark; if less, the shell instead of dropping upon an enemy battery may explode in midst of his own advancing troops. the three bag-loading plants the government constructed at woodbury, tullytown, and seven pines were built to load bags that were to be used in firing guns from -millimeter caliber up to a caliber of inches. the estimated average capacity of each plant was , bags a day, but as a matter of fact a maximum capacity of , bags a day at each plant had been reached before the signing of the armistice. two shifts a day were used at these plants most of the time. in each shift there were approximately , operatives, most of them women. at each of these plants, which are located in comparatively isolated points, because of the dangerous work, special housing facilities had to be constructed. for example, at tullytown there were bungalows, residences for officers and executive heads, and six -room dormitories, while at woodbury great dormitories were built to house workers. the number of buildings at tullytown is . they range from guardhouses to electrical generating stations for power and light. besides this construction there are between and miles of railroad track laid at each of these points. the extremely dangerous nature of the work makes it necessary to store not more than , pounds of explosives in a single building, and where powder is stored the buildings are at least feet apart. up to the time of the signing of the armistice there were loaded into small-arms ammunition , , pounds of powder; there were assembled into fixed ammunition approximately , , pounds of smokeless powder; and there were assembled into bags, properly packed for shipment, approximately , , pounds of smokeless powder. high explosives. when europe was plunged into the great war in august, , the american production of trinitrotoluol for commercial purposes amounted to approximately , pounds a month of varying grades of purity. this quantity was almost entirely consumed in the making of explosives for blasting purposes. when we entered the war this production had been increased to , , pounds a month, exclusive of that which was being used here commercially. under pressure of our own war-time needs the production of this highly important explosive chemical had been run up to , , pounds a month at the termination of hostilities in november, . during the early stages of the war the average price of t. n. t. for military purposes was $ a pound. largely, however, because of the tremendous quantity production and enormous economies effected by reason of this, and despite the scarcity of raw materials, and notwithstanding the greatly increased labor cost, this price had been reduced at the time of the signing of the armistice to ½ cents a pound. there were in the course of erection at the time of the armistice, two great government t. n. t. plants--one at racine, wis., that was to have a capacity of , , pounds a month, and one at giant, cal., with a capacity of , , pounds a month. during the war three grades of t. n. t. were produced. grade i was used for booster charges--that is, those charges which initiated the explosive wave in the main shell charge. grade ii was used as a shell filler; while grade iii was utilized with ammonium nitrate in producing amatol. in view of the fact that high explosives were produced in such enormous quantities and that it was necessary to carry on these tremendous manufacturing operations with an inexperienced force, the toll of life taken in the production was remarkably small. only two explosions of any magnitude occurred in plants where explosives were manufactured and both of these took place in t. n. t. producing plants. one of these happened at oakdale, pa., in the plant of the aetna explosives co. in may, . this cost the lives of persons. the other took place on july , , at split rock, n.y., in the plant of semet-solvay co., where people lost their lives. at the time of the explosions neither of these plants was operating on war department contracts. before the great war about , , pounds of ammonium nitrate used in the manufacture of commercial explosives were being produced annually in this country, at an average cost of about cents a pound. by january, , the commercial explosives manufacturers had extended their facilities so that they had increased their production by , , pounds monthly. this expansion, however, was insufficient to meet our demands, and a government ammonium nitrate plant was erected at perryville, md. this plant was operated under the supervision of the atlas powder co., who also cooperated in its erection. it did this manufacturing under the brunner-mond process that was developed in england under the patents of capt. freeth. under this process ammonium nitrate is produced by the double decomposition of ammonium sulphate and sodium nitrate. in december, , the atlas people detailed several technical men to go to england and study the brunner-mond process as carried on there. in these men returned to the united states and prepared designs as a result of the information they had gained abroad. ground was broken for the plant at perryville march , , and it was in production by july . this plant is a large one, of excellent construction, and absolutely fireproof, as is necessary because of the nature of the work conducted in it. because of the type of the building the rapidity of its construction may well be classed as phenomenal. even while the plant was being put up, experimental work of a highly technical nature was being carried on. at the time of the signing of the armistice production of ammonium nitrate at the perryville plant had reached , pounds a day, and this was greatly in excess of that being obtained at the english plant of a similar size that had been in operation for months before ground had been broken for our american plant. each of the government-owned nitrogen fixation plants at muscle shoals, ala., and sheffield, ala., was also equipped to produce ammonium nitrate by neutralization. our total capacity from all sources at the time of the signing of the armistice was , , pounds monthly. ammonium nitrate is the one material in the field of explosives that shows an increase in price over that of normal times. the average cost of this substance used for military purposes was ½ cents a pound. there were on hand , , pounds of ammonium nitrate on november , . picric acid as such is not used by this country directly for military purposes. but it is one of the raw materials used in producing ammonium picrate, or explosive d, and in the manufacture of the poisonous gas known as chlorpicrin. picric acid is, however, the main explosive used by the french, who had placed enormous contracts for this material with explosives manufacturers prior to the entry of the united states in the war. because of our purchase of early large supplies of ammunition and guns from the french government, to be largely paid for by picric acid, large contracts were entered into by our government for this explosive, which was produced here in accordance with french specifications and subject to joint inspection by our officers and the french. in november, , we were turning out , pounds of picric acid monthly, and a year later this had been increased to a monthly production of , , pounds; the average cost was cents a pound. to insure production quickly for the needs of the times, three government picric-acid plants were authorized. one of these was located at picron, near little rock, ark., to be operated by the davis chemical corporation; another was located at new brunswick, ga., to be operated by the butterworth-judson corporation; and the third was located at grand rapids, mich., for operation by the semet-solvay co. all of these contracts were made on a cost-plus basis. each of these plants was to have a capacity of , , pounds of picric acid a month. the plant at picron in arkansas was the only one that had started production before the signing of the armistice. ammonium picrate, otherwise known as explosive d in our army annals, is produced by the ammoniation of picric acid, and because it is more insensitive than picric acid and is less liable to form sensitive salts with metals it is used as the explosive charge for all armor-piercing projectiles. our average monthly production of ammonium picrate in may, , was , pounds, and this had been increased without the erection of any government plants to a monthly capacity in november, , of , pounds. there was on hand at the time of the signing of the armistice , , pounds of this explosive, the average cost of which was cents a pound. tetryl, on account of its high cost and the lack of manufacturing facilities for its production, was not used except as a loading charge for boosters. it is more sensitive than t. n. t. and has a higher rate of detonation. only two companies, the du pont powder co. and the bethlehem loading co., manufactured tetryl. expansion of these two plants increased the monthly capacity of , pounds in december, , to , pounds in november, , while its cost was reduced from $ . a pound to cents a pound. this increased capacity, however, was not in excess of our explosives requirements, and there was authorized by the government the erection of a plant at senter, mich., that was to be operated by the atlas co., and which was to have a monthly capacity of , pounds. this plant had not reached production when the armistice was signed. the aetna powder co. at the time we entered the war was manufacturing for the russian government tetranitroaniline that was to be used in the loading of boosters and fuses. this company's plant at nobleston, pa., was destroyed by an explosion. ordnance officers learned that this material was equal to tetryl as a military explosive. consequently a contract was entered into with dr. bernhardt jacques flurschein, the holder of the patent rights, to have manufactured t. n. a. for our own uses. a government plant was authorized for erection on the ground of the calco chemical co., bound brook, n.j., to be operated by that concern. production at this plant was to be on a cost-plus basis, the estimated cost of the material being cents a pound. when the armistice was signed, about , pounds of t. n. a. had been produced, but none had been utilized. mercury fulminate, a very sensitive and powerful explosive, was used only in caps, primers, detonators, etc., as a means of initiating detonation, on account of its own high rate of detonation. the three plants operating in this country to produce this explosive for commercial purposes, the du pont co., pompton lake, n.j., the atlas powder co., tamaqua, pa., and the aetna powder co., kingston, n.y., expanded their facilities sufficiently to meet our program. their average monthly production in was , pounds at a cost of $ . per pound, and there was on hand in november, , , pounds of this explosive. in the early stages of the war to meet the apparent shortage of t. n. t. and ammonium nitrate then existing because of our enormous explosives program, it was necessary to develop an explosive for trench warfare purposes that could be used for filling hand and rifle grenades, trench-mortar shell, and drop bombs. to meet this need, the trojan powder co., of allentown, pa., submitted a nitrostarch explosive. after exhaustive investigations and complete tests, this explosive was authorized for use in loading the hand and rifle grenades and the -inch trench-mortar shell. development of a nitrostarch explosive for commercial purposes had been under consideration and investigation by two other large experienced manufacturers for a number of years, but the difficulties incident to the production and purification of nitrostarch were such that their efforts had met with little success. the trojan powder co., operating under secret process, solved this problem, and all nitrostarch explosives used were produced by this company, although another nitrostarch explosive known as "grenite," which was produced by the du pont co., was tested and authorized for use. our country was the only government that used nitrostarch explosives during the war, and the development of this explosive made the loading problem easier and made possible the use of materials that were available and whose cost was low. the average cost of this explosive was . cents a pound. in july, , the average monthly production of nitrostarch was , pounds and this had been increased by november, , to , , pounds a month. there were loaded with nitrostarch explosive , , defensive hand grenades; , , offensive hand grenades; , , rifle grenades and , three-inch trench-mortar shell. at the time of the signing of the armistice there was on hand of this explosive , , pounds. the du pont co. developed an explosive called lyconite, and this was authorized for use in the loading of drop bombs. anilite, a liquid explosive used by the french, was thoroughly investigated and improvements were made in it to render its use safer, but development had not progressed far enough to warrant authorization for its use prior to the signing of the armistice. chlorate and perchlorate explosives were also investigated and several types developed that were considered entirely satisfactory for use, but these never got into production before the end of the war. ammunition and shell loading. when we entered the war the quantity of field artillery ammunition on hand was considerably less than a single month's supply, basing our rate of expenditure on the estimated rate for november, . there were no facilities of any degree of magnitude available to take care of our projected program for filling the high-explosive shell necessary for use by our overseas forces. consequently it became necessary at once to plan and to develop the resources of the country for the production of metallic parts, such as the shell proper, the fuse, boosters and adapters, as well as to design and build entirely new plants and to train completely new forces for the loading of the shell with the high explosives. [illustration: _high explosive nose fuse shell_ _ m/m type_ _detonator (explosive)_ _bourrelet_ _explosive charge (t. n. t.) or (amatol)_ _smokeless powder_ _primer (brass)_ _adapter (steel)_ _percussion fuse_ _booster case, or jacket, or gaine. (cold drawn or pressed steel-machined)_ _copper band or rotating band_ _cartridge case (drawn brass)_] [illustration: girls loading point-detonating fuses for high-explosive shell in body-machining department of a loading plant.] the explosion of an h. e. shell is really a series of explosions. the process of the burst is about as follows: the firing pin strikes the percussion primer, which explodes the detonator. the detonator is filled with some easily detonated substance, such as fulminate of mercury. the concussion of this explosion sets off the charge held within the long tube which extends down the middle of the shell and which is known as the booster. the booster charge is a substance easily exploded, such as tetryl or trinitroaniline (t. n. a.). the explosion of the booster jars off the main charge of the shell, t. n. t. or amatol. this system of detonator, booster, and main charge gives control of the explosives within the shell, safety in handling the shell, and complete explosion when the shell bursts. without the action of the booster charge on the main charge of the shell, the latter would be only partially burned when the shell exploded, and part of the main charge would thus waste itself in the open air. the shell used by our army before the war had been largely of the base-fuse type. interchangeability of ammunition with the french required that we adopt shell of the nose-fuse type. the boosters and adapters that went with this type were unfamiliar to our industry. the adapter is the metallic device that holds the booster and fuse and fastens them in the shell. the adapter, therefore, is a broad ring, screw-threaded both outside and inside. the inside diameter is uniform, so as to allow the same size of booster and fuse to be screwed into shell of different sizes. the outside diameters of the adapters vary with the sizes of the shell they are made to fit, the rings thus being thicker or thinner as the case may require. fuses of several sorts are employed by the modern artillerist; and with shell equipped with adapters, any fuse may be inserted in the field right at the gun. unexpectedly the manufacture of boosters and adapters proved to be much more difficult than it appeared to be at the start, and the shortage of these devices was a limiting factor in the american production of shell. on may , , drawings and specifications were sent to the principal manufacturers of ammunition and ammunition components inviting bids on -inch ammunition. these bids were opened on may , , and after full discussion with the council of national defense orders were placed for , , rounds of -inch shell and shrapnel ammunition. the bids for shell and shrapnel ammunition for all the other calibers of guns and howitzers we had on hand then were about to be asked, when the french mission to this country arrived; and the sending out of proposals was deferred, while discussion ensued as to changing our -inch and -inch artillery to -millimeter and -millimeter calibers, so as to make our ammunition interchangeable with that of the french. this decision was made june , . there then took place much discussion and consideration of the french ammunition. the french had several distinct types of shell, ranging from the very thin walled high capacity kind to the thicker walled types. the french specifications were radically different from our own or those of the british. the steel shell in the french practice was subjected to a drastic heat treatment, which did not seem necessary to us for the thicker walled types of shell. the french fusing system also was entirely different from that used by our service. french fuses were carried separately, and the adapter and the booster casing were screwed permanently into the shell. our decision to adopt french types of ammunition made it necessary to rearrange all our plans, and to obtain drawings of the shell, boosters, adapters, and fuses from france. this caused much negotiating, and a considerable amount of time was consumed in getting the necessary specifications and drawings here. as a result of recommendations from french officials against production in this country during of the so-called "_obus allongé_" and the semisteel type of shell, no attempt was made to produce these for the -millimeter guns and howitzers during the first year of the war, but as a result of new recommendations and investigations of our officers in france in the spring of both of these types of shell were put into quantity production here. when the armistice was signed they were being turned out in such quantities that it appeared that there was sure to be an ample supply on hand in the early spring of . radical differences of manufacture existed between the french and british in the matter of specifications and methods of production. large quantities of british ammunition had been made in this country, and we had adopted the british -inch howitzer, so that it appeared we should use british practice in the manufacture of shell. manufacturers claimed that great delay would result in the production of shell here if the heat treatment and hydraulic tests were insisted upon as the french specifications called for, and investigation proved this to be essentially true, as no facilities for heat treating and hydraulic testing existed. the upshot of the entire matter was that it was decided to use french dimensions and shell for the -millimeter and -millimeter calibers so as to obtain uniformity of ballistics, but to permit american metallurgical practice to obtain in the manufacture. shells made under these specifications were tested by the french commission in france. the verdict on these shell can be summarized in this quotation from their report: to sum up, from the test of , cartridges of millimeter, it may be concluded that american ammunition is in every way comparable to french ammunition and that the two may be considered as interchangeable. our designs for shrapnel and time fuses had been proven to be entirely satisfactory, and they were continued as they were. in fact it was generally agreed that ours was the best time fuse used on the allied side during the war. that our decision in the matter of continuing production of shrapnel and time fuses was warranted, is borne out by the fact that we obtained early deliveries in sufficient quantities to meet requirements. in the use of the adapters and boosters, which introduced an entirely new component to our service in shell making, we had had no experience, and subsequently met with great difficulties due to this lack of experience. delays were encountered because in this part of shell manufacture it was generally necessary to await information from france whenever difficulties were encountered, or to conduct experiments before we could proceed. when we began receiving our bids for -inch gun ammunition there were comparatively few factories in the united states that were able to turn out complete rounds of ammunition. there were many factories, however, capable of turning out one or more of the shell components. it was necessary to place orders for complete rounds of ammunition with those factories that could furnish them, and have the remaining components manufactured separately, and to provide assembling plants. to get as many factories as possible on a production basis in anticipation of the future large orders for ammunition that must necessarily follow with extension of operations by our field forces, orders for our initial quantities of ammunition were distributed as widely as possible. to prevent confusion and loss of time because of the scramble for steel forgings and other raw materials it was decided that the government would purchase all raw materials as well as furnish components for ammunition. how successful we were in getting into quantity production on ammunition after the numerous and large obstacles in the early months of the war can be indicated best by the fact that of the , , high-explosive shell for -millimeter guns machined up to november , no less than , , passed inspection in october; while of the , , adapters and boosters for -millimeter guns that had been machined up to the st of november, , , passed inspection in october. the figures for the . -inch and -millimeter guns and howitzers follow: ----------------------+----------------+--------------- | machined | machined | high-explosive | adapters and kind of ammunition. | shell | boosters | accepted up | accepted up | to nov. . | to nov. . ----------------------+----------------+--------------- . -inch | , | [ ] , -millimeter | , , | , , ----------------------+----------------+--------------- [ ] for use in . -inch and other sizes. ammonium picrate or explosive d upon which this country had depended almost entirely up to the time of our entry into the war was forced into the shell under hydraulic pressure. the adoption of the point-fused shell and an explosive for shell filling new to this country, namely, amatol, made necessary the provision of new methods for shell loading and the expansion of plant facilities for these new methods capable of loading the vast and tremendous numbers of shell required in modern warfare. as a result of reports, following investigations by our officers of methods used abroad, various new shell-loading plants were built in the united states. the names, location, and output of the shell-loading plants in our country are as follows: --------------------------------+------------------------+--------- | | total company. | location. | capacity | | daily | | (shell). --------------------------------+------------------------+--------- t. a. gillespie loading co. | morgan, n. j. | , do. | parlin, n. j. | , do. | runyon, n. y. | , poole engineering & machine co. | texas, md. | , united states arsenal | rock island, ill. | , sterling motor car co. | brockton, mass. | , american can co. | kenilworth, n. j. | , atlantic loading co. | amatol, n. j. | , bethlehem loading co. | mays landing, n. j. | , do. | new castle, del. | , do. | redington, pa. | , du pont engineering co. | penniman, va., g plant | , do. | penniman, va., d plant | , j. d. evans engineer corp. | old bridge, n. j. | , | +--------- total | | , --------------------------------+------------------------+--------- it was found necessary in the early stages of the war to fill all shell with t. n. t., regardless of cost, until there could be built the required and properly equipped plants for the mixing and loading of amatol. two methods for loading t. n. t. were adopted. the one most largely used, however, was the casting method by which the chemical was brought to a molten condition in a steam jacketed kettle and poured into the shell. to do this two operations were usual. first, the shell was filled approximately two-thirds full with the molten material, and then as soon as a crust was formed this was broken through and the second filling took place. this process was necessary to prevent the formation of cavities in the filling charge. such cavities cause breakdowns, resulting almost invariably in incomplete or entire failure of detonation. the ammonium nitrate first produced in this country during the war was of such a character that proper densities could not be obtained when mixed with t. n. t. to form amatol. this difficulty was overcome after much investigation, and proper methods were outlined for the ammonium nitrate manufacturers, with the result that grade iii ammonium nitrate was produced as a sharp, hard crystal at a setting point of not less than ° f. this was found to be perfectly satisfactory. [illustration: eight-inch shell being loaded with amatol. view of extruding machine bulkhead in background.] [illustration: mark v fuse assembly. this picture shows two complete units for this assembly work. the operation begins in the foreground with cap assembly and progresses toward background, the fulminate detonator being inserted midway down table. the protecting bulkhead for cap supply is shown in the foreground.] the so-called - amatol, composed of parts ammonium nitrate and parts t. n. t., is loaded into shell by a casting method similar to that used in loading t. n. t. alone. the so-called - amatol, composed of parts ammonium nitrate and parts t. n. t., was originally loaded cold, by hand, and then followed up with mechanical pressing. as a substitute for this method, which is accompanied by a certain element of danger, the use of hot - amatol, was resorted to in england. this was tamped by hand to the proper density, it being more compressible than cold amatol. as this is an exceedingly tedious method of operation it was entirely done away with in england, except for large shell, by the use of what is known as the horizontal extruding machine. with this machine the british were able to load - amatol with great success into the -millimeter shell and higher calibers up to inches. this machine took a mixture of t. n. t. and ammonium nitrate in a jacketed hopper, so that the temperature might be maintained, and the hopper fed it down through a funnel upon a screw that was placed against the shell by counterweights to give the proper density. one of these machines was imported here from england, but, as it was unsatisfactory from a construction standpoint, new and satisfactory machines were built on the same principles of construction in our own amatol loading plants. experimental work with these machines was carried on at the government testing station picatinny arsenal, dover, n. j., and the du pont experimental station, gibbstown, n. j., as well as experimental plant operations at the morgan plant of the t. a. gillespie co., parlin, n. j., and the penniman plant of the du pont co., penniman, va. all difficulties of the operations were overcome so satisfactorily that the greater portion of the loaded shell was produced by this method. the metal parts as received at the shell-filling plant are inspected and cleaned to remove all traces of foreign matter such as grit or grease before being sent to the loading room. after being loaded the shell are again inspected. at intervals a split shell is loaded and then taken apart and examined, so that any loading defects may be found quickly and conditions remedied, before any large quantities of shell are produced. the cavity left in the amatol by the tube of the extruding machine is filled with molten t. n. t., and a cavity is produced in this t. n. t. into which the booster fits. this is necessary in order to provide for complete detonation. the booster cavity is produced either by the use of a former, which upon removal leaves a cavity of the proper size, or by plunging the booster into the shell filling before this is cooled, or by drilling out a cavity for the booster after the filling has been thoroughly cooled. a large number of rounds of ammunition of all calibers had also to be loaded with a flashless compound that was inserted in the propelling charges, so that the discharge of the guns would not betray their positions to the enemy at night, while a smoke compound was inserted in a large quantity of shell so that each missile of this character might be located after firing to determine the accuracy of the shot. coordination of manufacture of metallic parts so as to cause the proper quantities of shell, fuse, and boosters to be produced without leaving any incomplete rounds that would have to be held awaiting other components caused the greatest difficulty. the magnitude of the task of providing the necessary shell components in the tremendous quantities required can be better appreciated by a realization of the fact that the various parts of each component must be made to fit each other properly and perfectly. gauging had to be resorted to frequently in the process of manufacture to make certain that there was perfect interchangeability of parts of each component to prevent any waste of time in selecting parts to fit each other. the complete components, too, must themselves be made with equal care and scrupulous attention to make certain that they fit properly. thus, the booster had to be made in such a fashion and with such precision and accuracy that it would fit perfectly into the shell as well as into the booster cavity in the shell filling into which it is screwed and also at the same time accommodate the fuse which screws into the booster. this extreme accuracy made necessary a large number of gauges, which had to be designed at the same time as, and in coordination with, the design of the component. for example, in a complete round of artillery ammunition, dimensions must be gauged. to standardize the gauges used for these dimensions, master gauges are required, while the actual number of different gauges used during the various stages of manufacture of a complete round is over . government inspectors required over gauges in their work of inspecting and gauging the finished components for the shell, so in all about gauges were used in the process of manufacturing a complete round of artillery ammunition, to insure interchangeability of parts, proper fit for the projectile in the gun, and perfect functioning of the various parts. [illustration: loading smokeless powder. notice safety door at the girl's elbow. a flash in this room will not communicate to an adjoining room. the room is heated by overhead hot-air heating system.] [illustration: fulminate composition charging, steel shield, with window of heavy glass to the right. girl operating the same device on the left. the view shows the bulkhead between the operations.] [illustration: shell painting. this view shows the exhaust hood open and turntable lowered. operator raises turntable by foot lever and closes hood before spraying.] [illustration: general view of shell-painting room. shell is received on the elevated platform and trucked to the edge on hand trucks, where the trolley hook just enters the eyebolt as shell is removed from truck, thus making it unnecessary to lift the shell during any operation in this room.] all fixed ammunition was assembled at the shell-filling plants, making it necessary to install at these points storage capacity and equipment to handle the propellant powder as well as to fill the high-explosive shell. boosters and fuses were loaded at separate plants and shipped to the shell-filling assembly places to be packed for shipment with the shell for transportation overseas. the cost of a loaded -millimeter shell with the fuse and propellant charge ready to be fired is about $ . such a shell contains a little over ½ pounds of high explosive, which costs $ . the loading and assembling of the complete round costs $ . a loaded -millimeter shell complete with fuse costs about $ , exclusive of the propellant charge of powder, which is loaded separately. a shell of this caliber holds about ¼ pounds of high explosive, which costs $ , while the loading and assembling costs $ . the -millimeter and -millimeter shell were used in the greatest quantities on the european battle fields, and at the time of the signing of the armistice our american loading plants were concentrating on filling ammunition for guns of these two calibers. the nature of the work carried on at these shell-loading plants, of course, made the danger of a disaster ever present. prior to our entry into the war an explosion at the canadian car & foundry co.'s plant, kingsland, n. j., resulted in the entire destruction of the plant with large loss of life. in october, , the morgan plant of the t. a. gillespie co., south amboy, n. j., was wiped out by an explosion in which about employees lost their lives. plans for rebuilding this plant, had progressed far when the armistice was signed. in the fall of , people were killed in an explosion at the eddystone loading plant, eddystone, pa. for the successful carrying out of our program for the production of vast quantities of explosives and propellants, as well as shell loading, the women of america must be given credit, on account of the highly important part they took in this phase of helping to win the war. fully per cent of the number of employees in our explosive plants were women, who braved the dangers connected with this line of work, to which they had been, of course, entirely unaccustomed, but whose perils were not unknown to them. in connection with the production of shell themselves, the american ordnance department adopted certain changes of design which were not only radically different from what we had known before the war but were interesting for the way in which they were brought about and for the results they accomplished. the modern shell as we knew it before the war was simply a metal cylinder cut off squarely at the base and roundly blunted at the nose. the shell is zoned with a so-called rotating ring, a circular band of copper which by engaging the rifling channels of the gun gives to the shell the whirl that keeps it from tumbling over and over and thus holds it accurately on its course in flight. in the proof-firing of the -inch seacoast guns it was discovered that their fire was none too accurate; and the american ordnance engineers began studying the shell to see if the fault lay there. one of these experts was maj. f. r. moulton, who before accepting a commission in the army had been professor of astronomy at the university of chicago. maj. moulton began a study of the -inch shell; and soon it was discovered that the mathematics which could chart the orbits of comets could also deal with the flight of projectiles, calculate the influences of air resistance and gravitation, and eventually work out new, scientific contours for offsetting these influences as much as possible. maj. moulton first dealt with the inaccuracy of our -inch shell. he discovered the cause in the rotating band. although but a slight portion of this band was upraised above the surface of the shell's circumference, yet the enormous force exerted upon the projectile to start it from the gun actually caused the cold copper to "flow" backward. the result was that when the shell emerged from the muzzle of the gun it bore around its sides an entirely unsuspected and undesirable flange. this flange not only shortened the range of the shell by offering resistance to the air, but it was seldom uniform all the way around, a condition giving rise to the idiosyncracies of our -inch shell as they were fired at the target. the remedy for this was a redesigned rotating band, making it somewhat thicker in front. the "flow" of the copper could thus be accommodated without causing any detrimental distortion to the projectile. when this improvement was made the -inch shell became as accurate as any. but maj. moulton was to make an even greater contribution to the -inch shell. this shell, like those of our other types, was square ended at the base. maj. moulton in his new design tapered in the sides somewhat, making the shell "boat ended." he elongated the nose, bringing it out to a much sharper point. the result was the first american "streamline" design for a shell. shell of this new model were built experimentally and tested. the -inch gun could fire its old shell , yards, while the streamline shell went , or , yards farther-- or miles added to the range of an already powerful weapon by the application of brains and mathematics. [illustration: figure . improvement of field guns since the napoleonic wars. muzzle velocity. -----------------------+------------+------------------------------- type. | date. | feet per second. -----------------------+------------+------------------------------- | | early rifled guns | - | ==== | | later rifled guns | - | ===== | | early quick firers | about | ====== | | modern quick firers | - | ======= | | -----------------------+------------+------------------------------- range with shrapnel. -----------------------+------------+------------------------------- | | smooth bores | - | ===== | | early rifled guns | - | ======= | | later rifled guns | - | =============== | | early quick firers | about | ======================= | | modern quick firers | - | ======================== , | | -----------------------+------------+-------------------------------- range with shell. -----------------------+------------+-------------------------------- | | smooth bores | - | === , | | early rifled guns | - | ======== , | | later rifled guns | - | ============ , | | early quick firers | about | =============== , | | modern quick firers | - | ================= , | | with streamline shell | - | ======================== , | | -----------------------+------------+-------------------------------- the limiting factor in the development of light field guns has always been the continuous hauling power of horses, which is about , pounds. the gun has been as powerful as possible within the limits of this weight, which includes the carriage and limber as well as the cannon itself. improved technique and materials have reduced the necessary weight of the cannon from , pounds in to about pounds to-day, permitting the use of weight for recoil mechanism and shield of armor plate without exceeding the limit. the -pound nickel-steel gun of fires as heavy a projectile ( - pounds) as the , -pound bronze gun of the napoleonic wars. the improved material permits a more powerful propellant charge, which results in greater muzzle velocity, a flatter trajectory, and longer maximum range. the latter is due in part also to improved shapes of projectiles and the introduction of rifling. the efficiency of artillery is further increased by the introduction of high-explosive bursting charge. the modern -millimeter shell contains about . pounds of high explosive as against about . pound of black powder in shell prior to .] the french were experimenting with streamline shell. we adopted the french streamline -millimeter shell and put it into production, calling it our mark iv shell. our regular -millimeter shell, known as the mark i shell, had a maximum range of , yards. the mark iv shell proved to have a maximum range of , yards, giving an increase in range of well over a mile. america up to april , , turned out about , of these streamline shell. the french also built shell of semisteel, steel to which iron was added. it was claimed that these shell, by bursting into fine fragments upon exploding, were more effective against troops than all-steel shell, because the fragments of the latter were larger. we adopted this shell also and produced it experimentally. in contour it was a compromise between the old cylindrical shell and the extreme streamline type and was easier to make than the latter. _artillery ammunition, complete rounds--acceptances in united states and canada on u. s. army orders only._ [figures in thousands of rounds.] --------------------------+------+----------------------------------------- | to | | jan. +------+------+------+------+------+------ | . | jan. | feb. | mar. | apr. | may. | june. --------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ _calibers for american | | | | | | | expeditionary force | | | | | | | program._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -mm. gun shrapnel | | | | | | , | , -mm. gun gas | | | | | | | -mm. a. a. shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch a. a. shrapnel | | | | | | | . -inch gun h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch gun, shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -mm. gun h. e.[ ] | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer h. e.[ ]| | | | | | | -mm. shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------ total |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] |[ ] , | , +======+======+======+======+======+======+====== _calibers for use in | | | | | | | united states only._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | . -inch mountain gun | | | | | | | h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch mountain gun | | | | | | | shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch f. g. h. e. | | | | | | | -inch f. g. shrapnel | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer shrapnel| | | | | | | . -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer shrapnel| | | | | | | -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | -inch howitzer shrapnel | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------ total | , | | | | | | +======+======+======+======+======+======+====== grand total | , | | | | , | , | , --------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ --------------------------+-----------------------------------------+----- | +------+------+------+------+------+------+total | july | aug.| sept.| oct.| nov.| dec.| --------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+----- _calibers for american | | | | | | | expeditionary force | | | | | | | program._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -mm. gun h. e. | | | , | , | , | | , -mm. gun shrapnel | | | | , | | | , -mm. gun gas | | | | | | | -mm. a. a. shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch a. a. shrapnel | | | | | | | . -inch gun h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch gun, shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -mm. gun h. e.[ ] | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer h. e.[ ]| | | | | | | -mm. shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | -mm. howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | -inch s. c. gun h. e. | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------- total | , | , | , | , | , | , | , +======+======+======+======+======+======+====== _calibers for use in | | | | | | | united states only._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | . -inch mountain gun | | | | | | | h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch mountain gun | | | | | | | shrapnel | | | | | | | -inch f. g. h. e. | | | | | | | , -inch f. g. shrapnel | | | | | | | , . -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer shrapnel| | | | | | | . -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | . -inch howitzer shrapnel| | | | | | | -inch howitzer h. e. | | | | | | | -inch howitzer shrapnel | | | | | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------+------ total | | | | | | | , +======+======+======+======+======+======+====== grand total | , | , | , | , | , | , | , --------------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ [ ] all thick walled type; not all supplied with fuses. [ ] shrapnel only. the following table lists the name of each manufacturer of the various types and sizes of shell for big guns and states the quantity turned out by each: ---------------------------------+--------------------+------------------- | forgings. | machinings. +----------+---------+---------+--------- | quantity | quantity| quantity| quantity contractor. | ordered | accepted| ordered | accepted | to | to | to | to | nov. , | nov. ,| nov. ,| nov. , | . | . | . | . ---------------------------------+----------+---------+---------+--------- _ -inch antiaircraft | | | | high-explosive shell._ | | | | | | | | hydraulic pressed steel co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , , | , | | john inglis co., | | | | toronto, ontario | , | , | | saskatchewan bridge & iron works,| | | | moose jaw, saskatchewan | | | , | west shell & box co., | | | | north edmonton, alberta | | | , | manitoba b. & i. co., | | | | winnipeg, manitoba | | | , | medicine hat p. & b. co., | | | | medicine hat, alberta | | | , | dominion bridge co., | | | | winnipeg, manitoba | | | , | salisbury wheel & axle co., | | | | jamestown, n. y. | | | , | , | | | | _ -inch antiaircraft shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | symington machine corporation, | | | | rochester, n. y. | , , | , , | , , | , , | | | | _ -millimeter antiaircraft | | | | high-explosive shell._ | | | | | | | | moline forge co., moline, ill. | , | , | | jackson munitions, jackson, mich.| , | | | spencer engine co., toledo, ohio | , | , | | chamberlain machine works, | | | | waterloo, iowa | , | , | | | | | | _ -millimeter antiaircraft | | | | shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | symington manufacturing co., | | | | rochester, n. y. | , | , | , | , | | | | _ -millimeter gas and | | | | high-explosive shell._ | | | | | | | | t. a. gillespie, parlin, n. j. | , , | , , | , , | , , american international | | | | corporation, new york city | , , | , , | | american can co., new york city | , , | , , | , , | , hydraulic pressed steel co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , , | , , | | valley forge co., verona, pa. | , , | , | | new york air brake co., | | | | new york city | , , | , | , , | , worthington pump machine co., | | | | new york city | , , | , , | , , | , the canadian allis-chalmers co., | | | | toronto, ontario | , , | , , | | , canada car & foundry co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , , | , , | | a. p. smith co., orange, n. j. | | | , | s. a. wood manufacturing co., | | | | boston, mass. | | | , , | , vermont farm machine co., | | | | bellows falls, vt. | | | , | , american machinery corporation, | | | | port huron, mich. | | | , | consolidated car heating co., | | | | albany, n. y. | | | , | , wire wheel corporation, | | | | springfield, mass. | | | , | , the canadian crocker wheeler, | | | | st. catherines, ontario | | | , | , lachine manufacturing co., | | | | lachine, quebec | | | , | , the electric steel & metal co., | | | | welland, ontario | | | , | , j. bertram & co., dundas, ontario| | | , | , canadian fairbanks morse, toronto| | | , , | , , w. h. banfield & sons, toronto | | | , , | , canadian bridge co., | | | | walkerville, ontario | | | , , | , canadian metal co., toronto | , , | , , | | goldie & mccullough, | | | | galt, ontario | , , | , | , | , john inglis co., toronto | , , | , | , | , cluff ammunition co., toronto | , | , | | g. w. mcfarland engineering co., | | | | paris, ontario | , , | , | | dayton, ohio, products co., | | | | new york city | , , | , | | e. w. bliss co., brooklyn, n. y. | , , | , | | lymburner (ltd.) co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , | , | , , | , , moline forging & machining co., | | | | moline, ill. | , , | , | | laconia car co., laconia, n. h. | , | | | symington machine co., | | | | rochester, n. y. | , , | | , , | , , roberts filter co., darby, pa. | | | , | , auto transportation co., | | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | , | , dominion bridge co., | | | | montreal, quebec | | | , | , canadian ingersoll rand co., | | | | sherbrooke, quebec | | | , , | , steel co. of canada, | | | | brantford, ontario | | | , | , allis-chalmers co., | | | | milwaukee, wis. | | | , , | , jackson munitions, jackson, mich.| | | , | , maxwell motor co., detroit, mich.| | | , | , batavia steel products, | | | | batavia, n. y. | | | , , | , wheeling mold & foundry, | | | | wheeling, w. va. | | | , | , eddystone munitions, | | | | eddystone, pa. | | | , , | , lachine manufacturing co., | | | | lachine, quebec | | | | the international clay & machine,| | | | dayton, ohio | | | , | , smead & co., | | | | jersey city, n. j. | | | , , | , manufacturing production co., | | | | dayton, ohio | | | , , | , chicago pneumatic tool co., | | | | chicago, ill. | | | , | , mueller manufacturing co., | | | | port huron, mich. | | | , | , the westfield manufacturing co., | | | | westfield, mass. | | | , , | , the platt iron works, | | | | dayton, ohio | | | , , | , the mueller metal co., | | | | wayne, mich. | | | , | | | | | _ -millimeter field-gun | | | | shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | american can co., new york city | , | , | , | , eddystone munitions co., | | | | eddystone, pa. | , | , | , | , bartlett-hayward co., | | | | baltimore, md. | , , | , , | , , | , , symington machine co., | | | | rochester, n. y. | , , | , , | , , | , , frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , laconia car co., laconia, n. h. | , | , | | bossert corporation, utica, n. y.| , | | | hydraulic pressed steel co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , , | , | | canada forge co., | | | | welland, ontario | , | | | the liberty ordnance co., | | | | bridgeport, conn. | , , | , | | | | | | _ -millimeter howitzer | | | | high-explosive shell, | | | | mark i, type b._ | | | | | | | | whittaker glessner, | | | | portsmouth, ohio | , | , | | american rolling mills, | | | | middletown, ohio | , | , | | pressed steel car co., | | | | pittsburgh pa. | , | , | | american car & foundry co., | | | | new york city | , , | , , | | new york air brake co., | | | | new york city | , | , | , | wm. wharton manufacturing co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | | standard steel car co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | | | standard forging co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | | | curtis & co., manufacturing co., | | | | st. louis, mo. | , | , | | american steel foundry co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | , | | midvale steel & ordnance co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | | detroit shell co., | | | | detroit, mich. | | | , | , j. j. cavrick, batavia, n. y. | | | , | , standard sanitary co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | | | , | , potter & johnson, | | | | pawtucket, r. i. | | | , | north american motor co., | | | | pottstown, pa. | | | , | , minneapolis steel & machine co., | | | | minneapolis, minn. | | | , | , w. j. oliver manufacturing co., | | | | knoxville, tenn. | | | , | , twin city forge & foundry co., | | | | stillwater, minn. | | | , | , winslow bros. co., chicago, ill. | | | , | , american brake shoe & foundry | | | | co., new york city | | | , | , american clay & machine co., | | | | bucyrus, ohio | | | , | elyria machine co., elyria, ohio | | | , | , american machine & manufacturing | | | | co., atlanta, ga. | | | , | , haroun motor corporation, | | | | wayne, mich. | | | , | , wagner electric manufacturing | | | | co., st. louis, mo. | | | , | , | | | | _ -millimeter howitzer | | | | high-explosive shell, | | | | mark iv, type d._ | | | | | | | | national tube co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | | p. lyall & sons, | | | | montreal, quebec | , | , | , | , national iron works, | | | | toronto, ontario | , | , | | dominion steel foundry, | | | | hamilton, ontario | , | , | | studebaker corporation, | | | | detroit, mich. | , | | , | fairfax forge co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , | | , | pressed steel car co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , , | , | | cleveland crane co., | | | | wickliffe, ohio | , | | | bethlehem steel co., | | | | south bethlehem, pa. | , | , | | g. w. mcfarland, paris, ontario | , | | | laclede gas light co., | | | | st. louis, mo. | , | | , | standard forging co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | | | whittaker glessner co., | | | | portsmouth, ohio | , | , | | curtis & co., st. louis, mo. | , | | | warden king & co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , | | | john inglis co., | | | | toronto, ontario | , | | | canada iron foundry co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , | | , | cluff ammunition co., | | | | toronto, ontario | , | | | taylor forbes (ltd.), | | | | toronto, ontario | , | | | moon motor co., st. louis, mo. | | | , | standard sanitary, | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | | | , | holden morgan thread co., | | | | toronto, ontario | | | , | e. leonard & sons, | | | | london, ontario | | | , | otis fenson elevator co., | | | | hamilton, ontario | | | , | dominion copper products, | | | | montreal, quebec | | | , | , caron bros., montreal, quebec | | | , | potter & johnson, | | | | pawtucket, r. i. | | | , | biscoe motor, jackson, mich. | | | , | hudson motor, detroit, mich. | | | , | munition & m. n. (ltd.), sorel | | | , | john bartram sons, | | | | dundas, ontario | | | , | | | | | _ -millimeter howitzer | | | | gas shell._ | | | | | | | | american rolling mills, | | | | middletown, ohio | , | , | | midvale steel & ordnance co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | | american radiator co., | | | | washington, d. c. | , | | , | wilson foundry & machine co., | | | | pontiac, mich. | , | | , | rathbone sard & co., aurora, ill.| , | | , | | | | | _ -millimeter gun | | | | high-explosive shell, | | | | mark iii, type b._ | | | | | | | | standard steel car co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , , | , | , , | , whittaker glessner co., | | | | portsmouth, ohio | , | , | | standard forging co., | | | | indiana harbor, ind. | , | , | | mead morris & co., | | | | gloucester, mass. | , | , | | twin city forge & foundry co., | | | | stillwater, minn. | , | , | | chicago rlg. equipment co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | , | | minneapolis steel & machine co., | | | | minneapolis, minn. | | | , | , international arms & fuse, | | | | bloomfleld, n. j. | | | , | , north american motors, | | | | pottstown, pa. | | | , | potter & johnson, | | | | pawtucket, r. i. | | | , | , templer motor co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | | | , | , new york air brake co., | | | | new york city | | | , | jackson munitions, jackson, mich.| | | , | , pullman co., pullman, ill. | | | , | new home sewing machine co., | | | | orange, mass. | | | , | | | | | _ -millimeter gun | | | | high-explosive shell, | | | | mark v, type d._ | | | | | | | | symington chicago corporation, | | | | chicago, ill. | , , | | , | american rolling mills, | | | | middletown, ohio | , | , | | milton manufacturing co., | | | | milton, pa. | , | | | whittaker glessner co., | | | | portsmouth, ohio | , | | | dominion foundry & steel co., | | | | hamilton, ontario | , | | | winslow bros., chicago, ill. | | | , | grant motor car co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | | | , | cribbon sexton co., | | | | chicago, ill. | | | , | | | | | _ -millimeter gun gas shell._ | | | | | | | | bethlehem steel co., | | | | south bethlehem, pa. | , | , | | kohler co., kohler, wis. | , | | , | american radiator co., | | | | washington, d. c. | , | | , | whittaker glessner co., | | | | portsmouth, ohio | , | , | | american car & foundry co., | | | | new york city | | | , , | , | | | | _ -millimeter gun and | | | | howitzer shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | dayton, ohio, production co., | | | | dayton, ohio | , | , | | wm. wharton, jr., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | | bartlett-hayward co., | | | | baltimore, md. | , | | , , | , frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | | | | | | | _ . -inch howitzer shell._ | | | | | | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , hydraulic pressed steel co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , | | | f. r. wilford & co. | , | | | | | | | _ . -inch howitzer shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , hydraulic pressed steel co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , | | | | | | | _ . -inch shell._ | | | | | | | | national tube co., | | | | christie pks. works | , | , | | united states government | , | , | , | , buffalo pitts co., buffalo, n. y.| | | , | twin city forge, | | | | stillwater, minn. | | | , | | | | | _ . -inch antiaircraft shell._ | | | | | | | | national tube co., | | | | christie pks. works | , | , | | maritime manufacturing co., | | | | montreal, quebec | | | , | spartan manufacturing co., | | | | montreal, quebec | | | , | , darling bros., montreal, quebec | | | , | , alberta foundry & machinery co., | | | | alberta | | | , | , | | | | _ . -inch antiaircraft shrapnel._| | | | | | | | the e. w. bliss co., | | | | brooklyn, n. y. | , | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | | , | national tube co., | | | | christie pks. works | , | , | | alberta foundry & machinery co., | | | | alberta | | | , | | | | | _ . -inch drill projectile._ | | | | | | | | grand rapids brass co., | | | | grand rapids, mich. | , | | , | | | | | _ . -inch gun gas shell._ | | | | | | | | milton manufacturing co., | | | | milton, pa. | , | , | , | , american radiator co., | | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | , | | | | | _ . -inch gun shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , bartlett-hayward co., | | | | baltimore, md. | , | , | , | , national tube co., | | | | christie pks. works | , | , | | metal production co., beaver, pa.| | | , | , | | | | _ . -inch howitzer shell._ | | | | | | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , | | | | _ . -inch howitzer shrapnel._ | | | | | | | | bartlett-hayward, baltimore, md. | , | , | , | , frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , | | | | _ . -inch gun | | | | high-explosive shell._ | | | | | | | | national tube co., | | | | christie pks. works | , , | , | | allegheny steel co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | | the e. w. bliss co., | | | | brooklyn, n. y. | , | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , milton manufacturing co., | | | | milton, pa. | , | , | , | , hydraulic pressed steel co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , | | | darling bros., montreal, quebec | | | , | spartan machine co., | | | | montreal, quebec | | | , | robb engineering co., | | | | amherst, n. j. | | | , | , motor trucks co., | | | | brantford, ontario | | | , | , p. lyall & sons, montreal, quebec| | | , | , steel products co., | | | | huntington, w. va. | | | , | , armstrong ck. co., lancaster, pa.| | | , | , campbell howard machine co., | | | | sherbrooke, quebec | | | , | thurlow steel works, chester, pa.| | | , | , bell manufacturing co., | | | | fairmount, ind. | | | , | , buffalo pitts co., buffalo, n. y.| | | , | , indiana fiber co., marion, ind. | | | , | , canadian westinghouse co., | | | | hamilton, ontario | | | , | , ry. ind. engineering co., | | | | greensburg, pa. | | | , | , sherbrooke ironworks, sherbrooke | | | , | , bridgeport project co., | | | | bridgeport, conn. | | | , | , american & british manufacturing | | | | co., bridgeport, conn. | | | , | , maritime manufacturing co., | | | | st. johns, new brunswick | | | , | alberta foundry & machinery co., | | | | alberta | | | , | | | | | _ -inch gun and howitzer | | | | high-explosive and gas shell._ | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | | root & vandervoort engineering | | | | co., east moline, ill. | , | , | , | , wagner electrical & manufacturing| | | | co., st. louis, mo. | , | , | , | , mcmyler interstate co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , | , | , | , pollak steel co., new york city | , | | | curtis & co., st. louis, mo. | , | , | | midvale steel & ordnance co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | | standard steel car co., | | | | butler, pa. | , | , | | pressed steel car co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | | | westinghouse electric & | | | | manufacturing co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | | | , | , willys overland co., | | | | toledo, ohio | | | , | motor products corporation, | | | | detroit, mich. | | | , | british war mission, munsey | | | | building, washington, d. c. | , | , | | imperial munitions board, ottawa | , | , | | pollak steel co., new york city | , | , | | american steel foundry co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | , | | dominion steel foundry co., | | | | hamilton, ontario | , | , | | canada cement co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , | , | , | , british forgings (ltd.), | | | | toronto, ontario | , | , | | dominion bridge co., | | | | montreal, quebec | , | , | | standard forging co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | , | | pressed steel car co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | | wm. wharton, jr., & co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | | | dominion foundries & co. (ltd.), | | | | hamilton, ontario | , | , | | american brake shoe & foundry | | | | co., new york city | | | , | , maritime manufacturing | | | | corporation, st. john, | | | | new brunswick | | | , | , | | | | _ . -inch howitzer | | | | high-explosive shell._ | | | | | | | | russell motor car co., | | | | toronto, ontario | | | , | , st. lawrence bridge co., montreal| | | , | , united states ammunition | | | | corporation, poughkeepsie, n. y.| | | , | , fisher motor co., orilla, ontario| | | , | canadian bridge co., | | | | walkersville, ontario | | | , | | | | | _ -millimeter | | | | high-explosive shell._ | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | | curtis & co. manufacturing co., | | | | st. louis, mo. | , | , | | american car & foundry co., | | | | new york city | , | | , | , american steel foundries co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | , | | scullin steel co., st. louis, mo.| , | | | a. f. smith manufacturing co., | | | | east orange, n. j. | | | , | motors truck (ltd.), | | | | brantford, ontario | | | , | laclede gas light co., | | | | st. louis, mo. | | | , | | | | | _ -inch seacoast gun shell._ | | | | | | | | cleveland crane & engineering | | | | co., wickliffe, ohio | , | , | | mcmyler interstate co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | , | , | | milton manufacturing co., | | | | milton, pa. | , | , | | machine products co., | | | | cleveland, ohio | | | , | , a. j. vance & co., | | | | winston-salem, n. c. | | | , | , twin city & foundry co., | | | | stillwater, minn. | | | | a. b. ormsby co. (ltd.), | | | | toronto, ontario | | | , | , p. tyrall construction co., | | | | montreal | | | , | , | | | | _ -inch seacoast gun shell._ | | | | | | | | frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | , | , | , | , bethlehem steel co., | | | | bethlehem, pa. | , | , | , | , columbian iron works, | | | | chattanooga, tenn. | , | , | , | , the pressed steel car co., | | | | mckeesport, pa. | , | , | | standard steel car co., | | | | hammond, ind. | , | , | | anniston steel co., | | | | anniston, ala. | , | | | westinghouse electric | | | | manufacturing co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | , | , wm. wharton, jr., easton, pa. | , | | | the southern machinery co., | | | | chattanooga, tenn. | | | , | , | | | | _ -inch seacoast gun shell._ | | | | | | | | american car & foundry co., | | | | new york city | , | , | , | , carnegie steel co., | | | | pittsburgh, pa. | , | , | | carnegie steel co., munhall, pa. | , | , | | | | | | _ -inch seacoast gun shell._ | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co., | | | | mckees rocks, pa. | , | , | | watertown arsenal, | | | | watertown, mass. | , | , | | washington steel & ordnance co., | | | | giesboro manor, d. c. | , | , | , | , leaside munitions corporation, | | | | toronto, ontario | , | | , | standard forging co., | | | | chicago, ill. | , | | | bethlehem steel co., | | | | bethlehem, pa. | , | | | american clay machine co., | | | | bucyrus, ohio | | | , | | | | | _ -inch seacoast gun shell._ | | | | | | | | carnegie steel co., | | | | mckees rocks, pa. | , | | | watertown arsenal, | | | | watertown, mass. | , | | | washington steel & ordnance co., | | | | washington, d. c. | | | | | | | | _ -inch seacoast | | | | howitzer shell._ | | | | | | | | washington steel & ordnance co., | | | | washington, d. c. | | | | ---------------------------------+----------+---------+---------+--------- chapter vi. sights and fire-control apparatus. at the threshold of the war with germany we were confronted with the problem of providing on a large scale those instruments of precision with which modern artillerists point their weapons. as mysterious to the average man as the sextant and other instruments which help the navigator to bring his ship unerringly to port over leagues of pathless water, or as those devices with which the surveyor strikes a level through a range of mountains, are the instruments which enable the gunner to drop a heavy projectile exactly on his target without seeing it at all. the old days of sighting a cannon point-blank at the visible enemy over the open sights on the barrel of the weapon passed with the civil war. as the power of guns increased and their ranges lengthened, the artillerists began firing at objects actually below the horizon or hidden by intervening obstacles. these conditions necessarily brought in the method of mathematical aim which is known as indirect fire. in the great war indirect firing was so perfected that within a few seconds after an aviator or an observer in a captive balloon had definitely located an enemy battery, that battery was deluged with an avalanche of high-explosive shell and destroyed, even though the attacking gunners were located several miles away and hills and forests intervened to obscure the target from view. with the aid of correlated maps in the possession of the battery gunners and the aerial observer, a mere whisper of the wireless sufficed to turn a torrent of shell precisely upon the enemy position which had just been discovered. so accurate had indirect artillery fire become that a steel wall of missiles could be laid down a few yards ahead of a body of troops advancing on a broad front, and this wall could be kept moving steadily ahead of the soldiers at a walking pace with few accidents due to inaccurate control of the guns firing the barrage. the chief difference between the old and the new methods of artillery practice is the degree of precision attained. at the time of the civil war the artillery was fired relatively blindly, reliance being placed upon the weight of the fire regardless of its accuracy and its effectiveness; but modern artillery has recognized the importance of the well-placed shot and demands instruments that must be marvels of accuracy, since a slight error in the aiming at modern ranges means a miss and the total loss of the shot. such uncanny accuracy is made possible by the use of those instruments of precision known as fire-control apparatus. the gunner who is not equipped with proper fire-control instruments can not aim correctly and is placed at a serious disadvantage in the presence of the enemy. these instruments must not only be as exact as a chronometer, but they must be sufficiently rugged to withstand the concussion of close artillery fire. equipment classified under "sights and fire-control apparatus" comprises all devices to direct the fire of offensive weapons and to observe the effect of this fire in order to place it on the target. included in this list are instruments of a surveying nature which serve to locate the relative position of the target on the field of battle and to determine its range. for this purpose the artillery officer uses aiming circles, azimuth instruments, battery commander telescopes, prismatic compasses, plotting boards, and other instruments. telescopes and field glasses equipped with measuring scales in them are also employed in making observations. instruments of a second group are attached directly to the gun to train it both horizontally and vertically in the directions given by the battery commander. these devices include sights of different types, elevation quadrants, clinometers, and other instruments. the intricate panoramic sight which is used especially in firing at an unseen target is one of the most important instruments of this group. still another set of instruments comprises devices such as range deflection boards, deviation boards, and wind indicators which, together with range tables and other tables, assist the battery commander to ascertain the path of the projectile under any condition of range, altitude, air pressure, temperature, and other physical influences. when it is understood that the projectile fired by such a weapon as the german long-range gun which bombarded paris at a distance of miles mounts so high into the air that it passes into the highly rarified layers of the air envelope surrounding the earth and thus into entirely different conditions of air pressure, it can be realized how abstruse these range calculations are and how many factors must be taken into account. the fire-control equipment enables the artilleryman to make these computations quickly. in addition to the above items many auxiliary devices are needed by the artillery, notable among these being the self-luminous aiming posts and other arrangements which enable the gunners to maintain accuracy of fire at night. this whole elaborate set of instruments is supplied to the field and railway artillery--the big guns--and in part to trench-mortar batteries and even to machine guns, which in the latter months of the war were used in indirect firing. still another group of pointing instruments is used by antiaircraft guns against hostile aircraft to ascertain their altitude, their speed, and their future location in order that projectiles fired by the antiaircraft guns may hit these high and rapidly moving targets. sights are also used on the airplanes themselves to aid the pilot and the observer in the dropping of bombs and in gunfire against enemy planes or targets. one of these sights corrects automatically for the speed and direction of the airplane. fuse setters, which enable the gunner to time the fuse in the shell so that the projectile moving with enormous speed explodes at precisely the desired point, were required in large numbers. the responsibility for the design, procurement, production, inspection, and supply of the above equipment to the american expeditionary forces was lodged in the ordnance department. the effectiveness of the artillery on the field of battle depended directly on the fire-control equipment furnished by this bureau. the optical industry in this country before the war was in the hands of a few firms. several of these were under german influence, and one firm was directly affiliated with the carl zeiss works, of jena, germany; the workmen were largely germans or of german origin; the kinds and design of apparatus produced were for the most part essentially european in character; optical glass was procured entirely from abroad and chiefly from germany. it was easier and cheaper for manufacturers to order glass from abroad than to develop its manufacture in this country. educational and research institutions obtained a large part of their equipment from germany and offered no special inducement for american manufacturers to provide such apparatus. duty-free importation favored and encouraged this dependence on germany for scientific apparatus. with our entrance in the war the european sources of supply for optical glass and optical instruments were cut off abruptly and we were brought face to face with the problem of furnishing these items to the army and navy for use in the field. prior to only three private manufacturers in the united states had built fire-control apparatus in any quantity for the government. the bausch & lomb optical co., rochester, n. y., had made range finders and field glasses for the artillery and infantry, and gun sights, range finders, and spy glasses and field glasses for the navy; the keuffel & esser co., hoboken, n. j., had produced some fire-control equipment for the navy; the warner & swasey co., cleveland, ohio, with j. a. brashear, pittsburgh, pa., had furnished depression-position finders, azimuth instruments, and telescopic musket sights to the army. the only other source of supply in this country had been the frankford arsenal. prior to the largest order for fire-control equipment which our army had ever placed in a single year amounted to $ , , . the total orders for such instruments placed by the ordnance department alone during the months of war exceeded $ , , , while the total orders for fire-control apparatus placed by the army and navy exceeded $ , , . to meet the situation, existing facilities had to be increased, new facilities developed, and other, allied, industries converted to the production of fire-control material. quantity production had to be secured through the assembling of standardized parts of instruments which heretofore had either never been built in this country or only in a small, experimental way. a large part of the work had of necessity to be done by machines operated by relatively unskilled labor. the manufacturing tolerances had to be nicely adjusted between the different parts of each instrument, so that wherever less precise work would answer the purpose the production methods were arranged accordingly. only by a careful coordination of design, factory operations, and field performance could quantity production of the desired quality be obtained in a short time. speed of production meant everything if our troops in the field were to be equipped with the necessary fire-control apparatus and thus enabled to meet the enemy on even approximately equal terms. to accomplish this object a competent personnel within the army had to be organized and developed; the army requirements had to be carefully scrutinized and coordinated with reference to relative urgency; manufacturers had to be encouraged to undertake new tasks and to be impressed with the necessity for whole-hearted cooperation and with the importance of their part in the war; raw materials had to be secured and their transportation assured. these and other factors were faced and overcome. although american fire-control instruments did not reach the front in as large numbers as were wanted, great quantities were under way, and we had attained in the manufacturing program a basic stage of progress which would have cared for all of our needs in the spring and summer of . incidentally there has been developed in this country a manufacturing capacity for precision optical and instrument work, which, if desired, will render us independent of foreign markets. at the present time there exists in this country a trained personnel and adequate organization for the production of precision optical instruments greatly in excess of the needs of the country. one of the problems which we now have to consider is the conversion of this development brought about by war-time conditions into channels of peace-time activity. at the present time american manufacturers are in a position to make instruments of precision equal to the best european product, and the industry will continue, provided there is an adequate market for its product. such a market will exist if the universities and commercial laboratories of the country will obtain scientific apparatus from american manufacturers rather than import it from abroad as has heretofore been the custom. in april, , the most serious problem in the situation was the manufacture of optical glass. prior to practically all of the optical glass used in the united states had been imported from abroad; manufacturers followed the line of least resistance and preferred to procure certain commodities, such as optical glass, chemical dyes, and other materials difficult to produce, direct from europe rather than to undertake their manufacture here. the war stopped this source of supply abruptly, and in experiments on the making of optical glass were under way at five different plants--the bausch & lomb optical co. at rochester n. y.; the bureau of standards at pittsburgh, pa.; the keuffel & esser co. at hoboken, n. j.; the pittsburgh plate glass co. at charleroi, pa.; the spencer lens co. at hamburg, buffalo, n. y. by april, , the situation had become acute; some optical glass of fair quality had been produced, but nowhere had its manufacture been placed on an assured basis. the glass-making processes were not adequately known. without optical glass fire-control instruments could not be produced; optical glass is a thing of high precision and in its manufacture accurate control is required throughout the factory processes. in this emergency the government appealed to the geophysical laboratory of the carnegie institution of washington for assistance. this laboratory had been engaged for many years in the study of solutions, such as that of optical glass, at high temperatures and had a corps of scientists trained along the lines essential to the successful production of optical glass. it was the only organization in the country with a personnel adequate and competent to undertake a manufacturing problem of this character and magnitude. accordingly, in april, , a group of its scientists was placed at the bausch & lomb optical co. and given virtual charge of the plant; its men were assigned to the different factory operations and made responsible for them. by november, , the manufacturing processes at this plant had been mastered and large quantities of optical glass of good quality were being produced. in december, , the work was extended, men from the geophysical laboratory taking practical charge of the plants of the spencer lens co. and of the pittsburgh plate glass co. the cost to the geophysical laboratory of contributing to the government the solution of the optical glass problem amounted to about $ , , but the results attained surely more than justified these expenditures. these results could not have been attained, however, without the hearty cooperation of the manufacturers and of the army and navy, which assisted in the procurement and transportation of the raw materials. an ordnance officer was in charge of the rochester party from the geophysical laboratory and was responsible for much of the pioneer development work accomplished there. it was at this plant, that of the bausch & lomb optical co. at rochester, that the methods of manufacture were first developed and placed on a production basis. the bureau of standards aided in the development of a chemically and thermally resistant crucible in which to melt optical glass; also in the testing of optical glass, and especially in the testing of optical instruments. the geological survey aided in locating sources of raw materials, such as sand of adequate chemical purity. by february, , the supply of optical glass was assured; but the manufacture of optical instruments was so seriously behind schedule that a military optical glass and instrument section was formed in the war industries board and took charge of the entire optical instrument industry of the country. through the efforts of its chief, mr. george e. chatillon, of new york, the entire industry was coordinated. by september, , the production of fire-control instruments in sufficient quantities to meet the requirements of both the army and navy during was believed to be assured. to the accomplishment of this result the ordnance department contributed most effectively. the information and long experience of frankford arsenal in instrument manufacture and in the work of precision optics were placed at the service of contractors; trained officers of the ordnance department were stationed at the different factories; in many factories these officers rendered valuable aid in devising and developing proper and adequate factory operations, in establishing production on a satisfactory basis, in securing the proper inflow of raw materials, in devising testing fixtures, in establishing proper manufacturing tolerances, and in testing the performance of the assembled instruments. schools for operatives in precision optics were established at frankford arsenal, philadelphia, pa., at rochester, n. y., and at mount wilson observatory, pasadena, cal. to many contractors financial aid had to be extended. the fire-control program required, in short, all the available talent and resources of the country to carry it to a successful finish. the general procedure adopted by the ordnance department was to assign the more difficult instruments to manufacturers who had had experience along similar lines. to others, who had produced articles allied only in a distant way to fire-control instruments, less intricate types of instruments were awarded. in certain instances the optical elements were produced by one firm, the mechanical parts by another, the final assembly of the instrument being then accomplished by the latter. because our army had adopted a number of french guns for reproduction here, it became necessary to build sights for these weapons according to the french designs. this gave us much trouble, not only because of the delay in securing samples and drawings from france, but because of the difficulties in producing articles from these french drawings by american methods and with american workmen. the most intricate of these french sights was the schneider quadrant sight. it was used with the french -millimeter gun, the -millimeter howitzer, and the -millimeter howitzer. the structure of this sight was highly complicated, and extreme accuracy was required at every stage of production. these sights were put into production by the emerson engineering co. of philadelphia, the raymond engineering co. of new york, and by slocum, avram & slocum of new york. the design of this sight was received from france early in , yet it was the st of november-- days before the armistice was signed--when the first schneider sight was delivered to the army; but at all times the progress made was as rapid as could be expected. a total of , schneider quadrant sights was ordered, which meant a year's work for , men. of this order , sights were to be manufactured by the schneider co. in france and the rest by the three firms in this country. on november the american factories had delivered sights and since that time over have been completed. the amount of labor involved in the case of schneider quadrant sights is shown by the fact that while the raw material for it cost about $ , the finished sight is worth about $ . in order to expedite production the government extended financial assistance to some of the factories to aid in the procurement and installation of additional equipment. on november the number of these sights completed was short of requirements for installation on completed carriages by about , but the rate of progress which had been attained in production would have overtaken the output of gun carriages by january , . another difficult task was the construction of telescopic sights for the french -millimeter guns, the "infantry cannon" which we adopted for reproduction in this country. here again we encountered the same difficulty of adapting french plans to our methods. the original contract was placed with a firm which had had no experience with optical instruments of precision, but no other company was available for the work. when by may, , this concern had produced only a few sights the contract was taken from it and placed with a subcontractor, the central scientific co., of chicago, who had been building mechanical parts for the sights. in this plant the complete force had to be educated in the art before any production could begin. when the armistice was signed the gun factories had produced of the -millimeter guns, but only telescopic sights had been completed. the rate of production of these sights by the central scientific co. was such, however, that the shortage would have ceased to exist shortly after january , . the french design for the telescopic sight for the -millimeter gun used on the tanks was also adopted by the army. here again difficulty was experienced in manufacture, but excellent progress was made especially by one firm (burke & james of chicago, ill.), and the output in adequate quantities was assured for . the french collimator sight for the -millimeter gun presented difficulties to the manufacturer, especially in the optical parts. these were, however, overcome by the globe optical co., who furnished the optics to the electric auto-lite corporation and to the standard thermometer co. of boston, with the result that at the time of the signing of the armistice the production of these sights was progressing well. periscopes from inches to nearly feet in length were produced in quantity. these periscopes enabled the men in the front-line trenches to look over the top with comparative safety. the long periscopes were used in deep-shelter trenches and bomb proofs. the production of the short-base periscopes and also of the battery commanders' periscopes by the wollensak optical co., rochester, n. y., and of the -meter and -meter periscope by the andrew j. lloyd co. of boston, mass., was progressing at such a rate that the needs of the army for would be met on time. at the outbreak of the war the policy followed by the ordnance department was to place orders for standard fire-control apparatus, such as range finders of different base lengths, battery commander telescopes, aiming circles, panoramic sights, musket sights, and prismatic compasses with firms of established reputation and experience. the result was that when requests from the army in france came for instruments of new design, new sources of manufacture had to be sought out and these organizations educated in the methods of precision optics. such a procedure necessarily caused delay, but it was the only course of action left. wherever possible part of the total contract was awarded to an experienced manufacturer, so that some production was assured. [illustration: panoramic sight.] [illustration: battery commander's telescope.] [illustration: battery commander's periscope.] [illustration: aiming circle.] [illustration: bracket fuse setter, model of .] [illustration: range finder.] [illustration: french quadrant sight with american panoramic sight.] [illustration: sight for -millimeter field gun.] the records show that the experienced manufacturers overcame the difficulties encountered and had obtained in general a rate of output which was satisfactory at the time of the signing of the armistice. thus the bausch & lomb optical co. had delivered large numbers of range finders of base lengths of centimeters, meter and feet, and battery commanders' telescopes; keuffel & esser had made many prismatic compasses and a few range finders; the spencer lens co. had produced aiming circles in quantity; the warner & swasey co., with j. a. brashear of pittsburgh, had furnished large numbers of the valuable panoramic sights with which much of the artillery fire is directed. much credit is due the above organizations for the efficient manner in which they placed the manufacture of these items on a high-speed production basis. frankford arsenal proved to be a most reliable source of supply for battery commander telescopes, panoramic sights, azimuth instruments for -inch telescopes, plotting boards, and other ordnance fire-control instruments. the manufacture of many other types of instruments was undertaken in this country. among these the french sitogoniometer, a device which assists the battery commander in obtaining data for the direction of fire, was successfully produced by the martin-copeland co. of providence, r. i.; quadrant sights for the -millimeter gun by the scientific materials co. of pittsburgh; lensatic compasses and brunton compasses were furnished by wm. ainsworth & sons of denver, colo.; prismatic compasses by the sperry gyroscope co. of brooklyn, n. y.; telescopes for sights on antiaircraft carriages by the kollmorgen optical corporation of brooklyn; altimeters, gunners' quadrants, elevation quadrants, and aiming stakes by the j. h. deagan co. of chicago, ill.; panoramic telescopes and fuse setters by the recording & computing machines co. of dayton, ohio; battery commander telescopes by arthur brock of philadelphia; tripods for fire-control instruments by the national cash register co. of dayton, ohio. optics for different sights were furnished by the american optical co. of southbridge, mass., and by the mount wilson observatory of pasadena, calif. these and other organizations entered into the task and devoted their energy to the production of equipment desired by the government. at no time during the fighting did our artillery units have a sufficient supply of fire-control instruments. this was due to the fact that we were not able to secure in europe the amount of this equipment required to take care of our needs while our own industry was being developed. with almost a total lack of optical glass in this country, with an equal lack of factories and workmen familiar with military optical instrument-making, we were suddenly called upon to produce about different types of instruments in large quantities. these included many new designs of fire-control apparatus made necessary by new artillery developments both among the allies and in our own factories, by the adoption of trench warfare in place of open warfare, by the development of weapons for use against aircraft, by the extension of indirect fire-control methods to weapons which formerly had been fired by direct sighting, and by the use of railway and seacoast artillery. while we did not solve all the difficulties in this development, we had met and conquered the worst of them, and we were making such great strides in production when the war ended that all the requirements of the army would have been met early in . it has been a source of inspiration to witness the high sense of patriotic duty and cooperation shown by the manufacturers which made possible the remarkable expansion of the optical glass and instrument industry in the united states during the period of the war. the following table shows the principal items of sights and fire-control apparatus, the firms that did the work, the quantity of the various kinds of instruments ordered, and the deliveries made up to november , , and to february , : --------------------+---------------------------+---------+----------------- | | | deliveries to-- material. | firm. | total +--------+-------- | | ordered.|nov. ,|feb. , | | | . | . +-------------------+---------------------------+---------+--------+--------- aiming circle, |spencer lens co., | , | | , model | buffalo, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia | | | | | | | aiming stakes |j. c. deagan co., | , | | , for machine gun | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | aiming posts, |metropolitan manufacturing | , | | field artillery | co., detroit, mich. | | | | | | | do. |dahlstrom metallic door | , | | | co., jamestown, n. y. | | | | | | | aiming devices |national vitaphone | , | | | corporation, | | | | plainfield, n. j. | | | | | | | angle of |atwater kent | , | , | , site instruments | manufacturing co., | | | | philadelphia | | | | | | | do. |blair tool machine co., | , | , | , | new york city | | | | | | | azimuth instruments,|warner & swasey co., | | | model | cleveland, ohio | | | | | | | azimuth instruments,|spencer lens co., | | | model | buffalo, n. y. | | | | | | | boards, |premier metal etching co., | | | gun deflection | new york city | | | | | | | boards, |metallograph corporation, | | | pirie deviation | new york city | | | | | | | boards, plotting |mcfarlan motor co., | , | , | , | connersville, ind. | | | | | | | boards, pratt range |f. f. metzger, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | boards, |gorham manufacturing co., | | | range deflection | providence, r. i. | | | | | | | boards, rocket |liquid carbon co., | , | | | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | chronographs |precision thermometer co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | chronographs, |leeds northrup co., | | | aberdeen | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | clinometers, |atwater kent | , | , | , machine-gun | manufacturing co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |central scientific co., | , | | | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | clinometers, machine|f. f. metzger, | | | gun, model | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | compass, lensatic |wm. ainsworth & sons, | , | , | , | denver, colo. | | | | | | | compass, prismatic |sperry gyroscope co., | , | | , | brooklyn, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |keuffel & esser co., | , | , | , | hoboken, n. j. | | | | | | | compass, transit, |wm. ainsworth & sons, | , | , | , pocket, brunton | denver, colo. | | | | | | | cylinders, |wilton tool co., | , | , | , cannon pressure | boston, mass. | | | | | | | depression position |pratt-whitney co., | | | finders, lewis | hartford, conn.; j. a. | | | | brashear, pittsburgh, pa.| | | | | | | electrical equipment|line material corporation, | , | | , for aiming posts | milwaukee, wis. | | | | | | | electric lighting |guide motor lamp co., | , | | devices | cleveland, ohio | | | | | | | flash lights |delta electric co., | , | , | , | marion, ind. | | | do. |novo manufacturing co., | , | , | , | new york city | | | | | | | do. |american ever-ready works, | , | , | , | long island city, n. y. | | | | | | | glass, optical, lbs.|pittsburgh plate glass co.,| , | , ½| , | charleroi, pa. | | | | | | | do. |spencer lens co., buffalo, | , | | ½ | n. y. | | | | | | | do. |bausch & lomb optical co., | , | , | , | rochester, n. y. | | | | | | | goniometers, |sloane & chase | | | model | manufacturing co., | | | | newark, n. j. | | | | | | | levels, |young & sons, | , | | , longitudinal, | philadelphia, pa. | | | -inch | | | | | | | | levels, |arthur brock, jr., | , | | longitudinal | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | levels, sight |electric auto-lite | , | | , | corporation, toledo, | | | | ohio | | | | | | | levels, testing |carlson-wenstrom co., | , | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | lighting devices for|globe machine & stamping | , | | , field carriages | co., cleveland, ohio | | | | | | | night firing boxes |new method stove co., | , | | , for machine gun | mansfield, ohio | | | | | | | do. |delta electric co., | , | | , | marion, ind. | | | | | | | periscopes, battery | do. | , | | , commander's | | | | | | | | periscopes, mirror |j. r. young co. (penn toy | , | , | , | co.), pittsburgh, pa. | | | | | | | | | | | do. |seneca camera co., | , | | | rochester, n. y. | | | | | | | periscopes, rifle, |oneida community, | , | , | , model | oneida, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |john w. browne | , | , | , | manufacturing co., | | | | detroit, mich. | | | | | | | periscopes, m. |a. j. lloyd co., | , | | deep, shelter | boston, mass. | | | | | | | periscopes, m. | do. | , | | deep, shelter | | | | | | | | periscopes, trench, |wollensak optical co., | , | , | , no. | rochester, n. y. | | | | | | | | | | | plane tables |pfau manufacturing co., | , | , | , | norwood, ohio | | | | | | | | | | | protractors, |metallograph corporation, | , | | alidade | new york city | | | | | | | | | | | do. |wm. ainsworth & co., | , | | | denver, colo. | | | | | | | protractors and |frankford arsenal, | , | , | , straightedges | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |eugene dietzgen co., | , | , | , | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | do. |whitehead hoag co., | , | | , | newark, n. j. | | | | | | | do. |celluloid co., | , | , | , | new york, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |keuffel & esser co., | , | , | , | hoboken, n. j. | | | | | | | quadrants, elevation|recording & computing | | | | machine co., | | | | dayton, ohio | | | | | | | do. |j. c. deagan co., | | | | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | quadrants, gunner's |international register co.,| | | | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | | | | | do. |central scientific co., | , | | , | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | | | | | do. |j. c. deagan co., | , | | , | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | | | | | do. |gorham manufacturing co., | | | | providence, r. i. | | | | | | | | | | | quadrants, range |talbot reel manufacturing | | | | co., kansas city, mo. | | | | | | | do. |slocum, avram & slocum, | , | | | newark, n. j. | | | | | | | range finders, -cm|bausch & lomb optical co., | , | , | , | rochester, n. y. | | | | | | | | | | | do. |keuffel & esser co., | , | | | hoboken, n. j. | | | | | | | range finders, |bausch & lomb optical co., | , | , | , -meter | rochester, n. y. | | | | | | | range finders, | do. | | | -foot | | | | | | | | range finders, |keuffel & esser co., | | | -foot | hoboken, n. j. | | | | | | | recording |bristol co., | | | thermometers | waterbury, conn. | | | | | | | rules, battery |wescott jewel co., | , | , | , commander's | seneca falls, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |stanley rule & level co., | , | , | , | new britain, conn. | | | | | | | rules, elevation, |j. e. sjostrom co., | | | slide, model | detroit, mich. | | | | | | | rules, hitt-browne, |u. s. infantry association,| , | | , for machine gun | washington, d. c. | | | | | | | | | | | rules, musketry |taft-pierce manufacturing | , | , | , | co., woonsocket, r. i. | | | | | | | do. |metallograph corporation, | , | | , | new york | | | | | | | rules, slide |j. h. weil co., | , | , | , | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | rules, slide, |frankford arsenal, | , | , | , model e | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | rules, -foot |stanley rule & level co., | , | , | , | new britain, conn. | | | | | | | | | | | do. |lufkin rule co., | , | , | , | saginaw, mich. | | | | | | | do. |upson nut co., | , | , | , | cleveland, ohio | | | | | | | do. |chapin-stephens co., | , | , | , | pine meadow, conn. | | | | | | | rules, zinc, for |clapp eastman co., | , | | , machine guns | cambridge, mass. | | | | | | | rules, -foot |l. s. starrett co., | | | | athol, mass. | | | | | | | rules, boxwood |stanley rule & level co., | , | , | , | new britain, conn. | | | | | | | do. |lufkin rule co., | , | , | , | saginaw, mich. | | | | | | | rule, zigzag | do. | , | , | , | | | | sights, |recording & computing | | | antiaircraft, | machines co., | | | model | dayton, ohio | | | | | | | do. |new britain machine co., | | | | new britain, conn. | | | | | | | sights for | do. | | | antiaircraft | | | | carriages | | | | | | | | sights, telescopes, |kollmorgen optical co., | | | for antiaircraft | brooklyn, n. y. | | | carriages | | | | | | | | sights, telescopes, | do. | | | for goniometers | | | | | | | | sights, optics, for |mount wilson observatory, | | | altimeter | pasadena, calif. | | | telescope, | | | | model | | | | | | | | sights, bomb |globe optical co., | | | | boston, mass. | | | | | | | sights, bore |benjamin electric | , | | , | manufacturing co., | | | | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | do. |poole engineering | , | | , | & machine co., | | | | hagerstown, md. | | | | | | | do. |buffalo forge co., | | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | | | | | sights, panoramic, |atwater-kent | , | | for machine gun | manufacturing co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |scientific materials co., | , | | | pittsburgh, pa. | | | | | | | sights for |recording & computing | | | -inch gun | machines co., | | | carriages | dayton, ohio | | | | | | | sights, luminous |radium luminous material | , | , | , | corporation | | | | | | | sights, luminous, |watson luminous gunsight | , | , | , for machine gun | co., new york | | | | | | | sights, panoramic, |warner & swasey co., | , | , | , model | cleveland, ohio | | | | | | | do. |frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |recording & computing | , | | | machines co., | | | | dayton, ohio | | | | | | | sights, panoramic, |frankford arsenal, | | | model | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | sights, panoramic, |recording & computing | | | for -in gun | machines co., | | | | dayton, ohio | | | | | | | sights, quadrants, |emerson engineering co., | | | schneider | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |raymond engineering co., | | | | new york city | | | | | | | do. |slocum, avram & slocum, | , | | | new york city | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, |winchester repeating arms | | | rifle, style b | co., new haven, conn. | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, | do. | | | rifle, a, | | | | mounted on rifle | | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, | do. | , | | rifle, model | | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, |warner & swasey co., | , | , | , rifle, model | cleveland, ohio | | | | | | | sights, optics for |eastman kodak co., | , | | telescopic, | rochester, n. y. | | | rifle, model | | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, |central scientific co., | , | | -mm. infantry | chicago, ill. | | | gun | | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, |universal optical co., | , | | for -mm. | providence, r. i. | | | infantry gun | | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, |globe optical co., | | | for -mm gun | boston, mass. | | | | | | | sights, optics, |american optical co., | , | | , clinometer, for | south bridge, mass. | | | -mm. gun | | | | | | | | sights, telescopic, |burke & james co., | , | | for -mm tank | chicago, ill. | | | gun | | | | | | | | sights, optics for |american optical co., | | | telescopic, for | south bridge, mass. | | | -mm gun | | | | | | | | sights, quadrant, |scientific materials co., | , | | , for -mm gun | pittsburgh, pa. | | | | | | | sights for -mm. |electric auto-lite | , | | , gun | corporation, | | | | toledo, ohio | | | | | | | do. |standard thermometer co., | , | | | boston, mass. | | | | | | | sights, master, for |electric auto-lite | | | -mm. gun | corporation, toledo, | | | | ohio | | | | | | | do. |standard thermometer co., | | | | boston, mass. | | | | | | | sights, optics for |globe optical co., | , | | , model , for | rochester, n. y. | | | -mm. gun | | | | | | | | sights, model , |ansco co., | , | | for -mm. gun | binghamton, n. y. | | | | | | | sights, shanks for |american standard | , | | telescopic, model | motion-picture machine | | | , for -mm. | co., new york | | | gun | | | | sights, for -inch |peerless printing press | , | | gun, model | co., palmyra, n. y. | | | | | | | sights, peep, for |standard thermometer co., | , | | , -inch gun | boston, mass. | | | | | | | sights for -inch |frankford arsenal, | | | gun | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | sights, model , | do. | | | for . -inch | | | | howitzer carriage | | | | | | | | sights, peep, for |electro auto-lite | , | | schneider | corporation, | | | quadrants | toledo, ohio | | | | | | | sights, peep, for | do. | | | . -inch gun | | | | | | | | sights, for |carlson-wenstrom co., | | | . -inch gun | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |emerson engineering co., | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | sights for -inch |blair tool & machine co., | | | improvised gun | new york city | | | carriage | | | | | | | | sights for -inch | do. | | | improvised gun | | | | carriage | | | | | | | | sights, dial, |arthur brook, jr., | | | -inch howitzer | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | sights, clinometer, | do. | | | -inch howitzer | | | | | | | | rocking bar, -inch | do. | | | | | | | sights, lens for |central scientific co., | | | master, for -mm.| chicago, ill. | | | gun | | | | | | | | sitogoniometer |martin copeland co., | , | | , | providence, r. i. | | | | | | | squares, zinc |metallograph corporation, | , | , | , | new york | | | | | | | squares, zinc, for |clapp eastman co., | , | | , machine gun | cambridge, mass. | | | | | | | staffs, sighting |colson co., elyria, ohio | , | , | , | | | | staffs, jacob's, |mcfarlan motor co., | , | | , for field glass | connersville, ind. | | | supports | | | | | | | | tapes, steel, |justus roe & sons, | , | | , feet | patchogue, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |lufkin rule co., | , | , | , | saginaw, mich. | | | | | | | tapes, steel | do. | , | , | , feet | | | | | | | | tapes, steel | do. | , | | | | | | tapes, metallic | do. | , | , | , linen | | | | | | | | telescopes, azimuth |spencer lens co., | , | | instrument, | buffalo, n. y. | | | model | | | | | | | | telescopes, battery |bausch & lomb optical co., | , | , | , commander's | rochester, n. y. | | | | | | | do. |arthur brock, jr., | , | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | do. |central scientific co., | , | | | chicago, ill. | | | | | | | do. |frankford arsenal, | | | | philadelphia, pa. | | | | | | | telescopes, battery |national cash register co.,| , | , | , commander's, | dayton, ohio | | | tripod | | | | | | | | telescopes for |recording & computing | | | panoramic and | machines co., | | | power | dayton, ohio | | | | | | | telescopes, |keuffel & esser co., | , | | periscopic | hoboken, n. j. | | | | | | | tripods for machine-|herschede hall clock co., | , | | gun sights | cincinnati, ohio | | | +-------------------+---------------------------+---------+--------+--------- chapter vii. motorized artillery. complete motorization of field artillery and its ammunition supply is almost certain to be one of the far-reaching and highly important results of our country's experiences in its participation in the war. practically all field artillery was of the horse-drawn type previous to our entry into the war, but with the evolution and perfection of the heavier siege artillery, -ton, -ton, and even heavier, traction engines were brought into play as means of motive power for the big guns and howitzers, with such success that the horse in the field artillery operations was being supplanted to a large degree by mechanical power. strictly speaking, the foundation for this departure had been laid before , in the mexican campaign of and in experiments that had been conducted at the rock island arsenal. insufficiency of funds, however, had prevented the experiments from being either thorough or extensive. a consideration of the difficulties that vehicles of all sorts had to contend with in the battle areas of europe made it evident at the outset that two general types of motor carriers would be required by the army so far as ordnance was concerned--one type for far-advanced work, for hauling artillery over the worst possible kind of shell-torn and water-soaked earth, and the other for bringing up ammunition, supplies, equipment for repairs and the like in less advanced zones and areas, but over roads and country that had been cut and hacked and made almost impassible by the activities of the contending forces. trucks. the standard four-wheel-drive commercial trucks, modified to meet the special needs of the service, were adopted immediately after war began, while experimental work was put under way to develop a standard type that would set this country far in advance of all others in this line of activity. a total of , of the four-wheel-drive trucks was ordered, and before the armistice , of this number had been completed, while , had been turned out by the st of january, . in round numbers, , of these trucks were to be equipped with bodies for the hauling of ammunition, and the balance with special bodies and equipment suitable for artillery supply and repair, for repair of equipment, and for heavy mobile ordnance. [illustration: artillery supply truck on f. w. d. chassis. this truck was designed with special bodies and loads for varied classes of artillery supply, and the bodies could be mounted on either nash or f. w. d. chassis.] [illustration: artillery repair truck on f. w. d. chassis. this is another special body equipped with suitable machinery and tools for minor repairs and capable of being mounted on either f. w. d. or nash four-wheel-drive chassis.] [illustration: ammunition truck mounted on standard ordnance four wheel drive tractor. this is the vehicle, designed by the ordnance department and civilian experts, that was intended to supersede both the nash and the f. w. d. and become the standard army wheeled tractor. it is shown here with standard ammunition body mounted thereon.] [illustration: ordnance equipment repair truck on f. w. d. chassis. special body, carrying tools and machinery for doing repair work to harness, personal equipment, etc., and capable of being mounted on either f. w. d. or nash four-wheel-drive chassis.] special bodies were manufactured by these concerns: american car & foundry co., berwick, pa. j. g. brill co., philadelphia, pa. hale & kilburn corporation, philadelphia, pa. dumbar manufacturing co., chicago, ill. pullman co., pullman, ill. kuhlman car co., cleveland, ohio. c. r. wilson body co., detroit, mich. insley manufacturing co., indianapolis, ind. lang body co., cleveland, ohio. heil co., milwaukee, wis. variety manufacturing co., indianapolis, ind. j. e. bolles iron & wire co., detroit, mich. the first contract for these trucks was placed on august , , and , were shipped to the american expeditionary forces overseas by the date of the armistice. it required considerable time to work out and perfect all the details of the special bodies and equipment, as most of these were exceedingly complicated, and in a number of cases there were as many as items of equipment on a single truck. representatives of the allied governments were not hesitant in asserting that the line of artillery repair trucks developed for our army was the most complete and well worked out in detail that any army ever received. these manufacturers did the work of turning out the special trucks: nash motors co., kenosha, wis. four-wheel-drive auto co., clintonville, wis. mitchell motor car co., racine, wis. premier motor corporation, indianapolis, ind. kissel motor car co., hartford, wis. hudson motor car co., detroit, mich. national motor car co., indianapolis, ind. paige motor car co., detroit, mich. commerce motor car corporation, detroit, mich. white co., cleveland, ohio. dodge motor car co., detroit, mich. about , of the , special body type of trucks were delivered before the middle of december, . trailers. there were developed five different types of four-wheeled trailers. each type, being for a particular use, required a special study and individual design, with all the consequent specially prepared machines and specialized shop work. for antiaircraft service, a ½-ton and a -ton trailer were worked out; for the -millimeter field gun, a special -ton trailer; for the mobile repair shops, a -ton trailer; and for the small tank, a special -ton trailer. by the middle of december, , of these trailers had been delivered of the , that had been ordered and put in production. concerns engaged in turning out trailers were: sechler & co., cincinnati, ohio. trailmobile co. of america, cincinnati, ohio. ohio trailer co., cleveland, ohio. grant motor car corporation, cleveland, ohio. it might also be stated at this point, too, that two special types of passenger motor vehicles were designed and built. one of these was for staff observation and the other for reconnaissance. nearly all of the total of , that were ordered of these two types were completed by mid-december, , delivery of them having started in the month of april, . caterpillar tractors. it was found after a comprehensive study of the needs of the various branches of ordnance and the requirement of the big guns that five sizes of caterpillar tractors would be required--of capacities of ½ tons, tons, tons, tons, and tons. commercial types of machines of the -ton and -ton sort, with only slight alterations, were found to be suitable, but special designs were made for those of ½-ton, -ton, and -ton capacity. our experience in mexico and the experiments at the rock island arsenal had taught us the need of the special designs of machines of those sizes. in all, , of these five types of caterpillar tractors were ordered. the -ton machine reached production in the summer of and the ½-ton machine in the fall. by the end of the following january, , of the tractors had been delivered. manufacturers who had orders for the caterpillar tractors were: holt manufacturing co., peoria, ill. chandler motor car co., cleveland, ohio. reo motor car co., lansing, mich. maxwell motor car co., detroit, mich. federal motor truck co., detroit, mich. interstate motor co., indianapolis, ind. throughout the production of tractors during the war period there was continuous and persistent experimentation, and satisfactory solutions of many of the problems were being reached at the time of the signing of the armistice. self-propelled caterpillar gun mounts were the subject of the most important of these experiments. the self-propelled caterpillar gun mounts differ from the ordinary caterpillar tractors in that they have the guns mounted directly on them, the guns forming an integral part of the entire machine. six types of these were being developed, and had been ordered when the armistice came. a ½-ton tractor mounting a -millimeter gun and a -ton tractor containing a gun of the same size were far along the road to success in their first state of development. development of caterpillar cargo carriers or caissons for bearing supplies over any sort of terrain, no matter how rough the going might be and regardless of whether there were roads or not, was so far along the pathway of success that two sizes were about to go into production on november . a ½-ton ammunition trailer, a -ton -inch trench mortar trailer, and a . -inch antiaircraft gun trailer were also in development, but not in production, at the time of the signing of the armistice. so successful were the experiments with new types of four-wheel-drive trucks and tractors that orders for what would probably have proven the best type of four-wheel-drive truck and the best type of four-wheel-drive tractor ever produced had been placed, but the signing of the armistice forced cancellations of these orders. in the course of the experiments, all types of american four-wheel-drive vehicles were examined and two of the best french types. the purchase of $ , , worth of trucks, trailers, and tractors was obligated in about , separate orders. self-propelled caterpillar gun mounts. in europe, the french had been the only people to experiment with caterpillar mounts for guns. they produced the st. chamond type, but this had not gone far beyond the experimental stages. prior to the early months of , our own efforts along this line consisted in the building of one caterpillar mount, self-propelled by a gasoline engine and carrying an antiaircraft gun. around this nucleus an ambitious caterpillar program was built. an -inch howitzer was placed on this antiaircraft caterpillar mount and fired at angles of elevation varying up to °. maneuvered over difficult ground, the machine withstood the firing strains and road tests in a highly satisfactory manner. as a result of the success of these tests, orders were placed for three more experimental caterpillars to mount -inch howitzers. tests of two of these completed units were so gratifying that it was felt they warranted quantity production. accordingly, orders were placed for units of the -inch howitzer caterpillars to cost about $ , apiece, for caterpillar units mounting -millimeter guns, and for units mounting -millimeter howitzers. the standard steel car co., hammond, ind., was to produce the -millimeter howitzer caterpillars, the harrisburg manufacturing & boiler co., harrisburg, pa., was to turn out the -inch howitzer caterpillars, and the morgan engineering co., of alliance, ohio, was to produce the -millimeter gun caterpillars. mountings for the -inch howitzer and -millimeter gun were practically identical. both utilized many of the standard holt caterpillar parts. the only real change was in the carriage for the -millimeter gun. this was made sufficiently sturdy to carry higher-powered guns. a -millimeter gun is now being machined in france, and when finished it will be shipped to this country to be mounted upon the -millimeter caterpillar mount for experiment. the -millimeter howitzer mounts were of two types--one following closely the st. chamond type of the french and the other being a self-contained unit designed by ordnance department engineers. the self-contained type is a single unit that mounts both the power plant and the howitzer and for which it is necessary to provide additional cargo-carrying caterpillars to haul ammunition and fuel. two units make up the st. chamond type. one mounts the gun and electric motors; the other, a limber, mounts the power plant and carries ammunition. in the battle area the st. chamond type had the peculiar advantage that the power-plant unit could be run to shelter and be available for a rapid advance or change of location of the gun mount as the situation might demand. with the self-contained unit a direct hit by the enemy would put both gun and power plant out of commission. contracts for the caterpillar mounts called for the completion of the entire program not later than february, . all the firms engaged on the work of production were putting forth every effort when the armistice was signed and there was every reason to believe deliveries would be as scheduled. the termination of hostilities caused all contracts to be reduced. provisions have been made for only enough caterpillars of each type to provide for further experimental work. twenty mounts equipped with caterpillar treads and mounting -inch navy rifles were built by the baldwin locomotive co. for the navy department. these were so successfully operated that orders were placed for similar units for the use of the army, but since the signing of the armistice this order has been cut to . the great gun on a caterpillar mount fires its death-dealing projectile, and almost before the shot has reached its destination the caterpillar mount has moved the gun to another point. with motor still running the gun is fired again and once more quickly moved on to another location, so that the enemy's artillery is unable to get its range. [illustration: ten-ton artillery tractor.] [illustration: fifteen-ton artillery tractor.] [illustration: two and one-half ton artillery tractor.] [illustration: five-ton artillery tractor.] [illustration: -ton artillery tractor.] [illustration: staff observation car. special body for field touring on a white one-ton truck chassis.] [illustration: reconnaissance car on white chassis. the machine-gun truck is similar except for the addition of gun racks under rear seat and on commerce chassis.] [illustration: caterpillar tractor with -inch gun mounted on it.] [illustration: another view of caterpillar tractor with -inch gun.] [illustration: caterpillar tractor mounting an -inch howitzer which has a range of miles with a projectile weighing pounds.] [illustration: light repair truck on dodge chassis. special body with tools for making minor motor repairs.] [illustration: three-inch field gun trailer. a specially designed vehicle for carrying different loads, including a -inch field-gun carriage and limber in one load and two -inch field-gun caissons for another load.] [illustration: -ton shop trailer chassis.] [illustration: -inch antiaircraft gun trailer.] [illustration: -millimeter trench mortar truck.] _ordnance motor production table._ tractors. ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- | | quantity| quantity| size. |quantity | accepted| accepted| floated | ordered.| nov. ,| jan. ,| to nov. | | . | . | , . ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- ½-ton | , | | | -ton | , | , | , | -ton | , | , | , | -ton | | | | -ton | , | | | ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- trailers. ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- ½-ton antiaircraft machine gun | , | | | -inch field gun | | | | -ton shop bodies | | | | -ton shop chassis | | | | -ton | | | | -inch antiaircraft | | | | ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- trucks. ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- f. w. d. chassis | , | , | , | , nash chassis | , | , | , | , ammunition bodies | , | , | , | ammunition mountings | , | , | , | , artillery repair | , | , | , | artillery supply | , | | , | light repair | , | , | , | dodge chassis | , | , | , | commerce chassis | , | , | , | machine-gun body, mounted on | | | | commerce or white -ton chassis| , | | , | -ton supply | | | | white chassis | , | , | , | reconnaissance | , | | , | staff observation | , | , | , | equipment repair | | | | h. m. r. s. trucks | | | | ---------------------------------+---------+---------+---------+---------- chapter viii. tanks. the tank, more than any other weapon born of the great war, may be called the joint enterprise of the three principal powers arrayed against germany--america, france, and great britain. an american produced the fundamental invention, the caterpillar traction device, which enables the fortress to move. a frenchman took the idea from this and evolved the tank as an engine of war. the british first used the terrifying monster in actual fighting. there is a common impression throughout america that the british army invented the tank. the impression is wrong in two ways. the french government has recently awarded the ribbon of the legion of honor to the french ordnance officer who is officially hailed as the tank's inventor. his right to the honor, however, is disputed by a french civilian who possesses an impressive exhibition of drawings to prove that he and not the officer is the inventor. as this is written a lively controversy over the point is in progress in france. wherever the credit for the invention belongs, the french were first to build tanks, building them only experimentally, however, and not using them until after the british had demonstrated their effectiveness. in the second place, it was not the british army which adopted them first in england, but the british navy. the tank as an idea shared the experience of many another war invention in being skeptically received by the conservative experts. the british navy, indeed, produced the first ones in england; but to the british army goes the glory of having first used them in actual fighting and of establishing them in the forefront of modern offensive weapons. brought forth as a surprise, the tanks made an effective début in the great british drive for cambrai. later the enemy affected to scoff at their usefulness. the closing months of the tanks' brief history, however, found them in greater favor than ever, and they were used by both sides in increasing numbers. up to the beginning of the summer of there was little accurate information in this country regarding the tanks. somewhat hazy specifications then began to come from europe about the designs of the different tanks at that particular time in use on the battle front, but these specifications were exceedingly rough and sketchy, consisting in the main of merely the fact that the machines should be able to cross trenches about feet wide, that each should carry one heavy gun and two or three machine guns, and that their protection should consist of armor plate about five-eighths of an inch thick. [illustration: three-ton tank. weight, , pounds; crew, two men (one gunner, one driver); power plant, two ford motors, geared together, each motor driving one track; speed, nine miles per hour; climbing ability, °.] [illustration: six-ton tank. this machine is practically a copy of the french renault tank and carries two men (one driver, one gunner). about half of these tanks were equipped with -millimeter cannon and about half with machine guns. certain of these tanks also made with wireless apparatus substituted for the turret of the fighting tanks. power plant, one buda -cylinder motor; speed, five to six miles per hour; grade capacity, °; weight, , pounds.] with these facts as a guide, two experimental machines were decided upon, and work on them was begun immediately. with these machines it was determined to test the relative advantages of a specially articulated form of caterpillar tractor with wheeled traction, making use of very large wheels, and to develop the possibilities between the gas-electric and steam systems of propulsion. in september, , decision had been made to supply the american army with two types of tanks--one the large size, typical of that used by the british and capable of containing a dozen men, and the other a smaller one patterned after the french two-man model and known as the renault. in september one of our officers charged with tank production was dispatched to europe for a more intimate study of the machines used abroad and for the purpose of getting more detailed information respecting the merits of the various types of tanks, as well as to make arrangements for sending specimens here. the decision to equip the american forces in europe with tanks of two sizes was made only after thorough and somewhat protracted conferences with british, french, and american officers in europe. complete drawings and samples of the small tank were obtained from the french and shipped to this country. as all of the drawings were made in accordance with the metric system of measurements, it was necessary before anything could be done toward actual production to remake the drawings, as the machine shops here were not equipped to use the metric system. the large british tank had been successful in its operations on the battle front, but its very decided limitations, recognized by british authorities, caused our officers to think it best to redesign the large tank in preference to copying the existing big british tank with its limitations. general "fighting" specifications for the big tank were laid down by the british general staff at the conference at british headquarters at which american officers were present. it was agreed that this big tank, known as the mark viii, should be of anglo-american design and construction. arrangements were made for producing , of this type. to do this, great britain and the united states entered into a working agreement that provided for england to furnish the hulls, guns, and ammunition, while the united states was to furnish the power plant and driving details of the monster. roughly speaking, each tank would cost about $ , , of which $ , represented the american part of the job, on which some contractors were at once engaged. about per cent of the work on these tanks had been completed when the armistice was signed, and the first units were undergoing trials. it was confidently expected that all of the , contracted for would have been completed by march, . while these anglo-american tanks were in the process of construction there were also being built here , all-american tanks of the large english type, and for this all-american tank per cent of the work had also been done at the signing of the armistice. in december, , a sample french tank of the renault type reached this country along with detailed drawings and a french engineer. much difficulty then ensued in getting american concerns to take on production of this machine, because of the difficult nature of its manufacture. considerable time, too, was taken up in changing the drawings from the french metric dimensions to the american dimensions, and this involved redesigning many parts. in the manufacture of the armor built for the renault type of tank the french made no attempt to adhere to simple shapes, and for this reason practically a new source of supply for this kind of armor had to be developed. contracts for , of the renault type of tanks were finally made. the approximate cost of each one of these machines was $ , . manufacturing activities for the various parts had to be divided up among more than a score of plants, so that many plants were turning out parts for these machines, while the assembling was done at only three plants, which also made a portion of the parts. the three assembly plants were the van dorn iron works, of cleveland, ohio; the maxwell motors co., of dayton, ohio; and the c. l. best co., also of dayton. finished machines of this type started to come through in october. when the armistice was signed of these -ton renault tanks, each designed to carry two men and a machine gun, were completed, while up to the end of december the number of those finished amounted to , with in the process of assembly. there is every reason to believe that had the armistice not been signed, the entire original program would have been completed by april. during the summer and fall of our tank program had been augmented by the development of two entirely new types of tanks. one was a two-man tank weighing tons, built by the ford motor co. and costing in the neighborhood of $ , . this tank, mounting one machine gun, has a speed of about miles an hour. of this type had been built; and, up to the st of january, , were to have been finished, after which they were to have been turned out by the ford co. at the rate of a day. [illustration: six-ton tank being mounted on a -ton trailer.] [illustration: view of -ton tank. showing the assistant secretary of war, president of the baldwin locomotive works, and army officers instrumental in designing this machine. the tank has horsepower, a speed of miles an hour, and can climb a ° grade. it carries a crew of men and is equipped with two -pounders and seven machine guns.] the other new tank developed was a successor to the french renault, designed for production in great volume. this tank was to carry three men, instead of two, as the original renault machine, and mount two guns, one a machine gun and the other a -millimeter gun. some renault tanks were equipped with -millimeter cannon instead of machine guns. cost of production of this machine would have been very much less than that of the original renault, while the weight of the machine would have been substantially the same and its fighting power much greater. an outlay of about $ , , was projected in the tank program, but this, of course, was greatly reduced upon the signing of the armistice. this outlay would have included, besides the cost of the machines, expenses at various plants for increased facilities for operation. -------------------------+----------+----------+-----------+---------- | | quantity | quantity | item. | quantity | accepted | accepted | floated | ordered. | nov. , | jan. , | to nov. | | . | .[ ] | , . -------------------------+----------+----------+-----------+---------- tanks: | | | | -ton | , | | | mark i | , | | | -ton | , | | | mark a. a. components | , | [ ] | | mark u. s. complete | , | | | -------------------------+----------+----------+-----------+---------- [ ] immediately upon signing of the armistice, production was slowed down as rapidly and as much as possible. [ ] approximately per cent of the production work on components for these , tanks had been completed by nov. . chapter ix. machine guns. the machine gun is typically and historically an american device. an american invented the first real machine gun ever produced. another american, who had taken british citizenship, produced the first weapon of this type that could be called a success in war. still a third american gave to the allies at the beginning of the great war a machine gun which revolutionized the world's conception of what that weapon might be; while a fourth american inventor, backed by our ordnance department, enabled the american forces to take into the field in france what is probably the most efficient machine gun ever put into action. the machine gun as an idea is not modern at all. the thought has been engaging the attention of inventors for several centuries. the idea was inherent in guns which existed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but they should be called rapid-fire guns rather than machine guns, since no machine principle entered into their construction. they usually consisted of several gun barrels bound together and fired simultaneously. the first true machine gun was the invention of richard jordon gatling, an american, who in brought out what might be termed a revolving rifle. the barrels, from to in number, were placed parallel to each other and arranged on a common axis about which they revolved in such a manner that each barrel was brought in succession into the firing position. this gun was used to some extent in our civil war and later in the franco-prussian war. in reffye, a french inventor, brought out the first mitrailleuse--a mounted machine gun of the gatling type towing a limber and drawn by four horses. it had rifled barrels and could fire shots per minute. the weapon, however, during the franco-prussian war, turned out to be a failure for the reason that it proved an excellent target for the enemy's artillery and was not sufficiently mobile. accordingly the french government abandoned it. sir hiram s. maxim, who was american born, in developed a machine gun which operated automatically by utilizing the force of the recoil. this gun was perfected and became a serviceable weapon for the british army in the boer war. the maxim gun barrel was cooled by the water-jacket system. when the water became hot it exhausted a jet of steam which could be seen for long distances across the south african veldt, making it a mark for the boer sharpshooters. this defect was remedied in homemade fashion by carrying the exhaust steam through a hose into a bucket of water where it was condensed. this maxim gun fired shots a minute. meanwhile in this country the gatling gun had been so improved that it became one of our standard weapons in the spanish-american war. later on it was used in the russo-japanese war. the colt machine gun also existed in . this was the invention of john m. browning, whose name has been prominently associated with the development of automatic firearms for the last quarter of a century. in england the maxim gun was taken up by the vickers co., eventually becoming what is known to-day as the vickers gun. in or the american government bought some maxim machine guns which were then being manufactured by the colt co. at hartford, conn. in no war previous to the one concluded in did the machine gun take a prominent place in the armaments of contending forces. the popularity of the earlier machine guns was retarded by their great weight. some of them were so heavy that it took several men to lift them. all through the history of the development of machine guns the tendency has been toward lighter weapons, but it was not until the great war that serviceable machine guns were made light enough to give them great effectiveness and popularity. such intense heat is developed by the rapid fire of a machine gun that unless the barrel can be kept cool the gun will soon refuse to function. the water jacket which keeps the gun cool proved to be the principal handicap to the inventors who were trying to remove weight from the device. the earliest air-cooled guns were generally unsuccessful, since the firing of a few rounds would make the barrel so hot that the cartridges would explode voluntarily in the chamber, thus rendering the weapon unsafe. the benét-mercié partly overcame this difficulty by having interchangeable barrels. as soon as one barrel became hot it could be quickly removed and its cool alternate inserted in its place. these conditions led to the development of machine guns along two separate lines--the heavy type machine gun, which must be capable of long sustained fire, and the automatic rifle, whose primary requisite is extreme lightness. these requirements brought the ultimate elimination from ground use in france and in the united states of guns of the so-called intermediate weight as being incapable of fulfilling either of the above requirements to the fullest degree. the machine gun produced by the american inventor, col. i. n. lewis, was a revelation when it came to the aid of the allies early in the great war. this was an air-cooled gun which could be fired for a considerable time without excessive heating, and it weighed only pounds, no great burden for a soldier. the lewis machine gun was hailed by many as the greatest invention brought into prominence by the war, although its weight put it in the intermediate class, with limitations as noted above. along in the first decade of the present century the benét-mercié automatic machine rifle was developed. this was an air-cooled gun of the automatic rifle type and weighed pounds. light as this gun was, it was still too heavy to be of great service as an automatic rifle, since a strong man would soon tire of holding pounds up to his shoulder, and it was therefore in the intermediate class. the germans had apparently realized better than anyone else the value of machine guns in the kind of fighting which they expected to be engaged in, and therefore supplied them to their troops in greater numbers than did the other powers, having, an early report stated, , maxim machine guns at the commencement of hostilities. the austrian army had adopted an excellent heavy type machine gun known as the schwarzlose whose chief feature lay in the fact that it operated with only one major spring. such was the machine-gun situation, although incompletely set forth here, at the beginning of the great war. the nations, with the exception of germany, had been slow to promote machine gunnery as a conspicuous phase of their military preparedness. in our army we had a provisional machine-gun organization, but no special officers and few enthusiasts for machine guns. we were content with a theoretical equipment of four machine guns per regiment. the fact was that in no previous war had the machine gun demonstrated its tactical value. the chief utility of the weapon was supposed to lie in its police effectiveness in putting down mobs and civil disorders and in its value in other special situations, particularly defensive ones. the three years of fighting in europe before the united states was drawn in had demonstrated the highly important place which the machine gun held in modern tactics. because of the danger of our position we had investigated many phases of armed preparedness, and in this investigation numerous questions had arisen regarding machine guns. the secretary of war had appointed a board of five army officers and two civilians to study the machine-gun subject, to recommend the types of guns to be adopted, the number of guns we should have per unit of troops, how these guns should be transported, and other matters pertaining to the subject. six months before we declared war this board submitted a report strongly recommending the previously adopted vickers machine gun and the immediate procurement of , of them. in december, , the war department acted on this report by contracting for , vickers machine guns from the colt co. in addition to previously ordered. the vickers gun belongs to what is known as the heavy type of machine gun. the board found that the tests it had witnessed did not then warrant the adoption of a light-type machine gun, although the lewis gun of the intermediate type was then being manufactured in this country. the board, however, recommended that we conduct further competitive tests of machine guns at the springfield armory, in massachusetts, these tests to begin may , , the interval being given to permit inventors and manufacturers to prepare equipment for the competition. the war came to us before these tests were made. on the th day of april, , our equipment included benét-mercié machine rifles, maxim machine guns of the model, lewis machine guns, and colt machine guns. the lewis guns, however, were chambered for the . british ammunition and would not take our service cartridges. moreover, the manufacturing facilities for machine guns in this country were much more limited in extent than the public had any notion of then or to-day. both england and france had depended mainly upon their own manufacturing facilities for their machine guns, the weapons which they secured on order from the united states being supplementary and subsidiary to their own supplies. we had at the outbreak of the war only two factories in the united states which were actually producing machine guns in any quantity at all. these were the savage arms corporation, which in its factory at utica, n. y., was nearing the completion of an order for about , lewis guns for the british and canadian governments, and the marlin-rockwell corporation, which had manufactured a large number of colt machine guns of the old lever type for the russian government. the colt factory in the spring of was equipping itself with machinery to produce the , vickers guns, the order for , of which had been placed the previous december by the war department on recommendation of the machine gun board. none of these guns, however, had been completed when the united states entered the war. the colt co. also held a contract for vickers guns to be produced for the russian government. it was therefore evident that we should have to build up in the united states almost a completely new capacity for the production of machine guns. nevertheless, we took advantage of what facilities were at hand; and at once, in fact within a week after the declaration of war, began placing orders for machine guns. the first of these orders came on april , when we placed a contract with the savage arms corporation for , lewis guns, which, as manufactured by that corporation, had by this time been overhauled in design and much improved. this order was subsequently heavily increased. on june we placed an order with the marlin-rockwell corporation for , colt guns, these weapons to be used in the training of our machine-gun units. in this connection the reader should bear continually in mind that throughout the development of machine-gun manufacture we utilized all existing facilities to the limit in addition to building up new sources of supply. in other words, whenever concerns were engaged in the manufacture of machine guns, whatever their make or type, we did not stop the production of these types in these plants and convert the establishments into factories for making other weapons; but we had them continue in the manufacture in which they were engaged, giving them orders which would enable them to expand their facilities in their particular lines of production. then when it became necessary for us to find factories to build browning guns and some of the other weapons on which we specialized, we found new capacity entirely for this additional production. since we sent to france the first american division of troops less than three months after the declaration of war, they were necessarily armed with the machine guns at hand, which in this case proved to be the benét-mercié machine rifles. meanwhile the development of machine guns in europe had been going on at a rapid rate. the standard guns in use by the french army were now the hotchkiss heavy machine gun and the chauchat light automatic rifle, both effective weapons. upon the arrival of our first american division in france the french government expressed its willingness to arm this division with hotchkiss and chauchat guns; and thereafter the french facilities proved to be sufficient to equip our troops with these weapons until our own manufacture came up to requirements. the st of may, , brought the tests recommended by the investigation board, these tests continuing throughout the month. to this competition were brought two newly developed weapons produced by the inventive genius of that veteran of small-arms manufacture, john m. browning. mr. browning had been associated with the army's development of automatic weapons for so many years that he was peculiarly fitted to produce a mechanism that could adapt itself to the quantity production which our forthcoming effort demanded. both the browning heavy machine gun and the browning light automatic rifle which were put through these tests in may had been designed with the view of enormous production quickly attained, so that their simplicity of design was one of their chief merits. after the tests the board pronounced these weapons the most effective guns of their type known to the members. the browning heavy gun with its water jacket filled weighs . pounds, whereas the browning automatic rifle weighs only . pounds. these may tests also proved the lewis machine gun to be highly efficient. the board recommended the production of large numbers of all three weapons; the two brownings and the lewis. the board also approved the vickers gun, which weighs . pounds, and we accordingly continued it in manufacture. [illustration: browning machine gun, model .] [illustration: marlin tank machine gun.] [illustration: colt machine gun, model , caliber . .] [illustration: lewis machine gun, model , caliber . .] the first act of the ordnance department after this report had been received was to increase greatly the orders for lewis machine guns with the savage arms corporation, and the second to make preparation for an enormous manufacture of browning machine guns and browning automatic rifles. mr. browning had developed these weapons at the plant of the colt's patent firearms manufacturing co., of hartford, conn., which concern owned the exclusive rights to both these weapons under the browning patents. this company at once began the development of manufacturing facilities for the production of browning guns. in july, , orders for , browning machine guns and , browning automatic rifles were placed with the colt co. it should be remembered that the colt co. was in the midst of preparations for the production of large numbers of vickers machine guns; and the government required that the browning manufacture should be carried on without interference with the existing contracts for vickers guns. this requirement necessitated an enormous expansion of the colt plant to take care of its growing contracts for browning guns. the concern prepared to make the browning automatic rifle, the lighter gun, at a new factory at meriden, conn. in its arrangements with the colt co. the government recognized that its future demands for browning guns would be far beyond the capacity of this one concern to supply. consequently, for a royalty consideration, the colt co. surrendered for the duration of the war, its exclusive rights to manufacture these weapons, this arrangement being approved by the council of national defense. mr. browning, the inventor of the guns, was also compensated by the government for weapons of his invention manufactured during the war. in the arrangement the government acquired the right to manufacture during the period of the emergency all other inventions that might be developed by mr. browning--an important consideration, since at any time the inventor might add improvements to the original designs or bring out accessories that would add to the efficiency or effectiveness of the weapons. it may also be added that throughout this period mr. browning's efforts were constantly directed toward the perfection of these guns and the development of new types of guns and accessories. his services along these lines were of great value to the war department. when these necessary preliminary matters had been settled the ordnance department made a survey of the manufacturing facilities of the united states to determine what factories could best be set to work to produce browning guns and rifles, always with special care that no existing war contracts, either for the allies or for the united states, be disturbed. by september this survey was complete, and also by this time we had definite knowledge of the rate of enlargement of our military forces and their requirements for machine guns. we were ready to adopt the program of machine-gun construction that would keep pace with our needs, no matter what numbers of troops we might equip for battle. as a foundation for the machine-gun program, in september, , we placed the following orders: , water-cooled browning machine guns with the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co., of bridgeport, conn.; , browning aircraft machine guns with the marlin-rockwell corporation, of new haven, conn.; and , browning automatic rifles with the marlin-rockwell corporation. in this connection it should be explained that the browning aircraft gun is essentially the heavy browning with the water-jacket removed. it was practicable to use it thus stripped, because in aircraft fighting a machine gun is not fired continuously, but only at intervals, and then in short bursts of fire too brief to heat a gun beyond the functioning point. at the same time these orders were placed the winchester repeating arms co., of new haven, conn., was instructed to begin its preliminary work looking to the manufacture of browning automatic rifles; and less than a month later, in october, an order for , of these weapons was placed with this concern. then followed in december an additional order for , browning aircraft guns to be manufactured by the marlin-rockwell corporation. a contract for browning aircraft guns was also given to the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co. before the year ended the enormous task of providing the special machinery for this practically new industry was well under way. the hopkins & allen factory, at norwich, conn., had been engaged upon a contract for military rifles for the belgian government. before this order was completed the marlin-rockwell corporation took over the hopkins & allen plant and set it to producing parts for the light browning automatic rifles. even this concern, however, could not produce the parts in sufficient quantities for the marlin-rockwell order, and the latter concern accordingly acquired the mayo radiator factory, at new haven, and equipped it with machine tools for the production of browning automatic-rifle parts. such expansion was merely typical of what went on in the other concerns engaged in our machine-gun production. immense quantities of new machinery had to be built and set up in all these factories. but still the ordnance department kept on expanding the machine-gun capacity. the new england westinghouse co., of springfield, mass., in january, , completed a contract for rifles for the russian government and was at once given an order for browning water-cooled guns. for reasons which will be explained later, the original order for browning aircraft guns, which had been placed with the remington arms co., was later transferred to the new england westinghouse co. at their springfield plant. [illustration: benÉt-merciÉ machine gun.] [illustration: hotchkiss machine gun, model , -millimeter. this is the machine gun adopted by the french army. this gun is of a heavy type, air-cooled, gas-operated, and fed from either a strip holding cartridges or a metallic link belt. its rate of fire is about rounds per minute.] [illustration: vickers machine gun, model , caliber . .] [illustration: vickers aircraft machine gun, model , caliber . .] as soon as our officers in france could make an adequate study of our aircraft needs in machine guns, they discovered that in the three years of war only one weapon had met the requirements of the allies for a fixed machine gun that could be synchronized to fire through the whirling blades of an airplane propeller. this was the vickers gun, which was already being manufactured in some quantity in our country, and for which three months before we entered the war we had given an order amounting to , weapons. on the other hand, the fighting aircraft of europe were also finding an increased need for machine guns of the flexible type--that is, guns mounted on universal pivots, and which could be aimed and fired in any direction by the second man, or observer, in an airplane. the best gun we had for this purpose was the lewis machine gun. for technical reasons that need not be explained here, the vickers gun was a difficult one to manufacture. the colt co., which was producing these weapons, in spite of their long experience in the manufacture of such arms and in spite of their utmost efforts, had been unable to deliver the finished vickers guns on time, either to the russian government or to this country. however, by expanding the facilities of this factory to the utmost, by the month of may, , the concern achieved a production of over vickers guns per day. doubtless, because of these same difficulties, neither the british nor the french governments had been able to procure vickers guns as rapidly as they expanded the number of their fighting aircraft, and consequently when we entered the war we received at once a macedonian cry from the allies to aid in equipping the allied aircraft with weapons of the vickers type. an arrangement was readily reached in this matter. our first troops in france needed machine guns for use on the lines. our own factories had not yet begun the production of these weapons. accordingly, in the fall of , we arranged with the french high commissioner in this country to transfer , of our vickers guns to the french air service, receiving in exchange french hotchkiss machine guns for gen. pershing's troops. now while the demands of the allied service had brought forth only the vickers machine gun as a satisfactorily synchronized weapon, we, shortly after our entry into the war, had succeeded in developing two additional types of machine guns which gave every promise of being satisfactory for use as fixed synchronized guns on airplanes. one of these, of course, was the heavy browning gun, stripped of its water jacket; but because this was a new weapon, requiring an entirely new factory equipment for its production, the day when brownings would begin firing at the german battle planes was remote, indeed, as time is reckoned in war. on the other hand, our inventors had been improving a machine gun known as the marlin, which was, in fact, the old colt machine gun, mr. browning's original invention, but now of lighter construction and with a piston firing action instead of a lever control. in the face of considerable criticism at the time, we proposed to adapt this weapon to our aircraft needs as a stop-gap until brownings were coming from the factory in satisfactory quantities. we took this course because we were prepared to turn out quantities of the marlin guns in relatively quick time. as has been said, the marlin resembled the colt. the marlin-rockwell corporation was already tooled up for a large production of colt guns, and this machinery with slight modifications could be used to produce the marlin. we decided upon this course shortly after the declaration of war, and there followed a severe engineering and inventive task to develop a high-speed hammer mechanism and a trigger motor which would adapt the gun for use with the synchronizing mechanism. but then occurred one of those surprising successes that sometimes bless the efforts of harassed and hurried executives at their wits' end to meet the demand of some great emergency. the improvements added to the marlin gun eventually transformed it in unforeseen fashion into an aircraft weapon of such efficiency that not only our own pilots but those of the french air forces as well were delighted with the result. when it was proposed to adapt the marlin gun for synchronized use on airplanes, the ordnance department detailed officers to cooperate with the marlin company in its efforts. for technical reasons of design the original gun apparently had little or no adaptability to such use. many new models were built only to be knocked to pieces after the failure of some feature to perform properly the work for which it was designed. nevertheless the enthusiasm of the company for its project could not be chilled, and it continued the development until the gun finally became a triumph in gas-operated aircraft ordnance. in the latter part of august we were using the marlin gun at the front, and cablegram after cablegram told us of the surprisingly excellent performances of this weapon in actual service. it is sufficient here to quote one of these messages from gen. pershing, dated february , : [illustration: maxim machine gun and tripod (american), model caliber . . this was the first automatic machine gun to be developed. it is of the heavy type, recoil operated, water cooled, and belt fed. the gun is capable of sustained fire for long periods of time provided its water supply is properly maintained, and is adaptable to indirect barrage fire. it is used by the british and u. s. forces and in modified form by the germans.] [illustration: browning automatic rifle equipment.] [illustration: lewis aircraft machine gun, model , caliber . .] [illustration: marlin aircraft machine gun, type m. g. a fixed synchronized gun developed from the colt gun solely for aircraft use. it is of the heavy type, gas operated, air cooled, and belt fed. it is the only gas-operated gun which has been successfully synchronized and has been found to give the closest grouping of shot in synchronized fire which has ever been obtained with any gun.] [illustration: german maxim machine gun on mount.] marlin aircraft guns have been fired successfully on four trips , , , feet altitude, and at temperature of minus ° f. on one trip guns were completely covered ice. both metallic links and fabric belts proved satisfactory. (cartridges are fed into the fixed aircraft guns inserted in belts made of metallic links which disintegrate as the guns are fired.) on november , , just before the armistice was signed, gen. pershing cabled as follows, in part: marlin guns now rank as high as any with pilots, and are entirely satisfactory. the french government tested the marlin guns and declared them to be the equal of the vickers. in order to meet the ever-increasing demands of the air service for machine guns capable of synchronization, the original order for , marlin guns, placed in september, , with the marlin-rockwell corporation, was afterwards increased to , . along in the french tried to procure marlins from this country, but by that time the browning production was reaching great proportions, and the equipment at the marlin plant was being altered to make brownings. the original order for lewis guns, placed with the savage arms corporation, had contemplated their use by our troops in the line; but when it became evident that the available manufacturing capacity of the united states would be strained to the utmost to provide enough guns for our airplanes, we diverted the large orders for lewis guns entirely to the air service. this action was confirmed by cabled instructions from gen. pershing. for this flexible aircraft work the weapon was admirably adapted. to the machine-gun tests, may, , the producers of the lewis gun brought an improved model, chambered for our own standard . -caliber cartridges, instead of for the british . ammunition, with some modifications in design in addition to those which had been presented to us before, and some added improvements in construction and in the metallurgical composition of its materials. from our point of view, this new model lewis was a greatly improved weapon. the fact should be stated here that the lewis gun, as so successfully made for the british service by the birmingham small arms co., had never been procurable by the united states, even in a single sample for test. the lewis accordingly became the standard flexible gun for our airplanes. the savage arms corporation was able to expand its facilities to fulfill every need of our air service for this type of weapon, and therefore we made no effort to carry the manufacture of lewis guns into other plants. before came to an end the savage company was delivering the first guns of its orders. during the difficulties on the mexican border the united states secured from the savage arms co. several hundred lewis guns made to use british ammunition. in order to be sure that the guns would be properly used, experts from the factory were sent out to instruct the troops who were to receive the guns. ordnance officers also went out on this instruction work and established machine-gun schools along the border. the troops did not find the guns entirely satisfactory, in spite of expert instruction that they received from men from the factory. the trouble with the guns at this time was due to the fact that the company making them in the united states had been engaged in the manufacture of machine guns for a short time only and had run into several minor difficulties in the design and manufacture, difficulties which caused considerable trouble in operating the guns in the field, and which were subsequently corrected in the changes mentioned above. the machine-gun schools which were established on the border taught not only the mechanism of the lewis gun, but also those of the other types of guns with which the various troops were armed. the first thing that these schools developed was the fact that much of the trouble which had been encountered in machine guns was undoubtedly due to the fact that our soldiers were unfamiliar with the operation of the weapons. in fact, at that time we had few experts in the operation of any make of machine guns. soon after the establishment of machine-gun schools on the border it became apparent that the system of instruction devised by our ordnance officers had gone a long way toward overcoming the difficulties which the army had encountered in the use of machine guns. the advantage of these schools was so marked that on the outbreak of the war with germany the ordnance department established a machine-gun school at springfield armory. the first class of this school consisted of a large number of technical graduates from the massachusetts institute of technology and other such schools. these men were employed as civilians, and were taught the mechanism of machine guns in a theoretical way in as thorough a manner as could possibly be done, and were given an opportunity to fire the guns and find out for themselves just what troubles were likely to occur. many of these men were afterwards commissioned as officers in the ordnance department and were sent to the various cantonments throughout the united states to establish schools of instruction in the mechanism of the various machine guns. after this class of civilians had been graduated from the springfield school, a number of training-camp candidates were instructed and were afterwards commissioned. when the full success of this school was realized, it was enlarged and expanded, and it instructed not only civilians and training-camp candidates, but also officers of the ordnance department, who were trained as armament officers, instructors, etc. later the school was still further expanded to include a large class of enlisted men for duty as armorers. in all, over officers were instructed at the springfield school. when the war with germany ceased, the graduates of the springfield armory machine gun school were found in almost every line of endeavor connected with arms, ammunition, and kindred subjects. now, let us look at the first results of the early effort in machine-gun production. within a month after the first drafted troops reached their cantonments we were able to ship colt guns from the marlin-rockwell corporation to each national army camp, these guns to be used exclusively for training our machine-gun units. before another days passed we had added to the machine-gun equipment of each camp lewis guns of the ground type, and chauchat automatic rifles which we bought from the french. (the lewis ground gun was almost identical with the aircraft type, except that its barrel was surrounded by an aluminum heat radiator for cooling, a device not needed on the guns of airplanes because of the latter's shorter periods of fire.) also, in the autumn of we were able to issue to each national guard camp a training equipment consisting of colt machine guns, chauchat automatic rifles, and some to lewis ground guns. at the beginning of our machine-gun manufacture was well under way. such was the industrial situation at this time: the savage arms corporation was producing lewis aircraft machine guns of the flexible type; the marlin-rockwell corporation was manufacturing large quantities of marlin aircraft machine guns of the synchronizing type; the colt's patent fire arms manufacturing co. was building vickers machine guns of the heavy, mobile type; and a number of great factories were tooling up at top speed for the immense production of browning guns of all types soon to begin. meanwhile we kept increasing our orders as rapidly as conditions warranted. by may, , the first divisions of american troops had reached france. they were all equipped with hotchkiss heavy machine guns and chauchat automatic rifles--both kinds supplied by the french government. during may and june, american divisions sailed, and the heavy machine-gun equipment of these troops was american built, consisting of vickers guns. for their light machine guns these divisions received the french chauchat rifles in france. after june, , all american troops to sail were supplied with a full equipment of browning guns, both of the light and heavy types. part of these brownings were issued to the troops before they sailed, and the rest upon their arrival in france. the savage arms corporation built nearly , lewis guns of the ground type before diverting their manufacture to the aircraft type exclusively. on may , , this concern had built , lewis guns for the american government, of which more than , were for use on airplanes. by the end of july the company had turned out , aircraft lewis guns, not to mention , of the same sort which it had built and supplied to the american navy. by the end of september we had accepted over , lewis aircraft guns. on the date of the signing of the armistice approximately , of these guns had been completed. by the first of may, , the marlin-rockwell corporation had turned out nearly , marlin aircraft guns with the synchronizing appliances. thirty days later its total had reached , . on october the entire order of , marlin guns had been completed, and the company began the work of converting its plant into a browning factory. on may , , the colt co. had delivered more than , vickers guns of the ground type. before the end of july this output totaled , , besides , vickers guns which were later converted to aircraft use. in addition the colt co. had undertaken another machine-gun project of which nothing has been said before. this concern had completed manufacture of about , vickers guns for the russian government. at this time the aviators at the front began using machine guns of large caliber, principally against observation balloons and dirigible aircraft. the allies had developed an -millimeter vickers machine gun for this purpose, which means a gun with a bore diameter of nearly one-half inch. the ordnance department undertook to change these russian vickers guns into -millimeter aircraft machine guns. this undertaking was successfully carried through by the colt co., which delivered the first modified weapon in july and had increased its deliveries to a total of guns by november , . when the fighting ceased the colt co. had delivered , heavy vickers guns and nearly , of the aircraft type. as was mentioned before, a considerable quantity of vickers ground guns had been subsequently converted to aircraft use. the production of ground-type vickers ceased on september , , by which date the manufacture of browning guns had developed sufficiently to meet all of our future needs. thereafter the colt plant produced the aircraft types of vickers guns only. we shipped , vickers ground guns overseas before the armistice was signed, besides equipping six france-bound divisions of troops with these weapons in this country, making a total of , american-built vickers in the hands of the american expeditionary forces. later, we planned to replace these weapons with brownings, turning over the vickers guns to the air service. but america's greatest feat in machine-gun production was the development of the browning weapons. these guns, as has been noted, were of three types: the heavy browning water-cooled gun, weighing pounds, for the use of our troops in the field; the light browning automatic rifle, weighing . pounds, and in appearance similar to the ordinary service rifle, also for the use of our soldiers fighting on the ground; and, finally, the browning synchronized aircraft gun of the rigid type, which was the browning heavy machine gun made lighter by the elimination of its water-jacket, speeded up to double the rate of fire, and provided with the additional attachment of the synchronized firing mechanism. let us take up separately the expansion of the facilities for manufacturing these types. in the first place, the colt co., which owned the browning rights, in september, , turned over to the winchester repeating arms co. the task of developing the drawings and gauges for the manufacture of browning automatic rifles on a large scale. the latter concern did a splendid job in this work. early in march, , the winchester co. had tooled up its plant and turned out the first browning rifles. these were shipped to washington and demonstrated in the hands of gunners before a distinguished audience of officers and other government officials, and their great success assured the country that america had an automatic rifle worthy of her inventive and manufacturing prestige. by the first of may the winchester co. had turned out , browning rifles. the marlin-rockwell corporation attained its first production of browning rifles in june, , by which time the winchester co. had built about , of them. before the end of june the colt co. added its first few hundreds of browning rifles to the expanding output. by the end of july the total production of browning rifles had reached , , produced as follows: , by winchester; , by marlin-rockwell; and , by colt's. two months later this total had been doubled--the exact figure being , browning rifles--and on november , , when the flag fell on this industrial race, the government had accepted , light browning rifles. of these in round numbers the winchester co. had built , ; marlin-rockwell, , ; and colt's, , . but these figures give only an indication of the browning rifle program as it had expanded up to the time hostilities ceased. when the armistice was signed our orders for these guns called for a production of , , and still further large orders were about to be placed. as an illustration of the size which this manufacture would have attained, we had completed negotiations with one concern whereby its factory capacity was to be increased to produce browning rifles every hours by june of . after the armistice was signed we canceled orders calling for the manufacture of , browning automatic rifles. of the , of these weapons sent overseas, , went in bulk on supply transports, while the rest constituted the equipment of yankee divisions which carried their automatic rifles with them. the colt co. itself developed the drawings and gauges for the quantity manufacture of the browning gun of the ground type. it will be remembered that the new england westinghouse co. was the first outside concern to begin the manufacture of these weapons. the new england westinghouse co. received its orders in january, , and within four months had turned out its first completed guns, being the first company to deliver these weapons to the government. by the first of may it had delivered heavy brownings. by the middle of may the remington co. came into production of the heavy brownings. the colt co., which was required to continue its production of vickers guns, was also retarded by the duty of preparing the drawings for the other concerns who had contracted to make heavy brownings; and this factory, the birthplace of the browning gun, was not able to produce any until the end of june. by this time the westinghouse co. had turned out more than , heavy brownings, and remington over , . by the end of july the production of browning machine guns at all plants had reached the total of , ; and two months later , heavy brownings were in the hands of the government. in the following six weeks this production was enormously increased, the total receipts by the government up to november amounting to about , heavy browning guns. in round numbers westinghouse produced , of these, remington , , and colt about , . we shipped in all , heavy brownings to the american expeditionary forces, , going on supply ships and the rest in the hands of divisions of troops. these shipments actually put in france before the armistice was signed enough heavy brownings to equip completely all the american troops on french soil. however, at the time these supplies were arriving the fighting against the retreating german army was at its height, and there was no time for the troops on the line to exchange their british-built and french-built machine guns for brownings, nor to replace their chauchat automatic rifles with light brownings, of which there was also an ample supply in france. a report of the chief ordnance officer, american expeditionary forces, as of february , , shows that, except for antiaircraft use, vickers and hotchkiss machine guns with troops had been almost entirely replaced by heavy brownings on that date, and that chauchat automatic rifles had been replaced by light brownings. [illustration: browning expendable cartridge belt box, mark i, mounted on a browning machine gun tripod, model .] [illustration: belt-filling machine for browning machine gun, model .] [illustration: browning tank machine gun, model , mounted on tank.] [illustration: browning tank machine gun, model , on ball mount, showing casing.] when the armistice was signed we had placed orders for , heavy brownings and were contemplating still further orders. we later reduced these orders by , guns. because the marlin aircraft gun had performed so satisfactorily, and because our facilities for the manufacture of this weapon were large, the production of the browning aircraft guns had not been pushed to the limit, which latter action would have interfered with the production of the marlin gun at a time when it was most essential to obtain an immediate supply of fixed synchronized aircraft guns. only a few hundred browning aircraft guns had been completed before the close of the fighting. in its tests and performances this weapon had been speeded up to a rate of fire of from , to , shots per minute, which far surpassed the performances of any synchronized gun then in use on the western front. by the spring of it became evident that we would require a special machine gun for use in our tanks. several makes of guns were considered for this purpose and finally discarded for one reason or another. the ultimate decision was to take , marlin aircraft guns which were available and adapt them to tank service by the addition of sights, aluminum heat radiators, and handle grips and triggers. the rebuilding of these guns at the marlin-rockwell plant when the armistice was signed was progressing at a rate that insured the adequate equipment of the first american-built tanks. meanwhile the ordnance department undertook the production of a browning tank machine gun. this gun was developed by taking a heavy browning water-cooled gun, eliminating the water jacket and substituting an air-cooled barrel of heavy construction, and adding hand grips and sights. the work was begun in september, , and the completed model was delivered by the end of october. before the armistice was signed five sample guns had been built, demonstrated at the tank corps training camps, and unanimously approved by the officers of the tank corps designated to test it. after a test in france, the report stated: "the gun is by far the best weapon for tank use that is now known, and the department is to be congratulated upon its development." an order for , browning tank guns was given to the westinghouse co. this concern, already equipped for the manufacture of heavy browning guns, was scheduled to start its deliveries in december, , and to turn out , tank guns per month after january , . after the signing of the armistice, however, the order was cut down to approximately , guns. by march , , the company had delivered browning tank guns, and the order for the remaining , was thereafter canceled. after the entrance of the united states in the war the armies on both sides developed a new type of machine-gun fighting, which consisted in indirect firing, or laying down barrages of machine-gun bullets. this required the development of special tripods, clinometers for laying angles of elevation, and other special equipment; and speedy progress was being made in the quantity production of this matériel when the war came to an end. in a complete machine-gun program not only must the guns themselves be built, but they must be fully equipped with accessories, such as tripods, extra magazines, carts for carrying both guns and ammunition, feed belts of various types, belt-loading machines, observation and fire control instruments, and numerous other accessories the manufacture of which is absolutely essential but usually unseen by the public. the extent of our work in accessories is indicated by a few approximate figures of deliveries up to the signing of the armistice: nonexpendable ammunition boxes, , , ; expendable ammunition boxes, , ; expendable belts, , ; nonexpendable belts, , , ; belt-loading machines, , ; water boxes, , ; machine-gun carts, , ; ammunition carts, , ; tripods, , . the aircraft machine guns also required numerous accessories, some of them highly complicated in their manufacture. this special equipment consisted in part of special mounts for the guns, synchronizing attachments, metallic disintegrating link belts, electric heaters to keep the guns warm at the low temperatures at the high altitudes of the aviator's battle field, and many other smaller items. not only our own forces but the allied armies as well were enthusiastic about the browning guns of both types, as soon as they had seen them in action. the best proof of this is that in the summer of the british, belgian, and french governments all made advances to us as to the possibility of the united states producing browning automatic rifles for their respective forces. on november , a few days before the end of hostilities, the french high commissioner requested that we supply , light browning rifles to the french army. we would not make this arrangement at the time because we thought it inadvisable to divert any of our supplies of these guns from our own troops until the spring of , when we expected that our capacity for making light brownings would exceed the demands of our own troops. our demand for the lighter guns, incidentally, was far greater than we had originally expected it to be. as soon as the browning rifle was seen in action the general staff of our expeditionary forces at once increased by per cent the number of automatic rifles assigned to each company of troops, and we were manufacturing to meet this augmented demand when the war ended. by spring of we expected to be furnishing light brownings to the british and french armies as well as to our own. [illustration: fiat (italian) machine gun and tripod.] [illustration: chauchat machine rifle, model , caliber, millimeters.] [illustration: german / (spandau) machine gun.] both types of browning guns proved to be unqualified successes in actual battle, as numerous reports of our ordnance officers overseas indicated. the following report from an officer, in addition to carrying historical information of interest to those following our machine-gun development, is typical of numerous other official descriptions of these weapons in battle use: the guns [heavy brownings] went into the front line for the first time in the night of september . the sector was quiet and the guns were practically not used at all until the advance, starting september . in the action which followed, the guns were used on several occasions for overhead fire, one company firing , rounds per gun into a wood in which there were enemy machine-gun nests, at a range of , meters. although the conditions were extremely unfavorable for machine guns on account of rain and mud, the guns performed well. machine-gun officers reported that during the engagement the guns came up to the fullest expectations and, even though covered with rust and using muddy ammunition, they functioned whenever called upon to do so. after the division had been relieved, guns from one company were sent in for my inspection. one of these had been struck by shrapnel, which punctured the water jacket. all of the guns were completely coated with mud and rust on the outside, but the mechanism was fairly clean. without touching them or cleaning them in any way, except to run a rod through the bore, a belt of rounds was fired from each without a single stoppage of any kind. it can be concluded from the try-out in this division that the gun in its operation and functioning when handled by men in the field is a success. the browning automatic rifles were also highly praised by our officers who had to use them. although these guns received hard usage, being on the front for days at a time in the rain and when the gunners had little opportunity to clean them, they invariably functioned well. on november we had built , browning automatic rifles in this country. we had bought , chauchats from the french. without providing replacement guns or reserves, this was a sufficient number to equip over divisions with guns to the division. this meant light machine guns enough for a field army of , , men. in heavy machine guns at the signing of the armistice we had , of the hotchkiss make, , vickers, and , brownings, or a total of , heavy machine guns--enough to equip the divisions of an army of , , men, not figuring in reserve weapons. the daily maximum production of browning rifles reached before our manufacturing efforts were suddenly stopped, and that of browning heavy machine guns . at the peak of our production a total of , machine guns and automatic rifles of all types was produced within a period of twenty-four hours. based upon our output in july, august, and september, , we were producing monthly , machine guns and machine rifles of all types, while the average monthly production of france was at this time , and that of great britain , . in total production between april , , and november , , we had turned out , machine guns and machine rifles, as against , by france and , by england in that same period. one of the important features which contributed to the success of the machine-gun program was the cordial spirit of cooperation which the war department met from the machine-gun manufacturers. competitive commercial advantages weighed not at all against the national need, and the department found itself possessed of a group of enthusiastic and loyal partners with whom it could attack the vast problem of machine-gun supply. without these partners and this spirit, the problem could not have been solved. the united states, starting almost from the zero point, developed in little more than a year a machine-gun production greater than that of any other country in the world, although some of those countries had been fighting a desperate war for three years and building machine guns to the limit of their capacity. _acceptances of automatic arms, by months, in united states and canada on united states army orders only._ -------------------+------+----------------------------------------- | | | +------+------+------+------+------+------ | to | | | | | | | jan. | | | | | | | . | jan.| feb.| mar.| apr.| may.| june. -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ _ground machine | | | | | | | guns._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning heavy | | | | | | | , vickers field | , | , | | , | , | , | , colt | , | | | | | | lewis field | , | | | | | | lewis caliber . | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _aircraft machine | | | | | | | guns._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning | | | | | | | marlin | | , | , | , | , | , | lewis flexible | | | , | , | , | , | , vickers caliber . | | | | | | | vickers -mm | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _tank machine | | | | | | | guns._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning | | | | | | | marlin | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _automatic rifles._| | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning light | | | | | | , | , +------+------+------+------+------+------+------ total | , | , | , | , | , | , | , -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ -------------------+-----------------------------------------+-------- | | |------+------+------+------+------+------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | july.| aug.| sept.| oct.| nov.| dec.| total. -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-------- _ground machine | | | | | | | guns._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning heavy | , | , | , | , | , | , | , vickers field | , | | | | | | , colt | | | | | | | , lewis field | | | | | | | , lewis caliber . | | | | | | | , | | | | | | | _aircraft machine | | | | | | | guns._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning | | | | | | | marlin | , | , | , | | | | , lewis flexible | , | , | , | , | , | , | , vickers caliber . | | | | | | , | , vickers -mm | | | | | | | , | | | | | | | _tank machine | | | | | | | guns._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning | | | | | | | marlin | [ ] | [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] , | | | | | | | _automatic rifles._| | | | | | | | | | | | | | browning light | , | , | , | , | , | , | , +------+------+------+------+------+------+-------- total | , | , | , | , | , | , | , -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-------- [ ] modified from aircraft, not included in total. chapter x. service rifles. although in the months of american belligerency in the great war we had sent to france upward of two million soldiers, each rifleman among them as he stepped aboard his transport carried his own gun. this weapon, which was to be his comrade and best friend in the perilous months to come, was an american rifle, a rifle at least the equal of any in use by soldiers of other nations, a rifle manufactured in an american plant. it may have been one of the dependable springfield rifles. more likely, it was a modified enfield, built from a design british in fundamental character, but modified for greater efficiency by american ordnance officers after the actual entry of the united states in the great struggle. when it is considered that even a nation of such military genius as france, especially skilled as she was in the construction of military weapons, was three years developing her full ordnance program, even though working at top speed, the rifle production of the united states stands out as one of the feats of the war. the story of the modified enfield, which was the rifle on which the american expeditionary forces based their chief dependence, is an inspiring chapter in our munitions history. to get this weapon we temporarily forsook the most accurate army rifle the world had ever seen and straightway produced in great quantities another one, a new model, that proved itself to be almost, if not quite, as serviceable for the kind of warfare in which we were to engage. it is the story of triumph over difficulties, of american productive genius at its best. america, since the days of daniel boone a nation of crack shots, was naturally the home of good rifles. hence, perhaps, it is not surprising that the united states should be the nation to produce the closest shooting military rifle known in its day. this was the united states rifle, model of , popularly called the "springfield." the springfield rifle had superseded in our army the krag, which we had used in the spanish-american war. in that conflict the spanish army used a rifle of german design, the mauser. our ordnance officers at that time considered the krag to be a more accurate weapon than the mauser. still we were not satisfied with the krag, and, after several years of development, in we brought out the springfield, the most accurate and quickest firing rifle that had ever come from an arsenal. there was no questioning the superiority of the springfield in point of accuracy. time after time we pitted our army shooting teams against those of the other nations of the earth and won the international competitions with the springfield. we won the olympic shoot of over england, canada, france, sweden, norway, greece, and denmark. again, in , we won the olympic shoot against england, sweden, south africa, france, norway, greece, denmark, russia, and austria-hungary. in the springfield rifle, in the hands of yankee marksmen, won the pan american match at buenos aires, and in it defeated argentina, canada, sweden, and peru. in all of these matches the mauser rifle was fired by various teams; but the springfield never failed to defeat this german weapon, which it was to meet later in the fighting of the great war. altogether the springfield rifle defeated the military rifles of nations in shooting competitions prior to the war, and in , at ottawa, an american team firing springfields set marksmanship records for yards, yards, and , yards that have never been broken. much is to be said for the men behind these guns, but due credit must be given to the rifles that put the bullets where the marksmen aimed. such was the history of this splendid arm when the united states neared the brink of the great conflict. but as war became inevitable for us and we began to have a realization of the scale on which we must prosecute it, our ordnance officers studying the rifle problem became persuaded that our army could not hope to carry this magnificent weapon to europe as its chief small-arms reliance. a brief examination of the industrial problem presented by the rifle situation in should make it clear even to a man unacquainted with machinery and manufacturing why it would be humanly impossible to equip our troops with the rifle in developing which our ordnance experts had spent so many years. the model rifle had been built in two factories and only two--the springfield armory, springfield, mass., and the rock island arsenal at rock island, ill. our government for several years prior to had cut down its expenditures for the manufacture of small arms and ammunition. the result was that the rock island arsenal had ceased its production of springfields altogether, while the output of rifles from the springfield armory had been greatly reduced. this meant that the skilled artisans once employed in the manufacture of springfield rifles had been scattered to the four winds. when in early it became necessary to speed up the production of rifles to the limit in these two establishments those in charge of the undertaking found that they could recover only a few of the old, trained employees. yet even when we had restaffed these two factories with skilled men their combined production at top speed could not begin to supply the quantity of rifles which our impending army would need. therefore, it was obviously necessary that we procure rifles from private factories. why, then, was not the manufacture of springfields extended to the private plants? some ante bellum effort, indeed, had been made looking to the production of springfields in commercial plants, but lack of funds had prevented more than the outlining of the scheme. any high-powered rifle is an intricate production. the enfield is relatively simple in construction, yet the soldier can dismount his enfield into parts, and some of these parts are made up of several component pieces. many of these parts must be made with great precision, gauged with microscopic nicety, and finished with unusual accuracy. to produce springfields on a grand scale in private plants would imply the use of thousands of gauges, jigs, dies, and other small tools necessary for such a manufacture, as well as that of great quantities of special machines. none of this equipment for springfield rifle manufacture had been provided, yet all of it must be supplied to the commercial plants before they could turn out rifles. we should have had to spend preliminary months or even years in building up an adequate manufacturing equipment for springfields, the while our boys in france were using what odds and ends of rifle equipment the government might be able to purchase for them, except for a condition in our small-arms industry in early that now seems to have been well-nigh providential. among others, both the british and the russian governments in the emergency of and had turned to the united states to supplement their sources of rifle supply while they, particularly the british, were building up their home manufacturing capacity. there were five american concerns engaged in the production of rifles on these large foreign orders when we entered the war. three of them were the winchester repeating arms co., of new haven, conn.; the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co., of ilion, n. y.; and the remington arms co. of delaware at its enormous war-contract factory at eddystone, pa., later a part of the midvale steel & ordnance co. these concerns had developed their manufacturing facilities on a huge scale to turn out rifles for the british government. by the spring of england had built up her own manufacturing facilities at home, and the last of her american contracts were nearing completion. here, then, was at hand a huge capacity which, added to our government arsenals, could turn out every rifle the american army would require, regardless of how many troops we were to put in the field. but what of the gun that these plants were making--the british enfield rifle? as soon as war became a certainty for us the ordnance department sent its best rifle experts to these private plants to study the british enfield in detail. they returned to headquarters without enthusiasm for it; in fact, regarding it as a weapon not good enough for an american soldier. a glance at the history of the british enfield will make clear some of our objections to it. until the advent of the springfield, the german mauser had occupied the summit of military-rifle supremacy. from until the advent of the great war these two rifles, the mauser and the springfield, were easily the two leaders. the british army had been equipped with the lee-enfield for some years prior to the outbreak of the great war, but the british ordnance authorities had been making vigorous efforts to improve this weapon. the enfield was at a disadvantage principally in its ammunition. it fired a . -caliber cartridge with a rimmed head. from a ballistic standpoint this cartridge was virtually obsolete. in a new, improved enfield, known as the pattern ' , was brought out in england, and the british government was on the point of adopting it when the great war broke out. this was to be a gun of . caliber and was to shoot rimless, or cannelured, cartridges similar to the standard united states ammunition. the war threw the whole british improved enfield project on the scrap heap. england was no more equipped to build the improved enfields than we were to produce springfields in our private plants. the british arsenals and industrial plants and her ammunition factories were equipped to turn out in the quantities demanded by the war only the old "short enfield" and its antiquated . rimmed cartridges. now england was obliged to turn to outside sources for an additional rifle supply, and in the united states she found the three firms named above willing to undertake large rifle contracts. having to build up factory equipment anew in the united states for this work, england found that she might as well have the american plants manufacture the improved enfield as the older type. to produce the enfield without change in america and the older-type enfield in england would complicate the british rifle-ammunition manufacture, since these rifles used cartridges of different sizes and types. accordingly, the british selected the improved enfield for the american manufacture, but modified it to receive the . rimmed cartridges. this was the gun, then, that we found being produced at new haven, ilion, and eddystone in the spring of . the rifle had many of the characteristics of the springfield, but it was not so good as the springfield in its proportions, and its sights lacked some of the refinements to which americans were accustomed. yet even so it was a weapon obviously superior to either the french or russian rifle. the ammunition which it fired was out of the question for us. not only was it inferior, but, since we expected to continue to build the springfields at the government arsenals, we should, if we adopted the enfield as it was, be forced to produce two sizes of rifle ammunition, a condition leading to delay and unsatisfactory output. the rifle had been designed originally for rimless ammunition and later modified; so it could be modified readily back again to shoot our standard . -caliber springfield cartridges. it may be seen that the ordnance department had before it three courses open, any one of which it might take. it could spend the time to equip private plants to manufacture springfields, in which case the american rifle program would be hopelessly delayed. it could get guns immediately by contracting for the production of british . enfields, in which case the american troops would carry inferior rifles with them to france. or, it could take a relatively brief time, accept the criticism bound to come from any delay, however brief such delay might be and however justified by the practical conditions, and modify the enfield to take our ammunition, in which case the american troops would be adequately equipped with a good weapon. the decision to modify the enfield was one of the great decisions of the executive prosecution of the war--all honor to the men who made it. the three concerns which had been manufacturing the british weapons conceded that it should be changed to take the american ammunition. each company sent to the springfield armory on may , , a model modified rifle to be tested. the test showed the weapons still to be unsatisfactory, principally because they had not been standardized. standardization was regarded as an essential for two reasons, one of them a matter of practical tactics in the field and the other relating to production speed. to begin with, the soldier on the battle field is his own rifle repairman. his unit usually has on hand a supply of weapons damaged or out of commission for one reason or another. if, therefore, any part of the soldier's rifle is broken or damaged, he can go to the stock of unused guns on hand and take from another rifle the part which he requires; and it will fit his gun, provided there has been standardization in the rifle manufacture at home. but if the guns have not been standardized and each weapon is a filing and tinkering job in the assembly room of the factory, then the soldier in the field is not likely to be able to find a part that will fit on his gun; and his rifle, if damaged, goes out of commission. or, if he finds a part which fits but does not fit perfectly, his gun may break as he fires it, and he himself may suffer serious injury. in the second place, standardization is essential to great speed in production. if one plant producing rifles encounters a shortage in any of the parts of the gun, it can send to another plant and secure a supply of these parts, a favorable condition in manufacture that is impossible if the weapon has not been standardized. the value of standardization in speeding up manufacture, however, is best shown in the actual records of rifle production during the war. the fastest mechanic in any of the three enfield factories before had set an assembly record of rifles in one working day for the british gun. after we had standardized the enfield the high assembly record was rifles a day, while the assemblers in the plants averaged rifles a day per man when the work was well started. the enfields sent to the springfield armory test were not standardized at all, but were largely hand fitted. little or no attempt had been made to obtain interchangeability of parts among the rifles turned out by the three plants. even the bolt taken from one company's rifle would not enter the receiver of another company's. the ordnance department was confronted with the dilemma of approving and issuing a weapon pronounced unsuitable by its own experts and thus obtaining speedy production, or of delaying until interchangeability was established. it chose the latter course. on july a second set of rifles had been tested. these came more nearly up to our ideas of standardization, but were still not entirely satisfactory. nevertheless we decided to go ahead with production and improve the standardization as we went along. the winchester and ilion plants elected to start work on that understanding, but eddystone preferred to wait for the final requirements. ilion afterwards decided to postpone production until the final specifications were adopted. it would have been well if the same course had been followed at the winchester plant, for word came later from europe not to send over rifles of winchester manufacture of that period. the final drawings of the standardized and modified enfield did not come from the plants until august . six days later the thousands of dimensions had been carefully checked and finally approved by the ordnance officers, and after that production started off in earnest. the wisdom of adopting the enfield rifle and modifying it to meet our requirements instead of extending the manufacture of springfields was almost immediately apparent, for in august, almost as soon as the final drawings were approved, the first rifles were delivered to the government. this was possible because the modifications which we adopted did not require any fundamental changing of machinery. the principal equipment of these plants was in place and ready to begin manufacturing enfields at once; and while the changes in the rifle were under discussion, the manufacturers were producing their gauges and small tools as each modification was decided upon. while we did not succeed in attaining, nor did we attempt to attain, in fact, complete standardization and interchangeability of the parts of the enfields, we did all that was practicable in this direction, several tests showing that the average of interchangeability was about per cent of the total parts. meanwhile we were building up the working staffs of the rock island arsenal and springfield armory and speeding the production of springfields. before the war ended the rock island arsenal, which was making spare parts for springfields, reached an output equaling , completed rifles a day, while the springfield armory attained a high average of , assembled rifles a day in addition to spare parts equaling completed rifles daily. the eddystone plant finished its british contracts on june , winchester produced its last british rifle on june , and ilion on july , . winchester delivered the first modified enfields to us on august , eddystone on september , and ilion about october . the progress in the manufacture was thereafter steadily upward. during the week ending february , , the daily production of military rifles in the united states was , , of which , were modified enfields produced in the three private plants, and , were springfields built in the two arsenals. the total production for that week was , guns of both types, or nearly enough for three army divisions. in spite of the time that went into the standardization of the enfield rifle, all troops leaving the united states were armed with american weapons at the ports of embarkation. ten months after we declared war against germany we were producing in a week four times as many rifles as great britain had turned out in a similar period after months of war, and our production was then twice as large in volume as great britain had attained in the war up to that time. by the middle of june, , we had passed the million and one-half mark in the production of rifles of all sorts, this figure including over , rifles which had been built upon original contracts placed by the former russian government. the production of enfields and springfields during the war up to november , , amounted to a total of , , guns. of these , were springfield rifles produced by the two government arsenals. we had started the war with a reserve of , springfield rifles on hand, and in addition stored in our armories and arsenals were , krags. these latter had to be cleaned and repaired in large part before they could be used. from the canadian government we purchased , ross rifles. the deliveries of russian rifles totaled , . this gave us a total equipment of , , rifles. since approximately one-half of the soldiers of an army as actually organised carry rifles, the number of rifles procured in all by the ordnance department was sufficient to arm both for fighting and for training an army of , , men, disregarding reserve and maintenance rifles. the enfield thus became the dominant rifle of our military effort. with its modified firing mechanism it could use the superior springfield cartridges with their great accuracy. the enfield sights, by having the peep sight close to the eye of the firer, gave even greater quickness of aim than the springfield sights afforded. in this respect the weapon was far superior to the mauser, which was the main dependence of the german army. all in all to a weapon that made scant appeal to our ordnance officers in a few weeks we added improvements and modifications that made the enfield a gun that for the short-range fighting in europe compared favorably with the springfield and was to the allied cause a distinct contribution which america substantially could claim to be her own. standardization not only made possible the ultimate speed with which our rifles were produced but, together with the care of the government in purchasing raw materials and in drawing contracts, it saved a great deal of money in the cost of these weapons. the british had been paying approximately $ apiece for enfields produced in the united states. the modified enfields cost the government approximately $ each. thus in the total production of , , modified enfields, we saved $ , , compared with what this weapon had cost in the past. both the springfield and the enfield rifle possessed advantages of accuracy and speed of fire over the german mauser. it is true that the mauser fired a heavier bullet than that of our standard ammunition and sent it with somewhat greater velocity; but at the longer fighting ranges the mauser bullet is not so accurate as the united states bullet. due to its peculiar shape, the mauser bullet is apt to tumble end over end at long ranges--"key-holing," the marksmen call it--particularly when the wind blows across the range. such tumbling causes a bullet to curve as a baseball thrown by a good pitcher, destroying its accuracy. early in our fighting with germany we captured mauser rifles and hastened to compare them with the springfields and modified enfields. we found in the american rifles a marked superiority in the rapidity of fire, the quickness and ease of sighting, and in the accuracy of shots fired. the accuracy was due not only to our standard springfield ammunition, but also to the greater mechanical accuracy in the finish of the chamber and bore of the american rifles. the rapidity of fire of the american guns was due to the position and shape of the bolt handle, which is the movable mechanism on the rifle with which the soldier ejects a spent shell and throws in a fresh one. how we developed this bolt handle is an interesting story in itself. in , when we brought out the first springfield rifle, we decided to abandon the old carbine which had been carried by our cavalry regiments and, by making a rifle with a comparatively short barrel, furnish a gun which could be used by both infantry and cavalry. the original bolt handle of the springfield, like the one on the present mauser, had projected horizontally from the side of the chamber. it was found that this protuberance did not fit well in the saddle holster of the cavalryman, but jammed the side of the rifle against the leather of the holster, with frequent injury to the rifle sight. for this primary reason the rifle designers bent the bolt handle down and back. this modification incidentally brought the bolt handle much nearer to the soldier's hand as he fingered the trigger than it had been before. the enfield design had carried this development even farther, so that the bolt handle was practically right at the trigger, and the rifleman's hand was ready to pull the trigger the instant after it had thrown in a new cartridge. let us see what effect this design of the bolt handle had in the recent war. the mauser still clung to the old horizontal bolt handle well away from the trigger grip. some of our best riflemen practiced with the captured mausers and, firing at top speed with them, could not bring the rate of shooting anywhere near up to the marks set by the enfields and springfields. one enthusiast has even maintained that the speed of the mauser is not over per cent of that of the american rifle, but this may be an underestimate. on such a basis the result was that under battle conditions with equal numbers of men on a side the americans had in effect two rifles to the germans one. to put it another way, by bending back the bolt handle we had placed two men on the firing line where there was only one before; but the added man required no shelter, nor any clothing, nor rations, nor water, nor pay. although he sometimes needed repairing, he did not get sick, nor did he ever become an economic burden nor draw a pension. his only added cost to the government was an increased consumption of cartridges. when american troops were in the heat of the fighting in the summer of , the german government sent a protest through a neutral agency to our government asserting that our men were using shotguns against german troops in the trenches. the allegation was true; but our state department replied that the use of such weapons was not forbidden by the geneva convention as the germans had asserted. manufactured primarily for the purpose of arming guards placed over german prisoners, these shotguns were undoubtedly in some instances carried into the actual fighting. the ordnance department procured some , to , shotguns of the short-barrel or sawed-off type, ordering these from the regular commercial manufacturers. the shell provided for these guns each contained a charge of nine heavy buckshot, a combination likely to have murderous effect in close fighting. such was the rifle record of this government in the war. the americans carried into battle the best rifles used in the war, and america's industry produced these weapons in the emergency at a rate which armed our soldiers as rapidly as they could be trained for fighting. success in such a task looked almost impossible at the start; but that it was attained should forever be a source of gratification to the american people. _rifle production to nov. , ._ -------------------+----------+-----------+-------+-------+--------+--------- months. |eddystone.|winchester.| ilion.|spring-| rock | total. | | | | field | island | | | | |armory.|arsenal.| -------------------+----------+-----------+-------+-------+--------+--------- before august, | | | | , | , | , aug. , to | | | | | | dec. , | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | | january | , | , | , | , | , | , february | , | , | , | , | , | , march | , | , | , | | | , april | , | , | , | , | | , may | , | , | , | , | | , june | , | , | , | , | | , july | , | , | , | , | , | , august | , | , | , | , | , | , september | , | , | , | , | , | , october | , | , | , | , | , | , nov. - , | , | , | , | , | | , -------------------+----------+-----------+-------+-------+--------+--------- total | , , | , | , | , | , | , , -------------------+----------+-----------+-------+-------+--------+--------- note.--eddystone, winchester, and ilion plants turned out the united states rifle, caliber . , model , popularly known as the enfield, while the springfield armory and the rock island arsenal produced the united states rifle, caliber . . model , popularly known as the springfield rifle. the months marked by a drop in the production at springfield and at rock island were months in which the components manufactured were not assembled but were used for spare parts. [illustration: remington repeating shotgun, -gauge, with bayonet, model .] [illustration: winchester repeating shotgun, -gauge, with bayonet, model .] [illustration: browning automatic rifle, model , caliber . .] [illustration: u.s. modified enfield rifle, caliber . , model , bayonet, model . u.s. magazine (springfield) rifle, caliber . , model , bayonet, model .] [illustration: colt double action revolver, caliber . , model .] [illustration: smith & wesson double action revolver, caliber . , model .] [illustration: automatic pistol, caliber . , model .] chapter xi. pistols and revolvers. the american pistol was one of the great successes of the war. for several years before the war came the ordnance department had been collaborating with private manufacturers to develop the automatic pistol; but none of our officers realized until the supreme test came what an effective weapon the colt . would be in the hand-to-hand fighting of the trenches. in our isolation we had suspected, perhaps, that the bayonet and such new weapons as the modern hand grenade had encroached upon the field of the pistol and revolver. we were soon to discover our mistake. in the hands of a determined american soldier the pistol proved to be a weapon of great execution, and it was properly feared by the german troops. we had long been a nation of pistol shooters, we americans, but not until the year did we develop a pistol of the accuracy and rapidity of fire demanded by our ordnance experts. the nations of europe had neglected this valuable arm almost altogether, regarding it principally as a military ornament which only officers should carry. the result of europe's neglect was that the small-caliber revolvers of the germans and even of the french and english were toys in comparison with the big colts that armed the american soldiers. america owed the colt . to the experiences of our fighters in the philippines, and to the inventive genius of john browning of machine-gun fame. in the earlier philippine campaigns our troops used a . -caliber pistol. our soldiers observed that when the tough tribesmen were hit with these bullets and even seriously wounded they frequently kept on fighting for some time. what was needed was a hand weapon that would put the adversary out of fighting the instant he was hit, whether fatally or not. we therefore increased the caliber of the automatic pistol to . and slowed down the bullet so that it tore flesh instead of making a clean perforation. these improvements gave the missile the impact of a sledge hammer, and a man hit went down every time. moreover, in this development great improvement had been made in the accuracy of the weapon, the colt being the straightest-shooting pistol ever produced in this country. even the best of the older automatics and revolvers were accurate only in the hands of expert marksmen. but any average soldier with average training can hit what he shoots at with a colt. the improvements in the automatic features brought it to the stage where it could be fired by a practiced man times in seconds. in this operation the recoil of each discharge ejects the empty shell and loads in a fresh one. only a few men of each infantry regiment carried pistols when our troops first went into the trenches. but in almost the first skirmish this weapon proved its superior usefulness in trench fighting. such incidents as that of the single american soldier who dispersed or killed a whole squad of german bayoneteers which had surrounded him struck the enemy with fear of yankee prowess with the pistol. the "tenderfoot's gun," as the westerners loved to call it, had come to its own. by midsummer of the decision had been made to supply to the infantry a much more extensive equipment of automatic pistols than had previously been prescribed by regulations--to build them by hundreds of thousands where we had been turning them out by thousands. in february, with war in sight, realizing the limitations of our capacity then for producing pistols, the colt automatic being manufactured exclusively by the colt's patent firearms manufacturing co. at hartford, conn., and for a limited period by the springfield armory, we took up with the colt co. the proposition of securing drawings and other engineering data which would enable us to extend the production of this weapon to other plants. this work was in progress when in april, , it was interrupted by the military necessity for calling upon every energy we had in the production of rifles. in order to supplement the pistol supply, although the colt automatic was the only weapon of this sort approved for the army, the secretary of war authorized the chief of ordnance to secure other small arms, particularly the double-action . -caliber revolver as manufactured by both the colt co. and the smith & wesson co. these revolvers had been designed to use the standard army caliber-. pistol cartridges. the revolver was not so effective a weapon as the automatic pistol, but it was adopted in the emergency only to make it possible to provide sufficient of these arms for the troops at the outset. at the start of hostilities the colt co. indicated that it could tool up to produce pistols at the rate of , per month by december, , and could also furnish revolvers a week beginning in april. as soon as funds were available we let a contract to the colt co. for , pistols and , revolvers, and to the smith & wesson co. one for , revolvers. although these contracts were not placed until june , in the certainty that funds would eventually be available both concerns had been working on the production of weapons on these expected contracts for many weeks. when the order came from france to increase the pistol equipment, in addition to efforts to increase production at the plants of the two existing contractors we made studies of numerous other concerns which might undertake this class of manufacture. the proposal to purchase . -caliber revolvers as a supplementary supply was abandoned for the reason that any expansion of this manufacture and of that for the necessary ammunition would be at the expense of the ultimate output of . s and ammunition therefor. in december, , the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co. was instructed to prepare for the manufacture of , automatics, colt model , at a rate to reach a maximum production of , per day. considerable difficulty was experienced in obtaining the necessary drawings and designs, because the manufacture of these pistols at the colt co. plant had been largely in the hands of expert veteran mechanics, who knew tricks of fitting and assembling not apparent in the drawings. the result was that the drawings in existence were not completely representative of the pistols. finally complete plans were drawn up that covered all details and gave interchangeability between the parts of pistols produced by the remington co. and those by the colt co., which was the goal sought. during the summer of in order to fill the enormously increased pistol requirements of the american expeditionary forces, contracts for the colt automatic were given to the national cash register co., at dayton, ohio; the north american arms co., quebec; the savage arms co., utica, n. y.; caron bros., montreal; the burroughs adding machine co., detroit, mich.; the winchester repeating arms co., new haven, conn.; the lanston monotype co., philadelphia, pa.; and the savage munitions co., san diego, calif. all of these concerns, none of which had ever before produced the . -caliber pistol, were proceeding energetically with their preparations for manufacture when the armistice came to cancel their contracts. no pistols were ever obtained from any except the colt's patent fire arms manufacturing co. and the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co. difficulty was experienced in securing machinery to check the walnut grip for the pistols, and to avoid delay in production the ordnance department authorized the use of bakelite for pistol grips in all the new plants which were to manufacture the gun. bakelite is a substitute for hard rubber or amber, invented by the eminent chemist dr. baekeland. at the outbreak of the war the army owned approximately , . -caliber automatic pistols. at the signing of the armistice there had been produced and accepted since april , , a total of , pistols and revolvers. the production of pistols was , and that of revolvers , . in the four months prior to november , , the average daily production of automatic pistols was , and of revolvers , . this was at the yearly production rate of approximately , pistols and , revolvers. these pistols were produced at an approximate cost of $ each. _production of pistols and revolvers to dec. . ._ ---------------+------------------------+-----------------------+------- | pistols. | revolvers. | +-------+-------+--------+-------+-------+-------+ total | | | | | | |pistols | |reming-| total | |smith &| total | and | colt. | ton |pistols.| colt. |wesson.|revolv-|revolv- | |u.m.c. | | | | ers. | ers. ---------------+-------+-------+--------+-------+-------+-------+------- apr. to dec. | , | | , | , | , | , | , , | | | | | | | january, | , | | , | , | , | , | , february, | , | | , | , | , | , | , march, | , | | , | , | , | , | , april, | , | | , | , | , | , | , may, | , | | , | , | , | , | , june, | , | | , | , | , | , | , july, | , | | , | , | , | , | , august. | , | | , | , | , | , | , september, | , | | , | , | , | , | , october, | , | , | , | , | , | , | , november, | , | , | , | , | , | , | , december, | , | , | , | , | , | , | , ---------------+-------+-------+--------+-------+-------+-------+------- total | , | , | , | , | , | , | , ---------------+-------+-------+--------+-------+-------+-------+------- chapter xii. small-arms ammunition. prior to the war with germany the ordnance department, in providing . -caliber ammunition for our army rifles and machine guns, had thought in terms of millions and had placed its ammunition orders on that scale. but when hostilities were at hand and steel and walnut were being assembled into rifles to arm the indefinitely increasing millions of yankee soldiers that we would send and keep on sending to europe until victory was ours, small-arms ammunition stepped out of the million class and became an industry whose units of production were reckoned by the billion. the war increased the human strength of the american army approximately thirty times. that ratio of increase was carried over into a production of ammunition for rifles and machine guns. the story of ammunition in the war is the story of a three-billion output forced from a hundred-million capacity. in this effort we find another of those frequent industrial romances which the war produced in america; for, when called upon to do more than an industrial possibility, as we regarded such things in , the contriving executive and organizing ability and the skillful hands of the ammunition industry made good. our . -caliber ammunition capacity in the united states prior to the war was about , , cartridges per year. we actually produced in the war period the huge total of , , , small-arms cartridges. pushed at feverish haste, such expansion naturally recorded its mistakes and its failures; but none of these was fatal or irremediable. the fact will always remain that a difficult art was enlarged in time to take care of every demand of the american army for small-arms ammunition, and that no military operation on our part was held up by lack of this ammunition. hence it is submitted that the production of small-arms cartridges was one of the genuine achievements of our ordnance department. let us consider first the production of the . -caliber service ammunition, which may be regarded as the standard product of the ammunition industry. this was the ammunition used in our two service rifles, the springfield or united states model of and the united states model of , which is a modification of the british rifle, pattern , and in most of the machine guns which we fired in france, although we used the -millimeter cartridge with the chauchat machine rifle. when the war broke out we had on hand approximately , , rounds of . -caliber cartridges. most of these had been manufactured by the government at the frankford arsenal, which was, in fact, practically the only plant in the united states equipped to produce this ammunition in any appreciable quantities. for some years prior to the war, however, the government had adopted the policy of encouraging the manufacture of army ammunition in private plants. this was done by placing with various concerns small annual orders for this type of ammunition. these orders were usually in the neighborhood of , , rounds each. the purpose of such orders, insignificant as they were, was to scatter throughout the principal private ammunition factories the necessary jigs, fixtures, gauges, and other tooling required in the production of cartridges for army rifles and machine guns. these small orders might also be expected to educate the operating forces of the private plants in this manufacture. by this means the government hoped to have in an emergency a nucleus of skill and equipment which could be quickly expanded to meet war requirements. as a further means of stimulating interest in this peace-time undertaking the ordnance department conducted each year a sort of competition among the private manufacturers of small-arms ammunition. the output of each factory accepting the government orders was tested for proper functioning and accuracy; and those cartridges which won in this competition were used as the ammunition shot in the national rifle matches. thus the winning concern could use its achievement in its advertising. but these educational efforts on the part of the government failed to create a capacity that was anywhere near to being adequate to meet the demands of such a war as that into which we were plunged in the year . we had built up no large reserves of ammunition, and the orders placed with private manufacturers had been so small that they had resulted in virtually no factory preparation at all for great quantity production. to all practical purposes the entire ammunition manufacturing capacity of . -caliber cartridges in was encompassed within the walls of the frankford arsenal. there was, however, in the ammunition industry a fortunate condition existing when we entered the war. for some time numerous american concerns had been working on the manufacture of cartridges for both the british and the french governments. the cartridges being turned out under these contracts were not suitable for our use, being of different caliber than those taken by american weapons, and this meant that the machinery in existence could not be converted to the production of american ammunition without radical and time-consuming alteration of tools, etc. however, cartridges are cartridges, regardless of their size; and the manufacture which was supplying france and england had resulted in educating thousands of mechanics and shop executives in the production of ammunition. consequently, when we went into the war, we had the men and the skill ready at hand; we needed only to produce the tools and the machinery in addition to the raw materials. yet this in itself was a problem. how should we meet it? three courses seemed to be possible for the government. in the first place, we could build from the ground up an immense government arsenal having an annual capacity of , , , rounds, or ten times that of the great frankford arsenal. or we could interest manufacturers in a project of building a private cartridge factory capable of producing , , , rounds per year. both of these methods were predicated on the assumption that the existing cartridge factories had their hands full with orders. the third plan was to place our cartridge demands with the existing ammunition plants and let them increase their facilities to take care of our orders. as soon as the early orders had been given and all available capacity had been set going, this problem engaged the study and attention of the ordnance department. in the early fall of a meeting of the manufacturers of small-arms ammunition was held in washington to discuss the matter. principally on account of the difficulties in providing a trained working force for a new government arsenal or private plant, the opinion was unanimous that the existing concerns should expand in facilities and trained personnel to handle the cartridge project. out of this meeting grew the american society of manufacturers of small arms and ammunition. thereafter until the close of the war this society or its committees met about once every two weeks to discuss problems arising in the work. the officers of the ordnance department in charge of the ammunition project attended all of these meetings. the result of such cooperation was gratifyingly shown not only in the standardization of manufacturing processes in the various plants but also in the output of cartridges. the success of this effort is best shown in the production figures in the period from april, , to november , . in that time the united states cartridge co. turned out , , rounds of our caliber-. service ammunition; the winchester repeating arms co., , , rounds; the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co., , , , ; the peters cartridge co., , , ; the western cartridge co., , , ; the dominion arsenal, , ; the frankford arsenal, , , ; and the national brass & copper tube co., , , . this production record to some extent was made possible by a leniency on the part of the ordnance department which we had not displayed before the war. when we could take plenty of time in ammunition manufacture our specifications for cartridges were extremely rigid. it soon became apparent that if we adhered to our earlier specifications we would limit the output of cartridges. it was found in a joint meeting of ordnance officers and ammunition manufacturers that certain increased tolerances could be permitted in our specifications without affecting the serviceability of the ammunition. consequently new specifications for our war ammunition were drawn, enabling the plants to get into quantity production much more quickly than would have been possible if we had not relaxed our prewar attitude. the ordinary service cartridge consists of a brass cartridge case, a primer, a propelling charge of smokeless powder, and a bullet made with a jacket or envelope of cupronickel inclosing a lead slug or core. cupronickel is a hard alloy of copper and nickel. steel would be the ideal covering for a bullet because of its cheapness and availability, but steel has not been used because it is liable to rust and to destroy the delicate rifling of the gun barrel. cupronickel is a compromise, being strong enough to hold the interior lead from deforming, but not so hard as to wear down excessively the rifling in the gun barrel. even as we entered the war the long continued fighting in europe had created a shortage in cupronickel, and by the time the armistice came it was apparent that this shortage would soon become so acute that we would have to find a substitute for cupronickel. this shortage had already occurred in germany, where the enemy ordnance engineers had produced a bullet incased in steel which in turn was clothed with a slight covering of copper. the soft copper coating kept the steel from injuring the gun barrel. we ourselves were experimenting with copper-coated steel bullets when peace came, and would have been prepared to furnish a substitute had cupronickel failed us. some of the earliest ammunition sent to our forces in france developed a tendency to hang fire and to misfire; and a liberal quantity of it, amounting to six months' production of the frankford arsenal, was condemned and withdrawn from use. this matter was aired fully in the newspapers at the time it occurred. it developed that the faulty ammunition had been produced entirely in the frankford arsenal and that the cause of the trouble was the primer in the cartridge. the primer in a cartridge performs the same function that the flint did on the old-fashioned squirrel guns--it touches off the explosive propellant charge. but whereas the flint sent only a spark into the powder, the modern primer produces a long, hot flame. the primers in the ammunition manufactured at the frankford arsenal had given ordinarily satisfactory results in years of peace-time use. the flame charge in this primer contained sulphur, potassium chlorate, and antimony sulphide. produced under normal conditions, with plenty of time for drying, this primer was satisfactory. but sulphur when oxidized changes to an acid extremely corrosive to metal parts, and oxidized primers are liable not to function perfectly. heat and moisture accelerate the change of sulphur to acid; and if there happens to be bromate in the potassium chlorate of the priming charge, the change is even more rapid. an investigation of the frankford arsenal showed that these very elements were present. because of the haste of production of cartridges, too much moisture had been allowed to get into the arsenal dry houses. the potassium chlorate was also found to contain appreciable quantities of bromate. the condition was remedied by adopting another primer composition. and then, to play doubly safe, the government specifications were amended to prevent the use of potassium chlorate containing more than . per cent of bromate. however, this condemned ammunition was but a trifling fraction of the total output or even of the production then going on. the primers used by the various private manufacturers of ammunition functioned satisfactorily. while we were not rigid in our specifications for the bulk of the service ammunition, in one respect we were most meticulous, and this was in respect to the ammunition used by the machine guns mounted on our airplanes. for these weapons we created an a- class of service . -caliber cartridges, since it was highly important that there be no malfunctioning of ammunition in the air. every cartridge of this class had to be specially gauged throughout its manufacture. this care resulted in a slower production of airplane cartridges than that of those for use on the ground, but we always had enough for our needs. until we went to war with germany our army had known only the cartridge firing the hard-jacketed lead bullet. but we entered a conflict in which several novel sorts of small-arms projectiles were in familiar use; and it became necessary for us to take up the manufacture of these strange missiles at once. these included such special types as tracer bullets to indicate the path of fire in the air, incendiary bullets for setting on fire observation balloons, hostile planes, and dirigible airships, and, finally, armor-piercing bullets for use against armor plate with which airplanes and tanks are equipped. we had developed none of these in this country before the war, except that in the frankford arsenal our designers had done some little experimental work with armor-piercing ammunition, in fact carrying it to the point of an efficient design. one of the first acts of the ordnance department was to send an officer to visit the ammunition factories of france and england to study the methods of manufacturing these special types of bullets. these friendly nations willingly gave us full information at first hand with respect to this complicated manufacture, which we were thus enabled to begin in september, . special machinery was required for loading the tracer bullet and also for producing the incendiary projectile. we adopted british practice for both of these. we ourselves were well equipped to begin the production of armor-piercing bullets, for which we had previously solved the problems of design; yet the production of metals to be used in this missile required some further experimental work. by february, , however, our production of armor-piercing bullets was well under way and by the time the war came to an end we had produced nearly , , of them. the tracer bullet which we manufactured contained a mixture of barium peroxide and magnesium and in flight burned with the intensity of a calcium light. these bullets were principally used by machine gunners of aircraft, since in the air it is impossible to tell where machine-gun projectiles are going unless there is some device enabling the gunner to see the trajectory of the bullets. this is done by inserting tracer bullets at intervals in the belts of cartridges fed into the machine gun. the common conception of a tracer bullet is one that leaves a trace of smoke in its flight; whereas the truth is that our tracer and the british tracer were practically smokeless, the gunner observing the direction of aim by following the bright lights of the tracer bullets with his eye. these lights were plainly visible in the brightest sunlight. although the slight quantity of the flaming mixture burned but a few seconds, it was sufficient to trace the flight for yards or more from the muzzle of the machine gun. the tracer bullet consisted of a cupronickel shell, the nose of which contained a leaden core to balance the bullet properly. the rear chamber of the bullet held a cup containing the mixture of barium peroxide and magnesium. the rear end of the bullet was left slightly open, and through this opening the mixture was ignited by the hot flame of the propelling powder discharge. an entirely different principle was used in the construction of the incendiary bullet. this bullet was also incased in cupronickel; but the incendiary chemical, which was phosphorus, was contained in a chamber in the nose of the bullet. a serrated plug held the phosphorus in its chamber, and behind this plug was a solid plug of lead coming flush with the base of the bullet and soldered thereto. on one side of the missile was a hole drilled through the cupronickel into one of the grooves of the serrated plug. this hole was stopped by a special kind of solder. the heat of friction developed in the infinitesimal space of time while the projectile was passing through the gun barrel served the double purpose of melting out the solder from the hole and igniting the phosphorus within the chamber. thereafter the centrifugal force of the revolving bullet whirled the burning phosphorus out through the unplugged hole. seen in the air the fire of the phosphorus could not be discerned, but the burning chemical threw off considerable smoke, so that the eye of the gunner could follow the blue spiral to its mark. our incendiary bullet had an effective range of yards, after which distance the phosphorus was burned out. [illustration: -millimeter french cartridge, . british cartridge--(machine gun), -millimeter french incendiary bullet, and a shotgun shell.] [illustration: left to right--armor piercing, tracer, incendiary, ordinary.] [illustration: upper row--. caliber rifle cartridges with bullets from left to right, as follows: armor piercing, tracer, incendiary, ordinary. lower row--. caliber ammunition in clip for revolver--. caliber ammunition for pistol.] equally interesting was the construction of the armor-piercing bullet. heavy and solid as the jacketed lead bullet used in our service guns seems to be, when fired against even light armor plate it leaves only a small mark upon its objective. as soon as the cupronickel jacket strikes the armor plate it splits and the lead core flattens out and flies into fragments. the armor plate may not even be dented by this impact. yet change the core of this missile from lead to hardened steel and an entirely different result is produced. our armor-piercing bullet was made with a cupronickel jacket for the sake of the gun barrel. the inner side of this jacket was lined with a thin coat of lead which was made thicker in the nose of the bullet. finally a core of specially heat-treated steel completed the construction of the projectile. when this missile is fired against armor plate the jacket splits and the lead lining virtually disappears from the impact, but the pointed steel core keeps on and bores a hole through the plate as it might through soft wood. the production figures show the degree of success which we attained in the manufacture of this special ammunition. up to november , , the e. i. du pont de nemours co. had produced , , tracer cartridges of . caliber and , , incendiary cartridges of the same size. the frankford arsenal turned out , , tracer cartridges of this size, , , incendiary cartridges, and , , armor-piercing cartridges. we placed an additional order for armor-piercing projectiles with the dominion arsenals, which delivered to us , , of such cartridges. we also set out to develop new manufacturing facilities for the production of this special aircraft ammunition. excellent tracer bullets were produced by the national fireworks co., of west hanover, mass., and that company was getting into a satisfactory production stride when the armistice was signed. the hero manufacturing co., of philadelphia, pa., also was turning out an approved incendiary bullet when peace came. these various special bullets were loaded in cartridges at the frankford arsenal. when the fighting ceased we were working on the development of armor-piercing bullets that would also be incendiary; and armor-piercing bullets that would also contain a tracing mixture. it was thought that bullets of these types would be particularly valuable for aircraft use. while we had done considerable experimenting along both lines, no satisfactory types had yet been developed. there was another class of small arms for which we also had to produce ammunition on a war scale. our automatic pistols and revolvers demanded . -caliber ball cartridges. in normal times the frankford arsenal had been almost our sole producer of these cartridges, and it had attained an annual output of approximately , , rounds of them. this quantity was nowhere nearly adequate for our war needs, especially after the decision to equip our troops much more numerously with pistols and revolvers than had formerly been the case. consequently it was necessary for us to develop additional manufacturing facilities for . -caliber ammunition. we did this by placing orders with some of the same manufacturers who were developing the . -caliber production. because it was necessary for us to give preference always to the rifle and machine-gun ammunition, the manufacture of pistol cartridges was not carried through as rapidly as some other phases of the ammunition program. however, a satisfactory output was reached in time to meet the immediate demands of our forces in the field, and this production was expanding and keeping ahead of the increased needs for this sort of cartridges. the total war production of . -caliber ammunition by the various factories was as follows: united states cartridge co. , , winchester repeating arms co. , , remington arms-union metallic cartridge co. , , peters cartridge co. , , frankford arsenal , , early in our air service field forces saw the need of a machine gun of larger caliber than the quick-firing weapons in general use. the flying service of the principal allies had developed an -millimeter machine gun for use in attacking the captive balloons of the enemy. this gun fired a projectile only slightly less than one-half inch in diameter. to meet this new demand our ordnance department found at the colt factory about , vickers machine guns which were being built on order for the former russian government. the department took over these guns and modified them to take -millimeter ammunition, and that step made it necessary for us to produce machine-gun cartridges for these new weapons. we at once developed a modified french -millimeter tracer incendiary cartridge, which in later use proved to be highly satisfactory. in an experimental order the frankford arsenal turned out about , of these cartridges, while at the time the armistice was signed the western cartridge co. was prepared to produce this class of ammunition on a large scale. [illustration: view showing successive stages in the manufacture of the primer bullet and clip for . caliber, model of , ammunition. the top row shows the development of the primer cup and anvil. the second and third rows show the development in the manufacture of the cartridge case. the fourth and fifth rows show the development in the manufacture of the bullet jacket and the lead slug that fits into the jacket and finally the finished cartridge. the bottom row shows the development in the manufacture of the cartridge clip.] [illustration: leading ends of cartridge belts: browning at top, colt in center, and vickers at bottom. in the belts, the bullets in black cases are loaded with tracer ammunition, those with black noses with incendiary ammunition, those having a ring just above the bullet casing with armor-piercing ammunition, while the rest are ordinary service cartridges.] certain american concerns before april, , had been producing -millimeter ammunition for the french government for use in its machine guns. when we entered the war our ordnance department found it necessary to continue the manufacture of these cartridges for the machine guns obtained from the french. up to november , , a total of , , rounds had been produced under our supervision. these cartridges were manufactured by the western cartridge co. and by the remington arms co. at its swanton plant. how well and amply we were producing ammunition for our machine guns and rifles is indicated by the fact that our average monthly production, based upon our showing in july, august, and september, , was , , rounds as against a monthly average for great britain of , , rounds and for france of , , . our total production of machine-gun and rifle ammunition during the months of warfare was , , , rounds, while in that period england produced , , , rounds and france , , , , but it must be remembered that they had been keyed up to that voluminous production by three years of fighting and that our monthly production rate indicated we would soon far surpass them in quantities. the following table shows how our total production of ammunition for all small arms, including machine guns, rifles, pistols, and revolvers, grew month by month during the war: rounds. nov. , , , dec. , , , jan. , , , feb. , , , mar. , , , , apr. , , , , may , , , , june , , , , july , , , , aug. , , , , sept. , , , , oct. , , , , nov. , , , , dec. , , , , jan. , , , , chapter xiii. trench-warfare material. like many of the other war implements produced by the ordnance department for use in france, the weapons employed in fighting from the trenches were entirely novel to american industry; and in the production of them we find the same story of the difficulties in the adoption of foreign designs, of the development of our own designs, of the delays encountered and mistakes made in equipping a new industry from the ground up, but, finally, of the triumphant arrival at quantity production in a marvelously brief time, considering the obstacles which had to be overcome. when the movements of armies in the great war ceased and they were held in deadlock in the trenches, the fighters at once began devising weapons with which they could kill each other from below ground. for this purpose they borrowed from the experience of man running back to time immemorial. they took a leaf from the book of the roman fire-ball throwers and developed the hand grenade beyond the point to which it had been brought in the european warfare of the last century. they called upon an industry which had once existed solely for the amusement of the people, the fireworks industry, for its golden rain and rainbow-hued stars for signals with which to talk to each other by night. other geniuses of the trenches took empty cannon cartridges and, setting them up as ground mortars, succeeded in throwing bombs from them across no man's land into the enemy ranks. they even for a time resurrected the catapult of trojan days, although this device attained no great success. but from all such activities new weapons of warfare sprang, crude at first, but later refined as only modern science and manufacture could perfect them. america entered the war when this development of ordnance novelties had reached an advanced state. it became necessary for us, then, to make a rapid study of what had been done and then go ahead with our own production either from foreign designs or with inventions of our own. to this end in april, , a few days after we declared war with germany, the trench warfare section was organized within the ordnance department and given charge of the production of these novelties. the section did not entirely confine itself to trench-warfare materials, since one of its chief production activities was concerned with the manufacture of the various sorts of bombs to be dropped from airplanes. also, at the start of its existence it had charge of the production of implements for fighting with poison gas and flame. although in large part this phase of its work was taken away from it in the summer of and was later placed under the jurisdiction of the newly organized chemical warfare service, the trench warfare section continued to conduct certain branches of gas-warfare manufacture, in particular the production of the famous livens projectors of gas and also the manufacture of the portable toxic-gas sets for producing gas clouds from cylinders. all in all, the trench warfare section was charged with the responsibility of producing some devices, every one of them new to american manufacture and some extremely difficult to make. the backbone of the program consisted of the production of grenades, both of the hand-thrown and the rifle-fired variety, trench mortars, trench-mortar ammunition, pyrotechnics of various sorts, and bombs for the airplanes, with their sighting and release mechanisms. in the production of these new devices there arose a new form of cooperation between government and private manufacturers under the tutelage of the trench warfare section. the manufacturers engaged in the production of various classes of these munition novelties joined in formal associations. there was a hand grenade manufacturers' association, under the capable leadership of william sparks, president of the sparks-withington co., of jackson, mich.; the drop bomb manufacturers' association, headed by j. l. sinyard, president of a. o. smith corporation, milwaukee; the six-inch trench-mortar shell manufacturers' association, r. w. millard, president of foster-merriam co., meriden, conn.; the rifle grenade manufacturers' association, under the leadership of f. s. briggs, president of the briggs & stratton co., milwaukee, wis.; and the livens projector manufacturers' association. a similar association of manufacturers engaged in army contracts existed in the production of small-arms ammunition; but in no other branch of the ordnance department was the development of such cooperation carried on to the extent of that fathered by the trench warfare section. the existence of these associations was of inestimable benefit in securing the rapid development, standardization for quantity manufacture, and production of these strange devices. each association had its president, its other officers, and its regular meetings. these meetings were attended by the interested officers of the trench warfare section. in the meetings the experiments of the manufacturers and the short-cut methods developed in their shops were freely discussed; and, if modifications of design were suggested, such questions were thrashed out in these meetings of practical technicians, and all of the contractors simultaneously received the benefits. the trench warfare section produced its results under the handicap of being low in the priority ratings, many other items of ordnance being considered in washington of more importance than the trench-fighting materials and therefore entitled to first call upon raw materials and transportation. in the priority lists the leader of trench-warfare articles, the -millimeter mortars, stood twenty-second, and the others trailed after. grenades. the first of the trench-warfare weapons with which the rookie soldier became acquainted was the hand grenade, since this, at least in its practice or dummy form, was supplied to the training camps in this country. to all intents and purposes the hand grenade was a product of the war against germany, although grenades had been more or less used since explosives existed. all earlier grenades had been crude devices with only limited employment in warfare, but in the three years preceding america's participation in the war the grenade had become a carefully built weapon. the extent of our production of hand grenades may be seen in the fact that when the effort was at its height , workers were engaged exclusively in its manufacture. the firing mechanism of the explosive grenades which we built was known as the bouchon assembly. in the production of this item of every workers were women. in fact no other item in the entire ordnance field was produced so exclusively by women. incidentally, at no time during the war was there a strike in any grenade factory. for a long time in the trenches of france only one type of hand grenade was used. this was the so-called defensive grenade, built of stout metal which would fly into fragments when the interior charge exploded. as might be expected, such a weapon was used only by men actually within the trenches, the walls of which protected the throwers from the flying fragments. but, as the war continued, six other distinct kinds of grenades were developed, america herself contributing one of the most important of them; and during our war activities we were engaged in manufacturing all seven. the defensive, or fragmentation, type grenade was the commonest, most numerous, and perhaps, the most useful of all of them. another important one, however, was that known as the offensive grenade, and it was america's own contribution to trench warfare. the body of the offensive grenade was made of paper, so that the deadly effect of it was produced by the flame and concussion of the explosion itself. it was quite sure to kill any man within yards of it when it went off, but it was safe to use in the open offensive movements, since there were no pieces of metal to fly back and hit the thrower. a third development was known as the gas grenade. it was built of sheet metal, and its toxic contents were effective in making enemy trenches and dugouts uninhabitable. a fourth, a grenade of similar construction, was filled with phosphorus, instead of gas, and was known as the phosphorus grenade. this grenade scattered burning phosphorus over an area to yards in diameter and released a dense cloud of white smoke. in open attacks upon machine-gun nests phosphorus grenades were thrown in barrages to build smoke screens for the attacking forces. as a fifth class there was a combination hand and rifle grenade, a british device adopted in our program. the sixth class of grenades was known as the incendiary type. these were paper bombs filled with burning material and designed for use against structures intended to be destroyed by fire. finally, in the seventh class were the thermit grenades, built of terneplate and filled with a compound containing thermit, which develops an intense heat while melting. thermit grenades were used principally to destroy captured guns. one of them touched off in the breech of a cannon would fuse the breech-block mechanism and destroy the usefulness of the weapon. all of these grenades except the incendiary grenades used the same firing mechanism, and the incendiary grenade firing mechanism was the standard one modified in a single particular. the earliest american requirement in this production was for defensive grenades, of the fragmentation type. our first estimate was that we would need , , of these for actual warfare and , , of the unloaded type for practice and training work. but, as the war continued and the american plans developed in scale, we saw we would require a much greater quantity than this; and orders were finally placed for a total of , , live grenades and over , , of the practice variety. by august , , the trench warfare section had developed the design and the drawings for the defensive grenade. the first contract--for , grenades--was let to the caskey-dupree co. of marietta, ohio. this concern was fairly entitled to such preference, because the experimentation leading up to the design for this bomb was conducted almost entirely at its plant in marietta. next came an interesting industrial development by a well-known american concern which had previously devoted its exclusive energy to the production of high-grade silverware, but which now, as a patriotic duty, undertook to build the deadly defensive grenades. this was the gorham manufacturing co. of providence, r. i. this firm contracted to furnish complete, loaded grenades, ready for shipment overseas, and was the only one to build and operate a manufacturing and loading plant. elsewhere contracts were let for parts only, these parts to converge at the assembling plants later; and such orders were rapidly placed until by the middle of december, , various industrial concerns were tooling up for a total production of , , of these missiles. the grenade which these contractors undertook to produce was an american product in its design, although modeled after grenades already in use at the front. its chief difference was in the firing mechanism, where improvements, or what were then thought to be improvements, had been installed to make it safer in the hands of the soldier than the grenades then in use at the front. this firing mechanism with its pivoted lever was, in fact, a radical departure from european practice. the body of this grenade was of malleable iron, and the grenade exploded with a force greater than that of any in use in france. the remodeling of factories, the building of machines, and the manufacture of tools for this undertaking, pushed forward with determined speed, was completed in from to days, and by april almost all of the companies had reached the stage of quantity production. and then, on may , , came a cablegram from the american expeditionary forces that brought the entire effort to an abrupt halt. the officers of the american expeditionary forces in no uncertain terms condemned the american defensive grenade. the trouble was that in our anxiety to protect the american soldier we had designed a grenade that was too safe. the firing mechanism was too complicated. in the operation required to touch off the fuse five movements were necessary on the part of the soldier, and in this the psychology of a man in battle had not been taken sufficiently into consideration. the well-known story of the negro soldier who, in practice, threw his grenade too soon because he could feel it "swelling" in his hand, applies to most soldiers in battle. in using the new grenade the american soldier would not go through the operations required to fire its fuse. cases came to light, too, showing that in the excitement of battle the american soldier forgot to release the safety device, thus giving the german an opportunity to hurl back the unexploded grenade. as the result of this discovery all production was stopped in the united states and the ordnance engineers began redesigning the weapon. the incident meant that , , rough castings of grenade bodies, , , assembled but empty grenades and , , loaded grenades had to be salvaged, and that on july , , the production of live fragmentation grenades in this country was represented by the figure zero. some of the machinery used in the production of the faulty grenades was useless and had to be replaced by new, while the trained forces which had reached quantity production in april had to be disbanded or transferred to other work while the design was being changed. by august the new design had been developed on paper and much of the new machinery required had been produced and installed in the plants, which were ready to go ahead immediately with the production. it is a tribute to the patriotism of the manufacturers who lost time and money by this change that little complaint was heard from them by the government. in the production of hand grenades the most difficult element of manufacture and the item that might have held up the delivery of completed mechanisms was the bouchon assembly. there was an abundant foundry capacity in the united states for the production of gray-iron castings for grenade bodies, and so this part of the program gave no anxiety. the bouchon assembly threatened to be the choke point. in order to assure the success of defensive-grenade production, the precision castings co. of syracuse, n. y., and the doehler die castings co. of toledo, ohio, and brooklyn, n. y., worked their plants hours a day until they had built up a reserve of bouchons and screw plugs and removed all anxiety from that source. the total production of bouchons eventually reached the figure , , . the first thought of the ordnance department was to produce grenades by the assembling and quantitative method; that is, by the production of parts in various plants and the assembling of those parts in other plants. but, due to delay in railway shipments and difficulties due to priorities, it was discovered that this method of manufacture, however adaptable it might be to other items in the ordnance program, was not a good thing in grenade production; and when the war ended the tendency was all in the direction of having the assembly contractors produce their own parts either by purchase from subcontractors or by manufacture in their own plants. the orders for the redesigned grenades called for the construction of , , of them. so rapidly had the manufacturers been able to reach quantity production this time that a daily rate of , to , was attained by november , , and by december , less than a month after the fighting stopped, the factories had turned out , , defensive grenades. it should be remembered that the great effort in ordnance production in this country was directed toward the american offensive expected on a tremendous scale in the spring of . had the war continued the fragmentation grenade program, in spite of the delays encountered in its development, would have produced a sufficient quantity of these weapons. special consideration is due the following-named firms for their efforts in developing the production of defensive grenades: caskey-dupree co., marietta, ohio. spacke machine & tool co., indianapolis, ind. stewart-warner speedometer co., chicago, ill. miami cycle & manufacturing co., middletown, ohio. american radiator co., buffalo, n. y. international harvester co., chicago, ill. doehler die castings co., brooklyn, n. y. precision castings co., syracuse, n. y. the american offensive grenade was largely the production of the single service package corporation of new york, both in the development of its design and in its manufacture. the body of this grenade was built of laminated paper spirally wound and waterproofed by being dipped in paraffine. the top of this body was a die casting, into which the firing mechanism was screwed. practically no changes were made in the design of this weapon from the time it was first produced, and the production record is an excellent one. our earliest thought was that we would need some , , of these grenades and orders for that quantity of bodies were placed in january and march, , with the single service package corporation. then it became necessary to discover factories which could produce the metal caps. the orders for these were first placed with the acme die castings co. and the national lead casting co. for , , castings from each concern. but these companies failed to make satisfactory deliveries, and in may, , a contract for , , caps was let to the doehler die castings co. which reached quantity production in august. after that the single service package corporation, the chief contractor, forged ahead in its work and on november was producing the bodies for offensive grenades at the rate of , to , daily. by december , , the government had accepted , , completed bodies. the signing of the armistice brought to an end a project to build , , additional grenades of this type. the production of gas grenades offered some peculiar difficulties. we set out at first to produce , , of them. by january, , the engineers of the ordnance department had completed the plans and specifications for the american gas grenade, and on february , an order for , , of them was placed with the maxim silencer co., of hartford, conn. the gas grenades were to be delivered at the filling plants complete except for the detonator thimbles, which seal both gas and phosphorus grenades and act as sockets for the firing mechanism. it was seen that the construction of these thimbles might be a choke point in the construction of grenades of both types, and orders were early placed for them-- , , to be delivered by the maxim silencer co. and an equal quantity by the bassic co., of bridgeport, conn. on december , , these concerns had produced , , detonator thimbles. the body of the gas grenade is built of two sheet-metal cups welded together to be gas-tight. since, when we started out on this production, we did not know what kind of gas would be used or at what pressure it would be held within the grenade, we set the specifications to make grenade bodies to hold an air pressure of pounds. the welding of the cups frequently failed to hold such pressure, so that the rejections of gas-grenade bodies under this test ran as high as per cent. but in june, , the gas for the grenades had been developed, and we were thereupon able to reduce the pressure of the standard test to pounds. under such a test the bodies readily passed inspection. in september, , we let additional contracts for gas grenades-- , to the evinrude motor co., of milwaukee; , to the john w. brown manufacturing co., of columbus, ohio; and , to the zenite metal co., of indianapolis. on november gas grenade bodies were being produced at the rate of , per day, and the total production up to december was , . the phosphorus grenade was similar to the gas grenade in construction. the plans and specifications for this weapon were ready in january, . in february the following contracts were let: metropolitan engineering co., brooklyn, n. y., , ; evinrude motor co., milwaukee, , ; zenite metal co., indianapolis, , . on december , , these concerns had delivered a total of , phosphorus grenade bodies. the difficulties which had been experienced in the production of gas grenades were repeated in this project. the evinrude co. was especially quick in getting over the obstacles to quantity production. the metropolitan engineering co. was already engaged with large orders for adapters and boosters in the heavy-gun ammunition manufacture for the ordnance department and found that the order for phosphorus grenades conflicted to a considerable extent with its previous war work. the matter was thrashed out in the ordnance department, which gave the priority in this plant to the adapters and boosters, with the result that this firm was able to make only a small contribution to the total production of phosphorus grenade bodies. the development of thermit grenades was still in the experimental stage when the armistice was signed. there was no actual production in this country of grenades of this character. in october, however, the development of the grenade in design had reached a stage where we felt justified in letting a contract for , die-casting parts to the doehler die castings co., at its toledo plant, and for an equal number of bodies with firing-mechanism assemblies to the stewart-warner speedometer corporation at chicago. the incendiary grenade not only did not get out of the development stage, but even a perfected model was regarded as of doubtful value by the officers of the american expeditionary forces. nevertheless, the chemical warfare service was of the opinion that such a grenade should be worked out, and an order for , had been given to the celluloid co., of newark, n. j. experimental work was progressing satisfactorily when the armistice was signed. when the war ended, we were adapting to american manufacture a combination hand and rifle phosphorus grenade, borrowed from the english. the body of this grenade was built of terneplate and it had a removable stem, so that it could be thrown by hand or fired from the end of a service rifle. the american can co. built , of these to try out the design and strengthen the weak features. -----------------------+----------------+--------------+-------------- article. | completed to | completed to |sent overseas. | nov. , . |feb. , . | -----------------------+----------------+--------------+-------------- dummy hand grenade | , | , | practice hand grenade | , , | , , | defensive hand grenade | , , | , , | , offensive hand grenade | , , | , , | , gas hand grenade | , | , , | , phosphorus hand grenade| , | , | , thermit hand grenade | | | -----------------------+----------------+--------------+-------------- note.--in above figures all grenades are unloaded with the exception of those sent overseas, which were loaded. rifle grenades. in the construction of our rifle grenades there was another unfortunate experience due to a faulty design. the rifle grenade fits in a holder at the muzzle of an ordinary service rifle. when the rifle is fired the bullet passes through a hole in the middle of the grenade, and the gases of the discharge following the bullet throw the grenade approximately yards. any man within yards of an exploding rifle grenade is likely to be wounded or killed. the rifle grenade is used both as a defensive and offensive weapon, since the firer is well out of range of the exploding missile. in developing a rifle grenade for american manufacture our engineers adopted the french viven-bessiere type. the french service ammunition is larger than ours, and it was therefore necessary to design our grenade with a smaller hole. but in the anxiety to produce this weapon in the shortest time possible the models were not sufficiently tested, and no consideration was taken of the difference in design between a french bullet and an american bullet. the result was that the french grenade did not function well with our ammunition, due to the splitting of the springfield bullet as it passed through the grenade. the result was that in may, , several months after the manufacture of this grenade had been in progress, the entire undertaking was canceled pending the development of new designs; and , , completed grenades had to be salvaged. [illustration: left to right--defensive hand grenade, offensive hand grenade, gas hand grenade, phosphorus hand grenade.] [illustration: throwing a hand grenade. first operation: withdrawing the cotter pin.] [illustration: throwing a hand grenade. second operation: releasing the grenade and firing lever.] [illustration: v. b. rifle grenade, live, mark .] [illustration: v. b. rifle grenade, mark , and discharger.] [illustration: -inch trench mortar shell.] the original contract for rifle grenades had been let to the westinghouse electric & manufacturing co. of pittsburgh. this called for the production of all parts by the westinghouse co. and the assembling of them in the westinghouse plant to the number of , , grenades. but there was such a diversity of material employed in the manufacture of rifle grenades that succeeding contracts were let for parts and for assembling separately. after the rifle grenade had been redesigned new contracts were let for a total of , , of them. in august, a few weeks later, the daily production of these grenades in the various plants had reached a total of , and by the end of october the daily production was , . the goal toward which this production was aiming was the expected spring offensive of the american expeditionary forces in . we should have met this event adequately because, while only , american rifle grenades had actually been shipped overseas when the fighting ceased, we had , , of them ready for loading at that time and the production was already heavy and constantly increasing. special consideration is due the following-named firms for their efforts in developing the production of rifle grenades: westinghouse electric & manufacturing co., pittsburgh, pa. briggs & stratton co., milwaukee, wis. holcomb & hoke, indianapolis, ind. stewart-warner speedometer corporation, chicago, ill. cutler-hammer manufacturing co., milwaukee, wis. american radiator co., buffalo, n. y. link-belt co., indianapolis, ind. doehler die castings co., brooklyn, n. y. toxic gas equipment. america entered the war nearly two years after the germans had made their first gas attack. in those intervening months gas warfare had grown to be a science in itself, requiring special organizations with each army to handle it. the employment of toxic gas had developed along several lines. the original attack by the germans upon the mask-less canadians at ypres had been in the form of a gas cloud from projectors, these latter being pressure tanks with nozzle outlets. for some time the germans continued the use of gas solely by this method. retaliation on the part of the allies quickly followed. however, the employment of gas cloud attacks involved great labor of preparation and was absolutely dependent upon certain combinations of weather conditions. in consequence, the launching of a gas attack in this form could not be timed with regard to other tactical operations. therefore the allies were put to the necessity of developing other means of throwing toxic gases, and this they did by inclosing the gas in shell shot from the big guns of the artillery, in grenades thrown by hand from the trenches, and--most effectively of all--by the agency of an ingenious invention of the british known as the livens projector. the livens projector was deadly in its effect, since it could throw suddenly and in great quantity gas bombs, or drums, into the enemy's ranks. it is notable that although the british used this device with great success throughout much of the latter period of the war, and though the french and americans also adopted it and used it freely, the germans were never able to discover what the device was that threw such havoc into their ranks, nor were they ever able to produce anything that was similar to it. the livens projector remained a deep secret until the close of hostilities, and the government offices in washington, where the design was adapted to american manufacture, and the american plants producing the parts, were always closely guarded against enemy espionage. without going into details of the construction of the livens projector it may be said that it was usually fired by electricity in sets of or multiples thereof. the drums, which were cylindrical shell about inches long and inches in diameter, were ejected from long steel tubes, or barrels, buried in the ground resting against pressed-steel base plates. at the throwing of an electric switch a veritable rain of these big shell, as many as , of them sometimes, with their lethal contents, would come hurtling down upon the enemy. the livens projectors could throw their gas drums nearly a mile. the projector was entirely a new type of munition for our manufacturers to handle. the trench warfare section of the ordnance department took up the matter late in and by may, , had designed the weapon for home manufacture. early in june the contracts were allotted for barrels and gas drums, or shell. the production of barrels was exclusively in the hands of the national tube co., of pittsburgh, pa., and the harrisburg pipe & pipe-bending co., of harrisburg, pa. these companies reached the production stage in august, , and completed about , barrels before the armistice was signed. their respective plants reached a daily production rate of approximately barrels per day. somewhat later in the spring of the contracts for base plates, on which the barrels rest when ready for firing, muzzle covers, and for various other accessories were closed. over , base plates were produced by the gier pressed steel co., of lansing, mich., and the american pulley co., of philadelphia, pa. the perkins-campbell co., of philadelphia, built the muzzle covers, , of them. cartridge cases were manufactured by art metal (inc.), of newark, n. j., and the russakov can co., of chicago, the former producing , and the latter , . [illustration: eight-inch livens projector, mark ii, with powder charge and shell. vertical cross section as laid in the ground ready for firing at ° elevation.] [illustration: effects of livens projector shell.] the ensign-bickford co., of simsbury, conn., produced , fuses for livens shell; the artillery fuse co., of wilmington, del., assembled , firing mechanisms; the e. i. du pont co., at its pompton lakes (n. j.) plant, manufactured , detonators, and , detonators were produced by the aetna explosives co., at port ewan, n. y.; while the american can co., at lowell, mass., assembled , firing mechanisms. shear wire pistols were used in the operation of the livens projector. the edison phonograph co., of orange, n. j., produced , of these, and the artillery fuse co., of wilmington, del., , . the adapters and boosters of the shell were all built by the john thompson press, of new york. the waterbury brass goods co., of waterbury, conn., made the fuse casing. adapters and boosters to the number of , were turned out by the former, and , fuse casings by the latter. the manufacture of gas drums for the projectors was delayed for some time because of difficulties in welding certain parts of the drums. acetylene and arc welding processes were tried out, and a good many shell were made by such welding; but the lack of expert welders for these processes, and the rejections of shell due to leakage in the welded joints, caused the manufacturer to turn to fire welding, the process for which had been developed by the air-tight steel tank co., of pittsburgh, pa. at the time the armistice was signed the welding problem had been overcome and the production was going forward at a rate to meet the requirements of the expected fighting in the spring of . the shell delivered were produced as follows: by the federal pressed steel co., of milwaukee, wis., , ; by the pressed steel tank co., also of milwaukee, , ; by the air-tight steel tank co., of pittsburgh, pa., ; by the national tube co., of pittsburgh, , ; by the truscon steel co., of youngstown, ohio, , . the entire livens shell program, as it existed in november, , called for the production of , shell. trench mortars. the production of trench mortars was not only an important part of our ordnance program but it was an undertaking absolutely new to american experience. not only did we have to produce mortars, but we had to supply them with shell in great quantities, this latter in itself an enterprise of no mean proportions. some seven different types of mortars were in use when we came into the war. our ordnance program contemplated the manufacture of all seven of them, but we actually succeeded in bringing only four types into production. these four were the british newton-stokes mortars of the -inch, -inch, and -inch calibers, and the french -millimeter mortar, which had also been adopted by the british. as usual in the adoption of foreign devices, we had to redesign these weapons to make them adaptable to american shop methods. we encountered much difficulty throughout the whole job, largely because of insufficient information furnished from abroad, and because in spite of this handicap we had to produce mortars and ammunition that would be interchangeable with french and british munitions stocks. the first one of these weapons which we took up for production here was the -inch newton-stokes. the first contract for the manufacture of mortars of this size was placed with the crane co., of chicago, on november , , for , mortars. this concern at once arranged with the ohio seamless tube co., of shelby, ohio, for the drawing of steel tubes for the mortar barrels. this latter concern, however, was already handling large contracts for the navy and for the aircraft program, and these operations took priority over the mortar contracts. but the crane co. took advantage of the interim to build the accessories for the weapons--the tripods, clinometers, base plates, and tool boxes. in the spring of the company received the first barrel tubes and began producing completed weapons. but when these mortars were sent to the proving ground the test-firing deformed the barrels and broke the metal bases. finally it was decided that the propelling explosive used was not a suitable one for the purpose. another was substituted. the new propellant permitted as great a range of fire without damage to the mortar in firing. the crane co. was eventually able to reach a production of of the -inch mortars a day, and up to december , , it had built , completed weapons, together with the necessary tools and spare parts. in the early fall of an additional contract for of these mortars was placed with the crane co. and another for , mortars of this size with the international harvester co., of chicago. neither of these two latter contracts ever came to the production stage. a few days after the original contract for -inch mortars was let the trench warfare section took up the matter of producing ammunition for these weapons. two sorts of shell were to be required--live shell filled with high explosive and practice shell made of malleable iron. the original program adopted in november, , called for the production of , , live shell for the -inch mortars and , , practice shell. [illustration: -inch stokes trench mortar.] [illustration: -inch stokes trench mortar and ammunition.] [illustration: -inch sutton trench mortar.] [illustration: -inch sutton trench mortar.] the plan was adopted of building these shell of lap-welded, -inch steel tubing, cut into proper lengths. the contracts for the finished machined and assembled shell were placed with the general motors corporation at its saginaw (mich.) plant, with h. c. dodge (inc.), at south boston, mass., and with the metropolitan engineering co., of brooklyn, n. y. in order to facilitate production, the government agreed to furnish the steel tubing. for this purpose it ordered from the national tube co., of pittsburgh, pa., , , pieces of steel tubing, each inches in length, and from the allegheny steel co., at brakenridge, pa., , , running feet of tubing. these tube contracts were filled by the early spring of . the railroad congestion of february and march, , held up the delivery of tubing, but the assembly plants utilized the time in tooling up for the future production. all the plants thereafter soon reached a quantity production, the general motors corporation in particular tuning up its shop system until it was able to reach a maximum daily production in a -hour shift of , completed shell. the casting of malleable iron bodies for the practice shell of this caliber was turned over to the erie malleable iron co., of erie, pa., and to the national malleable castings co., with plants at cleveland, chicago, indianapolis, and toledo. the former concern cast , bodies and the latter , , . the gorham manufacturing co., of providence, r. i.; the standard parts co., of cleveland, ohio; and the new process gear corporation, of syracuse, n. y., machined and assembled the practice shell. when the armistice was declared, these three contracts were approximately seven-tenths complete. we were dissatisfied with our -inch shell, for the reason that they tumbled in air and were visible to the eye. the french had developed a mortar shell on the streamline principle which was invisible in flight and had twice the range of ours. had the war continued the trench warfare section would have produced streamline shell for mortars. the second mortar project undertaken was the manufacture of the -millimeter weapon. this was the largest mortar which we produced, its barrel having a diameter of approximately inches. it proved to be one of the toughest nuts to crack in the whole mortar undertaking. the british designs of this french weapon we found to be quite unsuited to our factory methods, and for the sake of expediency we frequently modified them in the course of the development. the total contracts called for the production of mortars. it was obvious that the manufacture of this and of other larger mortars would fall into three phases. the forging of barrels, breechblocks, and breech slides was a separate type of work, and we allotted the contracts for this work to the standard forging co., of indiana harbor, ind. the machining of these parts to the fine dimensions required by the design was an entirely separate phase of manufacturing, and we placed this work with the american laundry machine co., of cincinnati. still a third class of work was that of assembling the completed mortars, and this contract went to the david lupton sons co., of philadelphia, who also engaged to manufacture the metal and timber bases and firing mechanisms. these big mortars had to have mobile mountings, and the contract for the mortar carts we placed with the international harvester co., of chicago. these contracts were signed in december, . the lupton plant had difficulty in securing the heavy machinery it needed for this and for other mortar contracts, its machinery being held up by the freight congestion. early in the american expeditionary forces advised us to redesign the -millimeter mortar to give it a stronger barrel. consequently all work was stopped until this could be done. the first mortars of the new design to be tested were still unsatisfactory with respect to the strength of the barrels; and as a consequence the standard forging co. urged that nickel steel be substituted for basic open-hearth steel as the material for the barrels. this change proved to be justified. there was also trouble at the shops of the american laundry machine co., its equipment not having the precision to do machining of the type required in these weapons. accordingly a new machining contract was made with the symington-anderson co., of rochester, n. y., which concern was eventually able to reach a production of machined barrels per week. in all we produced of the -millimeter mortars in this country. certain of the parts were manufactured up to the total requirements of the contracts, but others were not built in such numbers. the international harvester co. built all carts ordered. the production of shell for these big mortars was another difficult undertaking. after consultation with manufacturers we designed shell of two different types. one of these was a shell of pressed plates welded together longitudinally; and a contract for the production of , of these was placed with the metropolitan engineering co. the other form was that of two steel hemispheres welded together. the michigan stamping co., of detroit, undertook to build , of these. these shell contracts were placed in december, . the michigan stamping co. had to wait five months before it could secure and install its complete equipment of machinery. it was september before all of the difficulties in the detroit plant's project could be overcome and quantity production could be started. the concern eventually, before and after the signing of the armistice, built , shell of this type at a maximum rate of per day. greater promise seemed to be held forth by the metropolitan engineering co.'s project to build shell of pressed-out plates, electrically welded. the government undertook to furnish the steel plates for this work and secured from the american rolling mills co., of middletown, ohio, a total production of , tons of them. the metropolitan engineering co. had great difficulty in perfecting a proper welding process; and the concern lost a great deal of money on the contract, yet cheerfully continued its development without prospect of recompense in order that we might have in this country the knowledge of how to build such shell. in all, including production after the armistice was signed, the metropolitan engineering co. built , shell bodies of this size at a maximum rate of per day. during the summer of a single-piece shell body of the -millimeter size, produced by a deep-drawing process, was worked out. a contract for , of them was given to the ireland & matthews manufacturing co., of detroit, mich. the armistice brought this contract to an end before it had produced any shell of this new and most promising type. early in we received the first samples of the -inch trench mortar. by april all the plans were ready for american production. again this work was divided by types. the national tube co., of pittsburgh, contracted to build rough forgings of mortar barrels at its christy park plant. the symington-anderson co. undertook to machine these barrels. the david lupton sons co. agreed to assemble the mortars, as well as to produce the metal and timber bases for them. the first machined barrels reached the lupton plant in june and found bases ready for them. but, as the assembling was in progress, the american expeditionary forces cabled that the british producers of mortars had changed their designs, and that we must suspend our manufacture until we also could adopt the changes. the altered plans reached us some weeks later; yet, nevertheless, we were able to make good our original promise to deliver of the -inch newton-stokes mortars at the port of embarkation in october, . meanwhile we had increased the contracts by an additional requirement of , mortars of this size. the national tube co. eventually reached a maximum daily production of barrel forgings. the symington-anderson co. machined the barrels finally at a -per-day clip. as many as proof-fired guns per day came from the david lupton sons co. an interesting fact in connection with the production of shell for the -inch mortars is that they were built principally by american makers of stoves. the -inch mortar-shell bodies were of cast iron instead of steel, and thus were adaptable to manufacture in stove works. each shell weighed pounds without its explosive charge. such shell were used at the front for heavy demolition purposes. the contracts for these shell were placed in march, . the trench warfare section was immediately called upon to secure favorable priority for the pig iron required for this purpose. the various stove works did not have the necessary machinery for building these shell, and so a special equipment in each case had to be built. at the tests the first castings which came through the foundry were found to leak, and this required further experiments in the design, holding up production until july, . because of the many troubles encountered in this work the various stove makers in the summer of formed an association which they called the six-inch trench-mortar shell manufacturers' association. this association held monthly meetings and its members visited the various plants where shell castings were being made. the united states radiator corporation, the foster-merriam co., and the michigan stove co., were especially active in improving methods for making these shell. the various concerns producing -inch mortar shell and the amounts turned out were as follows: foster merriam co., meriden, conn. , u. s. radiator corporation, detroit, mich. , globe stove & range co., kokomo, ind. , rathbone, sard & co., albany, n. y. , michigan stove co., detroit, mich. , the following concerns shortly before the armistice was signed received contracts for the production of -inch mortar shell, orders ranging in quantity from , to , , but none of these concerns started production: wm. crane co., jersey city, n. j. frontier iron works, buffalo, n. y. henry e. pridmore, (inc.), chicago, ill. best foundry co., bedford, ohio. mccord & co., chicago, ill. it was not until july, , that the plans were ready for the -inch newton-stokes trench mortars. the american expeditionary forces estimated that they would require of these weapons. a total of drawn barrel tubes was ordered from the ohio seamless tube co., of shelby, ohio. this concern was able to ship one-fifth of its order within days after receiving it. the barrels were sent to the rock island arsenal for machining. the crane co., of chicago, held the contract for building the bases, tripods, spare parts, and tools, and also for the assembling of the completed mortars. this factory was already equipped with tools for this work, since it had been building similar parts for -inch mortars. consequently, the crane co., in august, almost within a month of receiving its contract, was producing completed -inch mortars and sending them to the rock island arsenal for proof firing. the ohio seamless tube co. reached a high daily production of barrel forgings per day; the rock island arsenal, machined barrels per day; and the crane co., assembled mortars per day. [illustration: -millimeter trench mortar.] [illustration: -millimeter trench mortar shell.] we planned to build only smoke shell and gas shell for the -inch mortars. large contracts for various parts of these shell were placed and the enterprise was gaining great size when the armistice was declared, but no finished smoke shell and only a few gas shell for -inch trench mortars had been produced. the contracts for the smoke shell were let in october, , and work had not started further than the procurement of raw material before the armistice came. a large number of contractors expected to produce the parts for the -inch gas shell, and considerable of the raw materials were actually produced; but only one of the machining and assembling contractors, the paige-detroit motor car co., actually completed any of these shell, and production at this plant did not start until december , . _production of trench mortars and trench-mortar ammunition._ trench mortars. -----------------------------+------------------+-----------------+---------- | completions to | completions to | shipped character. | nov. , . | feb. , . | overseas. -----------------------------+------------------+-----------------+---------- -inch | , | , | -inch | | | -inch | | | -millimeter ( . inches) | | | -----------------------------+------------------+-----------------+---------- trench-mortar ammunition. -----------------------------+------------------+-----------------+---------- | completions | completions | shipped character. | to nov. | to feb. | overseas | (unloaded). | (unloaded). | (loaded). -----------------------------+------------------+-----------------+---------- | _rounds._ | _rounds._ | _rounds._ -inch live | , , | , , | , -inch practice | , | , | -inch gas | | | -inch smoke | | | -inch live | , | , | -millimeter ( . inches) | , | , | -----------------------------+------------------+-----------------+---------- toxic gas sets. another extensive project in the trench-warfare program was the manufacture of the so-called toxic gas sets. each set consisted of a one-man portable cylinder equipped with a nozzle and a firing mechanism. each set was ready for firing as soon as it was placed in position. in august, , the toxic-gas-set project was taken up by the trench warfare section. contracts for cylinders were awarded to the ireland-matthews manufacturing co., of detroit, mich., who produced , cylinders, and to the american car & foundry co. at its milton, pa., plant, which concern turned out , cylinders. the pittsburgh reinforcing, brazing & machine co. produced , valves for the cylinders in two months after receiving the contract. the yale & towne manufacturing co., of stamford, conn., which received the contract for nozzles on september , , manufactured , of them before the armistice was signed; and j. n. smith & co., of detroit, mich., who did not receive their contract until september , built , nozzles before the fighting stopped. the liquid carbolic co., of chicago, and the ruud manufacturing co., of pittsburgh, had the contracts for the firing mechanism; but none of these was produced because at the time the armistice was signed the firing mixture to be used with the cylinders had not been developed. in connection with the production of materials for gas warfare the ordnance department also designed several types of containers for the shipment of poison gas, these including not only the portable cylinders but larger tanks and even tank cars. pyrotechnics. a few years ago, when we allowed the adventurous american boy to blow off his fingers and hands by the indiscriminate use of explosives in celebrating the nation's birthday, we had an extensive fireworks industry in this country. but the spread of the sane fourth reform had virtually killed this manufacture, so that when we entered the war there were only three or four plants in the united states making fireworks. these concerns kept the trade secrets closely guarded. however, as we approached the brink of hostilities it was evident we would have to build up a large production capacity for the pyrotechnics demanded by the various new types of fighting which had sprung into existence since . fireworks were extensively used principally for signaling at night and as an aid to aviators in the dark. one of the men to foresee this need was lewis nixon, who had long been in the public eye and was known especially for his advocacy of an american merchant marine. he organized a pyrotechnics concern known as the nixon fulgent products co., built a plant at brunswick, n. j., and was ready to talk business with the government when the war began. also there had long been in existence that perennial delight of children and adults alike known as paine's fireworks, whose spectacular exhibitions are familiar to most city dwellers in the united states. this concern had its own manufacturing plant, which was ready to expand to meet government war requirements. in addition, two other concerns of the formerly declining industry were ready to increase their facilities and produce pyrotechnics for war purposes. these were the unexcelled manufacturing co., of new york, and the national fireworks co., of west hanover, mass. the four concerns proved to be able to meet every war requirement we had. prior to the war some few military pyrotechnics had been procured by the signal corps, the coast artillery, the engineer corps, and also by the navy; but on september , , the design of all army pyrotechnics was centralized in the trench warfare section. much experimentation was necessary before specifications could be prepared, since the entire fire-signaling field had long been in confusion. we had made our own designs and were proceeding with production in the spring of , when the american expeditionary forces made the positive recommendation that the entire french program of pyrotechnics be adopted by the united states. this meant a fresh start in the business, but nevertheless pyrotechnic devices were developed to meet all of our needs. these devices included signal rockets, parachute rockets, signal pistols and their ammunition, position and signal lights, flares, smoke torches, and lights to be thrown by the v. b. discharger, the french device attached to the end of the rifle in which a rifle grenade fits. at the outset of our efforts we started to build signal rockets, position lights, rifle lights, signal lights, and lights for use with the very signal pistol. the very signal pistol, which we adopted first, had the caliber of a -gauge shotgun, and its cartridges resembled shotgun shells in appearance, although containing roman candle balls of various colors instead of leaden shot. the orders from abroad in the spring of changed the caliber of the very pistol to millimeters and brought into our requirements some different styles of star and parachute cartridges. in addition to these, there were required about styles of star and parachute cartridges for the french v. b. discharger. the recommendations from france brought in new styles of signal rockets, as well as smoke torches, wing-tip flares for airplanes, parachute flares for lighting the ground under bombing airplanes, and also styles of cartridges for a new -millimeter very pistol for the use of aviators. after we received these instructions there was great uncertainty here as to the quantity of each item that should be produced; and this matter was not settled until august , , when an enormous program of requirements was issued. at first it seemed that the government itself must build new factories to take care of these needs, but a careful examination showed that the existing facilities could be expanded to take care of the production. the placing of contracts in this undertaking was under way when the armistice stopped the work. the following table indicates the size of the pyrotechnic undertaking and also what was accomplished. all of this production came from the plants of the four companies which have been named. in addition to the fireworks themselves, accessories were produced by a number of other concerns. the japan paper co., new york city, manufactured and imported from japan approximately , , paper parachutes. the remington arms co., new haven, conn., built about , , -gauge signal-pistol cartridges, except for the stars they contained. the empire art metal co., college point, n. y., produced nearly , , very pistol cartridge cases. the winchester repeating arms co., bridgeport, conn., supplied nearly , , primers for these cartridges. rose bros. & co., lancaster, pa., produced , silk parachutes for very cartridges. cheney bros., south manchester, conn.; d. g. dery (inc.), allentown, pa.; stehli silk corporation, new york city; sauquoit silk co., philadelphia; lewis roessel & co., hazleton, pa.; schwarzenback-huber co., new york city; and the duplane silk corporation, hazleton, pa., produced a total of , , yards of silk for parachutes to float airplane flares. the parachutes themselves for the airplane flares, a total of , of them, were manufactured by the duplane silk corporation; folmer-clogg co., lancaster, pa.; and jacob gerhardt co., hazleton, pa. the edw. g. budd manufacturing co., philadelphia, built , metal cases for the airplane flares. --------------------------------+-----------+---------------+-------------- articles. | ordered. | completed to | completed to | | nov. , . | feb. , . --------------------------------+-----------+---------------+-------------- signal rockets | , | , | , position lights | , , | , , | , , rifle lights | , | , | , signal lights | , , | , , | , , v. b. cartridges | , , | | , very cartridges, -millimeter | , | | smoke torches | , | , | , wing-tip flares | , | , | , airplane flares | , | , | , --------------------------------+-----------+---------------+-------------- we also contracted for the production of many thousands of very signal pistols. before the original program was canceled the remington arms co. had produced , of the -gauge pistols in contracts calling for a total output of , . in august, , we let contracts for , of the -millimeter pistols and for approximately , of the -millimeter pistols. the a. h. fox gun co. completed , of the smaller pistols and the scott & fetzger machine co. turned out , of them. other concerns which had taken contracts but had not come into production when the armistice was signed were the national tool & manufacturing co., the doehler die castings co., the hammond typewriter co., and parker bros. considerable experimental work of an interesting nature was carried out looking toward the development of incendiary devices. three types of flame projectors, flaming bayonets, an airplane destroyer, incendiary darts, and the smoke knapsack were among the projects undertaken. owing in large measure to changes in requirements by the american expeditionary forces none of these devices was actually turned out on any considerable scale. chapter xiv. miscellaneous ordnance equipment. the miscellaneous ordnance equipment of the american soldier in the recent war--that is, articles which he carried with him and which added to his comfort, his safety, or his efficiency as a fighter--while in many respects identical with the equipment used by our troops for many years, at the same time contained several novelties. in the novelty class were helmets and armor. there is a widespread impression that helmets and body armor passed away with the invention of gunpowder and because of that invention. this impression is not at all true. body armor came to its highest development long after gunpowder was in common use in war. the sixteenth century witnessed the most extensive use of armor; yet at that time guns and pistols formed an important part of the equipment of every army, and even a weapon which is generally fancied to be ultramodern, the revolver, had been invented. the fact is that not gunpowder but tactics caused the decline of armor. not that armor was unable to stop many types of projectiles shot from guns, but that its weight hampered swift maneuvering, caused it to be laid aside by the soldier. the decline of armor may be said to date from the thirty years' war. the armies in that period, and particularly that of the swedes, began making long marches for surprise attacks, and the body armor of the troops was found to be a hindrance in such tactics. thereafter armor went out of fashion. yet it never completely disappeared in warfare. gen. rochambeau is said to have worn body armor at the siege of yorktown. great numbers of corselets and headpieces were worn in the napoleonic wars. the corselet which john paul jones wore in his fight with the serapis is preserved at the metropolitan museum of art in new york. the japanese army was mailed with good armor as late as . breastplates were worn to some extent in the civil war in the united states, and an armor factory was actually established at new haven, conn., about . in the museum at richmond, va., is an equipment of armor taken from a dead soldier in one of the trenches at the siege of that city. there was a limited use of armor in the franco-prussian war. some of the japanese troops carried shields at port arthur. helmets were worn in the boer war. a notorious australian bandit in the eighties for a long time defied armed posses to capture him because he wore armor and could stand off entire squads of policemen firing at him with martini rifles at close range. thus it can not be said that armor, in coming into use again in the great war, was resurrected; it was merely revived. in its static condition during most of the four-year period, the war against germany was one in which armor might profitably be used. this opportunity could scarcely be overlooked, and indeed it was not. everybody knows of the helmets that were in general use; yet body armor itself was coming into favor again, and only the welcome but unexpected end of hostilities prevented it, in all probability, from becoming again an important part of the equipment of a soldier. as a consequence of the attenuated but persistent use of armor by soldiers during the past two centuries and of the demand of the aristocratic for helmets and armor as ornaments, the armorer's trade had been kept alive from the days of gustavus adolphus to the present. the war efforts of the united states in and demanded a wide range of human talents and special callings; but surely the strange and unusual seemed to be reached when in the early days of our undertaking the engineering division of the ordnance department sought the services of expert armorers. through the advice of the national research council, which had established a committee of armor experts, the ordnance department commissioned in its service maj. bashford dean, a life-long specialist in armor, curator in the metropolitan museum of art, an institution which, learning of the government's need, at once placed at its disposal its wonderful specimens of authentic armor, its armor repair shop where models could at once be made, and the services of maj. dean's assistant there whom he had brought from france, daniel tachaux, one of the few surviving armorers, who had inherited lineally the technical side of the ancient craft. it may be said that there were but two nations in the great war which went to the middle ages for ideas as to protective armor--ourselves and germany. the germans, who applied science to almost every phase of warfare, did not neglect it here. germany at the start consulted her experts on ancient armor and worked along lines which they suggested. the german helmet used in the trenches was undoubtedly superior to any other helmet given a practical use. the first helmets to be used in the great war were of french manufacture. they were designed by gen. adrien, and , , of them were manufactured and issued to the french army. these helmets were the product of hasty pioneer work, but the fact that they saved from to per cent of the normal casualties of such a war as was being fought at once impelled the other belligerents to adopt the idea. great britain, spurred by the necessity of producing quickly a helmet in quantity, designed the most simple helmet to manufacture, which could be pressed out of cold metal. [illustration: interior and exterior views of the steel helmet worn by our troops.] [illustration: aviator's helmet.] [illustration: visor helmet for snipers and machine gunners.] when america entered the war she had, naturally, no distinctive helmet; and the english type, being easiest to make, was adopted to fill the gap until we could design a more efficient one ourselves. consequently , british helmets were bought in england and issued to the vanguard of the american expeditionary forces. our men wore them, became accustomed to them, and came to feel that they were the badge of english-speaking troops. the british helmet thus became a habit with our men, one difficult to change, a fact which mitigated against the popularity of the more advanced and scientific models which we were to bring out. now, the british helmet possessed some notable defects. it did not afford a maximum of protective area. the center of gravity was not so placed as to keep the helmet from wobbling. the lining was uncomfortable and disregarded the anatomy of the head. it was vulnerable at the concave surface where bowl and brim joined. it is not an astonishing circumstance that some of the earlier helmets worn by the men-at-arms of the days of knighthood possessed certain of these same defects, notably, that they were apt to be top-heavy and uncomfortable. only by centuries of constant application and improvement were the armorers of the middle ages able to produce helmets which overcame these defects and which embodied all of the principles of defense and strength which science could put into them. the best medieval helmets stand at the summit of the art. it was the constant aim of the modern specialist, aided by the facilities of the twentieth century industries, to produce helmets as perfect technically as those rare models which are the pride of museums and collectors. certainly in one respect we had the advantage of the ancients in that we have nowadays at our disposal the modern alloy-steels of great resistance. an alloy of this kind having a thickness of . of an inch is able to stop at a distance of feet a jacketed, automatic pistol ball, . caliber, traveling at the rate of feet a second. this was important not only from the standpoint of helmet production, but from the further inference that body armor of such steel might still be profitably used. the records of the hospitals in france show that or of every wounded soldiers were wounded by fragments of shell and other missiles which even thin armor plate would have kept out. the german troops used body armor in large numbers, each set weighing from to pounds. in this country we believed it possible to produce body armor which would not be difficult to carry and which would resist the impact of a machine-gun bullet at fairly close range. the production of helmets, however, was our first concern; and in order to be sure of a sufficient quantity of these protective headpieces, we adopted the british model for production in the united states and went ahead with it on a large scale. for the metal we adopted after much experimentation a steel alloy with a high percentage of manganese. this was practically the same as the steel of the british helmet. its chief advantage was that it was easy to work in the metal presses in existence and it required no further tempering after leaving the stamping presses. its hardness, however, wore away the stamping tools much more quickly than ordinary steel sheets would do. while we adopted the british helmet in design and substantially in metal used, we originated our own helmet lining. the lining was woven of cotton twine in meshes three-eighths of an inch square. this web, fitting tightly upon the wearer's head, evenly distributed the weight of the two-pound helmet, and in the same way distributed the force of any blow upon the helmet. the netting, together with small pieces of rubber around the edge of the lining, kept the helmet away from the head, so that even a relatively large dent could not reach the wearer's skull. it is an interesting fact that the linings for the american helmets were produced by concerns whose ordinary business was the manufacture of shoes. there were of these companies taking such contracts. steel for the helmet was rolled by the american sheet & tin plate co. the helmets were pressed and stamped into shape by seven companies which had done similar work before the war. these concerns were: contractor. delivered. edward g. budd manufacturing co., philadelphia , , sparks, withington co., jackson, mich. , crosby co., buffalo, n. y. , bossett corporation, utica, n. y. , columbian enameling & stamping co., terre haute, ind. , worcester pressed steel co., worcester, mass. , benjamin electric co., des plaines, ill. , --------- total , , the metal helmets and the woven linings were delivered to the plant of the ford motor co. at philadelphia, where they were painted and assembled. the helmets were painted in the olive-drab shade for protective coloring. while on dull days such objects could not be discerned at a great distance, in bright weather their rounded surfaces might catch and reflect sunbeams, thus betraying the positions of their wearers. to guard against this, as soon as the helmets were treated to a first coat of paint fine sawdust was blown upon the wet surface. when this had dried, another coat of paint was applied, and a nonreflective, gritty surface was thus produced. [illustration: american experimental models of helmets, light breastplates, and arm guards.] [illustration: american helmet. experimental model no. .] [illustration: american helmet no. . (visor up.)] [illustration: american light back plate. experimental model.] [illustration: american heavy armor for machine gunners. experimental model .] we began receiving substantial quantities of finished helmets by the end of november of the first year of the war. on february , , practically , had been shipped abroad or were ready for shipment at the ports of embarkation. later in the spring of , when we began sending men to france much beyond our earlier expectations, the orders for helmets were greatly expanded. in july the total orders reached , , , in august , , , and in september , , . this would give us enough to meet all requirements until june, . when the armistice was signed the factories were producing more than , helmets every four days, and were rapidly approaching the time when their daily output would be , . the government canceled all helmet contracts as soon as the fighting ceased, having received up to that time a total of , , of them. while this manufacture was going on we were developing helmets of our own. major dean went to france to collect information dealing with the actual needs of the service and to present numerous experimental models of helmets for the comment and criticism of the general staff. in numerous cases these models were accepted for manufacture here in experimental lots. in all we developed four models which seemed to have merits recommending their adoption. the first distinctive american helmet was known as model no. . the ford co. at detroit pressed about , of these helmets. the helmet, however, was similar in appearance to the german helmet, and for that reason was disapproved by the american expeditionary forces. helmet model no. was of a deep-bowl type, but it was rejected when the hale & kilburn co., of philadelphia, after a great deal of experimentation, found that the helmet was too deep for successful manufacture by pressing. model no. was designed by the master armorer of the metropolitan museum of art. it was also found too difficult to manufacture. helmet no. was strongly recommended by american experts, but was not accepted by the general staff. it was designed by the armor committee at the metropolitan museum of art in conjunction with the engineering division of the ordnance department. hale & kilburn undertook to manufacture these helmets, which were to be painted, assembled, and packed by the ford motor co. at its philadelphia plant. various component parts of the helmet were sublet in experimental quantities to numerous manufacturers. the no. helmet, complete, weighed pounds, ½ ounces. it combined the virtues of several types of helmets. it gave a maximum of protection for its weight. it was comparatively easy to produce. this helmet, with slight variations, was later adopted as the standard helmet of the swiss army. the latest german helmet, it is interesting to note, was approaching similar lines. we also produced helmets for special services--one with a visor to protect machine gunners and snipers, and another, known as model , for aviators, it being little heavier than the leather helmet which airmen wore in the war and twenty times as strong a defense for the head. a third special helmet, known as model , was for operators of tanks. it was provided with a neck guard of padded silk to stop the lead splash which penetrated the turret of the tank. the ordnance department turned out of these in days and sent them by courier to france for a test. the germans issued body armor only to troops holding exposed positions under heavy machine-gun and rifle fire; but such use was distinctly valuable, as was shown by captured german reports. the engineering division of the ordnance department developed a body defense including a light front and body plate, these together weighing ½ pounds. one lot of , sets was manufactured by the hale & kilburn corporation. the linings of these plates were of sponge rubber, and they were made by the miller rubber co., of akron, ohio. all of these sets were shipped abroad for testing; but the report was not favorable, as the american soldier did not wish to be hampered with armor. he had learned to wear his helmet, but he had yet to be convinced of the practical value of body armor. we developed a heavy breast plate with thigh guards, weighing pounds, which stopped machine gun bullets at yards. an experimental lot of these were completed in days by the mullins manufacturing co., of salem, ohio. these were also shipped abroad for test. a few defenses for arms and legs were prepared which, although light in weight, would protect the wearer from an automatic-pistol ball at feet. about per cent of the hospital cases in france were casualties caused by wounds in the arms and legs. these defenses, however, were rejected on account of their impeding to a certain degree the movements of the wearer. our development in armor also produced an aviator's chair weighing pounds. it would protect the pilot from injury from below and from the back, withstanding armor-piercing bullets fired at a distance of yards. since the piercing of the gas mask canister by a bullet might result in the death of the soldier by admitting gas directly into the breathing system of his mask, the ordnance department designed an armored haversack for the gas mask and its canister, this haversack incidentally serving as a breast defense. bayonets and trench knives. another large ordnance operation was the production of bayonets for the service rifles. the british bayonet had proved to be highly satisfactory in the war; and, since it was already designed to fit the enfield rifle, which we had adopted for our own, we took the british bayonet as it was and, with only one slight alteration, set out to produce it in this country. the government found both the remington arms-union metallic cartridge co. at its bridgeport, conn., works, and the winchester repeating arms co. building these bayonets for the english government. the latter's bayonet needs by were being well supplied by home manufacture, and this permitted us to buy approximately , bayonets which had already been manufactured for the british. the ordnance department at once started out these two concerns on contracts for bayonets for the american government, remington with total orders for , , bayonets and winchester with orders for , . remington delivered in all , , bayonets and winchester , . this was a total of , , bayonets. the total production of rifles was about , , . these figures indicate that we were short over , bayonets at the time hostilities ceased; and as a matter of fact this shortage had already become acute, especially in the training camps. the bayonets had not come as rapidly as we had expected, because to produce them at the rate originally planned would have interfered with the more essential production of rifles by these same companies. accordingly in additional contracts for bayonets were made. landers, frary & clark, of new britain, conn., engaged to manufacture , bayonets, and the national motor vehicle co., , . these latter contracts, however, were suspended after the armistice was signed. the additional orders had made it certain that there would be no bayonet shortage by the spring of . while this production was under way we were also manufacturing bayonets for the model springfield rifle. the springfield armory produced , of these and the rock island arsenal , . in addition the springfield armory delivered , bayonet blades as spare parts. we not only had to provide bayonets but also the scabbards to hold them in. the scabbard of the bayonet was of simple manufacture and there were no difficulties in securing sufficient quantities. the jewell belt co. delivered , , of them; graton & knight delivered , , ; while the rock island arsenal produced , . this gave us a total of , , scabbards, a quantity greatly in excess of the production of either bayonets or rifles. a new weapon which had come into use during the great war as part of the soldier's individual equipment was the trench knife. the question of making such knives was taken up by the government with various manufacturers throughout the country and they were given a general idea of what was required and, in conjunction with the ordnance department, were requested to develop details. the design submitted by henry disston & sons, of philadelphia, received the most favorable consideration. this knife was manufactured and known as model . it was a triangular blade inches long. the triangular blade was deemed the most efficient because of the ease with which it would pierce clothing and even leather. this knife was slightly changed as regards handle and given a different guard to protect the man's knuckles, and was known as model . these knives were sent abroad in large quantities to be used by the american expeditionary forces. landers, frary & clark produced , of these knives and the oneida community (ltd.), oneida, n. y., , . on june , , the american expeditionary forces made an exhaustive test, comparing the various trench knives used abroad. the four knives tested were as follows; united states, model ; hughes; french; and british knuckle knife. these tests were made to determine the merits of the different knives as to the following points: (_a_) serviceability--ability to carry in hand and function other arms. (_b_) quickness in action. (_c_) if the soldier were knocked unconscious, would knife drop from hand? (_d_) suitability to carry in hand when crawling. (_e_) probability of being knocked out of hand. (_f_) weight, length, shape of blade. (_g_) shape of handle. it was found that the model , although a satisfactory knife, could be improved. therefore the trench knife known as mark i was developed partially by the american expeditionary forces and partially by the engineering division of ordnance. this knife was entirely different from the model , having a flat blade, metal scabbard, and a cast-bronze handle. it was a combination of all the good points of all the knives used by the foreign armies. the government placed orders for , , of the new knives. deliveries were to have begun in december, but before that time peace had come and the orders had been reduced to , . the new model knives were to have been manufactured by a. a. simons & son, dayton, ohio; henry disston & son, philadelphia; landers, frary & clark, and the oneida community (ltd.). all contracts were canceled except the one with landers, frary & clark. [illustration: model of trench knife and scabbard.] [illustration: mark i trench knife with flat blade, designed by a. e. f.] [illustration: wire cutter (one hand).] [illustration: french wire cutters.] [illustration: wire cutter, model , showing special rubber handles. tested at , volts.] periscopes, belts, etc. another new article in the equipment of our soldiers was the trench periscope, a device enabling a man to look over the edge of the trench without exposing himself to fire. the ordinary periscope was merely a wooden box inches square and inches long, with an inclined mirror set at each end. production was commenced in october, , by two companies, and , were delivered by the middle of january. in august, , an additional lot of , was ordered, but the deliveries of these were slow. an even simpler periscope was merely a mirror about three inches long and an inch and a half wide which could be placed on a bayonet or a stick and set up over the trench so that it gave a view of the ground in front. a total of , of these was delivered before the end of july, , and , additional ones before november. further facts about periscopes are set down in the chapter in this report relating to sights and fire-control apparatus. at the beginning of the war all textile equipment, such as cartridge belts, bandoleers to carry ammunition, haversacks, pack carriers, pistol holsters, canteen covers and similar material were supplied in woven material. only two concerns in this country could manufacture articles of this quality. they were the mills woven cartridge belt co., worcester, mass., and the russell manufacturing co., middletown, conn. although these two concerns practically doubled their output and worked day and night to supply the material, the demand was too great, and belts and carriers were designed to be stitched and sewn and not woven. equipment made in this manner is inferior to the woven article. however, the mills woven cartridge belt co. produced approximately , , of these articles and the russell manufacturing co., , , . large producers of the stitched and sewn material were the plant brothers co., boston, mass.; r. h. long co., framingham, mass.; l. c. chase co., watertown, mass. for the browning automatic rifle and the browning machine gun there were specially designed belts and bandoleers. the rifleman had his own special belt, and his first and second assistants had their own individual belts, and the assistants also had two bandoleers each, one right and one left, which were carried across their shoulders. these were manufactured in quantities by the following manufacturers: r. h. long co., framingham, mass. , plant bros., boston, mass. , l. c. chase co., watertown, mass. , many small articles of textile equipment were produced in immense quantities. there were approximately four and a half million canteen covers produced prior to november . large contracts were placed with the following concerns: perkins-campbell co., cincinnati, ohio; brauer bros., st. louis, mo.; l. c. chase co., watertown, mass.; miller-hexter co., cleveland, ohio; powers manufacturing co., waterloo, iowa; r. h. long co., framingham, mass.; bradford co., st. joseph, mich.; galvin bros., cleveland, ohio; progressive knitting works, brooklyn, n. y. approximately four and a half million haversacks were produced and delivered prior to november , . large manufacturers producing these were as follows: canvas products co., st. louis, mo.; rock island arsenal, rock island, ill.; plant bros., boston, mass.; simmons hardware co., st. louis, mo.; r. h. long co., framingham, mass.; liberty, durgin (inc.), haverhill, mass.; wiley, bickford & sweet, hartford, conn. it is impossible here to enumerate the entire range of ordnance munitions produced, outside of the development of guns and their ammunition; but their manufacture, in orders that ordinarily amounted to the millions of individual pieces, engaged the activities of a large number of manufacturers of the united states. the government ordered about , , axes to be used in trench operations, of which , were delivered. bags of all sorts for horse feed, grain, rations, and supplies totaled in their deliveries about , , . the government received , saddle blankets; about , , carriers for entrenching shovels, axes, and picks; nearly , , covers for the breech locks of rifles; over , , currycombs; , lariats; , entrenching picks; nearly , , first-aid pouches, and over , , pouches for small articles; , cavalry saddles; , field artillery saddles; , mule saddles; , saddle bags; nearly , , entrenching shovels; , , spur straps; , steel measuring tapes each feet long. these figures selected at random from thousands of miscellaneous items indicate to some extent the scale on which america went into the war. the old model american wire cutter, although efficient in times past, was not capable of cutting specially constructed manganese wire which the germans used. therefore it became necessary for this country to develop a better cutter. a meeting of the plier manufacturers of the country was called and the question was put before them. the spirit of cooperation of the american manufacturers was evident, inasmuch as over per cent of the manufacturers attended the meeting. [illustration: _cartridge belt, cal. , model of (dismounted)_ _cartridge belt, cal. , model of (mounted)_ _garrison belt, model of , for enlisted men._ _garrison belt, model of , for non com staff officers and first sergeants._ _magazine pocket, web, double._ _wire cutter carrier, model of ._] [illustration: _garrison belt, model of , for mounted orderlies, mounted scouts and members of machine gun platoons._ _garrison belt, model of , trumpeter sergeant and musicians._ _pouch model of , for first aid packet._ _slide web._ _shovel carrier, model of ._ _canteen cover, model of ._ _hand ax carrier, model of ._ _pick mattock carrier, model of ._] [illustration: meat can, model .] [illustration: canteen, model .] [illustration: _pack carrier, model of ._ _haversack, model of ._ _meat can pouch._] [illustration: condiment can, model .] [illustration: knife, model .] [illustration: fork, model .] the model submitted by kraeuter & co., newark, n. j., was adopted and , were manufactured and sent to france. although this was the best cutter developed in this short time, it was evident that it was not the right article, and the engineering division of ordnance continued experimenting to make a more satisfactory one. in this connection a one-hand wire cutter was developed by the william schollhorn co., of new haven, conn. this cutter was a very efficient and satisfactory article, and, although it was never adopted by the american army during the war, it is worthy of consideration. the american expeditionary forces eventually sent back drawings and sample of the french wire cutter, which was developed abroad and known as model . this was a large, two-handed cutter. production was started. the article was found difficult to manufacture, but the manufacturers undertook it with a will and production was well under way when the armistice was signed. the mess equipment of the soldier included the following items: meat can, condiment can, canteen and cup, knife, fork, and spoon. these articles were practically the same as the army had always used, with one exception--the meat can. advice was received from the american expeditionary forces that the meat cans in which the soldiers' food was placed by the cooks of the various organizations were not large enough to hold the portions that the american doughboys needed when they were fighting at the front. although production was well under way with various american manufacturers on the old model, a new model can was designed which was half an inch deeper. the american manufacturers immediately, with a great deal of trouble to themselves, changed their dies and tools and manufactured a new meat can which was larger than the old. thousands of cans were turned out daily. _production data._ condiment cans. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- contractor. | contract. | completed | | and | | delivered. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- american can co., new york city | , , | , , tin decorating co., baltimore, md. | , , | , , gotham can co., brooklyn, n. y. | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- bacon cans. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- sturgis & burns, chicago | , , | , , landers, frary & clark, new britain, conn. | , | , rock island arsenal, rock island, ill. | , , | , , wisconsin metal products co., racine, wis. | , | , acklin steel co., toledo, ohio | , | , cleveland metal products co., cleveland, ohio| , | , whittaker, glessner co., wheeling, w. va. | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- meat cans. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- aluminum co. of america, pittsburgh | , , | , , landers, frary & clark, new britain, conn. | , , | , , j. w. brown & co., columbus, ohio | , | , wheeling stamping co., wheeling, w. va. | , | , edmunds & jones co., detroit, mich. | , | , rock island arsenal | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- canteens. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- aluminum co. of america, new york | , , | , , landers, frary & clark | , , | , , aluminum goods co., manitowoc, wis. | , , | , , j. w. brown co. | , | , buckeye aluminum co., wooster, ohio | , | , rock island arsenal | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- knives. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- american cutlery co., chicago | , , | , , landers, frary & clark | , , | , , rock island arsenal | , | , international silverware co. | , | , hinckley manufacturing co. | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- forks. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- r. wallace & co. | , , | , , wallace bros. | , | , rock island arsenal | , | , charles parker co., meriden, conn. | , | , wm. b. durgin co., concord, n. h. | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- spoons. ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- r. wallace & co. | , , | , , national enameling & stamping co. | , | , wm. b. durgin co. | , | , charles parker co. | , | , |------------+----------- total | , , | , , ---------------------------------------------+------------+----------- book ii. the air service. chapter i. the aircraft problem. when the united states entered the war against germany in there was no phase of her forthcoming industrial effort from which so much was expected as from the building of airplanes and equipment for aerial warfare; yet there was no phase of the immense undertaking in which the united states was so utterly unprepared. in many other branches of the work of providing matériel for a modern army, however inadequately acquainted america might be with the developments which had gone on in europe since , yet she had splendid resources of skill and equipment which could quickly turn from the pursuits of peace to the arts attending warfare. but there was no large existing industry in the united states which could turn easily to the production of airplanes, since such airplanes as were known in europe in had never been built in the united states. it seems difficult now for us to realize how utterly unlearned we were, both in official and technical quarters, in the design, the production, or the use of aeronautical equipment in those early days of . here in america mechanical flight had been born; but we had lived to see other nations develop the invention into an industry and a science that was a closed book to our people. in the three years of warfare before american participation, the airplane had been forced through a whole generation of normal mechanical evolution. of this progress we were aware only as nontechnical and distant observers. such military study of the progress as we had conducted was casual. it had, in fact, brought to america scarcely a single basic fact on which we could build our contemplated industry. when the united states became a belligerent no american-built airplane had ever mounted a machine gun or carried any other than the simplest of necessary instruments. such things as oxygen apparatus, electrically heated clothing for aviators, radio-communication with airplanes, landing and bombing flares, electric lighting systems for planes, bomb-dropping devices, suitable compasses, instruments for measuring height and speed, and the like--in short, all the modern paraphernalia that completes the efficiency of combat airplanes--these were almost entirely unknown to us. the best of the prewar activities of america in this line had produced some useful airplane engines and a few planes which the countries then at war were willing to use only in training of aviators. within the army itself there was small nucleus of skill around which could be built an organization expert and sophisticated. we had in the official files no adequate information as to sizes, capacities, and types of planes or engines, or character of ordnance, armament, or aeronautical appliances demanded by the exacting service in which our young birdmen were soon to engage. even the airplanes on order in april, (over of them), proved to be of such antiquated design that the manufacturers of them, in the light of their increased knowledge of war requirements a few months later, asked to be released from their contracts. nor was there in the united states any industry so closely allied to airplane manufacture that its engineers and designers could turn from one to the other and take their places at once abreast of the progress in europe. there was little or no engineering talent in the united states competent to design fully equipped military aircraft which could compete with europe. our aircraft producers must first go to france and england and italy, and ground themselves in the principles of a new science before they could attempt to produce their own designs or even before they could be safe in selecting european designs for reproduction in this country. the first consideration of the whole program by the joint army and navy technical board indicated a figure of , as the number of airplanes, including both training and battle types, which should be furnished for the use of the army during the months following july , . this figure represented the determination of america to play a major part in aerial warfare. it was not possible for the board to realize at that time all of the problems which would be encountered, and the figures indicated confidence in the ability of the industrial organizations of the united states to meet a difficult situation, rather than an exact plan under which such production might be developed. it is probable that it was not fully realized that the production of this program, with the proper proportion of spare parts required for military operations, meant the manufacture of the equivalent of about , airplanes. without an industry then, and with little knowledge or understanding of the problems of military aerial equipment, we faced the task of securing the equivalent of , airplanes in brief months beginning july, . in one respect we were in a degree prepared in professional skill and mechanical equipment to go ahead on broad lines. this was in the matter of producing engines. the production of aviation engines in america had, indeed, been comparatively slight, but in the automobile industry had been developed a vast engine-building capacity. the detail equipment of automobile shops was not entirely suited to aviation engines, but, nevertheless, it furnished the basis for the future successful production of the liberty engine and the other engines called for by the air program. [illustration: airplanes in the air at one time over san diego, calif.] [illustration: two rows of airplanes lined up at a texas flying field.] america succeeded, once the requirements were known, in producing the various accessories of aerial warfare. it was necessary first to learn from foreign sources what these accessories were and how they should be built; but as a rule it was possible to adapt american production resources to the problem, and the difficulties experienced were rather those of determining requirements and the exact adaptation of the various articles to specific airplanes. the achievements of america in aircraft production during the war period may be summarized as follows: in our months of warfare we outdid any one of the belligerent nations in europe in the production of airplanes in its first months of intensive production. in our second year of war we nearly equaled the record of england in her third. at the end of the effort, after our designers had saturated themselves in the science and were abreast of the developments of europe, they produced several typical american airplanes which gave promise of being superior to any that europe was turning out. we created one of the three or four best airplane engines, if not the best of all, that the world had seen, and produced it in great quantities. we took a standard but complicated aero-engine from europe and not only duplicated it in quantity here but turned out a finer product than the original french makers had been able to obtain with their careful and more leisurely methods. in the steel cylinders of all the aero-engines we built was a capacity for producing some seven or eight million horsepower, an energy equivalent to one-fifth of the commercially practicable water power of the united states. the liberty engines built could alone do the work of the entire flood of niagara and have a million horsepower to spare. in three years of warfare the allies had been able to develop only a single machine gun that could be successfully synchronized to fire through a revolving airplane propeller. in months of actual effort america produced two others as good, both susceptible of factory quantity production. we developed new airplane cameras. we carried to new stages the science of clothing aviators. we developed in quantity the wireless airplane telephone that stilled in the ears of the pilot the bedlam of wind and machine guns and engine exhaust and placed him within easy speaking radius of his ground station and his commander in the air. we built balloons at a rate to supply more than our own needs. when the shortage of linen threatened the entire airplane output of the nations opposing germany, we developed cotton wing fabric that not only substituted for linen, but proved to be better; and in producing a liquid filler to make this fabric wind-tight we established on a large scale an entirely new chemical industry in the united states. such were the high points in the history of america's aircraft production for war. the details of the developments which led to these results are set forth on the following pages. [illustration: view of airplane in flight taken from another machine.] [illustration: parachute jump from an altitude of , feet, november , . picture taken at love field, tex., from an airplane.] chapter ii. airplane production. sketchy and incomplete as was our knowledge of airplane construction in the early days of , it was no more hazy than our notion of how many planes to build. what would constitute overwhelming superiority in the air? as an indication of the rapidity with which history has moved, it may be stated that in january and february of the signal corps discussed the feasibility of building , planes in a year of construction. this seems now to us a ridiculously low figure to propose as representative of american resources, but in the early weeks of the construction of a thousand airplanes appeared to be a formidable undertaking. in march, when war was inevitable, we raised this number to , planes within months; in april, when war was declared, we raised it again to , . but once we were in the war, through the exchange of military missions our designers were taken into the confidence of the aviation branches of the french, british, and italian armies and shown then for the first time a comprehensive view of the development of the war plane, both what had been done in the past and what might be expected in the future. as a result our joint army and navy technical board in the last week of may and the early part of june, , recommended to the secretaries of war and the navy that a building program be started at once to produce the stupendous total of , planes for our own use and , additional ones, if we were to train foreign aviators, or approximately , in all. this was a program worthy of america's industrial greatness. of these proposed planes, , were for training our flyers, for the defense of the united states and insular possessions, and , for active service in france. such was the task assigned to an industry that in the previous months had manufactured less than airplanes, and those consisting principally of training planes for foreign governments. the expanding national ambition for an aircraft industry was also shown by the mounting money grants. on may congress voted $ , , for military aeronautics. on june an appropriation of $ , , was voted for the same purpose. finally on july , , the president signed the bill appropriating $ , , for aircraft. this was the largest appropriation ever made by congress for one specific purpose, and this bill was put through both houses within the period of a little more than a week. the figure , , however, scarcely indicates the size of this undertaking, as we were to realize before long. we little understood the infinite complications of fully equipping battle planes. lacking that invaluable experience which europe had attained in three years of production, we had no practical realization of the fact that for each airplanes an equivalent of additional airplanes must be provided in spare parts. in other words, an effective fighting plane delivered in france is not one plane, but it is one plane and eight-tenths of another; which means that the program adopted in june, , called for the production in months of not , airplanes but rather the equivalent of , airplanes. let us set down the inventory of the government's own resources for handling this project. the american air service, which was then part of the signal corps, had had a struggling and meager existence, working with the old pusher type of planes until in an appropriation of $ , was made available for the purchase of new airplanes and equipment. shortly after this appropriation was granted, five officers were sent to the massachusetts institute of technology for a course in aeronautics. when the war broke out in europe in august, , these men constituted the entire technically trained personnel of the air service of the united states. by april , , we had officers in the air service, an enlisted and civilian personnel of , , two flying fields, and a few serviceable planes of the training type. this equipment may be compared with that of germany, france, and england at the time they went to war. germany is believed to have had nearly , airplanes in august, ; france had about ; and england barely . america's , delivered up to april , , were nearly all obsolete in type when compared with the machines then in effective service in france. no sooner had the united states embarked upon the war than the agents of the european manufacturers of airplanes descended upon the aircraft board in swarms. france and italy had both adopted the policy of depending upon the private development of designs for their supplies of airplanes, with the result that the builders of each country had produced a number of successful types of flying machines and an even greater number of types of engines. on the assumption that the united states would adopt certain of these types and build them here, the agents for the sopwiths, the capronis, the handley-pages, and many others proceeded to demonstrate the particular excellences of their various articles. out of this confusion of counsel stood one pertinent fact in relief--the united states would have to pay considerable royalties for the use of any of these european devices. as to the relative merits of types and designs, it was soon apparent that no intelligent decision could be reached in washington or anywhere but in europe. because of our distance from the front and the length of time required to put the american industrial machine into operation on a large scale, it was necessary that in advance we understand types and tendencies in aircraft construction, so that we might anticipate aircraft development in such special designs as we might adopt. otherwise, if we accepted the types of equipment then in use in europe, by the time we had begun producing on a large scale a year or so later we would find our output obsolete and out of date, so rapidly was the aircraft art moving. consequently, in june the united states sent to europe a commission of six civilian and military experts, headed by maj. r. c. bolling, part of whose duties was to advise the american war department as to what types of planes and engines and other air equipment we should prepare to manufacture. also, in april the chief of the signal corps had cables sent to england, france, and italy, requesting that aviation experts be sent at once to this country; and shortly after this we dispatched to europe more than skilled mechanics to work in the foreign engine and airplane plants and acquire the training that would make them the nucleus of a large mechanical force for aircraft production in this country. but while these early educational activities were in progress, much could be done at home that need not await the forthcoming reports from the bolling mission. we had, for instance, in this country several types of planes and engines that would be suitable for the training fields which were even then being established. the signal corps, therefore, bent its energies upon the manufacture of training equipment, leaving the development of battle aircraft to come after we should know more about that subject. it was evident that we could not equip an airplane industry and furnish machines to our fliers abroad before the summer of ; and so we arranged with france for this equipment by placing orders with french factories for , planes of regular french design. these were all to be delivered by july , . in the arrangement with the french factories we agreed to supply from the united states a great deal of the raw materials for these machines, and the contract for furnishing these supplies was given to j. g. white & co. of new york city. this concern did a creditable job, shipping about , , feet of lumber, much necessary machinery, and a multitude of items required in the fabrication of airplanes, all to the value of $ , , . the total weight of the shipments on this contract was something like , tons, this figure including , tons of lumber. the other tonnage consisted of tubing of steel, brass, copper and aluminum; sheets of steel, copper, lead, and aluminum; as well as bar steel, tool steel, structural steel, ball bearings, crank shafts, turnbuckles, radiator tubes, wire, cable, bolts, nuts, screws, nails, fiber cloth, felt, and rubber. all of this was in addition to approximately , machine tools, such as motors, lathes, and grinders. the orders for french planes were divided as follows: nieuport training planes, spad training planes, , breguet service planes; , spad service planes; and , new spad or nieuport service planes. the decision between the new spad or nieuport service planes was to be made as soon as the new spad could be tested. these planes were to be delivered in specified monthly quantities increasing in number until the total of , planes should be placed in our hands during the month of march, , alone. the contracts were to be concluded in june with the delivery of the final , planes. we also contracted for the manufacture of , service engines of the renault, hispano and gnome makes, all of these to be delivered by the end of june. when the armistice ended the fighting, we had produced a total of , airplanes in america, together with most of the necessary spare parts for about one-third of them. while a large part of the american airplanes built in the war period were of the training type rather than the service, or battle, type, nevertheless it was necessary that we have a large equipment of training planes in order to prepare the swiftly expanding personnel of the air service for its future activity at the front. the nations associated with us in the war, however, had produced their training equipment prior to our participation as a belligerent, and at the time we entered the war the french, british, and italians were producing only enough training planes to maintain their training equipment and were going in heavily with the rest of their airplane industries for the production of service planes. with these considerations in mind, the reader may make an interesting comparison of british and american plane production, the british figures being for both the british army and the british navy, whereas the american figures are for the american army alone. in the following table of comparison the british figures are based on the lockhart report of november , : _comparative rate of airplane production--british and united states army._ -------------------------+-----------+---------- | british | united calendar year. | army and | states | navy. | army. -------------------------+-----------+---------- , jan. to dec. | , | , jan. to dec. | , | [ ] , jan. to dec. | , | [ ] , , jan. to dec. | , |[ ] , -------------------------+-----------+---------- [ ] experimental. [ ] , built in last seven months only. [ ] inclusive of secured by engineering department. american total , if october production had continued through november and december. broadly stated, and without reference to types of planes produced, these figures mean that the united states in her second year of the war produced for the american army alone almost as many airplanes as great britain in her third year of the war built for both her army and navy. in october, , factories in this country turned out , planes, which, without allowing for the monthly expansion in the production, was at the rate of , planes per year. assuming no increase in the october rate of production, we would have attained the , airplanes in months after july , , the date on which the production effort may be said to have started. our production of fighting planes in the war period was , . on the day the armistice was signed we had received from all sources , planes. of these , had been produced for us by the allies. we had flying fields, , air service officers, and , enlisted men and civilian personnel. these figures do not mean that we had more than , planes on hand at that time, because the mortality in airplanes is high from accidents and ordinary wear and tear. the problem of material. once we had started out on this enterprise we soon discovered that the production of airplanes was something more than a mere manufacturing job. with almost any other article we might have made our designs, given orders to the factories, and rested in the security that in due time the articles would be forthcoming. but with airplanes we had to create the industry; and this meant not only the equipping of factories, but the procurement and sometimes the actual production of the raw materials. for instance, the ideal lubricant for the airplane motor is castor oil. when we discovered that the supply of castor oil was not nearly sufficient for our future needs, the government itself secured from asia a large quantity of castor beans, enough to seed more than , acres in this country and thus to provide for the future lubrication for our motors. this actual creation of raw materials was conducted on a much larger scale in the cases of certain other commodities used in airplane construction, particularly in the production of lumber and cotton and in the manufacture of the chemicals for the "dope" with which the airplane wings are covered and made air-tight. an airplane must have wings and an engine with a propeller to make it go; and, like a bird, it must have a tail to make it fly straight and a body (fuselage) to hold all together. part of the tail (the rudder) moves sideways and steers the airplane from left to right; part moves up and down (the elevators) and makes the airplane go up or down, and parts of the wings (the ailerons) move up and down and make the airplane tip from side to side. all of these things must be connected to the controls in the hands of the pilot. the front edges of the wings are raised above the line of flight; and when the propeller driven by the engine forces the wings through the air, the airplane is lifted and flies. all of the airplanes built for the united states during the war were tractor biplanes. in a plane of the tractor type the propeller is in front and pulls the machine. the biplane is so called because it has two planes or wings, one above the other. the biplane has been the most largely used of all types in war for two reasons: first, the struts and wires between the planes form a truss structure, and this gives the needed strength; and second, there is less danger of enemy bullets wrecking a biplane in the air because its wing support is greater than that of the monoplane or single-winged machine. since the airplane can lift only a limited weight, every part of the mechanism must be as light as possible. an airplane engine weighs from to pounds per horsepower, whereas an automobile motor weighs from to pounds per horsepower. the skeleton of the airplane is made of wood, mostly spruce, with sheet-steel fittings to join the wood parts together, and steel wires and rods to make every part a truss. this skeleton is covered with cloth, and the cloth is stretched and made smooth by dope. wood, sheet steel, wire, cloth, varnish--these are the principal components of an airplane. as raw materials they all seem easy to obtain in america. and so they are in peace times and for ordinary purposes. but never before had quality been so essential in an american industry, from the raw material up to the finished product--quality in the materials used, and quality in the workmanship which fashions the parts. but combined with this quality we were forced to produce in quantities, bounded only by our own physical limitations, and these quantities must include not only the materials for our own air program but also some of the principal raw materials used by the airplane builders in france and england, specifically, all of the spruce which the allies would require and, later, much of the wing fabric and dope for their machines. quite early it was apparent to us that we had on our hands a problem in spruce production which the government itself must solve, if the airplane undertaking were not to fail at the outset. when we entered the war linen was exclusively used for the covering of wings; and it developed almost immediately that the united kingdom was practically the sole source of linen. but the irish looms could not begin to furnish us with our needs for this commodity. later on came up the question of supplying dope and castor oil. finally, during the last months of the war, it became necessary for us to follow up the production of all classes of our raw material, particularly in working out a suitable supply of steel tubing. but our great creative efforts in raw materials were confined to spruce, fabric, and dope. the lumber problem involved vast questions of an industrial and technical character. we had to conduct a campaign of education in the knowledge of aircraft requirements that reached from the loggers themselves in the woods to the sawmill men, to the cut-up plants, and then followed through the processes of drying and sawing to the proper utilization of the lumber in the aircraft factories. in working out these problems, while we drew heavily upon the experience in europe, yet we ourselves added our own technical skill to the solution. the signal corps was assisted by the forest products laboratory at madison, wis., and by the wood section of the inspection department of the bureau of aircraft production. the united states forest service contributed its share of technical knowledge. at the end of the war we considered that our practice in the handling of aircraft lumber was superior to that of either france or england. the spruce problem. each airplane uses two distinct sorts of wood--first, the spruce or similar lumber for the wing beams or other plane parts; and second, mahogany, walnut, or other hardwoods for propellers. in each case the army production authorities were involved both in securing the lumber and in educating manufacturers to handle it properly. in an ordinary biplane there are two beams for each lateral wing, eight beams to the plane. these form the basis of strength for the wings. because of the heavy stresses put upon the airplanes by battle conditions, only the most perfect and straight-grained wood is suitable for these beams. all cross-grained or spiral-grained material, or material too coarse in its structure, is useless. spruce is the best of all woods for wing beams. our problem was to supply lumber enough for the wing beams, disregarding the other parts, as all other wood used in the manufacture of planes could be secured from cuttings from the wing-beam stock. at the beginning we built each beam out of one piece of wood; and this meant that the lumber must be extra long, thick, and perfect. until we learned how to cut the spruce economically we found that only a small portion of the lumber actually logged was satisfactory for airplanes. an average sized biplane uses less than feet of lumber. in the hands of skilled cutters this quantity can be worked out of , feet of rough lumber. but in the earlier days of the undertaking as high as , feet of spruce per plane were actually used because of imperfections in the lumber, lack of proper inspection at the mills, and faulty handling in transit and in the factories. we also used certain species of fir in building training planes. this wood is, like spruce, light, tough, and strong. the only great source of supply of these woods was in the pacific northwest, although there was a modest quantity of suitable timber in west virginia, north carolina, and new england. while at first we expected to rely upon the unaided efforts of the lumber producers, labor difficulties almost immediately arose in the northwest to hinder the production of lumber. the effort, too, was beset with difficulties of a physical nature, since the large virgin stands of spruce occurred only at intervals and often at long distances from the existing railroads. by the middle of october, , it became evident that the northwestern lumber industry unaided could not deliver the spruce and fir; and the chief of staff of the army formed a military organization to handle the situation. on november , , col. brice p. disque took command of the spruce production division of the signal corps, this organization later being transferred to the bureau of aircraft production. when col. disque went into the northwest he found the industry in chaotic condition. the i. w. w. was demoralizing the labor forces. the mills did not have the machinery to cut the straight-grained lumber needed and their timber experts were not sufficiently skilled in the selection and judging of logs to secure the maximum footage. the whole industry was organized along lines of quantity production and desired to avoid all high quality requirements insisted upon by the government. one of the first acts of the military organization was to organize a society called the loyal legion of loggers and lumbermen, the "l. l. l. l.," to offset the i. w. w. propaganda, its platform being, no strikes, fair wages, and the conscientious production of the government's requirements. on march , , , lumbermen and operators agreed without reservation to give col. disque power to decide all labor disputes. the specifications for logs were then standardized and modified as far as practicable to meet the manufacturers' needs. we arranged financial assistance that they might equip their mills with the proper machinery. we instituted a system of instruction for the personnel. finally, the government fixed a price for aircraft spruce that stabilized the industry and provided against delays from labor disputes. while these basic reforms were being instituted our organization had energetically taken up the physical problems relating to the work. we surveyed the existing stands of spruce timber, built railroads connecting them with the mills, and projected other railroads far into the future. we began and encouraged logging by farmers in small operations. by these and other methods employed, the efficiency of this production effort gradually increased. in all, we took , , feet of aircraft lumber out of the northwestern forests. to the allies went , , feet; to the united states army and navy, , , feet. [illustration: assembling de haviland- wings at the dayton-wright plant.] [illustration: sewing fabric on airplane wings.] [illustration: applying the dope to airplane wings.] yet when we had resolved the difficulties in the forests only part of the problem had been met. next came the intricate industrial question of how to prepare this lumber for aircraft use. we possessed little knowledge as to the proper methods of seasoning this timber. the vast majority of woodworking plants in this country, such as furniture and piano makers, had always dried lumber to the end that it might keep its shape. we now were faced with the technical question of drying lumber so as to preserve its strength. the forest products laboratory worked out a scientific method for this sort of seasoning. incidentally they discovered that ordinary commercial drying had seldom been carried on scientifically. the country will receive a lasting benefit from this instruction carried broadcast over the industry. in the progress of our wood studies we discovered a method of splicing short lengths of spruce to make wing beams and in the later months of the production used these spliced beams exclusively at a great saving in raw materials. the use of laminated beams would probably have become universal in another year of warfare. cotton fabric and dope. the flying surfaces of an airplane are made by stretching cloth over the frames. when we came into war it was supposed that linen was the only common fabric with sufficient strength for this use, and linen was almost exclusively used by the airplane builders, although italian manufacturers were trying to develop a cotton fabric. of the three principal sources of flax, belgium had been cut off from the allies, russia was isolated entirely after the revolution there, and ireland was left as the sole available land from which flax for airplane linen could be obtained. as late as august, , england assured us that she could supply all of the linen that would be needed. it rapidly became evident that england had underestimated our requirements. an average airplane requires yards of fabric, while some of the large machines need more than yards. and these requirements do not take into consideration the spare wings which must be supplied with each airplane. this meant a demand for millions of yards put upon the irish supply, which had no such surplus above allied needs. for some time prior to april , , the bureau of standards at washington had been experimenting with cotton airplane cloths. out of the large variety of fabrics tested several promising experimental cloths were produced. the chief objection to cotton was that the dope which gave satisfactory results on linen failed to work with uniformity on cotton. therefore, it became apparent that if we were to use cotton fabric, we should have to invent a new dope. two grades of cotton airplane cloth were finally evolved--a, which had a minimum strength of pounds per inch, and b, with a minimum strength of pounds per inch. grade a was later universally adopted. this cloth weighed four and one-half ounces per square yard. we placed our first orders for cotton airplane fabric in september, --orders for , yards--and from that time on the use of linen decreased. by march of the production of cotton airplane cloth had reached , yards per month. in may the production was about , yards; and when the war ended this material was being turned out at the rate of , , yards per month. starting with a few machines, our cotton mills had gradually brought , looms into the enterprise, each loom turning out about yards of cloth in a week. a total of , , yards of cotton fabric was woven and delivered to the government--over , miles of it, nearly enough to reach from california to france. the use of cotton fabric so expanded that in august, , we discontinued the importations of linen altogether. there was, however, danger that we would be limited in our output of cotton fabric if there were any curtailment in the supply of the long-staple sea-island and egyptian cotton of which this cloth is made. to make sure that there would be no shortage of this material the signal corps in november, , went into the market and purchased , bales of sea-island cotton. this at all times gave us an adequate reserve of raw material for the new fabric. cotton proved to be not only an admirable substitute for linen but even a better fabric than the original cloth which had been used. no matter how abundant the supply of flax may be, it is unlikely that linen will ever again be used in large quantities for the manufacture of airplane wings. thus, as the airplane situation was saved by the prompt action of the signal corps in organizing and training the spruce industry, so again its decision to produce cotton fabric and its prompt action in cornering the necessary cotton supply made possible the uninterrupted expansion of the allied aviation program. the wings of an airplane must not only be covered with fabric, but the fabric must be filled with dope, which is a sort of varnish. the function of the dope is to stretch the cloth tight and to create on it a smooth surface. after the dope is on the fabric the surface is protected further by a coat of ordinary spar varnish. we found in the market two sorts of dope which were being furnished to airplane builders of all countries by various chemical and varnish manufacturers. one of these dopes was nitrate in character and was made from nitrocellulose and certain wood-chemical solvents including alcohol. this produced a surface similar to that of a photographic film. the other kind of dope had an acetate base and was made from cellulose-acetate and such wood chemical solvents as acetone. the nitrate dope burned rapidly when ignited but the acetate type was slow burning. thus in training planes not subject to attack by enemy incendiary bullets the nitrate dope would be fairly satisfactory, but in the fighting planes the slow-burning acetate dope was a vital necessity. up to our participation in the war the dopes produced in the united states were principally nitrate in character. it was evident that we should make our new dope acetate in character to avoid the danger of fire. but for this we would require great quantities of acetone and acetate chemicals, and a careful canvass of the supply of such ingredients showed that it would be impossible for us to obtain these in anything like the quantities we should require without developing absolutely new sources of production. already acetone and its kindred products were being absorbed in large quantities by the war production of the allies. the british army was absolutely dependent upon cordite as a high explosive. acetone is the chemical basis of cordite; and therefore the british army looked with great concern upon the added demand which the american aviation program proposed to put upon the acetone supply. we estimated that in we would require , tons of acetone in our dope production. the british war mission in this country submitted figures showing that the war demands of the allies, together with their necessary domestic requirements, would in themselves be greater than the total world production of acetone. there was nothing then for us to do but to increase the source of supply of these necessary acetate compounds; and this was done by encouraging, financially and otherwise, the establishment of large chemical plants. these were located in as many towns and cities, as follows: collinwood, tenn.; tyrone, pa.; mechanicsville, n. y.; shawinigan falls, canada; kingsport, tenn.; lyle, tenn.; freemont, mo.; sutton, w. va.; shelby, ala.; and terre haute, ind. but it was evident that before these plants could be completed the airplane builders would be needing dope; and therefore steps were taken to keep things going in all the principal countries fighting germany until the acetate shortage could be relieved. in december, , we commandeered all the existing american supply of acetate of lime, the base from which acetone and kindred products are made. then we entered into a pool with the allied governments to ration these supplies of chemicals, pending the era of plenty. our agency in this pool was the wood-chemical section of the war industries board, whereas the allies placed their demands in the hands of the british war mission. these two boards allocated the acetate chemicals among the different countries according to the urgency of their demands. since it was evident there might be financial losses incurred as the result of the commandeering order or in the project of the new government chemical plants, the british war mission agreed that any deficit should be shared equally by the american and british governments. it was also agreed we should not have any advantage in prices paid for acetates of american origin. under this arrangement we were able to produce , , gallons of fabric dope during the period of hostilities, without upsetting any of the european war-production projects. had the war continued, the output from the chemical plants in which the government was a partner would have cared for all american and allied requirements, allowing the production of private plants to go exclusively for the ordinary commercial purposes. the training planes. the actual building of the airplanes gave a striking example of the value of previous experience, either direct or of a kindred nature, in the quantity production of an article. what airplanes we had built in the united states--and the number was small, being less than in the months prior to april, --had been entirely of the training type. these had been produced principally for foreign governments. but this slight manufacture gave us a nucleus of skill and equipment that we were able to expand to meet our own training needs almost as rapidly as fields could be equipped and student aviators enlisted. the training-plane program can be called a success, as the final production figures show. of the , airplanes actually turned out by american factories, , were training machines. this was close to the , mark set as our ambition in june, . there are two types of training planes--those used in the primary instruction of students and those in the advanced teaching, the latter approaching the service planes in type. the primary plane carries the student and the instructor. each occupant of the fuselage has before him a full set of controls which are interconnected so that the instructor at will can do the flying himself, or correct the student's false moves, or allow the student to take complete charge of the machine. these primary planes fly at the relatively slow speed of miles per hour on the average and require engines so reliable that they need little attention. for our training planes we adopted the curtiss jn- , with the curtiss ox- engine, and as a supplementary equipment the standard aero corporation's j- plane, with the hall-scott a- -a engine. both of these planes and both engines had been previously manufactured here. the curtiss equipment, which was the standard at our training camps, gave complete satisfaction. the j- plane was later withdrawn from use, partly because the plane itself was not liked, partly because of the vibration resulting from this hall-scott engine, it having only four cylinders, and partly because of the uncertainty of the engine in cold weather. [illustration: curtiss jn -d, used as a primary training machine. engine, curtiss ox- . this machine has a dual control and is used solely for training purposes.] [illustration: v. e. . equipped with -horsepower hispano-suiza engine. an american designed training plane.] it was evident that at the start we must turn our entire manufacturing capacity to the production of training planes, since we would need these first in any event, and we were not yet equipped with the knowledge to enable us to make intelligent selections of service types. in taking up the manufacturing problem the first step was to divide the existing responsible airplane plants between the army and navy, following the general rule that a single plant should confine its work to the needs of one government department only. there were, of course, exceptions to this rule. this division gave to the army the plants of the-- curtiss aeroplane & motor corporation, buffalo, n. y. standard aircraft corporation, elizabeth, n. j. thomas-morse aircraft corporation, ithaca, n. y. wright-martin aircraft corporation, los angeles, calif. sturtevant aeroplane co., boston, mass. the factories which fell to the navy were those of the-- curtiss aeroplane & motor corporation, buffalo, n. y. the burgess co., marblehead, mass. l. w. f. (lowe, willard & fowler) engineering co., college point, long island. aeromarine engineering & sales co., new york. gallaudet aircraft corporation, new york. boeing airplane co., seattle, wash. of these concerns, curtiss, standard, burgess, l. w. f., thomas-morse, and wright-martin were the only ones which had ever built more than machines. these factories were quite insufficient in themselves to carry out the enterprise. therefore it became necessary to create other airplane plants. two new factories thereupon sprang into existence under government encouragement. the largest producer of automobile bodies was the fisher body co., at detroit, mich. the manufacture of automobile bodies is akin to the manufacture of airplanes to the extent that each is a fabrication of accurate, interchangeable wood and sheet-steel parts. the fisher organization brought into the enterprise not only machinery and buildings but a skilled organization trained in such production on a large scale. at dayton, ohio, the dayton-wright airplane corporation was created. with this company was associated orville wright, and its engineering force was built up around the old wright organization. a number of immense buildings which had been recently erected for other purposes were at once utilized in this new undertaking. as an addition to these two large sources of supply, j. g. white & co. and j. g. brill & co., the well-known builders of street cars, formed the springfield aircraft corporation at springfield, mass. also certain forward-looking men on the pacific coast created in california several airplane plants, some of which ultimately became satisfactory producers of training planes. at this point in the development we were not aware of the great production of spare parts that would be necessary. yet we did understand that there must be a considerable production of spares; and in order to take the burden of this manufacture from the regular airplane plants, and also to educate other factories up to the point where they might undertake the construction of complete airplanes, we placed many contracts for spare parts with widely scattered concerns. among the principal producers of spares were the following: the metz co., waltham, mass. sturtevant aeroplane co., jamaica plains, mass. wilson body co., bay city, mich. west virginia aircraft corporation, wheeling, w. va. the rubay co., cleveland, ohio. engel aircraft co., niles, ohio. hayes-ionia co., grand rapids, mich. for a long time the supply of spare parts was insufficient for the needs of the training fields. this was only partly due to the early lack of a proper realization of the quantity of spares that would be required. the production of spares on an adequate scale was hampered by numerous manufacturing difficulties incident to new industry of any sort in shops unacquainted with the work, and by a lack of proper drawings for the parts. as to the training planes themselves, with all factories in the country devoting themselves to this type exclusively at the start, the production soon attained great momentum. the curtiss co. particularly produced training planes at a pace far beyond anything previously obtained. the maximum production of jn- machines was reached in march, , when were turned out. advanced training machines are faster, traveling at about miles per hour; and they carry various types of equipment to train observers, gunners, photographers, and radio men. for this machine we adopted the curtiss jn- h, which was substantially the same as the primary training plane, except that it carried a -horsepower hispano-suiza engine. we also built a few "penguins," a kind of half airplane that never leaves the ground; but this french method of training with penguins we never really adopted. the finishing school for our aviators was in france, where the training was conducted in nieuports and other fighting machines. in july, , we reached the maximum production of the advanced training machines, the output being . as the supply of primary training planes met the demands of the fields, the production was reduced, since the original equipment, kept up by only enough manufacture to produce spares and replacement machines, would suffice to train all of the aviators that we would need. the actual production of training planes by months was as follows: -----------+---------+----------- | primary | advanced | training| training | planes, | planes, | sj- , | jn- and | jn- d, | h, s- b | penguin.|and c, e- , | | se- . -----------+---------+----------- | | april | | may | | june | | july | | august | | september | | october | | november | | december | | | | | | january | | february | | march | | april | | may | | june | | july | | august | | september | | october | | november | | december | | |---------+----------- total | , | , -----------+---------+----------- the service planes. it was not until we took up the production of fighting, or service, airplanes that we came into a full realization of the magnitude of the engineering and manufacturing problems involved. we had perhaps a dozen men in the united states who knew something about the designing of flying machines, but not one in touch with the development of the art in europe or who was competent to design a complete fighting airplane. we had the necessary talent to produce designs and conduct the manufacture of training planes; but at the outset, at least, we were unwilling to attempt designs for service planes on our own initiative. at the beginning we were entirely guided by the bolling mission in france as to types of fighting machines. in approaching this, the more difficult phase of the airplane problem, our first act was to take an inventory of the engineering plants in the united states available for our purposes. with the curtiss co. was glenn curtiss, a leader of airplane design, and several competent engineers. the curtiss co. had been the largest producers in the united states of training machines for the british and had had the benefit of assistance from british engineers, and so possessed more knowledge and experience to apply to the service-plane problem than any other company. for this reason we selected this plant to duplicate the french spad plane, the story of which undertaking will be told further on. orville wright, the pioneer of flying, was not in the best of health, but was devoting his entire time to experimental work in dayton. willard, who had designed the l. w. f. airplane and was then with the aeromarine co.; chas. day, formerly with the sloane manufacturing co., and then with the standard aero corporation; starling burgess, with the burgess co., of marblehead, mass.; grover c. loening, of the sturtevant co.; and d. d. thomas, with the thomas-morse co., were all aviation engineers on whom we could call. one of the best experts of this sort in the country was lieut. commander hunsaker, of the navy. in the signal corps we had capt. v. e. clark, who was also an expert in aviation construction, and he had several able assistants under him. the burgess factory at marblehead, the aeromarine plants at nutley and keyport, n. j., and the boeing airplane co. at seattle were to work exclusively for the navy, according to the mutual agreement, taking their aeronautical engineers with them. this gave the army the engineering resources of the curtiss, dayton-wright, and thomas-morse companies. quite early we decided to give precedence in this country to the observation type of service plane, eliminating the single-place fighter altogether and following the observation planes as soon as possible with production of two-place fighting machines. this decision was based on the fact, not always generally remembered, that the primary purpose of war flying is observation. the duels in the air that occurred in large numbers, especially during the earlier stages of the war, were primarily to protect the observation machines or to prevent observation by enemy machines. the first service plane which we put into production and which proved to be the main reliance of our service-plane program was the de haviland- , which is an observation two-place airplane propelled by a liberty -cylinder engine. as soon as the bolling mission began to recommend types of service machines, it sent samples of the planes thus recommended. the sample de haviland was received in new york on july , . after it had been studied by various officers it was sent to dayton. it had reached us without engine, guns, armament, or many other accessories later recommended as essential to a fighting machine. before we could begin any duplication the plane had to be redesigned to take our machine guns, our instruments, and our other accessories, as well as our liberty engine. the preliminary designing was complete, and the first american-built de haviland model was ready to fly on october , . figure does not tell quite the complete story of de haviland production, since in august and september, de haviland planes which had been built were shipped to france without engines and were there knocked down to provide spare parts for other de havilands in service. these machines, therefore, do not appear in the production total. adding them to the figures above, we find that the total output of de haviland airplanes up to the end of december, , was in number , . [illustration: de haviland- . used for observation, reconnaissance, combat, day bombing, and defensive fighting. engine, liberty -cylinder, -horsepower. weight, empty, , pounds. weight, full load, , pounds. ground speed is . miles per hour. speed at , feet, miles per hour. speed at , feet, miles per hour. , feet is reached in minutes with full load. ceiling, , feet.] [illustration: united states de haviland -a. this is the american development of the british dh- .] [illustration: figure . de haviland- airplanes produced each month during . jan. feb. mar. apr. may. ===== june. =========== july. ================ aug. ==== sept. ===================== oct. ==================================== nov. ================================== dec. =============== ] the production of the model machine only served to show us some of the problems which must be overcome before we could secure a standard design that could go into quantity production. experimental work on the de haviland continued during december, , and january and february, . the struggle, for it was a struggle, to secure harmony between this english design and the american equipment which it must contain ended triumphantly on the th day of april, , when the machine known as no. was completely finished and established as the model for the future de havilands. the characteristics of the standard american de haviland- were as follows: endurance at , feet full throttle, hours minutes. endurance at , feet half throttle, hours minutes. ceiling, , feet. climb to , feet (loaded) minutes. speed at ground level, . miles per hour. speed at , feet, miles per hour. speed at , feet, miles per hour. speed at , feet, miles per hour. weight, bare plane, , pounds. weight, loaded, , pounds. endurance here means the length of time the fuel supply will last. the ceiling is the maximum altitude at which the plane can be maneuvered in actual service. ground level means only far enough above the ground to be clear of obstructions. the first de havilands arriving in france were immediately put together, such remediable imperfections as existed were corrected then and there, and the machines were flown to the training fields. the changing and increasing demands of the service indicated the advisability of certain changes of design. the foreign manufacturers had brought out a covering for the gasoline tanks, making them nearly leak-proof, even when perforated by a bullet. in the first de havilands the location of the principal gas tanks between the pilot and the observer was not the best arrangement in that the men were too far apart from each other so that, if the machine went down, the pilot would be crushed by the gas tank. also the radius of action was not considered to be great enough, even though the later machines of this type carried gallons of gasoline. as a result the american aircraft designers brought out an improved de haviland known as the -a. this carried a liberty- engine; and the main differences between it and the de haviland- were new locations for pilot and tanks, their positions being changed about, increased gasoline capacity, and increased wing surface. the machine was a cleaner, more finished design, showed slightly more speed, and had a greater radius of action than the de haviland- which it was planned to succeed. we ordered , of these new machines from the curtiss co., but the armistice cut short this production. the difficulties in the way of producing new service planes on a great scale without previous experience in such construction is clearly shown in the attempts we made to duplicate other successful foreign planes. on september , , we received from the aviation experts abroad a sample of the french spad. we had previously been advised to go into a heavy production of this model and had made arrangements for the curtiss co. at buffalo to undertake the work. this development was well under way when in december a cablegram was received from gen. pershing advising us to leave the production of all single-place fighters to europe. as a result we canceled the spad order, and after that we attempted to build no single-place pursuit planes. [illustration: the lepere corps observation plane.] [illustration: the lepere (camouflaged). the engine is a liberty -cylinder, -horsepower. this plane was developed in the united states.] at the time this course seemed to be justified. the day of the single seater seemed to be over. the lone occupant of the single seater can not keep his attention on all directions at once; and as the planes grew thicker in the air, the casualties among flyers increased. but the development of formation flying restored the single-place machine to favor. the formation had no blind spot, thus removing the principal objection to the single seater. the end of the war found the one-man airplane more useful than ever. our concentration here, however, was upon two-place fighters. on august , , we received from abroad a sample of the bristol fighting plane, a two-seat machine. the government engineers at once began redesigning this machine to take the liberty- engine and the american ordnance and accessories. the engine which had been used in the bristol plane developed horsepower. we proposed to equip it with an engine developing horsepower. the bristol undertaking was not successful. the fact that later in the airplane program american designers successfully developed two-seater pursuit planes around the liberty- engine shows that the engine decision was not the fault in the bristol failure. there were repeated changes in the engineering management of the bristol job. first the government engineers alone undertook it; then the government engineers combined with the drafting force of the airplane factory; finally the government placed on the factory the entire responsibility for the job, without, however, permitting the manufacturer to correct any of the basic principles involved. all in all, the development of an american bristol was most unsatisfactory, and the whole project was definitely abandoned in june, . the fundamental difficulty in all of these attempts was that we were trying to fit an american engine to a foreign airplane instead of building an american airplane around an american engine. it was inevitable that this difficulty should arise. we had skill to produce a great engine and did so, but for our earliest models of planes for this engine we relied upon the foreign models until we were sufficiently advanced in the art to design for ourselves. we were successful in making the adaptation only in the case of the de haviland and then only after great delay. but eventually we were to see some brilliantly successful efforts to design a two-place fighter around the liberty- . we had need of such a mechanism to supplement the de haviland observation-plane production and make a complete service-plane program. on january , , capt. lepere, a french aeronautical engineer, who had formerly been with the french government at st. cyr, began experimental work on a new plane at the factory of the packard motor car co. by may his work had advanced to a stage where the government felt justified in entering into a contract with the packard co. to provide shop facilities for the production of experimental planes under capt. lepere's direction. the result of these efforts was a two-place fighting machine built around a liberty engine. from the start this design met with the approval of the manufacturer and engineers because of its clean-cut perfection. the performance of the lepere plane in the air is indicated by the following figures: ---------------------------+--------------------+------------------ r. p. m. = revolutions made| climb. | speed. by propellers in a minute.| | ---------------------------+-----------+--------+---------+-------- altitude. | time. |r. p. m.| miles |r. p. m. | | | an hour.| ---------------------------+-----------+--------+---------+-------- |_min. sec._| | | ground | | , | | , , feet | | , | | , , feet | | , | | , , feet | | , | | , ---------------------------+-----------+--------+---------+-------- here at last was a machine that performed brilliantly in the air and contained great possibilities for quantity production, because it was designed from the start to fit american manufacturing methods. we placed orders for , lepere machines. none of the factories, however, had come into production with the lepere on november , . seven sample machines had been turned out and put through every test. it was the belief of those in authority that at last the training and technique of the best aeronautical engineers of france had been combined with the liberty, probably the best of all aerial engines; and it was believed that the spring of would see the yankee fliers equipped with american fighting machines that would be superior to anything they would be required to meet. nor were these expectations without justification. the weeks and months following the declaration of the armistice and extending through to the spring of were to witness the birth of a whole brood of new typically american designs of airplanes of which the lepere was the forerunner. in short, when the armistice brought the great aviation enterprise to an abrupt end, the american industry had fairly caught that of europe, and america designers were ready to match their skill against that of the master builders of france, great britain, italy, and the central powers. the lepere -seated fighter was quickly followed by two other lepere models--one of them, known as the lepere c- , being armored, and driven by a bugatti engine, and the other a triplane driven by two liberty engines and designed to be a day bomber. then the first american designed single-seat pursuit planes began making their appearance--the thomas-morse pursuit plane, its miles an hour at ground level, making it the fastest airplane ever tested by our government, if it were not the speediest plane ever built; the ordnance engineering corporation's scout, an advanced training plane; and several others. in two-seater fighting planes there was the loening monoplane, an extremely swift and advanced type. there were several other new two-seaters designed experimentally in some instances and some of them giving brilliant promise. [illustration: the loening monoplane. this is one of the new distinctively american planes.] [illustration: the loening two-place pursuit plane.] perhaps the severest and most exacting critic of aviation material is the aviator who has to fly the plane and fight with the equipment at the front. brig. gen. william mitchell, then a colonel, was sent to france in . he became in succession chief of the air service of the first army corps, chief of the air service of the first army, and finally chief of the air service of the american group of armies in france. he commanded the aerial operations at the reduction of the st. mihiel salient, where he gained the distinction of having commanded more airplanes in action than were ever assembled before under a single command. at st. mihiel there were , allied planes in action, including, with our own, french, english, and italian planes. gen. mitchell, therefore, is a high authority as to the relative merits of air equipment from the airman's standpoint. in the spring of , after a thorough investigation of the latest types of american planes and aerial equipment at the wilbur wright field at dayton, he sent to the director of air service, washington, d. c., the following telegram under date of april , : i recommend the following airplanes in the numbers given be purchased at once: lepere -place corps observation, loening -place pursuit, ordnance engineering corporation -place pursuit, thomas-morse -place pursuit, usd -a day bombardment, additional hispano-suiza -horsepower engines, , parachutes. all of the above types are the equal of or better than anything in europe. mitchell. now, let us see some of the specifications and performances of these new models. the usd -a, being the redesigned and improved de haviland , may be given a place as a latest model. it is a two-place bombing plane of the tractor biplane type, equipped with a liberty engine and weighing , pounds, loaded with fuel, oil, guns, and bombs, and with its crew aboard. with this weight its performance record in the official tests at wilbur wright field in dayton was as follows: speed (miles per hour): at ground . . at , feet . . at , feet . . at , feet . . climb: to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes. service ceilings (feet) , . the lepere c- , a tractor biplane equipped with a liberty engine, packard make, weighing with its load aboard , pounds, performed as follows in the tests at the wilbur wright field: speed (miles per hour): at ground . at , feet . at , feet . at , feet . climb: to , feet, time minutes. to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes seconds. service ceiling (feet) , . endurance at full speed at ground (hours) . . the lepere carries two marlin guns synchronized with the propeller and operated by the pilot and two lewis guns operated by the observer. a total of , rounds of ammunition is carried. the loening monoplane, a tractor airplane equipped with an hispano-suiza -horsepower engine and representing, loaded, a gross weight of , pounds, its military load including two marlin and two lewis machine guns, performed as follows at the wilbur wright field: speed (miles per hour): at ground . . at , feet . . at , feet . at , feet . . climb: to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes seconds. service ceiling (feet) , . the ordnance scout with a le rhone -horsepower engine, weighing, loaded, , pounds, is an advanced training plane. in its official test at wilbur wright field it performed as follows: speed (miles per hour): at , feet . at , feet . . at , feet . . climb: to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes seconds. to , feet, time minutes seconds. the thomas-morse mb- pursuit plane, a tractor biplane equipped with an hispano-suiza -horsepower engine, weighing, including its crew but without military load, , pounds, in unofficial tests at wilbur wright field, performed as follows: speed, at ground level (miles per hour) . . climb, to , feet minutes seconds. [illustration: the thomas-morse pursuit plane.] [illustration: s. e. . equipped with -horsepower hispano-suiza engine.] the thomas-morse pursuit plane is armed with two browning machine guns synchronized with the propeller and carries , rounds of ammunition. uncertain as we were originally as to types of pursuit and observation planes to produce in this country, we were still more uncertain as to designs of night-bombing machines. these relatively slow weight-carrying planes were big and required the motive power of two or three engines, with the complications attendant upon double or triple power plants. they really presented the most difficult manufacturing problem which we encountered. until the summer of there were only two machines of this type which we could adopt, the handley-page and the caproni. we put the handley-page into production, not because it was necessarily as perfect as the caproni, but because we could get the drawings for this machine and could not get the drawings for the caproni, owing to complications in the negotiations for the right to construct the italian airplane. we were not entirely satisfied with the decision to build handley-pages, because the ceiling, or maximum working altitude which could be attained by this machine, was low; and, months later, when we were in production, we might find the handley-pages of doubtful value because of the ever-increasing ranges of antiaircraft guns. we secured a set of drawings, supposed to be complete, for the handley-page in august, ; but twice during the following winter new sets of drawings were sent from england, and few, if any, of the parts as designed in the original drawings escaped alteration. the handley-page has a wing spread of over feet. therefore, it was evident from the start that such machines could not have the fuselage, wings, and other large parts assembled in this country for shipment complete to europe. we decided to manufacture the parts in this country and assemble the machines in england, the british air ministry in london having entered into a contract for the creation of an assembling factory at oldham, england, in the lancashire district. when it is realized that each handley-page involves , separate parts, the magnitude of the manufacturing job alone may be somewhat understood. but after they were manufactured, these parts, particularly the delicate members made of wood, had to be carefully packed so as to reach england in good condition. the packing of the parts was in itself a problem. we proposed to drive the american handley-pages with two liberty engines in each machine. the fittings, which were extremely intricate pieces of pressed steel work, were practically all to be produced by the mullins steel boat co. at salem, ohio. contracts for the other parts were placed with the grand rapids airplane co., a concern which had been organized by a group of furniture makers at grand rapids, mich. all of the parts were to be brought together previously to ocean shipment in a warehouse built for the purpose at the plant of the standard aero corporation at elizabeth, n. j. the standard aero corporation was engaged under contract to set up per cent of the handley-page machines complete in this country. these were to be used at our training fields. again, in the case of the handley-page, the engineering details proved to be a serious cause of delay. we found it difficult to install the liberty engines in this foreign plane. when the armistice cut short operations, complete sets of parts had been shipped to england, and seven complete machines had been assembled in this country. none of the american-built handley-page machines saw service in france. there had been great delay in the construction of the assembling plant in england, and the work of setting up the machines had only started when the armistice was signed. the performance table of the handley-page shows its characteristics as follows: speed at ground level, miles per hour. climb to , feet, minutes seconds. climb to , feet, minutes. ceiling , feet, minutes. on its tests gallons of gasoline, gallons of oil, and men were carried, but no guns, ammunition, nor bombs. after a long delay, about january , , tentative arrangements had been made with the caproni interests looking toward the production of caproni biplanes in this country. these machines had a higher ceiling and a greater speed than the handley-page. capt. d'annunzio with expert italian workmen, bringing with him designs and samples, came to this country and initiated the redesigning of the caproni machine to accommodate three liberty engines. the actual production of caproni planes in this country was limited to a few samples which were being tested when the armistice was signed. the factories had tooled up for the production, however, and in a few months capronis would doubtless have been produced in liberal quantities. the performance of the sample planes in two tests is shown by the following figures: ----------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- | test . | test . ----------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- speed at ground level | miles per hour | . miles per hour. climb to , feet | minutes seconds | minutes seconds. climb to , feet | minutes seconds | minutes seconds. climb to , feet | minutes | climb to , feet | | minutes seconds. ----------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- [illustration: one of the small thomas-morse scouts beside a giant handley-page machine.] [illustration: armored german airplane shot down on the western front.] [illustration: nieuport scout beside a loening monoplane.] as we had produced fighting planes built around the liberty motor, so, too, in the night-bombing class american invention, with the experience of several months of actual production behind it, was able to bring out an american bombing plane that promised to supersede all other types in existence. this machine was designed by glen l. martin in the fall of . it was a night-bomber equipped with two liberty -cylinder engines. the martin spread of feet gave it a carrying capacity comparable with that of the handley-page. its speed of miles an hour at ground level far exceeded that of either the caproni or handley-page, and it was evident that its ceiling would be higher than that of the caproni, the estimated ceiling of the martin being , feet. the machine never reached the state of actual quantity production, but several experimental models were built and tested. being built around its engine it reflected clean-cut principles of design, and its performances in the air were truly remarkable for a machine of its type. the following table shows the results of the preliminary tests of the martin bomber: ----------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- | test . | test . ----------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- speed at ground level | . miles per hour | . miles per hour. climb to , feet | minutes seconds | minutes. climb to , feet | minutes seconds | minutes. climb to , feet | | minutes seconds. total weight | , pounds | , pounds. ----------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- the total delivery of airplanes to the united states during the period of the war was , . these came from the following sources: united states contractors, , ; france, , ; england, ; italy, . [illustration: figure . u. s. squadrons at the front. a squadron is equipped with from to planes. apr. , . === may , . ============ june , . ============= july , . ============== aug. , . ========================== sept. , . ================================ oct. , . =========================================== nov. , . =============================================] estimates of aircraft strength on the front were always uncertain, due to variations in the estimates of the number of planes in a squadron. the standing of the united states in aeroplanes at the front is indicated in the estimate of the american air service as of november , . the figures of this estimate are as follows: france , great britain , united states italy ----- total , these figures represent fighting planes equipped ready for service, but do not include replacement machines at the front or in depots or training machines in france. [illustration: figure . comparison enemy planes brought down by u. s. forces and u. s. planes brought down by the enemy. u. s. planes lost to enemy. ============== enemy planes lost to u. s. forces[ ] ======================== [ ] confirmed losses; in addition there were unconfirmed.] the actual strength of the central powers in the air is at this time not definitely known to us. such figures as we have are viewed with suspicion because of the two methods of observation in reporting an enemy squadron. this may be planes to a squadron, that number representing the planes in active service in the air. but each squadron had a complement of replacement planes equalling the number of active planes, so that the squadron could be listed with planes. however, as some indication of the relative air strengths of the central powers we have a report from the chief of the air service of the american expeditionary forces showing that on july , , germany had , planes on the front and austria . [illustration: the glenn martin bomber. the gross weight of this machine is , pounds. it can be equipped with five lewis machine guns. its ground speed is miles an hour and its service ceiling is , feet. it climbs to a height of , feet in minutes seconds and to , feet in minutes seconds.] [illustration: the caproni, equipped with three liberty -cylinder engines.] chapter iii. the liberty engine. the liberty engine was america's distinctive contribution to the war in the air, and her chief one. the engine was developed in those first chaotic weeks of preparation of , when our knowledge of planes, instruments, and armament as then known in europe was still a thing of the future. the manufacture of engines for any aeronautical purpose was one which we might approach with confidence. we possessed in the united states motor engineering talent at least as great as any in europe, while in facilities for manufacture--in plants which had built our millions of automobile engines--no other part of the world could compare with us. therefore, while waiting word from europe as to the best type of wings, fuselages, instruments and the like, we went ahead to produce for ourselves a new, typically american engine which would uphold the prestige of america in actual battle. many americans have doubtless wondered why we built our own engine instead of adopting one or more of the highly developed european engines then at hand; and no doubt our course in this vital matter has sometimes been set down to mere pride in our ability and to an unwillingness to follow the lead of other nations in a science in which we ourselves were preeminent--the science of building light internal-combustion engines. but national pride, aside from giving us confidence that our efforts in this direction would be successful, had little other weight in the decision. there were other reasons, and paramount ones, reasons leading directly from the necessity for the united states to arrive at her maximum aerial effort in a minimum of time, that irresistibly compelled the aircraft production organization to design a standard american engine. let us examine some of these considerations. if there was anything to be observed from this side of the atlantic with respect to the tendencies of aircraft evolution in europe it was that the horsepowers of the engines were continually increasing, these expansions coming almost from month to month as newer and newer types and sizes of engines were brought out by the european inventors. it was evident to us that there was not a single foreign engine then in use on the western front that was likely to survive the test of time. each might be expected to have its brief day of supremacy, only to be superseded by something more modern and more powerful. yet time was an element to which in this country we must give grave consideration. to produce in quantities such as we were capable of producing would ordinarily require a year of maximum industrial effort to equip our manufacturing plants with the machines, tools, and skilled workmen necessary for the production of parts. the finished articles would under normal circumstances begin coming in quantity during the second year of our program. it would have been fatal to "tool up" our plants for the manufacture of equipment that would be out of date by the time we began producing it a year later. the obvious course for the united states to adopt, not only with engines but with all sorts of aeronautical equipment, was to come into the manufacturing competition not abreast with european progress but several strides ahead of it, so that when we appeared on the field it would be with equipment a little in advance in type and efficiency of anything the rest of the world had to offer. this factor of time was a strong element in the decision to produce a standard american engine, since with the possible exception of the rolls-royce there was no engine in europe of sufficient horsepower and proved reliability to guarantee that it would retain its serviceability for the necessary two years upon which we must reckon. there was no other course that we could safely adopt. but there were other conditions that influenced our conclusion. we believed that we could design and produce an engine much more quickly and with much better results than we could copy and produce any approved foreign model. this proved to be true in actual experience. along with the production of liberty engines we went into the quantity manufacture of a number of european engines in this country; and the experience of our engineers and factory executives in this work was anything but pleasant. among others we produced in american factories the gnome, the hispano-suiza, le rhone, and the bugatti engines. now european manufacture of mechanical appliances differs from ours largely in the degree to which the human equation is allowed to enter the shop. in continental practice much of the metallurgical specifications and also of the details of mechanical measurements, limits of requisite accuracy, variations which can be allowed, etc., are not put on paper in detail for the guidance of operators, but are confided to the recollections of the individual workmen. a machine comes in its parts to the assembly room of a foreign factory, and after that it is subject to adjustments on the part of the skilled workmen before its operation is successful. it must be tinkered with before it will go, so to speak. nothing of the sort is known in an american factory. when standard parts come together for assembly the calibrations must have been so exact that the machine will function perfectly when it is brought together; and assembling becomes mere routine. thus when we came to adopt foreign plans and attempt to adapt them to our practices, we encountered trouble and delay. thirteen months were required to adapt the hispano-suiza -horsepower engine to our factory methods and to get the first engine from production tools, while eight months were similarly spent in producing the le rhone -horsepower engines. both of these engines had been in production in european factories for a long time, and we had the advantage of all the assistance which the foreign manufacturers could give us. these experiences merely confirmed the opinions of american manufacturers that the preparations for the production of any aviation engine of foreign design--if any such suitable and adequate engine could be found--would require at least as much time as to design and tool up for the production of an american engine. when to this was added the necessity of waiting for several weeks or months for a decision on the part of our aviation authorities, either in the united states or in europe, as to which of the many types of engines then in use by the allies should be put into production here, procuring and shipping to this country suitable samples, drawings, and specifications, negotiating with foreign owners for rights to manufacture, etc., there was but one answer to be made on this score, and that was to design and build an all-american engine. another factor in the decision was that of our distance from france, a fact making it necessary for us to simplify as much as possible the problem of furnishing repair parts. at the time we entered the war the british air service was using or developing different makes of engines, while france had . should we be lured into any such situation it might have disastrous results, if only because of the difficulties of ocean transportation. germany was practically concentrating upon not more than engines. the obvious thing for us to do was to produce as few types of engines as possible, thus making simpler the problem of manufacturing repair parts and shipping them to the front. with these considerations in mind, the equipment division of the signal corps in may of determined to go ahead with the design and production of a standard engine for the fighting forces of the aviation branch of the army. in the engineering field two men stood out who combined in themselves experience in designing internal-combustion engines which approached nearest to combat engines, with experience also in large quantity production. j. g. vincent, with the engineering staff of the packard motor car co., had for approximately two years been engaged in research work, developing several types of -cylinder aviation engines of approximately to horsepower, which, however, were not suitable for military purposes because of their weight per horsepower. this work had resulted in the acquirement of a large amount of data and information which would be invaluable in the design of such an engine as the one proposed; and also had resulted in the upbuilding of an efficient experimental organization. he had also had wide experience in designing internal-combustion motors for quantity production. e. j. hall, of the hall-scott motor car co., for eight years had been developing and latterly producing several types of aeronautical engines, which he had delivered into the service of several foreign governments, including russia, norway, china, japan, australia, canada, and england. he had also completed and tested a -cylinder engine of horsepower, which, however, was of too great weight per horsepower to be suitable in its form at that time for military purposes. he had thus acquired a large experience and fund of information covering the proper areas and materials for engine parts, and proper methods of tests to be applied to such engines, and in addition he had general experience in quantity production. all of this information and experience was of invaluable assistance not only in designing the new engine, but in determining its essential metallurgical and manufacturing specifications. these two men were thus qualified in talent and in practice to lay down on paper the lines and dimensions of the proposed engine, an engine that would meet the army's requirements and still be readily capable of prompt quantity production. they had in their hands the power to draw freely upon the past experience and achievement of practically the entire world for any features they might decide to install in the model power plant to be produced. and this applied not only to the patented features of american motors, but also of foreign engines; for each man had exhaustively studied the leading european engines, including the mercedes upon which germany largely pinned her faith up to the end of the war. with respect to american motor patents, an interesting situation had arisen in the automobile industry. the leading producers of motor cars were in an association which had adopted an arrangement known as the cross-licensing agreement. under this agreement all patents taken out by the various producers (with a few exceptions) were thrown into a pool upon which any producer at will was permitted to draw without payment of royalties. a similar arrangement was adopted with respect to the liberty engine, except that the government pledged itself to pay an agreed royalty for the use of patents. thus the engineers designing the engine might reach out and take what they pleased regardless of patent rights. the result was likely to be a composite type embracing the best features of the best engines ever built. theoretically, at least, a super-engine ought to result from such an effort. the ideal aviation engine should produce a maximum of power with a minimum of weight; it must run at its maximum power during a large proportion of its operating time, a thing that an automobile motor seldom, if ever, does for more than a few minutes at a time; and it should consume oil and fuel economically to conserve space and weight on the airplane. such was the problem, the design of an engine to meet these requirements, that confronted these two engineers when they were called to washington and asked to undertake the work. there have been so many versions of the story of how the liberty engine was designed and produced in its experimental models that it is fitting that the exact history of those memorable weeks should be set down here. the engine was put on paper in the rooms occupied by col. e. a. deeds at the willard hotel in washington. col. deeds had been the man of broad vision who, by taking into consideration the elements of the problems enumerated above, determined that america could best make her contribution to the aviation program by producing her typically own engine. he had proposed the plan to his associate, col. s. d. waldon, who had thereupon studied the matter and agreed entirely with the plan. the two officers persuaded messrs. hall and vincent to forego further efforts on their individual developments and to devote their combined skill and experience to the creation of an all-american engine. the project was further taken up with the european authorities in washington, and it was supported unanimously. in these conferences it was decided to design two lines of combat engines. each should have a cylinder diameter of inches and a piston stroke inches long; but one type should have cylinders and the other . the -cylinder engine should develop horsepower, as all the experts believed then, in may, , that such a motor would anticipate the power requirements as of the spring of , while the -cylinder engine should develop horsepower, as it was believed that this would be the equal of any other engine developed through and . every foreign representative in washington with aeronautical experience agreed that the -cylinder -horsepower engine would be the peer of anything in use in the spring of ; yet, so rapidly was aviation history moving that inside of days it became equally clear that it was the -cylinder engine of horsepower, and not the -cylinder engine, upon which we should concentrate for the spring of . with these considerations in mind messrs. hall and vincent set to work to lay out the designs on paper. with them were col. deeds and col. waldon, the officers to insist that nothing untried or experimental be incorporated in the engines, the engineers to direct their technical knowledge by this sine qua non. the size of the cylinders, by inches, was adopted not only because the curtiss and the hall-scott companies, the largest producers of aviation engines in the united states, had had experience with engines of this size, but also because a new and promising french engine, the lorraine-dietrich, had just made its appearance in experimental form, and it was an engine approximately of that size. on may , , messrs. vincent and hall set to work. within two or three days they had outlined the important characteristics of the engine sufficiently to secure--on june --the approval of the aircraft production board and of the joint army and navy technical board to build five experimental models each of the cylinder and the cylinder sizes. the detail and manufacturing drawings of the two engines were made partly by the staff of the packard motor car co., under mr. o. e. hunt, and partly by an organization recruited from various automobile factories and put to work under mr. vincent at the bureau of standards at washington. due credit must here be given to dr. s. w. stratton, the director of that important governmental scientific bureau. the liberty engine pioneers woke him up at midnight and told him of their needs. he promptly tendered all the facilities of the bureau of standards, turning over to the work an entire building for use the following morning. thereafter dr. stratton gave the closest cooperation of himself and his assistants to the work. while the detail drawings were being made, the parts for the engines were at once started through the tool rooms and experimental shops of various motor car companies. this work centered in the plant of the packard co., which gave to it its entire energy and wonderful faculties. every feature in the design of these engines was based on thoroughly proven practice of the past. that the engine was a composite is shown by the origin of its various parts: cylinders: the liberty engine derived its type of cylinders from the german mercedes, the english rolls-royce, the french lorraine-dietrich, and others produced both before and during the war. the cylinders were steel inner shells surrounded by pressed-steel water jackets. the packard co. had developed a practical production method of welding together the several parts of a steel cylinder. cam shafts and valve mechanism above cylinder heads: the design of these was based on the general arrangement of the mercedes and rolls-royce, and improved by the packard motor car co. for automatic lubrication without wasting oil. cam-shaft drive: the general type as used on the hall-scott, mercedes, hispano-suiza, rolls-royce, renault, fiat, and others. [illustration: welding jacket on cylinder for liberty engine. cadillac motor car co., detroit, mich.] [illustration: drilling cylinder flanges with multiple drill. packard motor car co.] [illustration: machining the connecting rods for the liberty engine. cadillac motor co.] [illustration: gauging valves and pistons for the liberty engine. lincoln motor co.] angle between cylinders: in the liberty the included angle between the cylinders is °. this angle was adopted to save head resistance, to give greater strength to the crank case, and to reduce periodic vibration. this decision was based on the experience of the renault and packard engines. electric generator and ignition: the delco system was adopted, but specially designed for the liberty to provide a reliable double ignition. pistons: the die-cast aluminum-alloy pistons of the liberty were based on development work by the hall-scott co. under service conditions. connecting rods: these were of the forked or straddle type as used on the dedion and cadillac automobile motors and also on the hispano-suiza and other aviation engines. crank shaft: a design of standard practice, every crank pin operating between two main bearings, as in the mercedes, rolls-royce, hall-scott, curtiss, and renault. crank case: a box section carrying the shaft in bearings clamped between the top and bottom halves by means of long through bolts, as in the mercedes and hispano-suiza. lubrication: the system of lubrication was changed, this being the only change of design made in the liberty after it was first put down on paper. the original system combined the features of a dry crank case, such as in the rolls-royce, with pressure feed to the main crank-shaft bearings and scupper feed to the crank-pin bearings, as in the hall-scott and certain foreign engines. the system subsequently adopted added pressure-feed to the crank-pin bearings, as in the rolls-royce, hispano-suiza, and other engines. propeller hub: designed after the practice followed by such well-known engines as the hispano-suiza and mercedes. water pump: the conventional centrifugal type was adapted to the liberty. carburetor: the zenith type was adapted to the engine. as the detailed and manufacturing drawings were completed in washington and detroit they were taken to various factories where the parts for the first engine were built. the general aluminum & brass manufacturing co., of detroit, made the bronze-back, babbitt-lined bearings. the cadillac motor car co., of detroit, made the connecting rods, the connecting-rod upper-end bushings, the connecting-rod bolts, and the rocker-arm assemblies. the l. o. gordon manufacturing co., of muskegon, mich., made the cam shafts. the park drop forge co., of cleveland, made the crank-shaft forgings. these forgings, completely heat treated, were turned out in three days, because mr. hall gave the cleveland concern permission to use the hall-scott dies. the packard motor car co. machined the crank shafts and all parts not furnished or finished elsewhere. the hall-scott motor car co., of berkeley, calif., made all the bevel gears. the hess-bright manufacturing co., of philadelphia, made the ball bearings. the burd high-compression ring co., of rockford, ill., made the piston rings. the aluminum castings co., of cleveland, made the die-cast alloy pistons and machined them up to grinding. the rich tool co., of chicago, made the valves. the gibson co., of muskegon, mich., made the springs. the packard co. made all the patterns for the aluminum castings, which were produced by the general aluminum & brass manufacturing co., of detroit. the packard motor car co. used many of its own dies in order to obtain suitable drop forgings speedily, and also made all necessary new dies not made elsewhere. as these various parts were turned out they were hurried to the tool room of the packard co., where the assembling of the model engines was in progress. before the models were built, however, extraordinary precautions had been taken to insure that the mechanism would be as perfect as american engineering skill could make it. the plans as developed were submitted to h. m. crane, the engineer of the simplex motor car co. and of the wright-martin aircraft corporation, who had made a special study of aviation engines in europe, and who for upward of a year had been working on the production of the hispano-suiza -horsepower engine in this country. he looked the plans over, and so did david fergusson, chief engineer of the pierce-arrow motor car co. many other of the best experts in the country in the production of internal-combustion motors constructively criticized the plans, these including such men as henry m. leland and george h. layng, of the cadillac motor car co., and f. f. beall and edward roberts, of the packard car co. when the engineers were through, the practical production men were given their turn. the plane and engine builders examined the plans to make sure that each minute part was so designed as to make it most adaptable to quantity production. the scrutiny of the liberty plans went back in the production scale even farther than this; for the actual builders of machine tools were called in to examine the specifications and to suggest modifications, if necessary, that would make the production of parts most feasible in machine tools either of existing types or of easiest manufacture. thus scrutinized and criticized, the plans of the engine were the best from every point of view which american industrial genius could produce in the time which was available. it was due to this exhaustive preliminary study that no radical changes were ever made in the original design. the liberty engine was not the materialization of magic nor the product of any single individual or company, but it was a well-considered and carefully prepared design based on large practical aviation-engine experience. on july , , the first -cylinder liberty engine was delivered in washington. this was less than six weeks after messrs. hall and vincent drew the first line of their plans. the same procedure was even then being repeated in the case of the -cylinder engine. by the th day of august the model -cylinder liberty had successfully passed its -hour test. in this test its power ranged from to horsepower. as an achievement in speed in the development of a successful new engine this performance has never been equaled in the motor history of any country. no successful american automobile motor was ever put in production in anything under a year of trial and experimentation. we may well believe that in the third year of war the european aviation designers were working at top speed to improve the motive power of airplanes; yet in the british war cabinet report contains the following language: experience shows that as a rule, from the date of the conception and design of an aero engine, to the delivery of the first engine in series by the manufacturer, more than a year elapses. but america designed and produced experimentally a good engine in six weeks and a great one in three months, and began delivering it in series in five months. this was due to the fact that we could employ our best engineering talent without stint, to the further fact that there were no restrictions upon our use of designs and patents proved successful by actual experience, and to the fact that the original engine design produced under such conditions stood every expert criticism and test that could be put upon it and emerged from the trial without substantial modification. as soon as the first liberty models had passed their official tests plans were at once made to put them in manufacture. the members of the aircraft production board chose for the chief of the engine production department harold h. emmons, an attorney and manufacturer of detroit, mich., who, as a lieutenant in the naval reserve force, was just being called by the navy department into active service. the production of all aviation engines, for both army and navy, was in his hands throughout the rest of the war. he placed orders for , aviation engines of all types, which involved the expenditure of $ , , and more of government funds. of these , were delivered ready for service before the signing of the armistice. the united states reached a daily engine production greater than that of england and france combined. in august, , it was intended to manufacture both engines, the -cylinder and the -cylinder, and an agreement was reached with the ford motor co. of detroit to produce -cylinder liberty engines to the number of , . but before this contract could be signed the increasing powers of the newest european air engines indicated to our commission abroad that we should concentrate our manufacturing efforts upon the alone, that being the engine of a power then distinctly in advance in the rapid evolution of aviation engines. the engine production department, therefore, entered into contracts for the construction of , of the -cylinder liberties, and the first of these contracts was signed in august, a few days after the endurance tests had demonstrated that the -cylinder engine was a success. of this number of liberty engines the packard motor car co. contracted to build , ; the lincoln motor co., , ; the ford motor co., , ; nordyke & marmon, , ; the general motors corporation (buick and cadillac plants), , ; while an additional contract of engines was let to the trego motors corporation. early in the liberty engine project it became apparent that one of the great stumbling blocks to volume production would be the steel cylinder, if it were necessary to machine it out of a solid or partially pierced forging such as is used for shell making. this problem was laid before henry ford and the engineering organization of the ford motor co., at detroit, and they developed the unique method of making the cylinders out of steel tubing. one end of the tube was cut obliquely, heated, and in successive operations closed over and then expanded into the shape of the combustion chamber, with all bosses in place on the dome. the lower end was then heated and upset in a bulldozer until the holding-down flange had been extruded from the barrel at the right place. by this method a production of , rough cylinders a day was reached. the final forging was so near to the shape desired that millions of pounds of scrap were saved over other methods, to say nothing of an enormous amount of labor thus done away with. the development of this cylinder-making method was one of the important contributions to the quantity production of liberty engines. [illustration: experimental work on new ideas for liberty engine.] [illustration: test cylinders for the liberty engine at the plant of nordyke & marmon, indianapolis, ind.] [illustration: crank-shaft die for the liberty engine. buick engine co., detroit.] [illustration: accepted liberty engines being boxed for shipment.] it was evident that in the actual production of the liberty engine there would continually arise practical questions of manufacturing policy that might entail modifications of the manufacturing methods, while our aviation authorities in europe could be expected to advance suggestions from time to time that might need to be embodied in the mechanism. consequently it was necessary to create a permanent development and standardization administration for the liberty engine. nor could this supervision be located in washington, because of the extreme need for haste, but it must exist in the vicinity of the plants doing the manufacturing. for this reason the production of the liberty engine was centered in the detroit manufacturing district, since in this district was located the principal motor manufacturing plant capacity of the united states. james g. heaslet, formerly general manager of the studebaker corporation and an engineer and manufacturer of wide experience, was installed as district manager. the problems incident to the inspection and production of the liberty engine were placed in charge of a committee consisting of maj. heaslet (chairman); lieut. col. hall, one of the designers of the engine; henry m. leland; c. harold wills, of the ford motor co.; and messrs f. f. beall and edward roberts, of the packard motor car co. with them were also associated d. mccall white, the engineer of the cadillac motor co., and walter chrysler, of the buick co. the creation of this committee virtually made a single manufacturing concern of the several, previously rival, motor companies engaged in producing the liberty engine. to these meetings the experts without reservation brought the trade secrets and shop processes developed in their own establishments during the preceding years of competition. such cooperation was without parallel in the history of american industry, and only a great emergency such as the war with germany could have brought it about. but the circumstance aided wonderfully in the development and production of the liberty engine. moreover, the government drew heavily upon the talent of these great manufacturing organizations for meeting the special problems presented by the necessity of filling in the briefest possible time the largest aviation engine order ever known. short-cuts that these firms might have applied effectively to their own private advantage were devised for the liberty engine and freely turned over to the government. the packard co. gave a great share of its equipment and personnel to the development. the most conspicuous success in the science of quantity production in the world was the ford motor co., which devoted its organization to the task of speeding up the output of liberty engines. in addition to the unique and wonderfully efficient method of making rough engine cylinders out of steel tubing, the ford organization also perfected for the liberty a new method of producing more durable and satisfactory bearings. messrs. h. m. and w. c. leland, whose names were indissolubly linked with the cadillac automobile, organized and erected the enormous plant of the lincoln motor co. and equipped it for the production of the liberty, at a total expense of approximately $ , , . balanced against these advantages brought by highly trained technical skill and unselfish cooperation were handicaps such as perhaps no other great american industrial venture had ever known. in the first place, an internal-combustion engine with cylinders of a -inch bore and pistons of a -inch stroke--the liberty measurements--was larger than the automobile engines then in use in this country. this meant that while we apparently had an enormous plant--the combined american automobile factories--ready for the production of liberty engines, actually the machinery in these plants was not large enough for the new work, so that new machinery therefore must be built to handle this particular work. in some cases machinery had to be designed anew for the special purpose. to produce every part of one liberty engine something between , and , small jigs, tools, and fixtures are employed. for large outputs much of this equipment must be duplicated over and over again. to provide the whole joint workshop with this equipment was one of the unseen jobs incidental to the construction of liberty engines--unseen by the general public, that is--yet it required the united states to commandeer the capacity of all available tool shops east of the mississippi river and devote it to the production of jigs and tools for the liberty engine factories. then there was the question of mechanical skill in the factories. it soon developed that an automobile motor is a simple mechanism compared with an intricate aviation engine. the machinists in ordinary automobile plants did not have the skill to produce the liberty engine parts successfully. consequently it became necessary to educate thousands of mechanics, men and women alike, to do this new work. it was surprising to what extent unfriendly influence in the united states, much of it probably of a pro-german character, cut a figure in the situation. this was particularly true in the supply factories furnishing tools to the liberty engine plants. approximately per cent of the tools first delivered for this work were found to be inaccurate and incorrect. these had to be remade before they could be used. such tools as were delivered to the liberty plants would mysteriously disappear, or vital equipment would be injured in unusual ways; in several instances cans of explosives were found in the coal at power plants; fire-extinguishing apparatus was discovered to be rendered useless by acts of depredation; and from numerous other evidences the builders of liberty engines were aware that the enemy had his agents in their plants. difficulty was also experienced in the production of metals for the new engines. the materials demanded were frequently of a much higher grade than the corresponding materials used in ordinary automobile motors. here was another unseen phase of development which had to be worked out patiently by the producers of raw materials. [illustration: liberty engine ready for test at the lincoln motor co., detroit, mich.] [illustration: liberty engine on instruction stand, wilbur wright field.] [illustration: view showing liberty engine with propeller hub attached.] [illustration: test shed and stand with liberty engine mounted with test propeller. packard motor car co.] difficulties in transportation during the winter of - added their share to the perplexing problems of the engine builders, while at times the scarcity of coal threatened the complete shutdown of some of the plants. under such obstacles the engine-production department forced the manufacture of the liberty engine at a speed never before known in the automotive industry. in december, , the government received the first liberty engines of the -cylinder type, durable and dependable, a standardized, concrete product, only seven months after the liberty engine existed merely as an idea in the brains of two engineers. these first engines developed a strength of approximately horsepower, and this was true also of the first liberty engines delivered, these deliveries being completed in the early spring of . when the liberty engine was designed our aviation experts believed that horsepower was so far in advance of the development of aero engines in europe that we could safely go ahead with the production of this type on a quantity basis. but again we reckoned without an accurate prophetic knowledge of the course of engine development abroad. we were building the first liberty engines at horsepower when our aviation reports informed us from overseas that an even higher horsepower would be desirable. therefore our engineers "stepped up" the power of the liberty -cylinder engine to horsepower. several hundred motors of this power were in process of completion when again our observers in france advised us that we could add another horsepower to the liberty, making it horsepower in strength, and be sure of leading all of the combatant nations in size and power of aviation engines during and . this last step, we were assured, was the final, definite one. but to anticipate possible extraordinary development of engines by other nations, our engineers went even further than the mark advised by our overseas observers and raised the power of the liberty engine to something in excess of horsepower. this enormous increase over the original power of the liberty engine required changes in the construction, notably in increasing the strength of practically all of the working parts, including the crank shaft, the connecting rods, and the bearings. the change also resulted in making scrap iron of a large quantity of the jigs and special tools employed in making the lighter engines. a still further change had to come in the character of some of the steel used in some of the parts, and this went back to the smelting plants, where new and better methods of producing steel and aluminum for the liberty engine had to be developed. thus while there were no fundamental changes in the design of the engine, the increase of its power required a considerable readjustment in the engine plants. yet so rapidly were these changes made that on the first anniversary of the day when the design of the liberty engine was begun--may , --the signal corps had received , liberty engines. in this achievement motor history was written in this country as it had never been written before. from a popular standpoint it may seem that the liberty engine was radically changed after its inception, but such an assertion is entirely unwarranted; for in the fundamental thing, the design, there was but one change made after the engine was laid down on paper in may, , namely, in the oiling system. the original liberty engine was partially fed with oil by the so-called scupper system, whereas this later was changed to a forced feed under compression. the scupper feed worked successfully, but the forced feed is foolproof and was therefore installed upon the advice of the preponderance of expert criticism. it is also true that in working out certain practical manufacturing processes some of the original measurements were altered. but this is a common experience in the manufacture of any internal-combustion engine, and alterations made for factory expediency are not regarded as design changes, nor are they important. the delivery of motors in december of was followed by the completion of in january, . in february the delivery was . in march this jumped to ; then a leap in april to ; while in may deliveries amounted to . the quantity production of liberties may be said to have started in june, , one year after the engine's conception in washington. in that month , motors of the most powerful type were delivered to the service. in july the figure was , ; in august, , ; in september, , . then in october came an enormous increase to the total of , liberty engines. during the month before the armistice was signed the engine factories were producing engines a day. in all, up to november , , , liberty engines were produced in the united states. in the disposal of them the american navy received , for its seaplanes; the plants manufacturing airplanes in this country took , of them; were sent to various aviation fields for training purposes; to the american expeditionary forces in france, in addition to the engines which went over installed in their planes, we sent , liberty engines; while , went to the british, french, and italian air services. some of the earliest liberties were sent to europe. in january, , we shipped to our own forces in france. in march we sent to the british, to the french, and to the italians. by june the english tests had convinced the british air minister that the liberty engine was in the first line of high powered aviation engines and a most valuable contribution to the allied aviation program. the british air minister so cabled to lord reading, the british ambassador in washington. again on september the british air ministry reported that in identical airplanes the liberty engine performed at least as well as the rolls-royce engine. birkight, who designed the hispano-suiza engine in france, declared that the liberty engine was superior to any high-powered aviation engine then developed on the continent of europe. [illustration: installing liberty engine in the lepere fuselage at packard plant, showing progressive assembly.] [illustration: figure . liberty engines produced each month during . jan. = feb. = mar. == apr. ====== may. ========= june. ================= july. ======================== aug. ================================== sept. =================================== oct. ========================================================== nov. ============================================== dec. =====================================] a more concrete evidence of the esteem in which this american creation was held by the european expert lies in the size of the orders which the various allied governments placed with the united states for liberty engines. the british took , of them immediately and declared that they wished to increase this order to , to be delivered by december , . the french directed inquiries as to the possibility of taking one-fifth of our complete output of liberty engines. the italians also indicated their intention of purchasing heavily for immediate delivery. this increased demand for the engine had not been anticipated in our original plans, as we had no idea that the allied governments would turn from their own highly developed engines to ask for liberty engines in such quantities. the original program of , engines was only sufficient for our own army and navy requirements. as soon as the foreign governments, however, came in with their demands we immediately increased the orders placed with all the existing liberty engine builders, and in addition contracted to take the entire manufacturing facilities of the willys-overland co. at its plants in toledo and elyria, ohio, and elmira, n. y. we also engaged the entire capacity of the olds motor plant at lansing, mich. in addition we had subsequently contracted for the production of , of the -cylinder engines. thus the number of engines which would have been delivered under contract, if peace had not cut short the production, would have been , engines of the -cylinder type and , of the 's. the foreign governments associated with us in the war against germany showered their demands upon us for great numbers of the american engines, not only altogether because of the excellence of the liberty, but because partially their plane production exceeded their output of engines. mr. john d. ryan, director of aircraft production, verbally agreed to deliver to the french , liberty engines by december , and further agreed to deliver motors to the french at the rate of per month during the first six months of . the british had already received , liberty motors, and this order was increased with mr. ryan personally by several thousand additional engines to be delivered in the early part of . when the armistice was signed the liberty engine was being produced at a rate which promised to make it the dominant motive power of the war in the air before many months had passed. the engine was originally named the "united states standard -cylinder aviation engine." in view of the service which it promised to render to the cause of civilization, admiral d. w. taylor, the chief construction officer of the navy, suggested during the early part of the period of production that the original prosaic name be discarded and that the engine be rechristened the "liberty." under this name the engine has taken its place in the history of the war as one of the most efficient agencies which was developed and employed by this country. chapter iv. other airplane engines. the production of the liberty engine so captured popular attention that the public never fairly understood nor appreciated the extent of another production enterprise on the part of those providing motive power for our war airplanes. this was the supplementary manufacture of aero engines other than those which bore the proud appellation of "liberty." let the production figures speak for themselves. in those months, starting with nothing, we turned out complete and ready for service , aero engines. of these thousands of engines less than one-half--the exact figure being , --were liberty engines. the rest were hispano-suizas, le rhones, gnomes, curtisses, hall-scotts, and some others, a total of , in all--built largely for the training of our army of the air. this production would have been even more notable had the war continued, for at the date of the signing of the armistice the united states had contracted for the construction of , aircraft engines. of these , were to be liberty engines, so that the total plan of construction of engines other than the liberty would have produced about , of them. the total cost of carrying through the combined engine project would have been in the neighborhood of $ , , . while at the outbreak of the war american knowledge of military aviation may have been meager, still it was evident from the start that we would be able to go ahead with certain phases of production on a huge scale without waiting for the precise knowledge of requirements that would come only from an exhaustive study of the subject in europe. in the first place we knew that we must train our aviators. for this purpose there was at the start no particular need of the highly-developed machinery then in use on the western front. the first aircraft requirement of the early training program was for safe planes, regardless of their type, and motive power to drive them. later on, when we were better prepared, would come the training that would afford our aviators experience with the fighting equipment. so at the start there was no reason why we should not proceed at once with the construction of such training machines as we knew how to build. an aviation program for war falls into these two divisions--the equipment required for training and that required for combat. while our organization, particularly through the bolling commission which we had sent to europe, was making a study of our combat requirements and while we were pushing forward the design and production of the liberty engine, we forthwith developed on an ambitious scale the manufacture of training planes and engines in this country. the training of battle aviators, on the other hand, also separates into two parts, the elementary training and the advanced training. the elementary training merely teaches the cadet the new art of maintaining himself in the air. later, when he has mastered the rudiments of mechanical flight, he goes into the advanced training, the training in his fighting plane, where he requires equipment more nearly of the type used at the front. for the elementary training we had some good native material to start with. the curtiss airplane co. had been building training planes and engines both for the english and canadian air authorities. this was evidently the most available american airplane for our first needs. the curtiss plane was known as the "jn- " and it was driven by a -horsepower engine called the curtiss "ox." in the production of this equipment on the scale planned by the signal corps, the embarrassing feature, the choke point, was evidently to be the manufacture of the engine. the curtiss plant at buffalo for the manufacture of planes could be quickly expanded to meet the government demands; but the curtiss engine plant at hammondsport, n. y., could not develop the production of "ox" engines up to our needs and at the same time complete the orders which it was filling for the english and canadian air services. consequently, contracts were awarded to the curtiss co. for its capacity in the production of "ox" engines, and then the american aviation authorities came to an agreement with the willys-morrow plant at elmira, n. y., for an additional , of these motors. ordinarily it would require from five to six months to equip a plant with the large machine tools and the smaller mechanical appliances necessary for such a contract as this. but the willys-morrow plant tooled up in three months and was ready to start on the "ox" manufacturing job. [illustration: curtiss engine, model ox- .] [illustration: hall-scott engines being installed in airplane fuselages.] [illustration: two views of le rhone -horsepower engine. this is one of the successful rotary engines.] if speed in production was required at any point in the aviation development it was here in the manufacture of the elementary training planes and engines. without training material, no matter how many aviation fields we set in order nor how many student aviators we enlisted, the movement of our flying forces toward the front could not even begin. and here entered an interesting engineering and executive problem that had to be worked out quickly by those in charge of our aircraft construction. if it were plotted on paper, the curve of requirements for aircraft training material would climb swiftly to its peak during the first six or eight months of the war and then decline with almost equal swiftness until it reached a low level. in other words, we must produce the great number of training machines in the shortest time possible in order to put our thousands of student aviators into the air at once over the training fields; but when this training equipment had been brought up to initial requirements, thereafter our needs in this direction could be met by only a small production, since the rate of wastage of such material is relatively low. once our fields were fully equipped, the same apparatus could be used over and over again as the war went on, with little regard to the improvements of the type of battle planes, so that the ultimate manufacture need be large enough only to keep this equipment in condition. it soon became evident that the production of curtiss planes and engines, even under the heavy contracts immediately placed, would not be sufficient to take care of our elementary training needs; and the aviation administration began looking around for other types of aircraft that would fit into our plans. the experts in all branches of war flying which the principal allied nations had sent to the united states, warned us against the temptation to adopt many types of material in order to secure a quick early production. if the training equipment were not closely standardized in types, it would result in confusion and delay, both in training the aviator to fly and in preparing him for actual combat. such had been the experience in europe; and we were now given the benefit of this experience, so that we might avoid the mistakes which others had made. we were advised to adopt a single type of equipment for each class of training; but if that were not consistent with the demands for speed in getting our service in the air, then at the most we should not have more than two types either of planes or engines. in the elementary training program it was evident that we could not equip ourselves with a single type of plane, except at considerable expense in time. consequently we went ahead to develop another. we found a training airplane being produced by the standard aero corporation and known as the "standard-j." the company had been developing this machine for approximately a year, and its plant could be expanded readily to meet a large contract. for the engine to drive this plane we adopted the hall-scott "a a." this was a four-cylinder engine. it had the fault of vibration common to any four-cylinder engine, but it was regarded otherwise by experts as a rugged and dependable piece of machinery. the hall-scott co. was equipped to produce this motor on an extensive scale, since at the time this concern was probably the largest manufacturer of aviation engines in the united states, with the possible exception of the curtiss co. the engine had been used in airplanes built by the standard aero corporation, the aero marine co., and the dayton-wright co. therefore the joint army and navy technical board recommended the standard-j plane and the hall-scott a a engine as the elementary training equipment to alternate with the curtiss plane and engine. the government placed contracts with the hall-scott co. for , engines, its capacity. but, since a large additional number would be required, a supplementary contract for , a a's was given to the nordyke & marmon co. the hall-scott co. cooperated with this latter concern by furnishing complete drawings, tools, and other production necessities. when it came to the advanced training for our aviators, more highly developed mechanical equipment was required. there must be two sorts of this equipment. the advanced student must become acquainted with rotary engines such as were used by the french and others to drive the small, speedy chassé planes, while he must also come to be familiar with the operation of fixed cylinder engines, possessing upwards of horsepower. these latter were the engines in commonest use on observation and bombing planes. for each type, the rotary and fixed, we were permitted by our policy to have two sorts of engines in order to get into production as quickly as possible, but not more than two. here again we had to survey the field of engine manufacture and select closely, at the same time making in point of speed approximately as good a showing as if we had adopted every engine with claims for our consideration and had told manufacturers of them to produce as many as they could. in this case of rotary engines, our aviation representatives in europe advised the production here of gnome and le rhone motors. there were two models of the gnome engine, one developing horsepower and the other . the le rhone engine produced horsepower. the bolling commission had recommended that the gnome be used in some of our combat planes. in the spring of we were producing a few gnome horsepower engines in this country. the general vehicle co. at some time previously had taken a foreign order for these engines. but neither the gnome nor the le rhone had been built in the united states, both of these having been developed and used exclusively in france. the first recommendations from our observers in france advised us to produce , of the more powerful gnome 's and , le rhone 's. the production of gnome engines in this country forms a good illustration of the manner in which aircraft requirements at the front were constantly shifting, due to the rapid evolution of the science of mechanical flight. our officers did not hesitate to overrule their previous decisions, if such a course seemed to be justified, even at the cost of rendering useless great quantities of work already done and material already produced. this has been shown in the case of the liberty engine. at the start we set out to build liberty -cylinder engines on a large scale, only to discontinue this work before it was fairly started; but later on we again took up a liberty -cylinder project on almost as great a scale as had been planned originally. so with the production of the heavy -horsepower gnome engine. our european advisors were first of the opinion that we should go heavily into this production. consequently the equipment end of the signal corps projected a program of , of the large gnome engines. such a contract was entirely beyond the capacity of the general vehicle co., which had been building the lighter gnomes. so the government entered into negotiations with the general motors co. to assume the greater burden of this undertaking. under the pilotage of the aircraft authorities, an agreement was reached for the industrial combination of the general motors co. and the general vehicle co. the former concern brought its vast resources and numerous factories into the consolidation; while the latter furnished the only skilled knowledge and experience there was in the united states in the art of making rotary engines. this seemed to be a great step in our progress and an achievement in itself; but just as the undertaking of the construction of large gnome engines was about to be started, events in europe had caused our observers there to revise their first judgment, and we received cabled instructions recommending that we discontinue the development of the gnome . the entire program for gnome 's was canceled, and thereafter the general vehicle co., with its relatively small capacity, was called upon to produce as many of the small gnome 's as it could. as a matter of record the production of these engines amounted to in number. the signal corps found it difficult to induce manufacturers in this country to undertake the construction of foreign designed engines at all. the plans and specifications of mechanical appliances furnished by foreign engineers and manufacturers are so different from ours that trouble is invariably experienced in attempts to use them here. successful concerns in this country naturally hesitated to pick up contracts on which they might fail and thus tarnish their reputations. our advisors in europe were insistent that we should produce le rhone engines in quantity in the united states, yet it was hard to find any manufacturing concern willing to undertake such a development. nevertheless, the production of le rhone engines proved to be one of the most successful phases of the whole aircraft program. its story illustrates the obstacles encountered in adapting a foreign device to american manufacture, and it also shows how american production genius can overcome these handicaps. it was only after strenuous efforts on our part that the union switch & signal co., of swissvale, pa., a member of the westinghouse chain of factories, was induced to take up the le rhone contract. this project called for the production of , rotary le rhones of horsepower each. let us see how the manufacturers took this totally unfamiliar machine and went about it to reproduce it in this country. one might think that it would be necessary only to take the french drawings, change the metric system measurements to our own scale of feet and inches, and proceed to turn out the mechanism. but it was not so simple as that. we did receive the drawings, the specifications, the metallurgical instructions and the like, but these we found to be unreliable and unsatisfactory from our point of view. for instance, according to the french instructions the metallurgical requirements for the engine crank-shaft called for mild steel. this was obviously incorrect; and if an error had crept into this part of the plans there was no telling how faulty the rest of them might be. so from the metallurgical standpoint alone this became a laboratory job of analysis and investigation. a sample engine had been sent to us from france. every piece of metal in this engine was examined by the chemists to determine its proper constituents, and from this original investigation new specifications were made for the steel producers. the drawings of the engine were quite unsatisfactory from the point of view of american mechanics. they were found to be incorrect, and there were not enough of them. consequently this required another study on the part of engineers and a new set of drawings to be made up. all of this fundamental work monopolized the time of a large force of draughtsmen and engineers for several months, working under the direction of e. j. hall and frank m. hawley. the engine could not be successfully built without this preliminary study, yet this is a part of manufacture of which the uninitiated have little knowledge. [illustration: three views of bugatti -horsepower engine.] [illustration: three views of the hispano-suiza engine.] the production of the le rhone engine might have been materially delayed by these difficulties, except for the organizing ability of the executives handling the contract. while the metallurgists were specifying the steel of the engine parts and the engineers were drafting correct plans, the factory officials, with the assistance of the engine production division of the air service, were procuring machinery and tooling up the plant for the forthcoming effort. by the time this equipment was installed the plans were ready, the steel mills were producing the proper qualities of metal, and all was ready for the effort. the gnome-le rhone factories in france sent one of their best engineers, m. georges guillot, and he assisted in the work at the union switch & signal co. so rapidly was the whole development carried out that the first american le rhones were delivered to the government in may, , considerably less than a year after the project was assumed by the union switch & signal co., which concern had not received the plans of the engine until september, . by the time the armistice was signed the company had delivered , le rhone engines. subsequent contracts had increased the original order to , le rhones, all of which would have been delivered before the summer of , had the coming of peace not terminated the manufacture. although france is the home of the rotary aviation engine, m. guillot has certified to the aircraft board that these american le rhones were the best rotary engines ever built. when it came to the selection of fixed cylinder engines for our advanced training program, all of the indications pointed to a single one, the hispano-suiza engine of horsepower. this was a tried and true engine of the war, tested by a wealth of experience and found dependable. france had used the engine extensively in both its training and combat planes. in it had been brought to the united states for production for the allies, and when we entered the war the wright-martin aircraft corporation was producing hispano-suizas in small quantity. by the early summer of , however, the motor had fallen behind in the development of combat engines because of the increasing horsepowers demanded by the fighting aces on the front, but it was still a desirable training engine and could, if necessary, be used to a limited extent in planes at the front. the plane adopted by the american aircraft authorities for this type of advanced training was known as the curtiss "jn h." it was readily adapted for the use of the hispano-suiza -horsepower engine. contracts for several thousand of these engines were placed with the wright-martin aircraft corporation, and up to the signing of the armistice , engines were delivered. before we could start the production of this engine it was necessary for the government to arrange with the hispano-suiza co. for the american rights to build it, this arrangement including the payment of royalties. incidentally it is interesting to note that royalty was the chief beneficiary of the royalties paid by the american government, king alfonso of spain being the heaviest stockholder of the hispano-suiza co. although our policy permitted us to produce a second training engine of the fixed cylinder type, no engine other than the hispano-suiza was taken up by us. a number presented their claims for consideration, but they were one and all rejected. among these were the curtiss engines "oxx" and "v." a few of both of these had been used by the navy, but neither one seemed to the signal corps to meet the requirements. the sturtevant co. had developed a -horsepower engine and built a few of them, while thomas bros., at ithaca, n. y., had taken the sturtevant engine and modified it in a way that they claimed improved it, although the changes had not substantially increased the horsepower. this engine was rejected on the ground that it was too low in horsepower to endure as a useful machine through any considerable period of manufacture, and also because it was too heavy per horsepower to accomplish the best results. to sum it up, our training program was built around the above named engines--the curtiss "ox" and the hall-scott "a a" for the elementary training machines; the gnome and le rhone, for the rotary engine types of planes in the advanced training; and the hispano-suiza -horsepower, for the advanced training in fixed-cylinder-engine machines. between the dates of september , , and december , , we sent to fields , cadets and , students for advanced training. they flew a total of , hours and suffered fatalities, or an average of fatality for every , . flying hours. at one field the training fliers were in the air , hours before there was fatality; another field increased this record to , hours; while a third made the extraordinary record of casualty in , flying hours. although we do not possess the actual statistics, the best unofficial figures show that the british averaged fatality for each , flying hours at their training camps, the french for each flying hours, while the italian training killed student for each flying hours. these figures are significant, although varying conditions in the types of training programs may account to some extent for the wide differences in numbers of casualties at american as compared with allied training camps. but while we were producing engines for the training airplanes, both elementary and advanced, we were not staking our whole combat program on the liberty engine alone, although we expected that engine to be our main reliance in our battle machines. our organization, both at home and abroad, was on the alert continually for other engines that might be produced in europe or the united states and which would be so far in advance of anything in use by the air fighters in europe in as to justify our production of them on a considerable scale. one of these motors which seemed to promise great results for the future was the rolls-royce, which had even then, in , taken its place at the head of the british airplane engines. considerable difficulty was experienced in reaching a satisfactory arrangement with the rolls-royce co. we expected to duplicate this engine at the plant of the pierce-arrow motor car co., at buffalo, n. y., but the british concern objected to this arrangement on the ground that the pierce-arrow people were commercial competitors. it was several months before we could agree on a factory and arrive at a contract satisfactory to both sides. meanwhile the liberty engine had scored its great success, and the expected enormous production of liberties tended to cool the enthusiasm of our aircraft authorities for the rolls-royce, as it was evident that the liberty itself would be as serviceable and as advanced in type as the british product. the rolls-royce co. wished to manufacture here its " ," an engine developing from to horsepower; and for this effort it was prepared to send to the united states at once a complete set of jigs, gauges, and all other necessary tooling of a rolls-royce plant. with this equipment ready at hand the company expected to produce about american-built rolls-royce engines before the st of july, . but so rapidly was the evolution of aircraft engines going ahead that even during the time of these negotiations it became evident that something more than horsepower would soon be needed in the fighting planes on the western front. we therefore abandoned the rolls-royce model and started negotiations for the -horsepower engine, the latest and most powerful one produced by the rolls-royce co. but for this engine the british concern could not furnish the tooling, which would have to be made new in this country, and this would reduce the schedule of deliveries. as a result no american-built rolls-royce engine was ever made. another disappointing experience in attempting to produce a foreign designed motor in this country was the project to bring the manufacture of bugatti engines to the united states. when our european aircraft commission arrived in france, the first experimental bugatti engine had just made its appearance. it was apparently a long step in advance of any other motor that had been produced. this french mechanism was a geared -cylinder engine. it weighed approximately , pounds and was expected to develop horsepower. it seemed to be the motor to supplement our own liberty engine construction. although heavier than a liberty, it was much more powerful. the first bugatti engine built in france was purchased by the bolling commission and hurried to the united states with the urgent recommendation that we put it into production immediately and push its manufacture as energetically as we were pushing that of the liberty engine. the signal corps acted immediately upon this advice and prepared to proceed with the bugatti on a scale that promised to make its development as spectacular as that of the liberty. the duesenberg motor corporation, of elizabeth, n. j., was even then tooling up for the production of liberty engines. we took this concern from its liberty work and directed it to assume leadership in the production of bugattis. the liberty engine construction had been centered in the detroit district. we now prepared to establish a new aviation engine district in the east, associating in it such concerns as the fiat plant at schenectady, n. y., the herschell-spillman co., of north tonawanda, n. y., and several others. for a time the expectation for the bugatti production ran almost as high as the enthusiasm for the liberty engine, but the whole undertaking ended virtually in failure, a failure again due to the tremendous difficulty in adapting foreign engineering plans to american factory production. this was the story of it. in due time the sample bugatti engine arrived, and with it were several french engineers and expert mechanics. but, once set up, the bugatti motor would not function, nor was it in condition to run; for, as we discovered, during its test in france a soldier had been struck by its flying propeller. his body had been thrown twice to the roof of the testing shed, and the shocks had bent the engine's crank shaft. then, too, we learned for the first time that the design and development of this engine had not been carried through to completion and that a great deal of work would be required before the device could be put into manufacture. the tests in france had developed that such a fundamental feature as the oiling system needed complete readjustment, and this was only indicative of the amount of work yet to be done on the engineering side of the production. we did our best with this engine; but to redesign it and develop it so that it could pass the severe -hour test demanded by our joint army and navy technical board was the work of months, and after that the tooling up of plants had to be accomplished. the american bugatti was just getting into production when the armistice was signed, a total of only having been delivered. as we have seen, we were already building several hundred hispano-suiza -horsepower engines for our training planes. soon after the arrival of our aircraft commission in france we were advised to go into the additional manufacture of the latest hispano-suiza geared engine of -horsepower. consequently the washington office at once arranged with the wright-martin aircraft corporation, which was building the smaller hispano-suizas, to undertake the production of this newer model also. the preparations for this manufacture had gone on in the wright-martin plant for a considerable period of time when further advice from europe informed us that the hispano-suiza was not performing successfully on account of trouble with the gearing. this fact, of course, canceled the new contract with the wright-martin co., the incident being another of those ups and downs with which the undertaking was replete. along in the summer of the hispano-suiza designers in europe brought out a -horsepower engine. by this date the development of military flying had made it apparent that engines of such great horsepower could be used advantageously on the smaller planes. however, the engine plants of the allied countries were already taxed to their capacities by their existing contracts, and the demands of these countries for high-powered engines could not be supplied unless we in america could increase our manufacturing facilities even further. in following out this ambition, we placed contracts for the production of , hispano-suiza -horsepower engines. of these, , were to be built by the wright-martin aircraft corporation. to enable this company to fulfill the new contract we leased to it the plant owned by the government in long island city which had formerly been owned by the general vehicle co. the other , of these engines were to be built by the pierce-arrow motor car co. at buffalo. we also contracted for the entire manufacturing facilities of the h. h. franklin co., of syracuse, n. y., to aid both the wright-martin corporation and the pierce-arrow co., in this contract. the first of these high-powered hispano-suiza engines were expected to be delivered in january, , but this project, of course, was interrupted by the armistice. to summarize the complete engine program of the aviation development, the total contracts for engines provided for the delivery of , engines. these were divided as follows: ox , a a , gnome le rhone , lawrence hispano-suiza: -horsepower , hispano-suiza: -horsepower , hispano-suiza: -horsepower , bugatti , liberty- , liberty- , the delivery of aviation engines of all types to the united states government, engines produced as part of our war program, were as follows, by months: july, august, september, october, november, december, january, february, , march, , april, , may, , june, , july, , august, , september, , october, , ------ total , the production by types was as follows to november , : ox , hispano-suiza , le rhone , lawrence gnome a a , bugatti liberty , at the signing of the armistice the united states had produced about one-third of the engines projected in its complete aviation program. of the output of training engines to november , , the various airplane plants took , for installation in planes, (all of these being le rhone rotaries) went to the american expeditionary forces in france, (all of which were hispano-suizas) were taken by the navy, a single a a model was sent to one of the allied countries, while , engines were sent directly to the training fields. of the combat engines produced to november , (which classification includes all of the liberties, the two more powerful types of the hispano-suiza, and the bugatti engine), , went to the various airplane plants for installation in planes, , of them were sent directly to the american expeditionary forces, , were turned over to the navy, , went to the several allied nations, and were taken by the training fields. the shipment of aviation engines to europe, however, does not imply the immediate use of them by our airplane squadrons at the front. in this report shipment to the american expeditionary forces means the shipment of engines from the american factories producing them. as a matter of fact several months usually elapsed from the dispatch of an engine from an american shop until it actually reached the air service in france, and even then another month might be required to put the engine into actual service. as a result, of the , and more aviation engines sent to france by the american engine producers, outside of those installed in their planes, less than , are recorded in the annals of the american expeditionary forces as having been received by them up to the end of december, , the missing , being in that period either somewhere in transit or in warehouses on the route to their destination. it is of interest to note what makes of foreign engines were used by our airmen in the war operations. an appended table shows the list of those received, their names, their rated powers, the numbers received month by month, and the totals. the records of the american expeditionary forces show that the squadrons in all received from all sources , aviation engines up to the end of the year , but it should be borne in mind that this figure does not include more than , engines, principally liberties, recorded on this side of the atlantic as having been shipped to the army abroad. of the , engines noted as received, , were liberties. none of the foreign engines used by our pilots even approached the liberty in power. the nearest in power were a renault and an hispano-suiza, both rated at horsepower. _table of engines received from foreign sources in american expeditionary forces monthly._ legend for name and horsepower: a hispano-suiza b hispano-suiza c hispano-suiza d renault e renault f le rhone g le rhone h clerget i clerget j salmson k fiat l gnome m peugeot n beardmore ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+------ name | | | | | | | | | | | | | and |jan.| |mar.| |may.| |july. |sept. |nov.| |total. horse-| |feb.| |apr.| |june. |aug.| |oct.| |dec.| power.| | | | | | | | | | | | | ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+------ a | | | | | | | | | | | | | b | | | | | | | | | | | | | c | | | | | | | | | | | | | d | | | | | | | | | | | | | e | | | | | | | | | | | | | f | | | | | | | | | | | | | g | | | | | | | | | | | | | h | | | | | | | | | | | | | i | | | | | | | | | | | | | j | | | | | | | | | | | | | k | | | | | | | | | | | | | l | | | | | | | | | | | | | m | | | | | | | | | | | | | n | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+------ total | | | | | | | | | | | | | , ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+------ chapter v. aviation equipment and armament. on one of the early days in the great war a russian aviator, aloft in one of the primitive airplanes of that time, was engaged in locating the positions of the enemy when he chanced upon a german birdman engaged in a similar mission. in those ancient times--for they seem ancient to us now, although less than five years have elapsed--actual fighting in the air was unknown. the aviators had no equipment for battle; indeed, it was doubtful if the thought had occurred to either side to keep down the enemy's aircraft by the use of armed force borne upon wings. in the first months of aviation in the great war the fliers of both sides recognized a sort of _noblesse oblige_ of the air, which, if it did not make for actual friendship or fraternizing between the rival air services, at least amounted to a respect for each other often evidenced by an innocuous waving of hands as hostile flying machines passed each other. but now the wounds of war had begun to smart; and when the russian saw the german flier going unhindered upon a work that might bring death to thousands of soldiers in the czar's army, a sudden rage filled his heart, and he determined to bring down his adversary, even at the cost of his own life. maneuvering his craft, presently he was flying directly beneath the german and in the same direction and was but a short distance below his enemy's plane. then, with a pull on his control lever, the russian shot his machine sharply upward, hoping to upset the german and to escape himself. the result was that the machines collided, and both crashed to the ground. this was probably the first aerial combat of the war. it seems strange to us to-day that the highly complicated and standardized art of fighting with airplanes was developed entirely during the great war and, indeed, was only started after the war had been in progress for several months. yet such was the case. at the beginning of the war there was no such thing as armament in aircraft, either of the offensive or defensive sort. it is true that a small amount of experimentation in this direction had occurred prior to the war and also in the early months of fighting, but it was not until the summer of that air fighting, as it is so well known to the entire world to-day, was begun. in this country we had successfully fired a machine gun from an airplane in , while at the beginning of the war the french had a few heavy airplanes equipped to carry machine guns. yet in august, , maj. eric t. bradley, of the united states air service, but then a flight sublieutenant in the royal flying corps, frequently flew over the lines hunting for germans; and his offensive armament consisted of a lee-enfield rifle or sometimes a -gauge double-barreled shotgun. the aviators in those pioneer days usually carried automatic pistols, but the danger to one side or the other from such weapons was slight, owing to the great difficulty of hitting an object moving as swiftly as an airplane travels. the earlier planes also packed a supply of trench grenades for dropping upon bodies of troops. another pioneer offensive weapon for the airplane was the steel dart, which was dropped in quantities upon the enemy's trenches. great numbers of these darts were manufactured in the united states for the allies, but the weapon proved to be so ineffective that it had but a brief existence. it is said that before the pilots carried any weapons at all the first war aviators used to shoot at each other with very pistols, which projected roman candle balls. the start of air fighting may be said to have come when the lewis machine guns were brought out for use in the trenches. presently these ground guns were taken into the planes and fired from the observers' shoulders. then for the first time war flying began to be a hazardous occupation so far as the enemy's attentions were concerned. it was soon discovered that the machine gun was the most effective weapon of all for use on an airplane, because only with rapid firers could one hope to hunt successfully such swiftly moving prey as airplanes. it had become patent to the strategists that it was of supreme importance to keep the enemy's aircraft on the ground. hence invention began adapting the machine gun to airplane use. the swiftest planes of all were those of the single-seater pursuit type. it was obviously impossible for the lone pilot of one of these to drop his controls and fire a machine gun from his shoulder. this necessitated a fixed gun that could be operated while the pilot maintained complete control of his machine, and such necessity was the mother of the invention known as the synchronizing gear. this ingenious contrivance, however, did not come at once. most of the war planes were of the tractor type; that is, that they had the engine and propeller in front, this arrangement giving them better maneuvering and defensive powers in the air than those possessed by planes with the rear, pushing propellers. the first fixed machine gun was carried on the upper plane of the biplane so as to shoot over the arc described by the propeller. with the gun thus attached parallel to the line of flight, the pilot needed only to point the airplane itself directly at the target to have the gun trained on its objective. but such an arrangement proved to be unsatisfactory. a single belt or magazine of cartridges could, indeed, be fired from the gun, but there was no more firing on that trip, because the pilot could not reach up to the upper plane to reload the weapon. so the fixed gun was brought down into the fuselage and made to fire through the whirling propeller. at first the aviators took their chances of hitting the propeller blades, and sometimes the blades were armored at the point of fire, being sheathed in steel of a shape calculated to cause the bullets to glance off. this system was not satisfactory. then, since a single bullet striking an unprotected propeller blade would often shatter it to fragments, attempts were made to wrap the butts of the blades in linen fabric to prevent this splintering, and this protection actually allowed several shots to pierce the propeller without breaking it. this was the state of affairs on both sides early in . the french nieuports had their fixed guns literally shooting through the propellers, the bullets perforating the blades, if they did not wreck them. as late as february, , maj. bradley, who was by that time a flight commander in the british service, worked a lewis gun over the bulgarian lines with the plane propellers protected only by cloth wrappings. all of this makeshift operation of fixed machine guns was changed by the invention of the synchronizing device. this is an appliance for controlling the fire of the fixed gun so that the bullets miss the blades of the flying propeller and pass on in the infinitesimal spaces of time when the line of fire ahead of the gun is clear of obstruction. the term "synchronizing" is not accurate, since that word implies that the gun fires after each passage of a propeller blade across the trajectory. such is not the truth. the propeller revolves much more rapidly than the gun fires. the device is also called an "interrupter," another inexact term, since the fire of the gun is not interrupted, but only caused at the proper moments. technicians prefer the name "gun control" for this mechanism. who first invented the synchronizer is a matter of dispute, but all observers agree that the germans in the fokker monoplanes of were the first to use it extensively. not until some time after this did the allies generally install similar devices. some have attributed the original invention to the famous french flier, roland garros. two types of synchronizers were developed, one known as the hydraulic type and the other as the mechanical. in operation they are somewhat similar. in each case there is a cam mounted on the engine shaft so that each impulse of the piston actuates a plunger. the plunger passes on the impulses to the rest of the mechanism. in the mechanical control the impulse is carried through a series of rods to the gun, causing the latter to fire at the proper moments. in the hydraulic control the impulse is transmitted through oil held at a pressure in a system of copper tubes. the hydraulic synchronizer is known as the constantinisco control, commonly called the "c. c." after the military fashion of using initials. this was the device copied for american planes in the war. in april, , we knew practically nothing about the use or manufacture of aircraft guns. we had used airplanes at the mexican border, but not one of them carried a machine gun. the lewis gun, which is a flexible type of aircraft weapon pointed on a universal pivot by the observer in a two-place plane, was being manufactured by the savage arms corporation for the british government; but we had never made a gun of the fixed type in this country, nor did we know anything about the construction or manufacture of synchronizers. one special requirement of the aircraft machine gun is that it must be reliable in the extreme. it is bad enough to have a gun jam on the ground, but in the air it may be fatal, for little can be done there to repair the weapon. a jam leaves the gunner to the mercy of his adversary, so in the production of aircraft armament there must be not only special care in the manufacture of the guns, but the ammunition, too, must be as perfect as human accuracy can make it. the cartridges must be either hand-picked and specially selected from the run of service ammunition, or else manufactured slowly and expressly for the purpose, with minute gauging from start to finish of the process. another requirement for the aircraft gun is that it must function perfectly in any position. on the ground a machine gun is fired essentially in a horizontal position, but the airman dives and leaps in his maneuvering and must be able to shoot at any instant. aircraft guns are subject to extreme variations of temperature, and so they must be certain to function perfectly in the zero cold of the high altitudes, regardless of the contraction of their metal parts. then, too, such guns must be able to fire at a much greater rate than those of the ground service. five hundred shots per minute is regarded as sufficient for a ground gun, but aircraft guns have been brought up to a rate of fire as high as to , shots per minute. the browning aircraft gun, never used by us, but in process of development when the armistice was signed, had been speeded up to , shots per minute, with all shots synchronized to miss the blades of the propeller. the rate of fire in the air can not be made too swift. suppose an airplane were flying past a long, stationary target, such as a billboard, at the relatively slow speed of miles an hour. assume on this plane a flexible machine gun aimed at the billboard at right angles to the line of flight. if this is a fast machine gun, it may shoot times a minute, at which rate the shots will come so fast that the explosions will merge into a continuous roar. yet the bullets fired at such a rate from a machine moving at even such low speed will be spaced out along the billboard at intervals of feet. but most of the fighting planes traveled much faster than miles per hour. thus it is entirely possible for two antagonists in the air to aim with complete accuracy at each other and both to pass unscathed through the lines of fire. the faster, therefore, the aircraft gun fired, the better the chances of bringing down the enemy plane. the lewis gun, invented by col. lewis, of the united states army, was the weapon most generally used by the allies as the flexible gun for their airplanes, operated on a universal mount which permitted it to be pointed in any direction. the lewis aircraft gun was the ground gun modified principally by stripping it of the cooling radiator and by the addition of a gas check to reduce the recoil. the lewis was fed by a drum magazine, a more desirable feed for flexible guns than any belt system. the german flexible gun, the parabellum, had the unsatisfactory belt feed. the vickers gun was the only successful weapon of the fixed type developed in the war before we became a belligerent. we were manufacturing vickers guns in the united states prior to april, ; but when the signal corps faced the machine-gun problem, in september, , it found that the infantry branches of the army had contracted for the entire vickers production in this country. accordingly, the equipment division of the signal corps, in the face of marked opposition, took up the development of the marlin gun as an aircraft gun of the fixed type. this gun, however, proved to be extraordinarily successful and was regarded by our flying service and by the aviators of the allies to be the equal of the vickers in efficiency. because of this development, when there came the need of tank guns, in june, , the aircraft board, which had succeeded the signal corps as the director of aerial activities, was able to supply , marlin machine guns within two weeks for this purpose. the first order for marlin guns was placed on september , ; and over , of them had been produced before december, . the marlin-rockwell factory began producing , guns per month in january, , and increased this rapidly until as many as , guns were built in one month. the marlin gun shoots at the rate of to shots per minute and is fed by a belt of the disintegrating metal-link type. as to lewis guns, which we adopted as our flexible weapon, more than , of them were delivered to the air service up to december, . in february, , the savage arms corporation built , of them, increasing their monthly deliveries until in the month of october, , they turned out , of these weapons. the lewis gun which the british had been using carried cartridges in its magazine. a notable accomplishment of the manufacture of lewis guns for our use was to increase the capacity of the magazine to hold cartridges. in our de haviland- planes we installed two marlin fixed guns, each firing at the rate of shots per minute, equipping the weapons with constantinisco controls to give the plane a maximum fire of , shots per minute through the blades of a propeller whirling at a rate as high as , revolutions per minute. four fixed guns have also been successfully fitted to one plane and timed so that none of the bullets struck the propeller blades. at the time the armistice was signed the rate of production of special aircraft ammunition, a classification including tracer bullets, incendiary bullets, and armor-piercing bullets, exceeded , , rounds per month. the original estimate for the quantity of ammunition our flying service should have was later greatly increased because the squadrons at the front began installing as many as four guns on a single observation plane. although different aviators had their own notions about the loading of ammunition belts, certain sequences in the use of the three types of special ammunition were usually observed. first usually came the tracer cartridge, which assists the gunner in directing his aim; then two or three armor-piercing cartridges, relied upon to injure the hostile engine or tap the gasoline tank; and finally one or two incendiary cartridges to ignite the enemy's gasoline as it escaped, sending him down in flames. such a sequence would be repeated throughout the ammunition belt or magazine container. the belts for the fixed guns carry a maximum of rounds of cartridges. the belt which we furnished to our fliers at the front was made of small metallic links fastened together by the cartridges themselves. as the gun was fired and the cartridges ejected, the links fell apart and cleared the machine through special chutes. the total production of such belting in this country amounted to , , links. although the links are extremely simple in design, the great accuracy required in their finish made production of them a difficult manufacturing undertaking. the production and inspection of each link involved over separate operations. it actually cost more to inspect belt links than to manufacture them. we produced , british unit sights for airplane guns and sent , of them overseas. we also bought an adequate number of small electric heaters to keep the gun oil from congealing in the cold of high altitudes. a novel undertaking for our photographic manufacturers was the production of the so-called gun cameras which are used to train airplane gunners in accuracy of fire. target practice with a machine gun in an airplane is dangerous to the innocent bystander; and it was found to be impracticable, moreover, to tow suitable targets for actual machine-gun fire. consequently, quite early in the war, the air services of the allies adopted the practice of substituting cameras for the machine guns on the practice planes. one of these gun cameras, invented by thornton pickard, of altringham, england, imitated in design a marlin aircraft machine gun; and in order to make a picture with it, the gunner must go through the same movements that he would employ in firing a marlin gun. thus, if the gun were pointed directly on the target, the target would appear squarely in the center of the picture taken; and this showed the gunner's accuracy as well as if he had fired cartridges from the actual weapon. these gun cameras were of two sorts. one type took a single picture each time the trigger was pulled. those of the other sort took a number of pictures automatically at a speed approximately that of the firing of a machine gun. this latter type was much the same as a moving picture camera, the resulting film being a string of silhouettes of the target, each exposure showing whether the aim of the gunner was exact at the instant the picture was taken. in september, , the eastman kodak co. began the development of a camera gun of the "burst" or automatic moving-picture type. after our authorities had seen the model, the navy ordered a number of them, while the air service placed increasing orders for these instruments until , had been produced and delivered to the government by november, . this camera was not used in the fixed airplane guns, but was designed to train the operators of the flexible lewis gun. the camera exactly replaced the ammunition magazine on a lewis gun. of the single-shot gun cameras were delivered during the hostilities. this design was obtained from canada and duplicated here. the use of the so-called bromotype paper in gun cameras was one of the interesting phases of this development. as everyone acquainted with photography knows, a picture is made ordinarily by exposing a sensitized plate or film, developing the latter to make a negative, then exposing sensitive print paper to the light that comes through the negative, thus reversing the lights and shadows and creating a positive in the exact semblance of the subject photographed. a concern in cleveland, ohio, the positype co., produced bromotype paper which could be exposed directly in the camera, coming out of the developing process as a positive without the intervention of a film or plate negative. bromotype paper is much more highly sensitized than ordinary print paper, so that it may be adequately exposed in an instantaneous, high-speed snapshot. the exposure is then developed in the ordinary way in the dark room, the familiar negative image appearing on the surface in the ruby light of the lantern. at this point the special developing process enters. the paper negative, without being fixed, is immersed in a bath of chemicals that dissolves away the sensitized surface that has been oxidized by the light from the camera lens--that is, the image--leaving on the paper only the unoxidized, or unexposed, parts of the sensitization. the paper now presents an unbroken white surface. it is then redeveloped by a special solution, and the picture in its true values of light and shade thus comes into existence. the entire development and finishing of this paper requires only ½ to minutes. under this system, of course, only one finished print of each exposure can be made; but the airplane gunners needed only one print to show their aim. positype paper was thus admirably adapted for use in the airplane gun cameras; and because of its cheapness and the simplicity and rapidity of its use, it was rapidly supplanting film at the training camps in this country when the armistice was signed. airplane bombs. the american production of bombs to be dropped from airplanes was not started so soon as production in some of the other branches of ordnance development, due to numerous difficulties encountered in working up the design of this new matériel. although aerial bombing was steadily increasing in effectiveness and magnitude when hostilities ended, yet this kind of fighting was a development that came relatively late in the war; and the lack of perfected standards at the time this country became a belligerent helped to impede our program. some of the bombs first designed and put into production were later rejected by our forces in france, as they had become obsolete before being shipped overseas. we managed to manufacture a great quantity of unloaded bombs by the time the armistice was signed, enough, in fact, to provide for the army's needs during another year of warfare. these had to be loaded with explosives before they were ready for use. we lacked adequate facilities for loading bombs with explosives, although these facilities were being provided rapidly when the war ended. the result was that the thousands of completed american bombs remained unloaded, while practically all the bombs used by our fliers in france were of foreign manufacture. military science had had some small experience with aerial bombing prior to the great war. italian aviators had dropped bombs of an ineffective sort during italy's war in africa. when mexico was having a civil war in american air-sailors of fortune on one side or the other dropped bombs on troops from their planes. in the great war the first nation to attempt bombing on any systematic scale was germany, who sent her zeppelins over london and paris early in the conflict and released bombs upon the heads of the helpless civilians. yet this early and impressive effort was, in its difficulties, out of all proportion to the actual damage done to the city of london, largely due to the fact that germany had not yet produced effective aerial bombs. the frightful scenes and noises of a bomb raid probably did more to reduce the morale in these early days than the destruction caused by the exploding missiles. it is an exceedingly difficult trick to drop a bomb from any considerable altitude and hit what you are aiming at. the speed of the airplane, its height above the ground, the shape of the bomb itself, and the currents of air acting on the falling missile influence its line of flight. the aviator approaching an enemy target drops the bomb long before his airplane is directly above the object aimed at. the line of the bomb's flight is a parabolic curve. the speed at which the airplane travels at first propels the bomb forward, almost as if it had been shot from a stationary gun. as the downward velocity of the bomb increases very rapidly, it soon becomes so great in proportion to velocity forward that the course of the missile bends sharply downward until, as it nears the ground, it is falling nearly in a vertical line. hence, it becomes evident that accurate bomb dropping is an art attained only by much practice on the part of the aviator. the latest bombing machines were equipped with sights which enabled the birdman to drop these deadly objects with greater accuracy than had been possible earlier in the war. while some of the expert european bombers scorned the new inventions in sights and preferred to continue the use of makeshift sights which they themselves had invented and installed on their planes, the average accuracy of bomb dropping was considerably greater after bomb sights came into general use. these sights were adjusted to height, air speed, and strength of wind. when these adjustments had been made, the two sighting points were in such position that, if the bomb were dropped when the target was in line with them, an accurate hit would be registered. we adopted a british sight, tested and found satisfactory by the royal flying corps, and known as the high altitude wimperis, and in the united states as the bomb sight mark i-a. on november , , american factories, working on contracts placed by the ordnance department, had produced , of them. the job of turning out this intricate mechanism was turned over to frederick pearce & co., of new york city, in january, . later in the year additional contracts were given to the edison phonograph works and to the gorham manufacturing co. these contracts called for , sights. by december , , these concerns had completed a total of , of them. [illustration: a -pound demolition bomb carrying pounds of explosive and having heavy cast-steel nose and pressed sheet steel rear body.] [illustration: a -pound fragmentation bomb carrying pounds of explosives, designed for use against troops.] [illustration: a -pound incendiary bomb of the intensive type, with steel nose and fusible zinc rear casing.] [illustration: airplane flare.] [illustration: mark i, high capacity drop bomb. a -pound demolition bomb, carrying pounds of explosive.] [illustration: mark ii, high capacity drop bomb, now obsolete, having been found too small for demolition purposes.] [illustration: mark ii--a fragmentation drop bomb. a -pound fragmentation bomb, made from a converted -inch artillery shell, carries ½ pounds of explosives to be used against troops. projection at nose causes burst to take place above ground.] [illustration: drop bomb, mark iii.] airplane bombs are shaped so as to offer the least possible resistance to the air. they have fins on their tails to steady them lest they tumble over and over. on the smaller types of bombing planes, such as the de haviland- , the bombs were usually carried underneath the lower wings or under the fuselage, hanging horizontally by hooks or fastened by bands around the bodies of the bombs, according to their type. the bombs were dropped by a quick-release mechanism operated by a small lever within the fuselage. the production of these release mechanisms, of which several types were made, was one of the troublesome jobs in connection with the airplane bombing. all bombs are carried on the planes either suspended under the wings or fuselage of the plane or in a compartment in the fuselage. the manner of carrying and the design of the release mechanism is determined by the type of plane used. since the weight-carrying capacity of the planes is limited, release mechanisms must be designed with a view to lightness as well as safety. these mechanisms are so designed that the observer can release any desired number of bombs either as a salvo or in a "trail fire," and the order of releasing must be so arranged that the balance of the plane will be disturbed as little as possible; that is, if bombs are carried under the wings they should be released alternately from each wing. all bombs are fitted with a safety mechanism which enables the observer to drop them either "armed" or "safe," i. e., so that they will explode or not as desired. an occasion might develop where the aviator would have to get rid of his bombs over his own lines. these various points are all taken care of in the design of the release mechanism and are controlled by the observer with an operating-control handle placed in the observer's cockpit. all of the bombs used by our fliers and by the fliers of the other nations at war were of three distinctive types--demolition bombs, fragmentation bombs, and incendiary bombs. our ordnance department built demolition bombs in five different weights: pounds, pounds, pounds, pounds, and, finally, the enormous bomb weighing , pounds--half a ton. the most frequently used demolition bombs, however, were those of the -pound and -pound sizes. the demolition bombs were for use against ammunition dumps, railways, roads, buildings, and all sorts of heavy structures where a high-explosive charge is desired. these bombs had a shell of light steel which was filled with trinitrotoluol--t. n. t., as it is more commonly known--or some other explosive of great destructive power. the charge was set off by a detonator held apart from the dangerous contents of the bomb by a pin. as the bomb was released by the mechanism the pin was automatically drawn out, and the detonator slid down into position so as to explode the bomb the instant it struck its object. the first contract let for drop bombs of any type was given to the marlin-rockwell corporation of philadelphia in june, . this contract was for the construction of , heavy drop bombs of the design known as the barlow, and also for sets of release mechanisms for this bomb. we were able to go ahead with the production of this bomb at this early date since it was the only one of which we had completed designs and working drawings when we entered the war. in november, , this order was increased to , , and in april, , to , . the barlow bomb, however, was destined never to cut any figure in our fighting in france. the production was slow, due to the necessity of constant experimentation to simplify a firing mechanism which was regarded as too complicated by the experts of the war department. finally, in june, , when , of these bombs and sets of release mechanisms had been produced, a cablegram came from the american expeditionary forces canceling the entire contract. meanwhile, the final type of demolition bomb, known variously as the mark i, ii, iii, iv, v, or vi, depending upon its size, had been developed here. in december, , a contract for , of the size known as mark ii, weighing pounds, was given to the marlin-rockwell corporation. but in june the american expeditionary forces informed us that this bomb would not be of value to the air service abroad because of its small explosive charge, and the contract was cut down to , bombs, which number the army could use in training its aviators. by the end of november, , bomb bodies of the mark ii size to the number of , had been completed. by the end of march, , we had developed here a series of demolition bombs that promised to meet every need of our air service abroad in projectiles of their class. we let contracts for the manufacture of , of the -pound mark iii size, these contracts being reduced later to a total of , . the manufacturers were the a. o. smith corporation, an automobile parts concern of milwaukee, wis.; the edward g. budd manufacturing co. of philadelphia; and hale & kilburn of philadelphia. six months later the a. o. smith corporation had reached a production of , of these bombs a day, and completed their contract in october. both the other concerns also completed their contracts in the autumn of . [illustration: two of the largest demolition drop bombs. the larger of these two bombs weighs , pounds and carries pounds of explosive. the smaller weighs pounds and carries pounds of explosive. they are both made with a heavy cast-steel nose and pressed metal rear body.] [illustration: mark ii bomb release mechanism for handley-page machine, showing mark i and mark iv bombs in place.] [illustration: mark ix-a release mechanism as attached to mark ii release for handley-page plane.] the a. o. smith corporation had tooled up their factory so as to become one of our largest producers of airplane bombs. in addition to the contract already mentioned, during this concern received orders for approximately , demolition bombs of the -pound (mark i) size. by november , , they had turned out , of these and had developed a capacity for building , drop bombs daily. another large manufacturer of drop bombs was mccord & co., of chicago, a concern which in received orders for nearly , bombs of the -pound, -pound, and -pound sizes. by the day the armistice was signed this concern had produced , completed bombs. these bombs were the heaviest and largest ones intended for use by our service abroad. the fragmentation bombs differ from the demolition bombs in that they have thick metal walls and consequently smaller charges of explosive. they throw showers of fragments like those of high-explosive artillery shell. the demolition bombs contain, on the other hand, the maximum possible amount of explosive and produce destruction by the force of explosion. fragmentation bombs always have instantaneous firing mechanisms, while demolition bombs are usually provided with delayed fuses, allowing them to penetrate the target before explosion. the fragmentation bombs produced by the ordnance bureau were smaller than the demolition type, the size most commonly used weighing pounds. these bombs had thick cases and were constructed so that they would explode a few inches above the ground. as the bombs reach a velocity downward of over feet per second, the mechanism had to operate to an accuracy of less than one-thousandth of a second. they were designed for use against bodies of troops. the fragmentation bombs were a late development in this class of work. the timing device to explode the bomb at the proper distance from the ground was undertaken by three concerns. the contracts for approximately , of these devices were let in july, . the john thomson press co. of new york city completed its contract for , mechanisms by the end of october, . the national tool & manufacturing co. of st. louis completed its contract for , shortly after the armistice was signed. the yale & towne manufacturing co., stamford, conn., which had contracted to build approximately , of these devices, had turned out , by the end of november, . other concerns which manufactured various parts for the fragmentation bombs were the american seating co. of grand rapids, mich., makers of school desks and seats, and the dail steel products co. of lansing, mich. some idea of the quantity of fragmentation bombs in our program may be gained from the fact that the contract for the cordeau-bickford fuse used in the fragmentation bomb, let to the ensign-bickford co. of simsbury, conn., called for the manufacture of , linear feet of fuse, or more than miles of it. the contracts for fuse were placed in august and september, , and the ensign-bickford co. finished up the job on november , four days before the armistice was signed. the government discovered that -inch shell rejected for various reasons could be re-machined and used to make these airplane fragmentation bombs. the various arsenals had a large supply of them in storage. in august and september, , contracts were let to large numbers of concerns to convert over , of these shell into fragmentation bombs, and by november , nearly , of the new bombs had been delivered. these bombs, made from the -inch shell, as far as the machining of the bodies is concerned were turned out in various quantities by the following firms: vermont farm machinery co., bellows falls, vt. richmond forgings corporation, richmond, va. bethlehem steel co., bethlehem, pa. consolidated car heating co., albany, n. y. s. a. woods machine co., south boston, mass. westfield manufacturing co., westfield, mass. wheeling mold & foundry co., wheeling, w. va. a. p. smith manufacturing co., east orange, n. j. watervliet arsenal, watervliet, n. y. keystone machine co., york, pa. mckiernan terry drill co., dover, n. j. the nose-firing mechanism for these bombs was produced by the yale & towne manufacturing co., stamford, conn.; the national tool & manufacturing co., st. louis, mo.; and the john thomson press co., new york city; while the rear cap stabilizer assemblies were produced by the dail steel products co., lansing, mich., and the american seating co., grand rapids, mich. the last item on the bomb program to come into production was the fragmentation bomb mark ii-b, which was an exact copy of the british cooper bomb, the most effective bomb of this type in use by the allied nations. contracts for this bomb were not let until august , , to the lycoming foundry & machine co., of williamsport, pa., and the paige-detroit motor car co., of detroit, mich. the former company by december was producing these bombs at the rate of per day and the latter was just coming into quantity production the first week in december. [illustration: two views, mark v release trap (right hand) with universal nose and tail beam, mounted on t-rails under right wing of dh- plane. upper--front view, showing operating tube connected to alternating cam in fuselage. two mark iii demolition drop bombs ( pounds) held by supporting straps; one bomb released, showing free supporting strap. lower--rear view, showing method of retaining stabilizer by tail clip with three mark iii demolition drop bombs.] [illustration: two views of mark x release trap on planes. shows mark x release trap (cooper) mounted upon t-rails under wing of dh- plane. bowden control wire and casing connected to fuselage. two mark ii-b fragmentation bombs suspended--one arming vane retained, the other free.] when the united states entered the war no satisfactory incendiary bombs had yet been produced by any country, and consequently a long period had to be given over to experimentation before quantity production could be attained. we produced two types of incendiary bombs, the first being of the scatter type, designed for use against light structures, grain fields, and the like, and the second of the intensive type, for use against large structures. later on in our program we abandoned the manufacture of the scatter type incendiary bombs on cable instructions from abroad, as it was found that the wet climate made a bomb of this type of little value. the american intensive bomb, while it had not yet come up to our ideal and was in process of evolution during its manufacture, nevertheless was regarded by our officers as more effective than any other bomb of its type in existence, since it produced a larger and hotter flame. our intensive incendiary bombs weighed about pounds each and contained charges of oil emulsion, thermit, and metallic sodium, a combination of chemicals that burns with intense heat. these bombs were used against ammunition depots or any structures of an inflammable nature. the sodium in the charge was designed to have a discouraging effect upon anyone who attempted to put out the fire of the burning charge, since metallic sodium explodes with great violence if water is poured upon it. of the scatter bombs we built , before abandoning the manufacture, an action taken in september, . when hostilities ceased we had out contracts for , of the intensive bombs and about , of them had been delivered ready for loading. one of the large manufacturers of incendiary bombs was the conron-mcneal co., of kokomo, ind., manufacturers of skates. the company had to equip its plant with new machinery especially for handling this novel manufacturing enterprise. in all, they produced , bombs and were turning them out at the rate of per day when the armistice was signed. this concern was the pioneer in the manufacture, the subsequent contractors profiting by the experience of the conron-mcneal co., and consequently being able to obtain quantity production more quickly than the kokomo plant had been able to reach it. the globe machine & stamping co., of cleveland, ohio, built , bombs and , firing mechanisms before hostilities closed, and eventually reached a production rate of bombs and , firing mechanisms per day. parrish & bingham, also of cleveland, produced , , and were turning them out at the rate of daily when the production was stopped. the c. r. wilson body co., of detroit, built , of the intensive bombs and reached a daily production of . the new home sewing machine co., of orange, mass., manufactured , firing mechanisms for the scatter-type bombs. one of the interesting phases of the bomb manufacturing program grew out of the necessity for target practice for our aviators. for this work we built dummy bombs of terra cotta, costing about a dollar apiece. instead of loading these bombs with explosive, we placed in each a small charge of phosphorus and a loaded paper shotgun shell, so that the bomb would eject a puff of smoke when it hit its object. the aviators could see the smoke puffs and thereby determine the accuracy of their aim. the gathmann ammunition co. of texas, md., was the first contractor for dummy bombs, building , , which were delivered in the spring of . in the spring and summer of , the atlantic terra cotta co., the new jersey terra cotta co., both of perth amboy, n. j., and the federal terra cotta co. of woodbridge, n. j., each built , of these bombs. in september additional contracts for , dummy bombs were given to each of these three concerns, while another contract for , went to the northwestern terra cotta co. of chicago. by the end of november these concerns had delivered nearly , of the , bombs contracted for, and were turning them out at the rate of , per day. the essex specialty co. manufactured , phosphorus rolls for dummy bombs, and the remington arms-u. m. c. co. supplied , shotgun shells for the first bombs produced. later the remington arms co. produced , shotgun shells for dummy bombs. airplane photographic supplies. in four days of the final drive of the yankee troops in the argonne district the american photographic sections of the air service made and delivered , prints from negatives freshly taken from the air above the battle lines. this circumstance is indicative of the progress made by military intelligence from the days when a commander secured information of the enemy's positions only by sending out patrols, or from spies. the coming of the airplane destroyed practically all possibility for the concealment by day of moving bodies of men or of military works. mere observation by the unaided eye of the airmen, however, soon proved inadequate to utilize properly the vantage point of the plane. the insufficient and often crude and inaccurate drawings brought in by the airplane observer were early succeeded by the almost daily photographing of the entire enemy terrain by cameras, which recorded each minute feature far more accurately than the human eye could possibly do. the airplane, to quote the common saying, had become the eye of the army, but the camera was the eye of the airplane. this development in military information-getting from start to finish was entirely the product and an evolution of the great war. when the war broke out in there were no precedents for the military photographer to go by, nor had any specialized apparatus ever been designed by either side for this purpose. as a result the first crude makeshifts were rapidly succeeded by more and more highly developed equipment. at the outset of the war, before antiaircraft guns were brought to efficiency, it was possible for the observation planes of the british, the french, and the germans to fly at low altitudes and take satisfactory pictures with such photographic appliances as were then in common use. but as the "archies" forced the planes to go higher in the air, special equipment had to be designed for longer distance work under the adverse conditions of vibration and speed, such as exist on airplanes. it is a tribute to the photographic technicians of the world that they were able to produce at all times equipment to meet these increasing demands. [illustration: type dr- , de ram camera.] [illustration: type a- , hand-held airplane camera.] [illustration: type l, x plate camera.] [illustration: mobile field photographic outfit, used for air service. it includes a dark room, printing lantern, and light-generating plant.] as the airplanes moved into higher altitudes, longer focus lenses had to be employed, special dry plates developed, and special color filters provided to overcome the haze created by humidity in the long spaces between the cameras and the ground. when the war ended, cameras were in common use taking photographs at an altitude of miles with such microscopic fidelity as to show even where a single soldier had recently walked across a field. the american army came into the war almost innocent of any information at all on the subject of war photography. such technical information as the allied nations had developed during the war had been most carefully guarded from us and all other neutral countries, with the result that what information we had was of a meager and conflicting sort. although in the early months of our participation in the war the signal corps, which then had charge of all phases of aerial warfare, made large purchases of motion-picture cameras, hand cameras, and view cameras, it was not until the end of that our officers were able to begin their real development of aerial photography. by this time we had received much valuable information from the foreign high commissions and samples of their earlier apparatus. aerial photography had become one of the leading activities of the air service. thus in april, , the british service made , pictures at the front, and a great part of all flying was done to secure photographs. moreover, the art was advancing at such a pace that practices in approved use one week at the front appeared likely to become obsolete the next, as new methods and new equipment superseded the old. for years america had been second to none as a photographic country, and it was to be expected that this country would make notable contributions to the new science. it may indeed be wondered why, with the experimental laboratories and the skilled technicians at our command, we did not start at once to develop our own aerial designs and equipment. our officers, however, felt that such a course would be likely to duplicate much of the work already done by the allied countries, who stood ready then to furnish to us the results of their experiences. while original research work might result in the invention here of certain equipment of superlative merit, yet we would be sure, in the course of such an undertaking, to adopt methods which had been tried and discarded by the allies and which we ourselves would have to discard when experience had proven them to be without value. the information in our hands in december, , showed that the british system of air photography differed radically from that of the french. the french cameras made a relatively large negative, by centimeters in dimension, on a glass plate. the magazines of the french cameras held plates, and extra magazines were carried in the plane. these cameras were fitted with lenses of relatively long focus-- inches. three operations were necessary to make an exposure. the photographer must change the plate, set the focal plane shutter, and press the release. when the negatives were developed, fixed, washed, and dried, prints were made by contact. the british used a smaller-sized plate, by inches in size. their cameras were equipped with the only lenses available in england in the early part of the war--lenses of relatively short focus, ranging from to inches in this respect. instead of making contact prints from these plates, the british made enlargements, measuring ½ by ½ inches. in the earlier period of our development of aerial photographic apparatus, we were in the same position as the british as regards lenses. we had no adequate supply of long-focus lenses. consequently we followed the british designs of cameras and adopted the british system almost explicitly in the training of aerial photographers. it had been our first thought to use films to a great extent on the front, since america was the country which had perfected the photographic film, and was therefore, presumably, best equipped in skill to adapt it to war uses. but plates had been used practically exclusively by the british, the french, and the italians; and it appeared wisest to follow their experience at first, though all agreed that film, with its small bulk and weight, would be greatly superior for airplane use. the photographic experimental department of the air service, which was organized in january, , had as its major problems the design and test of aerial cameras and all their parts and accessories. equally important with this problem was that of sensitive plates, papers, color filters, and photographic chemicals. the corps of photographic and optical experts, into whose hands these matters were placed, early secured the active cooperation of the chief manufacturers of photographic apparatus and materials in this country. in the laboratories in washington, d. c, langley field, va., and rochester, n. y., comprehensive development work was inaugurated, leading ultimately to perfection of new designs of cameras and the development of plates and other photographic materials equal or superior to any available abroad. the first airplane camera which it was decided to put into production in america was a close copy of the british type "l," which use had proven to be one of the best mechanisms employed at the front. the operation of this camera was semiautomatic, the operator having nothing to do except to press the shutter-release to keep the camera at work. the operating power was derived from a small windmill or air propeller driven by the rush of air past the plane. the automatic mechanism changed the plate and set the shutter after each exposure. because of the situation with respect to lenses these cameras were constructed to use lenses of -inch to -inch focus, and the english by plate. some of these cameras were constructed. they played an indispensable part in the training of nearly , aerial photographers in this country. they were also used by our bombing squadrons at the front. at the same time it was generally agreed that we should plan to follow the french practice as soon as lenses of greater focal length could be manufactured in this country. increase in focal length was becoming imperative, because aerial photographers were being compelled to make exposures from much greater heights than in the earlier part of the war. for the sake of those unacquainted with photography it may be stated here that lenses of short focal lengths will not record the details of objects a great distance away from the camera, the longer-focus, rarer, and more expensive lenses being required for distance work. as a basis for the design of cameras of longer focus a sample of the -inch focus camera used by the french had been sent to this country by the american expeditionary forces. the first camera authorized of this focal length was similar in general character to this french camera. it was constructed on the unit system, each part--shutter, camera body, lens cone, and magazine--being of standardized dimensions. it was understood that these standard dimensions were to be followed in all subsequent cameras both in this country and in the countries of the allies. the idea constantly put before all designers of aerial cameras has been that of the automatic type, in the use of which the observer or pilot will have a minimum of work. late in the photographic section of the air service, american expeditionary forces, secured the rights for the manufacture of an ingenious design of automatic plate camera invented by lieut. deram, of the french army, and requested that this be put in production. in this camera the magazine, which carries plates, by centimeters in size, rotates between each exposure, while the exposed plate is removed from the front of the pile and carried to the back. after some study here of the incomplete model, this camera was redesigned in such form as to fit it for methods of american manufacture. it was made semiautomatic in operation; that is, the work of the observer or pilot consisted merely in releasing the shutter at will, a fresh plate always being in place. at the time of the armistice of these cameras were rapidly approaching completion. meanwhile experiments were actively pushed in the matter of the utilization of film. various difficulties and problems had to be solved before film could be considered practical. considerable time was consumed in overcoming the peculiar static electrical discharges which occur on film in cold, dry regions, such as in high mountains or the upper atmosphere, and fog the sensitive surface by their light. the film camera finally decided upon was based on a fundamental design by the folmer & schwing organization of the eastman kodak co. this camera, known as the "k" type, carries a film on which exposures, by centimeters in dimension, can be made at one loading. the film is held flat by an ingenious device. the film strip passes over a flat perforated sheet behind which a partial vacuum is set up by a suction, or "venturi," tube extending outside the body of the airplane. the camera is entirely automatic, and is driven either by a wind turbine of adjustable aperture or, in war planes, by electric current from the heating and lighting circuit. the observer in the airplane needs only to start the camera and regulate its speed according to the speed with which the airplane is passing over the ground below, and the camera thereafter will, of itself, take pictures at such intervals as to map completely the terrain under observation. in conjunction with the use of film in cameras came the question of handling the film in the dark-room; that is, the ordinary manipulations of developing, fixing, washing, and drying--a serious problem when the large dimensions of the film, its length, and difficult characteristics in handling are taken into consideration. this problem was attacked and a film developing, handling, and drying machine was produced. some of these automatic film cameras were on order at the close of the war. altogether over , airplane cameras of all types had been and were about to be delivered when the armistice came. these were built by the eastman kodak co., rochester; the burke & james co., chicago; the g. e. m. engineering co., of philadelphia; and arthur brock, jr., of philadelphia. one of the most serious problems in aerial photography is the proper mounting of the camera in the plane. not only does the plane travel at great speed, which makes necessary exceedingly short exposures and therefore highly sensitive photographic materials, but the motor causes a continuous vibration which, communicated to the camera itself, would be fatal to obtaining sharp pictures. the experimenters of the air service carried out a long, extensive, and most interesting investigation at langley field to make clear the whole question of preventing the vibration of the airplane camera. the scientists worked out a method of making the camera itself record the vibrations communicated to it by the plane when the box was not held by a proper vibration-neutralizing suspension. the plan adopted was to send up a camera thus mounted on an airplane, focus it on a light on the ground below, open the shutter, and take a time exposure from the swiftly-flying plane. the result, of course, was a streak, or trail, written on the plate by the point of light below, the jagged or wavy character of this trail indicating the vibrations of the camera and determining the proper principles of a suitable mounting. the first thought was to do this work at night, as the british had done, when the light below would pierce the darkness distinctly. but night flying is hazardous, and a better plan was called for. nor would the proposal to use an extremely strong light in broad daylight do, because, while the light would indeed be photographed continuously across the plate, so also would the surrounding ground, and the general result would be a fogging or blurring of the outlines of the streak. finally the problem was solved by conducting the aerial experimental work over woodland in the late afternoon. a strong, reddish light was placed in the woods so as to be visible from above. the surrounding green foliage supplied a frame of sufficient contrast to the light to make its impression distinct on the plate. to emphasize the contrast, the camera lens was covered with a reddish colored ray filter, and this brought out sharply the outline of the streak. these tests resulted in the design and production of new and unique camera mountings which successfully stopped all vibrations of the camera. a problem on which it was necessary to have the closest cooperation of the plane designers was that of installing the large -inch focus cameras in the airplane. there is little room at best in a plane, and the demands for armament, wireless, and bombing space all had to receive attention. in the american service a distinct advance was made in the design of a special plane intended primarily for photographic reconnaissance. several of these planes, which were the most completely equipped for photographic purposes of any designed during the war, were built and would have been put into quantity production in the late fall of . parallel with this development of apparatus went studies of the sensitive materials and methods of photography from the air. because of the swift motion of the plane extremely short exposures are imperative. consequently, the most advanced technique of instantaneous photography had to be applied. the cooperation of various plate manufacturers was obtained, who brought out especially for the government several new plates which showed on test to be superior to any which had appeared in the war on either side. as an airplane rises higher and higher in the sky, the moisture of the intervening atmosphere between the machine and the ground creates a haze which makes aerial photography above a certain height unsatisfactory and even impossible with the naked lenses as used on the ground. the problem of finding the best means for piercing aerial haze occupied the attention of a corps of experts working both in the laboratory and in the field. the solution lay in the use of special color filters of general yellow hue which obscured the bluish light characteristic of haze. filters of new materials specially adapted to airplane use were made available as a result of this study. field equipment of quite new and special design for performing photographic operations had to be designed and built. among the most interesting of these developments was the photographic truck or mobile photographic laboratory. this consisted of a specially designed truck and trailer containing all the equipment necessary for the rapid production of prints in the field. the truck body was equipped with a dynamo for furnishing the electrical current required for lights and drying fans, while each unit was provided with an acetylene generator for emergency use, if the electrical apparatus should break down. the mobile dark room carried on the trailer of each unit was equipped with tanks, enlarging camera, printing boxes, and other necessary apparatus. in all, some of these field laboratories were constructed. while the development of apparatus and new materials was from a popular standpoint in many ways the most interesting phase of the work of the photographic scientists, nevertheless it should be remembered that the great problem in this, as in all other fields of american endeavor, was to produce the supplies in tremendous quantities. in october, , we shipped overseas , , sheets of photographic printing paper, , dry plates and , rolls of film. we also sent tons of photographic chemicals. these were merely the principal items in the consignment. besides paper, plates and chemicals, the field force required developing tents, trays, printing machines, stereoscopes, and travelling dark rooms, to name only some of the principal items. much of the material already on the market was not suitable for the purpose, a fact requiring the production of specially manufactured supplies. the fireworks of flying. it is interesting to consider that without fireworks, and particularly some of the familiar forms of them used to celebrate the fourth of july, war flying would have lost much of its efficiency. night flying would have been well-nigh impossible, while day flying would have had to invent substitutes for fireworks had the latter not been available. [illustration: marlin machine gun with fixed mounting, on a jn- fuselage.] [illustration: two lewis machine guns with movable mounting, in the observer's cockpit of a de haviland- .] [illustration: airplane flare.] [illustration: holt wing-tip flare holder.] the squadron fields near the front were kept as dark as possible at night for obvious reasons. the first inkling that a squadron commander might have of the approach of one of his aviators at night would be the sudden appearance high in the air of a green or red or white roman-candle ball. this would be the signal inquiring if the landing field were clear. a pyrotechnic star of a predetermined color, shot from the ground, would answer the homing birdman; and, if the signal were in the affirmative, he would descend through the sheer blackness, unable to see clearly, yet confident that he would make his landing safely. as the plane neared the ground suddenly under one of the wings a flare of dazzling power would commence to burn, for a few seconds flooding the field with light. in that brief space of time the plane would have made its landing, and soon field and quarters would again be obscured under the protecting blanket of darkness. every service airplane at the front was equipped with one or more signaling pistols. in appearance these weapons were more murderous than the "gat" carried by a desperado of the movies, but, like the prize bulldog with the undershot jaw, they were more deadly in looks than in deeds. their formidable-appearing cartridges were larger than the shells used in shotguns, resembling the latter almost identically in appearance; but every one of these shells contained only a roman-candle ball and a sufficient charge of powder to eject the star a good distance into the air. the sound of the discharge was a mere whisper of the shattering roar that might be expected from such a redoubtable piece of ordnance. these aviation pistols were similar to the very signal pistols used in the trenches. the stars shot were three colors, red, green and white, and the color of a cartridge's star was painted on the end of the shell. this base was also ridged with a different pattern for each color, so that the aviator at night could feel with his fingers and tell the color of the cartridge without seeing it. codes of numerous messages were worked out in different combinations of these three colors. the stars were quite visible in broad daylight, too, and were used for many signaling purposes. they indicated the position of enemy troops or the presence of hostile aircraft, they called for help from other airplanes, and they signaled squadron orders when the machines were flying in formation. but the signal pistol had a more sinister use. if the pilot were driven down in enemy territory, it became his duty to destroy his machine. in some cases the signal pistol was used effectively to set airplanes on fire under such conditions. the pilot had only to open his gasoline tank and fire a roman candle ball into the escaping fluid. in other cases when the aviator landed amid enemy troops he was able to hold them at bay with his signal pistol until his plane was burned beyond the possibility of salvage. while we manufactured very pistols in this country, all of those actually used by our fliers in france were purchased abroad. night-flying is one of the most hazardous duties of the aviator, the chief danger being in landing. the fields well back of the front were usually brightly illuminated by flood lights at night, but those nearer the enemy were left in darkness, as a rule, to protect them from the attacks of hostile aircraft. the aviator at night can usually see the ground faintly, but he is unable to make an accurate judgment of the distance of his machine above the ground. this danger was greatly alleviated when the wing-tip flares were invented. the wing-tip flare consisted of a small cylinder of magnesium material in a metallic holder, one flare being fitted under each lower wing of the plane. each flare was controlled by a push button in the pilot's cockpit. pressure on the button sent an electric spark into the magnesium and touched it off. when the descending pilot at night judged that he was near the ground he pushed one of the buttons. immediately the flare ignited and burned for about seconds with the brilliant light of , candle power. being hidden by the wing, this light did not dazzle the eyes of the aviator, but the reflection from the under surface of the wing lighted up the field for an adequate distance in all directions. another important use of pyrotechnics occurred in those enterprises known as night-bombing raids. since both sides kept their vulnerable ammunition dumps and their important buildings completely unlighted at night, even though the night raider knew he was in the general vicinity of his objective, hits from bombs dropped from aloft were almost accidental. to enable the night bomber to see his target the interesting piece of pyrotechnics known as the airplane flare was invented. this was a great charge of magnesium light held in a cylindrical sheet-iron case nearly four feet long and half a foot in diameter, the exact dimensions being inches by inches. the flare weighed pounds. within the cylinder was not only the magnesium stick but also a silk parachute feet in diameter. the entire cartridge was attached to the airplane by a release mechanism similar to those holding the drop-bombs. when over his objective at night the pilot or observer touched a button and the entire cartridge, iron case and all, dropped from the plane. a pin wheel on the lower end of the case was instantly spun by the rush of air, and the resulting power not only ignited the magnesium but at the same time detonated a charge of black powder sufficient in force to eject from the case the flare and its tightly rolled parachute. the parachute immediately opened; and the burning flare descended slowly, flooding a large area of the ground below with a light of , candlepower, this light burning for about minutes. such a light not only enabled the bomber to drop his destructive missiles accurately, but it was found by experience that it dazzled the eyes of antiaircraft gunners below and made their aim inaccurate. the light of this flare was so strong that it was possible for the airplane above to obtain photographs of good detail on the darkest of nights. we were just starting to produce these flares when the war ended. in fact the actual production of pyrotechnic supplies in this country was small, the american expeditionary forces depending almost exclusively for these supplies upon french and british sources. keeping our fliers warm. when the commander of an airplane squadron sends an aviator into the high altitudes, he sends him into climate that much of the year is colder and more severe than any known on earth, even at the north pole. not only is the temperature of the air likely to be many degrees below zero at the heights which war planes attained, but the flier must face this bitter cold in the gale of wind that is never blowing less than miles per hour. consequently when we trained a corps of aviators to fly at altitudes of , to , feet above the western front, it was necessary for us to design and manufacture for them the warmest clothing ever made. they were dressed more warmly than any polar exploration party that ever set forth, more warmly in fact than any other class of men in the world. for we not only gave them the protection of all the fine wool, leather, and fur that they could wear without hindering their movements, but in addition we literally wrapped them in flexible electric heaters. the first purchases of aviators' flying clothes were made by the coordinated action of the council of national defense and the quartermaster's department. it was soon apparent that the design of such clothing was a special matter which the aviation authorities themselves should control, and purchases thereafter were all made by the bureau of aircraft production. there were no standard styles at the time, so it became necessary for us to develop our own equipment. this development resulted in an output for the flier that became standard. in moderate weather the flier wore upon his head a woolen hood, or helmet, extending well down over the forehead to the eyes, and around the neck to the shoulders. in cold weather, or for high-flight work, this headgear was augmented by a silk helmet of double thickness, having between its layers an electrically heated pad connected by copper wire to the electric generator on the plane's engine. outside of this was worn a soft leather helmet lined with fur, extending down over the back of the head, covering the ears and cheeks, and fastening under the chin. then the face was entirely covered with a leather face mask lined with wool and having an opening for the eyes, over which were worn a pair of goggles. when the pilot was also required to operate the radio system, in place of the fur-lined helmet he wore the radio helmet. this was of leather and resembled the other in appearance, but it contained the receiver of the wireless telephone, enabling the flier to hear what was spoken to him in an ordinary tone of voice several miles away. in addition to this equipment the aviator who went up to the great heights wore the oxygen mask. this was of rubber, and, besides supplying oxygen, it contained a transmitter, allowing him to speak as well as to hear by wireless. over the body was worn a one-piece flying suit extending from the feet to the throat, belted and buttoned tight at the ankles and wrists. the outer material of this suit was waterproof, and when it was buttoned on there were no gaps through which the air might penetrate. this suit was lined throughout with fur. it was a considerable problem to find a fur of extreme warmth with a pelt strong enough to withstand rough usage and still not be too great in bulk, and purchasable at a price not too extravagant. after the furs of many beasts had been examined and tested, it was determined that the hide and fur of a chinese nuchwang dog met these requirements better than any other. we were making so many of these suits that we required all of the dogskins we could get, not only in this country, but in china. merely the final purchase of these pelts before the armistice was signed was for nearly , of them, and that many dogs in an interior chinese province gave up their lives that the american aviation warfare might succeed. with its waterproof outer surface and its furry lining, it might seem that such a garment would be warm enough for any work. but the aircraft authorities of the united states were not content until they had installed between the fur and the outer covering thin, flexible, electric-heat units connected by silk-covered wire with the dynamo on the engine. similar heating pads were placed in the gloves and moccasins of the fliers. on their hands, besides the electrically heated gloves, the fliers wore gauntlets of muskrat fur, these extending well up the arms and being of special design which allowed the fingers of each glove to remain in a fur-lined pocket or to be withdrawn from the pocket without removing the gloves from the hand. over the electrically heated moccasins were worn leather moccasins extending well up the calf of the leg and lined with heavy sheep wool. these were fastened with straps and buckles. thus clad, our aviators were acknowledged generally to be the most warmly and efficiently equipped of any at the front. besides these special garments for warmth, the fliers required many other items of clothing, such as sweaters, leather coats, fur-lined coats, helmets, and many styles of goggles. the total cost of air clothing, provided or in course of manufacture on november , , was over $ , , . some of the major items in round numbers were , fur-lined flying suits (at $ . ), , leather helmets, an equal number of leather coats, costing anywhere from $ to $ each, and over , goggles at $ . apiece. protection in high altitude flying. even to-day the veteran of the air squadron scoffs at the newfangled outfits of oxygen masks and tanks carried in an experimental way on some of the high-flying planes at the western front when hostilities ceased. nevertheless, had the war continued a few months longer, it is probably true that the oxygen apparatus would have been included in the indispensable equipment of every airplane in the front areas. such a development, had it occurred, would have been due largely to the efforts of the american aircraft service. many aviators who have gone into high altitudes, fought there, and lived to tell about it, doubt the necessity of oxygen-supplying apparatus, since they themselves returned safely without it. nevertheless the experiments conducted by the bureau of aircraft production demonstrated conclusively that the flyer artificially supplied with oxygen in the high altitudes is much more efficient than one who is without it. these experiments were conducted in a room which duplicated the conditions at high altitudes. at , feet the pressure of the atmosphere is one-half the atmospheric pressure at sea level. the lack of pressure in itself causes no appreciable physical or mental reaction; but the reduced pressure at , feet means that in a given amount of air there is only one-half the oxygen that there is in a similar amount at sea level. the lack of oxygen is serious. experienced aviators were placed in an air-tight chamber under the observation of government scientists. the air in this chamber was then exhausted until it corresponded to the atmosphere at the , feet level. the subjects were then set at small mechanical tests, such as the pushing of certain buttons when different colored lights were turned on, these tasks requiring a degree of mental concentration. in this and similar tests it was discovered that not only do the subjects lose accuracy in the attenuated air, but their movements become conspicuously slower. in the parlance of the pilot they become "dopey." more than one returning aviator has confessed to this feeling when at a high altitude. when the british analyzed their air casualties during the first year of the war they found that of each fliers in the casualty list were killed or hurt by the enemy, of them owed their misfortune to defects in the planes, while the other came to the hospital or the grave because of themselves, their carelessness or recklessness, their physical failings, and all other things which may be summed up in the human equation. a thorough study on the part of the british disclosed the fact that practically all of the flying personnel was suffering from what became known as oxygen fatigue, caused by flying so many hours each day in altitudes where there was not enough oxygen to feed the body properly. before the war broke out the aviation record was , feet above sea level. in january, , this record had been lifted nearly a mile, the high point being an altitude of , feet. early in the war pilots at the , feet level could laugh at antiaircraft fire, and few machines ever went above , feet. thus with the first equipment the "ceiling"--that is, the average high level to which every day flying goes--was about , feet. when the war closed, a pilot was not safe under the , feet level, due to the development of antiaircraft guns, and the safest machine had become that which could fly highest. the aviators were demanding a working ceiling of , feet, and were obtaining it, too, from the latest type of planes. it was evident that the reduced oxygen at this ceiling was responsible for casualties among the fliers, and we could expect the ceiling to be pushed even higher as antiaircraft guns became more powerful. the need of oxygen equipment was plainly indicated. even at , feet the aviator relying upon the normal oxygen supply at that altitude, while he may feel perfectly fit, is actually slow to judge distances, to aim his guns, to fire them, and to maneuver his plane. the first oxygen apparatus was designed for the british air service and was made at the plant of de lestang in paris. the demand for the apparatus was so great that an automobile was constantly kept waiting at the factory that as soon as each set was finished it could be rushed straight to the front. the first british squadron which used oxygen equipment reported that its men gave six times the service of any other british squadron. our air service adopted the dreyer oxygen apparatus, which was the original device produced by the british. we found it to be a hand-made appliance, but under our direction we adapted it to american methods of manufacture. the british apparatus was built to supply oxygen to one man only. we changed it to take care of two men. the model received was too heavy; we reduced the weight. finally we added improvements to make it more efficient and reliable and redesigned it to meet american factory methods. [illustration: gunner in cockpit equipped with oxygen helmet and telephone receiver, operating movable machine gun.] [illustration: aviator's oxygen helmet equipped with telephone receiver.] [illustration: oxygen apparatus for breathing at high altitudes.] such an equipment has to be entirely automatic in its operation and as reliable as human ingenuity can make it. the dreyer device embodies several instruments all of which must work perfectly under widely varying conditions. in use its tanks will contain oxygen under pressure ranging from pounds to , pounds per square inch, yet the mechanism must deliver the oxygen to the aviator at a constant rate regardless of its tank pressure. then the whole apparatus is subjected to temperatures that may be as high as ° above zero or as low as ° below. it must function evenly in the atmospheric pressure at any altitude up to , feet, delivering more oxygen as the atmosphere thins. such was the problem of manufacture. yet, taking up the work in january, , we turned out six complete equipments by may , , sending them overseas by special messenger for actual test on the front. twenty-eight days later we shipped sets. by the end of the war we had built , complete oxygen equipments. of this number , had been sent to ports of embarkation awaiting shipment, and over , of these had been shipped overseas. in october we had reached a production rate of , sets per month. some of the difficulties of this production may be read in the description of the complicated character of the apparatus. the equipment consists of a small tank or tanks, the pressure apparatus, the tube leading from the reservoir, and finally the face mask covering the mouth and nose. the mask has combined with it either the interphone, a mechanism which cuts off the roar of the engine from the ears of the passengers and allows the pilot and observer to talk freely with each other, or in certain cases the receiver of the radio telephone or telegraph. the flow-regulating apparatus consists of five parts. in front of the pilot is a high-pressure gauge to indicate the supply of oxygen in the tank. in the tank there is a high-pressure valve with an upper chamber which compensates for the temperature. there is also a shut-off valve, hand operated, which can be set to provide a flow of oxygen to one man, to two men, or to none at all. then there is a regulating valve operated by an aneroid barometer which adjusts the oxygen flow to the altitude, the flow increasing as the machine goes higher. finally in the pilot's view there is a flow indicator consisting of a small fan wheel which tells the aviator that the oxygen is actually flowing. the mask presented a difficult problem, as it must be big enough to contain the radio receivers and still enable the aviator to see and work. yet the mask must keep its adjustment in a gale of wind at least miles per hour in velocity. the actual use of the equipment on the front was just starting when the armistice was signed. we sent across to france a special division of experts to take charge of the installation of these equipments on the planes. at the close of hostilities we required all military planes flying above an altitude of , feet to be equipped with oxygen apparatus. this class included day bombing, pursuit, and chassé planes, and a certain number of night bombing planes, and army and corps observation planes. [illustration: two views of bomb sights used on airplanes. upper picture shows bomb sight on de haviland . lower picture shows high-altitude bomb sight. set from readings of instruments showing altitude and air speed. it indicates to the bomber the precise instant for release of the bomb in order to reach the target.] [illustration: aviators equipped with telephone transmitters and head sets to communicate with each other.] chapter vi. the airplane radio telephone. electrical science was called upon to furnish marvels and prodigies indeed during the recent war as aids to the american arms, but in no respect did it respond in more successful and spectacular fashion than it did when asked to produce a wireless telephone system that would make possible the transmission of human speech to and from moving airplanes. it is doubtful if any other branch of science enlisted for war work produced any instrument or mechanism so far in advance of what was known before the war as the airplane wireless phone was in its class. to be sure, we had the radio telephone some time before america entered the war or even before the war broke out in europe in . ever since the scientists began experimenting with wireless electricity it has been axiomatic that, at least theoretically, whatever you can do with wires you can do without wires. and so following the development of the wireless telegraph came the production of the wireless telephone, and the invention had been so perfected in and that in the united states navy's official test at the arlington station, across the potomac river from washington, human speech sent out by the transmitters there was heard simultaneously at the eiffel tower in paris and at the government's own wireless station in hawaii. but there is a vast difference between using the wireless telephone in the quiet of the radio rooms aboard ship or in the shore stations and using it amid the roar of the powerful engine propelling an airplane. the equipment, too, that had been used on the ground was altogether too cumbersome to go into the fuselage of an airplane. as early as august, , american genius had successfully accomplished wireless telegraph transmission from airplane to ground, and in october of the same year the idea of aerial fleet command by telephone was conceived and plans for its development discussed by army officers on duty at the international aviation tournament at belmont park, long island. in a message was successfully transmitted from an army airplane over a distance of miles. in the signal corps had increased the distance to miles. two years later, in the philippine islands, a message had been successfully received on an airplane in flight over a distance of miles. in the aviation section entered upon a definite plan of development of aircraft wireless at the signal corps aviation school, san diego, calif. this plan was based upon the belmont park idea and discussions, with the voice-commanded tactical air fleet as the ultimate goal. the airplane had changed from the pusher to the tractor type, with the noise of the motor of the latter driven back by the blast of the propeller into the face of the aviator. the airplane wireless problem was thus quite completely changed. under these new conditions, however, the development was entered upon, and it has since been continuous. in october a spring-driven dictaphone was taken into the air and a record of speech made in the noise of the motor. this was contemporaneous with the successful long-range experiments in radio telephony at arlington, referred to above. a study of this dictaphone record convinced the aviation officers that the idea of the radio telephone for airplanes was entirely practicable. experiments during the fall and winter with various means of driving the wireless power plant resulted in a decision to develop the air fan as a source of power rather than the gear or belt system. this development continuing through , transmission by telegraph from airplane was accomplished up to miles, means for receiving in the noise of the motor were worked out, and a message successfully telegraphed between airplanes in flight. the radio telephone was under construction, and in february, , the voice was first transmitted by telephone from airplane to ground. like alexander graham bell's first wire telephone, the apparatus was crude. but the door was unlocked and ready to be opened upon the new field of development. when on may , , gen. squier, the chief signal officer of the army, called upon the scientists to develop at once an airplane telephone, he was not only introducing them into what was to many of them a new field, but he was asking them to produce what the science of europe had been unable to create in nearly three full years of acquaintance with the successful ground system, although the needs of airplane fighting demanded this invention as they demanded almost nothing else. it will thus be seen that when we began this development as a war measure we had a considerable basis of experience to work upon. the army had established the foundation of operation on the airplane, made a study of the tactical requirements, and knew what it wanted. the western electric co. in and had conducted extensive experiments with the radio wireless telephone at a ground station at montauk, long island, and had played an important part in the long-range experiments at the arlington station. there had been wireless voice communication before this time, but the apparatus and systems perfected at montauk set the standard on which all subsequent development was built. the french scientific mission and other officers of the allies had arrived and enabled us to check up what had been done abroad and to confirm or modify our ideas of the tactical requirements. at the conference with gen. squier in may was col. rees of the royal air force of great britain; col. c. c. culver, united states army, then a captain; and f. b. jewett and e. b. craft, respectively the chief engineer and the assistant chief engineer of the western electric co. at this meeting gen. squier outlined the future of the part the airplane was to play in the war, and pointed out how invaluable would be a successful means of communication between battle planes when flying in squadron formation. mr. jewett had received his commission as a major in the signal corps, and he was ordered to take charge of the work of developing radio communication for aircraft. capt. culver had taken part in the experiments and discussions, and since had been conducting the army development of airplane wireless at the aviation school at san diego, calif. he was detailed to work with maj. jewett and his engineers, bringing to their assistance the result of his experience and the point of view of the trained military man and the aviator. the first development was carried on in the laboratories of the western electric co. on west street, in new york. men and materials were drafted from every department of the company, and the laboratories were soon seething with activity. in a few weeks the first makeshift apparatus was assembled, and the first practical test of a radio phone on an airplane was made at langley field at hampton, va., less than six weeks after the signal corps had given the go-ahead. three employees of the western electric co. on that day established telephone communication between an airplane in flight and the ground. a few days later the first apparatus produced successful communication between planes in the air. it is not possible here to go into a technical description of the wireless telephone. the most vital part of the apparatus, however, and the essential factor in airplane wireless telephone communication is a vacuum tube containing an incandescent filament, a wire mesh or grid, and a metal plate. by means of electrical current the wire filament is heated to incandescence. the tube has the property of receiving the energy of the direct current of a dynamo and, through the medium of the wireless antennæ, of throwing it out into space as a high-frequency alternating current. such is the sending tube. a modification of the same tube picks up from the antennæ the high-frequency alternating vibrations from another sending apparatus and transforms them into direct current, carrying the sound waves of the human voice along with them. the design of the radio apparatus itself was relatively simple for the experts who had undertaken the work, for the company had already developed some highly successful forms of vacuum tubes, and it was an easy matter for these technicians to assemble tubes with the necessary coils, condensers, and other apparatus of the transmitting and receiving elements and produce a system of such small compass that it could be carried on an airplane. but working this apparatus under ordinary conditions in the quiet laboratories and in a swift-moving and tremendously noisy airplane were two different propositions. one of the first problems was to design a comfortable head set which would exclude all undesirable noises and admit only the telephone talk. a form of helmet was finally devised with telephone receivers inserted to fit the ears of the pilot or observer. cushions and pads adjusted the receiver to the ears, and the helmet fitted close to the face so as to prevent as far as possible the transmission of undesirable sounds either through the ear passages or through the bony structure of the head, these bones acting as a sort of sounding board. the designers finally developed a helmet that solved this portion of the problem. not only was it necessary to exclude the roar of the engine and the rattle of the machine gun from the ears of the men receiving the radio communication, but it was also necessary to filter out these sounds from the telephone transmitter. every person who has ever shouted into a telephone knows how sensitive the ordinary telephone transmitter is to extraneous noises. it requires no wide stretch of the imagination to hear in fancy how an ordinary transmitter would behave when beside the exhaust of a -horsepower liberty engine. a brilliant line of experimentation conducted by one of the scientists at the laboratory resulted in a telephone transmitter or microphone which possessed the extraordinary quality of being insensitive to engine and wind noises and at the same time highly responsive to the tones of the human voice. with the receiver and the transmitter perfected the scientists thought that the problem of airplane telephoning was solved; but nevertheless three months of hard work were required before the entire system could be adjusted and put in such shape that it might be considered a practical device for everyday use. the question of weight was of utmost importance, and a structure that would adequately house and protect the delicate parts of the mechanism from the vibration and jars of flying and landing and at the same time not be too heavy for practical use on the plane was a difficult problem in mechanical design. day after day the inventors took the mechanism up in flying machines and brought it back night after night for more work in the laboratory. [illustration: interior view. airplane radio telephone set box.] [illustration: exterior view of same.] this was a period, however, of rapid progress. officials appearing on langley field from time to time witnessed informal demonstrations of this development. in august mr. baker, secretary of war, and gen. scott, chief of staff, listened to a conversation being carried on in the air, and some six weeks later brig. gen. foulois witnessed a similar demonstration and from the ground directed the movements of the airplane in flight. the experimental apparatus had reached such a state of efficiency that on october , at langley field, communication by voice was carried on between airplanes in flight miles apart and from airplane to ground over a distance of miles. by september cables had been sent abroad telling of the progress made in this country on the development of this apparatus. our officers abroad were skeptical and could not believe that this country could outdistance the scientists of the allies who had had three years of war experience to draw upon. by october the designers had brought the system to a perfection where they were willing to risk its use in actual war flying, and col. culver took to the american expeditionary forces in france several trunk-loads of the apparatus to acquaint those abroad with what had been done and to test the apparatus under service conditions. meanwhile the development work continued in this country. early in december the operation of the apparatus was exhibited in an official test at the morraine flying field at dayton, ohio. a large number of military and civilian officials not only of our own country but of the allies had been invited to witness this test. it must be remembered that at this time even those who had heard about the progress being made were skeptical of the possibilities of the successful adaptation of the radio telephone to airplane work. the designers of aircraft never look with favor upon additional equipment which may clutter up the machine with trailing wires and the like and possibly compel alterations in standard lines. the pilots, also, do not usually give a friendly reception to new equipment for their planes. the exhibitors at dayton planned to have two planes in the air at once, so that the officials might listen in on their conversation at a ground station located on the top of a hill near the flying field. by hard work the inventors got their equipment installed, and just at dark on the evening before the day of the trial one machine equipped with wireless went up into the air and held successful communication with the ground. the next morning when the official party arrived the members viewed the apparatus in the planes while the inventors explained what it was expected to do. the visitors were then conducted to the station on the hill, where those who were putting on the show had rigged up a megaphone attached to the wireless receiver so that everyone could hear without putting on a head set. the attitude of some of the officials, particularly those from the foreign nations who had had experience in war flying, was skeptical, if not bored. the planes left the ground, and when the machines had gone up so high that they were but specks in the sky the receiver began emitting the premonitory noises that indicated that the men in the planes were getting ready to perform. suddenly out of the horn of the loud-speaking receiver came the words: "hello, ground station! this is plane no. speaking. do you get me all right?" looks of amazement came over the faces of all those who had never heard the wireless phone in operation before. soon came the signal from plane no. , and then the demonstration was on. under command from the ground the planes were maneuvered over much of that part of the country. they were sent on scouting expeditions and reported what they saw as they traveled through the air. continuous conversation was carried on, and finally, upon command, the planes came back out of space and landed as directed. from that moment there was nothing but enthusiasm in all quarters for the radiophone upon airplanes. it was no longer a question whether the device would work or was any good, but a question of how soon the company could start manufacture and in what quantities the device could be produced. the demonstrations col. culver had been conducting in france began, too, to bear fruit. both the british and the french had developed experimental apparatus by this time and this was examined and tested. then cablegrams began to arrive from abroad requisitioning the american apparatus in large quantities--convincing evidence that it had greater promise than any other. but still difficulties were ahead, for at this stage the wireless telephone consisted of a few experimental parts built by hand. it remained a heavy task to standardize the equipment and perfect the multitude of designs and drawings that must be in existence before quantity manufacture could begin. all sorts of mechanical details slighted in the experimenting and taken care of by makeshift devices had to be worked out as practical manufacturing undertakings. it was another case of day-and-night work to put the mechanism into condition for production. the factory of the western electric co. is in chicago but its drafting rooms and laboratories are in new york. as soon as any detail was finally worked out the drawings were taken by messengers and rushed to chicago where the work of producing the manufacturing tools had begun. only the fastest passenger trains between new york and chicago were patronized in this part of the development. as every detail was perfected it had to be checked by actual test in the field, so that the company's engineers were almost constantly in the air. one of these experts made flights himself; and a total of flights, of a combined duration of hours, was required in the experimental stage of the mechanism. immediately after the official trial in december the government ordered thousands of sets of the radio telephone. in spite of the enormous detail involved in making ready for production, the first systems were turned out early in , well ahead of the delivery of the airplanes in which they were to be used. all through this development the designers had to confine their activities within limits set by the producers of the aircraft. this in itself created some puzzling problems. for instance, a constant current of electricity must be supplied to heat the filaments of the vacuum tubes and to operate the transmitter. a simple way to provide this current would seem to be to connect a dynamo with the driving shaft of the airplane engine, but the airplane constructors would not allow any such connection with the engine. current could be supplied from storage batteries, but the planes were already loaded down with all the gear they could carry, and the use of heavy batteries was out of the question. therefore it was the task of the phone designers to supply a dynamo plant that would not add appreciably to the weight of the plane. this was done by installing on the outside of the plane a wind propeller, which was driven by the rushing air and had power enough to turn the dynamo. the dynamo must deliver a constant and unvarying voltage to the radio phone, if its operation is to be possible, yet a wind propeller on the airplane would be driven by air rushing by at speeds varying from or to miles per hour, the latter figure being the speed of a diving plane. this meant that the wind propeller, and hence the armature of the dynamo, would revolve at a speed varying from , to , revolutions per minute. it would seem to be impossible to procure current at a constant rate from a dynamo varying so widely in its speed of operation; yet one of the experts engaged in this enterprise solved the problem, and the dynamo thereafter performed always in a most steady going and dependable manner. incidentally as a sort of by-product of the undertaking the special transmitter and helmet may be employed as a means of communication between the pilot and observer in a two-seated machine. when the helmet is used for this purpose, the wireless is not employed at all, but the head sets are connected by wires so that notwithstanding the fact that one can not hear himself talk because of the noise on the plane the pilot and observer can converse over the telephone with ease. then at any time by throwing a switch they can connect themselves with the radio apparatus and talk with the men in another plane or miles away or to their squadron headquarters on the ground. one good result of the airplane telephone was to speed up the training of aviators in this country and to make that training safer. but the primary object of the wireless phone was to make it possible for the leader of an air squadron at the front to control the movements of his men in the air. for this purpose extra-long range was not required, and the distance over which the machines could talk was purposely limited to or miles so that the enemy could not overhear the conversation except when the planes were actually engaged in fighting each other. the navy made use of the wireless telephone sets in the seaplanes, and here the range of the equipment was made greater. the navy also adopted a modified form of the set for the -foot submarine chasers. the subchasers hunted the submarines in packs, and by means of the radio telephone the commanders of the boats kept in constant touch with each other, thereby greatly increasing the effectiveness of their operations. altogether there were produced for the army airplanes about , combined transmitting and receiving sets of the radio telephone and about , receiving sets alone. chapter vii. balloons. when stephen montgolfier and his brother joseph, in november, , sent a sheep, a rooster, and a duck into the sky, lifted by a paper bag inflated with hot air, these columbuses of ballooning could scarcely foresee the importance that their invention was to have in the great war years later. to the humble observation balloon in france rather than to his dashing hero of a cousin, the airplane, must go the chief credit for that marvelous accuracy which long-range artillery attained during the great struggle. the balloon itself was spectacular enough once its true character was known. the fact that the american production of observation balloons during our months as a belligerent was a complete and unqualified success makes the story of ballooning in france of particular interest to the american reader. after the animals of the montgolfier barnyard had made their ascent, two friends of the brothers, m. pilatre de rozier and girond de villette, essayed to be the first human beings to take an aerial flight, ascending to a height of feet and returning to earth sound of limb and body. thereafter and until the great war in europe the balloon remained the awe of the circus and country fair grounds and the delight of the handful of sportsmen who took up the adventurous pursuit; but, except for a limited use of captive balloons in our civil war and in the siege of paris, in and , the balloon had no important military use. the hot-air balloon never could have become of great value to armies. in the first place, it would descend when the balloon cooled off. this defect was overcome by the use of lighter-than-air gas. moreover, the free balloon was subject to the whims of the breezes. to overcome this characteristic the balloon must be fastened by a cable or propelled by a portable engine. it was obvious, however, to military experts that a stationary observation post anchored thousands of feet in the air would be ideal in war operations; yet for all of this obvious need, until the great war military science had perfected nothing better than the spherical balloon. the spherical, anchored to a cable, bobbed aloft in the gales and zephyrs as a cork does on the ocean waves. although there had been some experimentation with kite balloons before , it was not until the great war had been in progress for some months that the principles of streamline shape were applied to the captive balloon; and the kite balloon, the well-known "sausage," made its appearance, to be the target for enemy aerial operations and the chief dependence of its own artillery. the term "kite balloon" effectively describes the captive observation balloon as we knew it in the war. it rides the air on the end of its cable much in the manner of an ordinary kite, and some of the early "sausages" even flaunted steadying tails such as kites carry. these principles applied to the captive balloon gave to its observation basket a stability unknown by the pioneer aeronauts under their spherical bags. in the first stages of the war the artillery relied principally upon airplanes for firing directions. but, while the airplane observers could locate the targets fairly well, they frequently lost touch with their batteries because of the difficulty of sending and receiving wireless or visual signals upon their swiftly moving craft. this disadvantage brought the captive balloon into use, gradually at first, but before the end of the war on a scale which had practically displaced the airplane as a director of gun fire. the balloon came to be the very eye of the artillery, which, thanks to the development of this apparatus, reciprocated with an efficiency beyond anything known before in the history of warfare. sitting comfortably aloft, the observer in the kite balloon basket had the whole panorama of his particular station spread before him. his powerful glasses could note accurately everything transpiring in a radius of miles or more. he was constantly in touch with his batteries by telephone and not only could give by coordinated maps the exact location of the target and the effect of the bursting shell, but could and often did supply most valuable information of enemy troop movements, airplane attacks, and the like. he was a sentinel of the sky with the keen, long-range vision of the hawk. he played a part less spectacular than the scout airplane with its free and dazzling flights, but his duties were not less important. nor did he suffer from ennui during his period aloft. when a kite balloon went up it became the subject of alert attention by the enemy, because it was up there on hostile and damaging business. long-range high-velocity guns turned their muzzles on it, and planes swooped down upon it from dizzy heights, seeking to pass through the barrier of shell from antiaircraft guns and get an incendiary bullet through the fabric of the gas bag, an eventuality which meant the ignition of the highly inflammable hydrogen gas, the quick destruction of the balloon and perhaps of the luckless occupants of the basket as well, unless they could get away in their parachutes. only quick work could save the men in the basket in such a case. from the time the gas leaped into flame until the explosion and fall of the balloon there was an interval of rarely over or seconds. the pilot of the airplane could dodge and slip away from the guns, but not so the pilot of the kite balloon anchored to a windlass from to miles behind his own lines. he had to take what was coming to him without means of defense. he must carry on his scientific calculations unconcernedly and in his spare moments experience the questionable pleasure of watching on some distant hill the flash of an enemy gun trained upon him and then of waiting the or seconds for the whizzing messenger to reach him, the while he pondered on the accuracy of the enemy gunner's aim. while the artillery on both sides paid considerable attention to the observation balloons, the fact was that few of them were brought down by direct shell hits. the diving airplane with its incendiary bullets was a far more deadly enemy to the balloon than the ground artillery. certain pilots in all the air services made a specialty of hunting sausages, the nickname given to kite balloons because of their shape. in the days between september and november , , our army lost balloons, of which were destroyed by enemy planes and by enemy shell. but it may be noted that our aviators and artillery exacted a toll of german balloons in the same period and on the same front. of balloons lost at the front, an average of were destroyed by enemy attacks and by natural wear and tear. the german general staff so strongly appreciated the work of the allied kite balloons that in its system of rating aviators it ranked a balloon brought down as the equal of one and one-half planes. the average life of a kite balloon on an active sector of the western front was estimated to be about days. some of them lived only a few minutes. one american balloon passed unscathed through the whole period of american activity on a busy sector. while ordinarily five or six months of nonwar service will deteriorate the balloon fabric, there are many cases of useful service longer than this. when the war broke out germany is said to have had about balloons of the kite type. france and england had few of them. the german balloon was known as the drachen. its gas cylinder of rubberized cotton cloth was approximately feet long and feet in diameter, the ends being rounded. to give it a kite-like stability in the air a lobe, which was a tube of rubberized fabric, of a diameter approximately one-third of the diameter of the main balloon, was attached to the underbody of the gas bag as a sort of rudder, which curved up around the end of the balloon. this lobe was not filled with gas, but the forward end of it was open so that when the balloon rose the breeze filled the lobe with air. the inflated rudder then held the drachen in line. the lobe automatically met the emergency. in calm, windless weather the balloon needed no steadying and the lobe was limp. let the gale blow, and the lobe inflated and held the nose of the drachen into the wind. as a further stabilizer three tailcups, with mouths open to the breeze, were attached feet apart on a line descending from the rear of the balloon. in a strong wind these helped to keep the contrivance from swinging. the tail-cup was made of rubberized fabric, circular in shape, about feet in diameter, and about feet deep when inflated by the breeze. it looked like an inverted umbrella, and was attached to the tail end of the balloon for exactly the same purpose and with the same effect as the tail attached to a kite. the drachen type of balloon was still in the experimental stage here and in france and england when the germans swept over belgium. the drachen balloon was clumsy and relatively unstable in high winds, yet its importance to the artillery could not be ignored by the allies. the results of its work daily became more apparent. the first effort of the allies was to improve the drachen to give it greater stability and permit it to go to higher altitudes. while this work was going on, capt. caquot, of the french army, produced a kite balloon so superior that it quickly superseded what had been in use. germany clung to the drachen for a time, but finally abandoned it for the caquot principles of design. the earlier balloons of the sausage type had been merely cylinders with hemispherical ends. now for the first time, in the caquot model, appeared a captive that was sharply stream lined. stream lines are lines so curved as to offer the least possible resistance to the medium through which a mobile object, such as a yacht, an automobile, or an airship, moves. the caquot gas bag was feet long, as compared with the drachen's feet of length, yet its largest diameter was only feet, being but a foot thicker than the pioneer german type. the caquot, as all balloons developed in the war, was made of rubberized cotton cloth. its capacity of , cubic feet of hydrogen gas lifted the mooring cable, the basket, two observers, and the mass of necessary equipment, and in good weather the balloon could ascend to a maximum altitude of over , feet. the principal innovation in the design of the caquot balloon was the location of the balloonette or air chamber within the main body of the gas envelope. this chamber was in the forward instead of the rear part of the bag and along the bottom of the envelope. it was separated from the gas chamber by a diaphragm of rubberized cotton cloth, which was sewn, cemented, and taped to the inner envelope somewhat below the "equator" or median line from the nose to the tail of the gas bag. [illustration: caquot, type r, captive observation balloon. this balloon is feet long and feet in diameter. its gross lifting power is , pounds.] [illustration: balloon controlled by windlass on a motor truck.] [illustration: windlass for caquot balloon made by james cunningham & sons.] when a balloon of the caquot type is fully inflated, the diaphragm rests upon the underbody of the gas envelope, and there is no air in the balloonette. then, as the balloon begins to ascend, at the higher levels the surrounding air pressure is reduced and the gas in the balloon expands. this expansion would normally burst the envelope when the balloon is at a high altitude, except for a safety valve which pops at the danger point and relieves the pressure. also, when the balloon is anchored it gradually loses gas, since no fabric can be made entirely gas-tight. a flabby balloon in a gale of wind is dangerous to the men in the basket. this flabbiness might be expected to increase, too, as the balloon was hauled down into the heavier air pressures. it was to overcome this flabbiness that the interior balloonette was first invented, but the new location not only accomplished this end but increased the stability, lessened the tension on the cable and allowed an almost horizontal position of the balloon itself. as the balloon rises the wind blows into the balloonette through a simple scoop placed under the nose of the balloon. this forces up the diaphragm and compensates for any loss of gas from the envelope above. if the day is calm and no air is driven into the balloonette, there is no danger from a flabby balloon anyhow, and hence no need for the air chamber. the thing is automatic. the caquot was equipped with lobes of rubberized fabric to act as rudders. these lobes, which were spaced equidistantly around the circumference of the rear third of the balloon, filled with wind when wind was blowing and there was need of rudders. in calm weather the lobes, particularly the two upper ones, hung loosely, resembling elephant ears. on account of this characteristic the caquots were nicknamed "elephants" by the soldiers. the caquot maintained its stability without tailcups, and its construction caused it to ride nearly horizontally and directly above its mooring, regardless of winds. in this position it put much less strain on the anchoring cable than the old-fashioned sausage. this balloon has been operated successfully in winds as high as miles an hour, so that apparently no gale could keep it on the ground. when we went into the war both our army and navy were practically without observation balloons, and we knew little about their construction, although we had been watching the developments in europe. one local national guard organization had taken to the mexican border a locally designed captive balloon, the gift of the goodyear tire & rubber co., of akron, ohio. in april, , the total production capacity of the united states was for only two or three military observation balloons in a month. but when the emergency came the various concerns whose plants were adaptable to this class of manufacture--the list including the goodyear and goodrich organizations at akron, the united states rubber co., the firestone tire & rubber co., the connecticut aircraft co., and the knabenshue manufacturing co.--all joined wholeheartedly with the signal corps to solve our balloon problems. one of these problems was the production of balloon cloth, for which there had never been any commercial call in this country. such cloth obviously must be of cotton, for in cotton we had our largest supply of textile raw material. the cloth must be closely woven, smooth, and strong, to serve as a base for the rubberizing process. the standard balloon cloth should have a weave of approximately threads to the inch both ways. in our vast cotton industry only a few mills had ever made such a cloth, and then only in small quantities. in fact we found only a few looms in existence capable of weaving such cloth, which must be from to inches wide. a single loom could turn out only an average of ten yards of this cloth in a day. our balloon program was to call for millions of yards of high-count cloth, and this meant the construction of thousands of new looms, as well as the training of hundreds of weavers. naturally our cotton manufacturers were reluctant to undertake such a production, and their fears were justified when we found that the earliest deliveries of balloon cloth were frequently as high as per cent imperfect. by the middle of , however, the mills had so perfected their methods that the wastage amounted to only per cent of the cloth woven. this wastage was largely caused by "slubs," knots, and other imperfections which prevented an even surface for rubberizing. because of the lives which depended upon having perfect balloon cloth, the fabric was literally inspected inch by inch, and hundreds of men and women had to be educated especially in this inspection work. the development of the new art of weaving balloon cloth was an achievement of no mean degree. in april, , all of our cotton mills put together could produce only enough cloth to build two balloons a week. in november, , our looms were turning out cloth sufficient for balloons a day, an expansion in the industry amounting to , per cent in months. this expansion proceeded at a rate that always kept us a little ahead of the military schedule. to produce balloons a day the cotton mills had to turn out , yards of special cloth a month. in addition to the small army of weavers, this production called into service , looms. had the war continued another year, we would have reached our goal of complete new kite balloons produced every day. our complete project of balloons and dirigibles of all types called for a total output of , , yards of balloon cloth. had we reached the quantity production planned, we would have been able to supply not only our own needs but also all of the balloon needs of the allies in europe. america had the raw materials necessary for the whole anti-german balloon program. [illustration: cutting and cementing balloon panels in the goodrich plant at akron.] [illustration: spreader room at the u. s. rubber co. factory, showing machines that rubberize the cloth.] [illustration: final balloon assembly room at goodrich factory.] as it was, we supplied to france and england a considerable number of balloons when the materials shortage in those countries was becoming acute. the foreign users of this american made equipment reported that it was equal to the best european product. it should have been. no war material was ever manufactured more conscientiously than this. in addition to the painstaking care of the producers, from start to finish a large force of inspectors watched every step in the construction of each balloon, and when america sent a balloon to the front it was right for the work it had to perform. the weaving of the cloth was but the first step in the production of the balloon fabric. the fabric of the balloon envelope resembles a sandwich in its construction, there being a thin film of specially compounded rubber between two plies of the cotton cloth. the outer ply of the cloth is cut on the bias. this method prevents any long straight tear down the grain of the fabric. the threads of the inner ply are set at an angle of ° to those of the outer ply, thus distributing strain sufficiently to stop a "snag" practically where it starts. the cotton cloth alone can not resist the seepage of gas, and, therefore, it is necessary to rubberize it, the rubber film being really the gas-resisting envelope. in this rubberizing process the cloth must be run through the spreading machine to times in order to build up the thin rubber film without a flaw in it of any kind. the outside ply of the balloon fabric is "spread," that is, painted with a rubber compound containing a coloring matter. this compound makes the fabric waterproof; it gives also protective coloring to the balloon when in the air, making it less visible to the enemy; and, finally and most important, this coloring absorbs the actinic rays of the sun which are so fatal to the life of rubber. in some of the fabric the rubber film itself was colored to withstand both the heat and ultra-violet rays, thus both protecting the rubber and reflecting the heat which would otherwise expand the gas in the balloon. while in general we adopted the european standards of construction, we had to develop our own rubber compounds and cures as well as our various fabrication processes. the latest reports we received from the front stated that the american fabric not only was successful, but that it had an added characteristic which was a direct means of saving life. it was discovered that the american fabric burned more slowly than the european balloon fabric, giving the men in the observation basket more time to get away in the parachutes when the balloons were destroyed by hostile attack. when we went into the war we had never built a windlass for a kite balloon. the ability of the american manufacturer solved this problem as it did almost every other problem in the development of war instruments. steam was the motive power first used for windlasses, but before the fighting came to an end america had developed both gas and electric windlasses which were thoroughly efficient. the best known type of gasoline windlass was that having two motors, one to turn the cable drum controlling the balloon's ascent and descent, and one for moving the windlass itself along the road. a record pull-down speed of , feet a minute, or more than three times the speed of the fastest passenger elevator, has been attained by the gasoline windlass. the electric windlass, while pulling down the balloon at the slower rate of , feet per minute, was smoother in operation. the mobile windlass would move on a road under its own power at miles an hour and could tow the balloon in the air at the rate of miles an hour, or even faster if necessity demanded. to play on the safe side at the start, we adopted a satisfactory windlass that had been developed in france. it was difficult to manufacture this entirely french machine with american materials and methods; yet james cunningham, sons & co., of rochester, n. y., succeeded in obtaining a delivery of four complete windlasses per week. in addition to this windlass we designed two of our own. one of these was the product of the united states army balloon school and was manufactured by the mckeen motor car co., of omaha, nebr.; the other windlass was designed and manufactured by the n. c. l. engineering co., of providence, r. i. both were put into quantity production, assuring us a sufficient number of the best windlasses ever manufactured. the first cable used to hold the balloon captive was approximately a quarter-inch in diameter, weighed pound for each feet of length had a breaking strength of , pounds, and was made of seven twisted strands of plow-steel wire, containing in all separate wires. this cable, while it accomplished the original purpose, was early seen to have fine possibilities of development. the observers in the basket must be kept in constant communication with the artillery and their own windlass and this communication could best and most efficiently be obtained by means of the telephone. the balloon telephone, as first used, was an entirely individual unit with its own separate cable from the basket to the ground. in this way communication was indeed established, but only at the cost of a decrease in possible altitude, increased cable resistance, and the necessity of an extra windlass for winding and unwinding the telephone cable. [illustration: balloonists ready to ascend. the picture shows balloonist with telephone equipment, also a parachute on side of basket.] [illustration: balloon packed for overseas shipment.] [illustration: balloon in goodrich factory inflated to be subjected to air test.] [illustration: nurse balloon containing , cubic feet of gas. it is used in the field to replenish kite balloons with hydrogen.] previous to the entrance of the united states in the war, preliminary experiments in france were being made with the view of putting the telephone wires in the center of the main cable, thus doing away entirely with the second cable and windlass. but there had never been developed a satisfactory cable of this construction. american inventiveness at the john a. roebling sons co. and the american steel & wire co. was set to work on this problem with the result that not only was a satisfactory cable developed but a steady production was attained, , feet per week being delivered regularly by the john a. roebling sons co. alone. this new cable consisted of separate wires of special steel besides the telephone center of copper wires properly insulated and armored. the specifications demanded a breaking strength of , pounds while the actual test of the finished roebling cable showed , pounds. another of the balloon problems was the supply of hydrogen gas. before the war only a little hydrogen was used in this country, the element being a by-product in the manufacture of commercial oxygen. we met the additional demand for millions of cubic feet of hydrogen for our balloons by establishing government gas plants and expanding privately owned plants already in existence. there were two methods of supplying hydrogen to our balloon units at home and abroad. one of these was by furnishing portable plants which would generate hydrogen at the place where it was to be used. the other was to take the hydrogen from the stationary plants, condense it by pressure in steel cylinders, and ship it to points of demand. by far the greater part of the gas which we used not only in this country but in france was produced at the permanent supply stations and shipped in cylinders. each cylinder held about cubic feet of gas under a pressure of , pounds per square inch at ° f. temperature. when the war ended we had placed orders for , of these cylinders, of which , had been delivered and were in use. we developed a manifold filler which would take the gas from to cylinders at the same time and quickly inflate a kite balloon, a speed of minutes for a complete inflation having been reported from one training camp. in the production of portable hydrogen generators we had to produce not only the machine but the chemicals required in the process. we adopted the ferrosilicon and caustic soda process by which it was possible to produce , cubic feet of hydrogen per hour in a field generator. there was plenty of caustic soda to be had, but high grade ferrosilicon, a production of large electrolytic furnaces, was scarce, because of its heavy consumption in the steel industry. we procured, however, , tons of it for our generators, of which over , tons were supplied by the electro-metallurgical sales corporation alone. an interesting feature of the gas supply in the field was the use of "nurse balloons." the nurse balloon was simply a large rubberized-fabric bag with a capacity of , cubic feet of gas. it was used for storage of gas, and the observation balloons were fed from it. we have not received the exact figures of the quantity of gas used by the entire balloon service; but, as one item alone, private manufacturers previous to the signing of the armistice produced and delivered , , cubic feet of hydrogen and were in position to meet practically any demand for the gas. this figure is only a small part of the total, since it does not include the hydrogen produced in the permanent government stations or by the field generators. hydrogen itself, while the lightest of cheap gases, and therefore the one universally used in balloons, has the grave fault of being dangerous to the balloonist. when mixed with the air it is highly explosive, if touched off by a spark of fire or electricity. for years balloonists have dreamed of a gas light enough to have great lifting power, but which would not burn nor explode. there was such a gas known to chemistry, and this was helium, discovered first in spectroscope examinations of the corona of the sun, but later found by chemists to exist rather freely in the atmospheric envelope of the earth. although one of every parts of air is pure helium, it was not until comparatively recent years that this light nonexplosive gas was discovered in our atmosphere. now helium was rare and expensive, and until the united states entered the war no one had considered its production as a commercial possibility. up to two years ago the total world production of helium since its discovery had not been more than cubic feet in all, and the gas cost about $ , per cubic foot. it had been discovered that certain natural gases issuing from the ground in the united states contained limited quantities of helium. the question was whether we could extract this helium in sufficient quantities to make its use practical. the signal corps, the navy, and the bureau of mines combined in a cooperative plan to develop a practical helium production. by adopting a method of obtaining the helium from liquefied gas produced in the processes of the linde air products co. and the air reduction co., and also by the norton process, we attained astonishing success in this enterprise. on the day the armistice was signed we had at the docks ready for loading on board ships , cubic feet of helium. at its prewar value this gas would have been worth about $ , , . on november , , we were building plants which would produce helium at the rate of , cubic feet per day, and the cost of obtaining it had dropped from $ , per cubic foot to approximately cents. none of this gas was actually used in the war, but its production by our chemists was hailed as the greatest step ever taken in the development of ballooning. it now seems to have opened a new era in lighter-than-air navigation. in war helium will nullify the incendiary bullet which destroyed so many balloons and airships. in peace it brings the possibilities of new types of construction of dirigible airships, since its use eliminates entirely all of the frightful dangers from lightning, static electricity, or sparks and flames from gasoline engines or any other source. the army and navy cooperated in the production of balloons. the army furnished the balloon cloth to the navy. navy balloons had two automatic safety valves for the expanding gas, one on each side of the balloon a third of the way back from the nose and just above the equator; while the army held to the french and british idea of a single valve in the nose itself. the navy adopted a caquot-type balloon which rides at an angle of about ° to the horizontal and is somewhat smaller than the army model. the navy used these balloons as spotters for submarines and mines. they were towed on cables from the decks of war ships, and were connected with the ships by telephone. the use of parachutes with balloons is a comparatively recent development, the man who first successfully descended to earth in a parachute being not only still active and enthusiastic over aerial development, but being in fact the chief inspector of all united states army balloons and parachutes. this is maj. thomas s. baldwin, known the world over as capt. "tom" baldwin, hero of innumerable aerial exploits of all kinds under all conditions and in all parts of the world, and at present chief of the united states army balloon inspection. the yankee balloon observer in france went up to his observation post in the security of knowing that the equipment on which his life depended had been o. k.'d by men who knew the business from beginning to end. the parachute as it is known at the county fair and the parachute used in the recent war were far apart in type, the latter embodying all the improvements that the world's aeronautical experts could add to it. the need for parachutes developed when hostile aviators began shooting down the sausages. at first the one-man parachute was used exclusively, the men in the basket leaping overboard the instant their balloon was fired over their heads. any delay on their part would be fatal, since the entire bag would be consumed in or seconds and the observer would then be unable to leap out of the falling basket. when the individual parachutes were used, the maps and records in the balloon basket were usually lost. to overcome these difficulties, the designers invented the basket parachute. this was considerably larger than the individual parachute, and to operate it the balloonists pulled a cord which cut the basket away from the balloon entirely. the spreading parachute overhead then floated the basket, with the men themselves and all else it contained, safely and quickly to the ground. although hundreds and even thousands of parachute jumps occurred during the war, there were few fatalities from this cause. during all the time our forces were at the front only one of our men was killed as the direct result of a parachute drop. in that particular instance the burning balloon fell on top of the open parachute, setting it on fire and allowing the observer to fall unprotected the rest of the distance to the ground. one of our observers was known to make four jumps from his balloon on the same busy day, and another leaped thrice in four hours. in the argonne offensive balloon jumps were made by our men. as to the safety of our parachute equipment, the only complaint from the yankee balloonists at the front was that they were too safe. the man who is escaping from a german airplane nose-diving at him with a machine gun spitting fire is in a hurry and does not wish to be detained by a parachute which floats him too slowly to the earth. in the rigging of each kite balloon there are about , feet of rope of different sorts. there was a shortage of proper cordage in the united states at first, and the french thought they could furnish this rigging to us. but this attempt proved to be unsuccessful, and we were forced to develop a cordage manufacture in this country of high quality and great quantity. we did this so swiftly that there was no serious delay to the balloon production. up to november , , we produced over , balloons of all kinds, of these being of the final caquot type which we adopted. this production included many propaganda balloons for carrying printed matter over the lines into the enemy's country. we supplied several target balloons for gun practice on our aviation fields. we developed new types of parachutes and built acres of canvas hangars for balloons. we produced , , feet of steel mooring cable. these are only the major items in the balloon enterprise, and do not include hundreds of others of less importance. the balloon production was one of the most important and successful of all our war projects. although we had a limited knowledge of the subject in the beginning, our balloons stood the hard test of actual service and could bear comparison in every way with the best balloons of europe, where the art of balloon building had been in existence for many years. once our production actually started, we never had any shortage of balloons for our own army; and soon we would have been in a position to produce the observation balloons for all of the armies fighting germany, if called upon to do so. _balloon production figures._ balloons and parachutes. ----------------+--------------+--------------+---------------+------------ | observation | supply | miscellaneous | parachutes | balloons | balloons | balloons |produced to-- |produced to-- |produced to-- | produced to-- | firm. +--------------+--------------+---------------+-------+----- |nov. ,|mar. ,|nov. ,|mar. ,|nov. ,|mar. , |nov. ,|mar. , | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . ----------------+-------+------+-------+------+-------+-------+-------+----- goodyear tire & | | | | | {[ ] | [ ] |} | rubber co., | | | | | {[ ] | [ ] |} | akron, ohio | | | | |{[ ] |[ ] |} | | | | | | | | | b. f. goodrich | | | | | | | | rubber co., | | | | | {[ ] | [ ] |} | akron, ohio | | | | | {[ ] | [ ] |} | | | | | | | | | connecticut | | | | | | | | aircraft | | | | | | | | corporation, | | | | | | | | new haven, conn.| | | | | [ ] | [ ] | | | | | | | | | | united states | | | | | | | | rubber co., | | | | | | | | east cambridge, | | | | | | | | mass. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | knabenshue manu-| | | | | | | | facturing co., | | | | | | | | east northport, | | | | | | | | long island | | | | | [ ] | [ ] | | | | | | | | | | french-american | | | | | | | | balloon co., | | | | | | | | st. louis, mo. | | | | | [ ] | [ ] | | | | | | | | | | scott-omaha tent| | | | | | | | & awning co., | | | | | | | | omaha, nebr. | | | | |[ ] |[ ] | | | | | | | | | | new york tent & | | | | | | | | awning | | | | | | | | co., new york | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | follemer-clogg &| | | | | | | | co., lancaster, | | | | | | | | pa. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | bickford bros., | | | | | | | | rochester, n. y.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | firestone tire | | | | | | | | & rubber co., | | | | | | | | akron, ohio | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | columbia mills | | | | | | | | (inc.), | | | | | | | | wilkes-barre,pa.| | | | | [ ] | [ ] | | --------+------+-------+------+-------+-------+-------+----- | | | | | {[ ] | [ ] |} | total | | | | |{[ ] | [ ] |} | manufactured | | | | |{[ ] |[ ] |} | | | | | | | | | total shipped | | | | | | | | to ports | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | total shipped | | | | | | {[ ] |} | to camps, etc. | | | | | |{[ ] |} | | | | | | |{[ ] |} | ----------------+-------+------+-------+------+-------+-------+-------+----- [ ] target. [ ] spherical. [ ] propaganda. windlasses. ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- | produced to-- firm. +--------------+------------- |nov. , .| mar. , | | . ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- mckeen motor car co., omaha, nebr. | | chris d. schramm & son, philadelphia, pa. | | jas. cunningham & sons co., rochester, n. y. | | n. c. l. engineering corporation, providence, r.| | i. | | deloies hoisting co., new york | | +--------------+------------- total manufactured | | total shipped to camps and depots | | total shipped to ports | | ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- cable. ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- | _feet._ | _feet._ john a. roeblings sons co., trenton, n. j. | , | , american steel & wire co., worcester, mass. | , | ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- total manufactured | , , | , total shipped to ports | , | total shipped to camps and depots | | , , ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- hydrogen gas. ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- |_cubic feet._ |_cubic feet._ | | oxygen gas co., kansas city, mo. | , , | , , southern oxygen co., south washington, va. | , | , , international oxygen co., new york | , , | , , walker refining co., austin, tex. | , | , tarrifville oxygen & chemical co., | | tarrifville, con. | , , | , , louisiana oxygen co., new orleans | , | , kentucky oxygen co., louisville, ky. | , | , burdett oxygen co., chicago | , , | , , +--------------+------------- total produced | , , | , , total shipped overseas | , , | total shipped to camps | | , , ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- hydrogen cylinders. ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- national tube co., mckeesport, pa. | , | , harrisburg pipe & pipe bending co., | | harrisburg, pa. | , | , tindel-morris co., north eddystone, pa. | , | , +--------------+------------- total manufactured | , | , total to ports | , | total to camps and warehouses | | , ------------------------------------------------+--------------+------------- book iii. the engineer corps. chapter i. the engineers in france. in describing the activities of the engineers, we are carried to the front itself, into the zone beaten by enemy fire, where machine-gun bullet, bursting shell, and deadly gases have brought sudden death and painful wounds to many members of the technical services. a large proportion of the engineers are combatant troops, constituting in the american expeditionary forces about per cent of the total combatant troops engaged. these troops, trained and equipped to march and fight as infantry, demonstrated their fighting qualities during the war on numerous occasions, both when used as infantry to increase the rifle strength of that arm and when fighting as engineers to obtain possession of terrain as a preliminary to the exercise of their technical art in its organization. from the day the first sector was taken over by american troops in november, , until the meuse river was passed and the enemy, in flight, sought an armistice to save his armies from destruction, the combatant engineers--the "sappeurs" of french soldier lore and song--- fought and bled in a manner never to be forgotten. railroad engineers, nominally considered noncombatant, at cambrai dropped their tools to take arms and stand stubbornly shoulder to shoulder with their british brothers with whom they were learning to work under the special conditions of the front. from cantigny to chateau thierry, engineer troops fought as well as worked, and often not only advanced with the infantry under or through the barrage, but actually led the first wave, to demolish or remove the obstacles placed in its path. through the days when from march , , until july , , the german army made its rapid plunges toward paris until checked and thrown back across the marne at chateau thierry, the sapper troops fought and worked with the infantry of their divisions, enduring the same dangers, privations, and hardships, and winning equal honors and commendation. in the drive at st. mihiel and through the argonne, the combatant engineers played a conspicuous part. advancing with the tanks, they made possible the passage of many difficult points for these lumbering monsters, against which was directed a particularly destructive fire. using elongated torpedoes of high explosive, known as bangalore torpedoes, they prepared passages for the infantry through the broad barbed-wire entanglements, echeloned in depth by numerous separate lines, each to be breached and passed before the objective could be gained. in this work the engineers reduced the machine-gun nests that hindered their operation, cleaned up the strong points that delayed the advance of the tanks they were assisting, and threw extemporized footbridges across the streams which barred the further advance of the infantry. the combatant engineers did their part in the winning of the reconquered ground as well as the lion's share of its organization for the defense and the maintenance of the communications behind it. in this last respect alone, the engineers, as combatant troops, opened across no man's land the first communications practicable for the light field artillery, which pressed forward immediately behind the infantry troops to their support and protection. filling in trenches, removing wire entanglements, building trestles across wide mine craters, searching for and rendering inoperative treacherous mines and traps of extreme ingenuity and destructiveness, the sapper found a wide field for the exercise of his functions. shattered and obliterated by four years of shelling and mining, trenching, and countermining, the "roads" across no man's land existed only on the map; and as they retreated the germans demolished and obstructed the highways behind the old front from which they had been driven, with the thoroughness and attention to detail for which they are noted. as our infantry advanced, upon their heels, literally speaking, came our engineers, to attack the problem of providing for the artillery and supply trains a means of following. from the standpoint of the road builder in civil life, their methods were crude in the extreme, but for the military purpose and the pressing immediate needs, their road building achievement was adequate. the engineers sometimes reopened abandoned quarries, and sometimes started them where none had existed before, to obtain a supply of road metal, which supply was sometimes supplemented and in some cases replaced by the use of debris from ruined villages and shattered farmhouses. from demolished structures many useful materials were extracted and adapted to the military purpose by the engineers. where bridge and trestle timbers were lacking, deserted buildings--in one case the tower of a ruined church--filled the need. where shell hole or crater yawned a remnant of a stable wall might be pulled down by ropes and man power, and broken up to fill the void. through the dense woods the soft forest floor offered no support even to the light artillery, and miles of corduroy and brush path were built to permit the guns to advance to the reinforcement of the attack. in many places the tactical situation admitted of insufficient time to build even the crudest paths, and then the engineers fell to and assisted artillery and supply wagons to get through and over the bad spots, replacing guns on the road where they had run into the ditch, righting and reloading combat wagons when they had turned over in shell holes or deep ruts. while thus engaged the sapper troops were subjected to the fire of enemy artillery seeking to prevent the advance of the supporting guns, and, further, they were working within the zone of combat of enemy aviators, the rattle of whose deadly machine guns, as they plunged at low altitude toward a busy working party, was as much to be dreaded as the high-explosive bombs which they dropped. behind the combatant engineer troops, extending through the service of supply to the base ports and across the ocean to the united states was an organization of technical noncombatant supply and administration. the work of these production, construction, and supply departments of the engineer service in france was organized in the american expeditionary forces under the administration of three divisions of the office of the chief engineer. these were the division of military engineering and engineering supplies, the division of construction and forestry, and the division of light railways and roads. engineering supplies. the division of military engineering and engineering supplies was charged with the procurement, standardization, and distribution of all classes of supplies used by engineer troops. during the months of warfare this division handled , , tons of supplies, storing them and distributing them from immense depots aggregating acres of covered storage and over acres of open storage. this service was further charged with the current investigations into new developments of the art of military engineering, and with the development, operation, and administration of certain technical branches of the american expeditionary forces, such as electrical and mechanical troops, water-supply troops, searchlight regiments, etc. at its seven storage depots in the base, intermediate, and advance sections, this division had in service locomotive cranes, mostly of tons capacity and capable of handling an enormous amount of freight and material at warehouses and cars. the following table of principal items of engineer material shows the kinds and quantities of supplies which were received in france for issue through this division up to december , : _table of engineer supplies received in france._ from the united states. --------------------------------------+---------- item. | tonnage. --------------------------------------+---------- general machinery | , iron and steel products | , hardware and hand tools | , railway rolling stock | , railway motive power | , lumber | , track materials and fastenings | , automotive transportation, etc. | , horse-drawn transportation | , building materials and supplies | , liquids | , explosives and accessories | unit accountability | engineer supplies | , miscellaneous office supplies | , floating equipment and accessories | , material and tools for locomotive and | car repair and erection shops | , +---------- total united states | , , --------------------------------------+---------- from european sources. --------------------------------------+---------- tools and equipment | , machinery | , office supplies and equipment | , auto and track supplies | track and ties | , locomotives and cars | , water supply, machinery | , water supply, supplies | , electric service, machinery | , electric service, supplies | , construction materials | , boats and barges | , motorcycles and bicycles | general engineer supplies | , cement from american | expeditionary forces mills | , barracks | , bunks | , latrines | , miscellaneous | , +---------- total european sources | , , +========== total united states and | european sources | , , --------------------------------------+---------- to facilitate the procurement of supplies in the existing world markets, this division established in paris a purchasing board, having branches in england, switzerland, and spain. when the war ended this board had accomplished the tremendous task of buying over , , tons of engineer supplies, with a total value of $ , , . in addition to this material, our own country furnished over , , tons, with a value of $ , , . france sold to us through this board , , tons, valued at $ , , , and england , tons, valued at $ , , . in switzerland, purchases consisting principally of sectional barracks and technical equipment, totaled , tons, with a value of $ , , . purchases from spain amounted to only tons, with a value of $ , . much work was done in standardizing supplies of all classes, so that quantity-production methods could be used in their fabrication, thus promoting economy and stimulating the rapidity of supply. in the procurement of cement for the use of the american expeditionary forces, the engineers dealt successfully with a problem of large magnitude and importance. by contract with english and french mills, by direct purchase for specific jobs from local mills, and by their own manufacturing operations, the engineers secured enough cement to supply the demands for construction both at the front and in the s. o. s., as the service of supply was generally known. three large cement mills were leased from the french owners and operated by special troops organized in the united states. to certain other french mills the engineers furnished labor and materials in return for a certain proportion of their output. it is estimated that about , tons of cement were thus procured, representing a total cost of about $ , , . [illustration: engineers, assisted by infantry, building a road over what was no man's land one week before. the stones from tottering walls of buildings are broken into small pieces and laid on the road bed, making a good military road. fay on haye, france.] [illustration: warehouses and docks from the river. bassens docks, bordeaux, france.] [illustration: northern view of the american docks at old bassens, bordeaux, france.] the engineers operated shops at various points near the front in which were manufactured standard material for dugout, trench, and emplacement construction, such as concrete beams, concrete slabs for overhead protection against high-angle shell fire, trench frames, revetment material, trench duck boards, mine and gallery timbers, knockdown bunk sets, etc. construction and forestry. the division of construction and forestry was charged with all construction work in the service of supply, and also with the procuring of forest products for the american expeditionary forces. at the signing of the armistice its organization totaled , men, of whom about , were constantly engaged in production work. using standardized building plans, this force performed a huge amount of construction work in france. it was assumed that one-third of the american troops in france would have to be housed in new buildings erected specially for the purpose. thus accommodations for about , men had to be built at the rate of barracks, each by feet in size, for every , men. contracts were let to british and french contractors for , demountable barracks, this order being based on the ultimate probable size of the expeditionary forces. during august, september, and october, , these barracks were being received at the rate of , per month. to supplement a supply of even such magnitude, our own type of barrack was developed to be built with lumber furnished by the american forestry forces in france. one cantonment project involved the construction of barracks, accommodating , men. a total of , barracks were erected for the american expeditionary forces in france, representing miles of length, if all the barracks were placed singly end to end. it was the policy of the american expeditionary forces to provide hospital room sufficient to give beds, if necessary, to of every american soldiers in france. on this basis the engineers set out to provide hospitals with a total of , beds. of these, , beds were in hospitals taken over from the french, , beds being added to this capacity by new construction. in entirely new base, camp, evacuation, and convalescent hospitals, , beds were ultimately made available for the casualties of the american expeditionary forces, requiring the erection of , hospital barracks of special type, all of which would have totaled miles in length if placed singly end to end. as to the progress of this construction, on november , , there were , beds occupied in american hospitals in france, but all , beds originally specified were ready and available. the base hospital plants were complete municipalities in themselves, and had capacities varying from , to , beds. these units were built where nothing had existed before but little french rural communities, devoid of the improvements and modern conveniences with which we in this country are so familiar. to establish a modern military hospital, capable of caring for the varied casualties and illness arising from action and abnormal living conditions, it required the construction of roads, sidings, unloading platforms, sorting and classification buildings, operating rooms, surgical and medical wards, dormitories, morgues, cemeteries, complete water supplies, fire protection systems, sewage and garbage disposal plants, recreation buildings, electric light plants, and all that goes to make complete a modern installation for the care of the wounded and sick. many of the camp and evacuation hospitals required construction of the same character, but differing in magnitude. the engineers developed port faculties at st. nazaire, bordeaux, la pallice, marseilles, brest, and at less important harbors. in general, at these places the existing facilities were expanded to meet the needs for the debarkation of troops and the unloading and shipment of supplies. originally ship berths were placed at our disposal by the french. the engineers expanded this equipment to a total of berths, with authorized projects for berths by june, . our overseas shipments grew from , tons in july, , to , , tons in october, , but the port expansion kept abreast of this development. fifty-eight -ton lighters were built by engineer troops with french timber, and twenty-six -ton lighters with american timber. the engineers constructed seven derrick barges with lifting capacities ranging from to tons. the existing french railroads running from the base ports to the advanced zone were quite inadequate, so that it was necessary to supplement their facilities with many miles of new track and other construction, including important storage, classification, arrival, and departure yards, warehouse tracks, engine terminals, water points, and repair shops. at bassens, st. sulpice, miramas, and montoir, enormous storage depots were constructed to handle the supplies entering france for our forces. the american-built railroad yards at these points were comparable in magnitude and completeness to the important yard developments undertaken in this country in recent years by the large railroad systems, the yards at st. sulpice having a trackage totaling miles of single track. those at bassens and st. sulpice were virtually completed during the war, while the construction at miramas was well under way at the signing of the armistice. at st. sulpice the project was designed on the basis of receiving, storing, and forwarding the supplies for , , men for days. the others were of like magnitude. [illustration: interior of subsistence warehouse at nevers, france, march, showing french women trucking rations.] [illustration: interior view of one of the large warehouses at bassens docks, bordeaux, france. picture taken in april, .] [illustration: ice plant, built for the american expeditionary forces at gievres, france. it is the third largest plant in the world.] [illustration: interior of freezing room of ice plant at gievres.] at nevers, in the intermediate section, a condition existed requiring the construction of six miles of new double-track line, with a bridge over the loire river , feet long. this piece of construction is known as the "nevers cut off." it relieved the railroad congestion at this important point. at is-sur-tille, in the advance section, was built a regulating station at which train loads of supplies and troops were dispatched to points where needed. still farther toward the front, at liffol-le-grand, was another and smaller regulating station, controlling troop movements and the distribution of munitions and subsistence. both of these projects were entirely new and were in useful operation when the war terminated. in addition to the above projects, many storage yards, hospital tracks, ordnance depot yards, aviation center tracks, and construction tracks were laid out and built. in all miles of single track were laid, thus fulfilling in the equivalent the prediction that to supply an american army at the front we should have to build a double-track railroad from the french coast to the trenches. storage depots, remount depots, and veterinary hospitals erected by the engineers proved entirely adequate for the needs of the american expeditionary forces at all times. a grand total of acres of covered storage was built or acquired, of which about acres was new construction. space was provided in remount depots for , animals, and it was projected to accommodate , animals had it been necessary. veterinary hospital space was provided for , sick animals. each veterinary hospital required much special construction, such as concrete dipping tanks for the treatment of mange, operating rooms, exercising paddocks, hay sheds, living quarters for attendants and veterinary surgeons, and administration buildings. at gievres, in connection with the important storage depot built there, was constructed the third largest refrigerating plant in the world. this plant, built by the engineers from plans prepared by experts, was capable of caring for , tons of meat at once, and of producing tons of ice per day. another similar plant at bassens had a capacity for , tons of meat. miscellaneous construction work in france covered many fields of activity. the question of adequate water supply was ever present, and in most places where hospitals, depots, shops, or warehousing plants were built, a water supply development was incidentally necessary. many systems were installed complete from the collection of the water at its source to its distribution to the points of consumption, while in some other cases only extensions and ameliorations of existing systems were undertaken. water supply in the service of supply was placed under as fine and complete a system of bacteriological inspection and examination as is customary under more normal conditions. at tours, vierzon, st. nazaire, and dijon, where unfavorable bacteriological conditions existed, arrangements were entered into with these municipalities whereby the existing water supplies were chlorinated by the american water supply service. at is-sur-tille was built a mechanical bakery at which , pounds of bread, fresh for immediate shipment to the troops at the front, could be produced in one day. another such plant was built and put into service at neufchateau, and at liffol-le-grand it was proposed, and plans had been prepared, to construct a third plant for , pounds of bread per day, but this project was canceled just after the armistice. in addition to these plants, bakery capacity for , pounds per day was provided at the base ports. oil storage was provided for , barrels of oil and gasoline. the large plants, with tanks having a capacity of , barrels each, built with enduring concrete foundations and equipped with connections and pumping plant for the loading of tank cars destined for the front, rivaled in size the installations at large refineries of this country. for the operation of these many plants numerous power developments were undertaken, and a total of , kilowatts of new power, being provided for at the time of the armistice, was canceled. plants of the capacity of kilowatts each, providing , kilowatts of electric power in all, were in operation when the armistice was signed, not to mention numerous smaller units installed at various points where needed. ordnance repair shops were erected, as were also assembling plants for ordnance material, and heavy gun-mounting plants. repair shops of enormous extent were established near the front, equipped with machine-tool equipment for the repair and maintenance of tank and motor transport material. schools for the line and staff were constructed, the first and largest being at gondrecourt and longres. laundry plants, salvage depots, aviation assembly plants, sewage disposal plants, refuse incinerators, mechanical repair shops, locomotive assembly plants and locomotive round-houses were placed at convenient points. at chalmdray and at colombey-les-belles, both within a short day's automobile ride of the front, were the tank and air-service repair depots, each one covering many acres of ground and each provided with full equipment for any job of manufacture or repair in their respective fields. [illustration: american engineers quarrying stone to repair military roads destroyed by german shell near menil-la-tour, france.] [illustration: sawmill at largest lumber camp in france. twentieth engineers near eclaron, france.] [illustration: hauling logs by motor truck, camp kellog, bordeaux, france.] [illustration: storage dam at savenay, france, and the land that will be inundated when it is completed.] the forestry work of the american expeditionary forces was developed to meet the heavy demands of our armies for forest products of all kinds. the first move in this direction was the dispatch to france of the tenth engineers, a forestry regiment of two battalions. this was in september, . by the spring of we had recruited and trained the twentieth engineers, a forestry regiment of battalions. later additional forestry troops were sent across. shortly before hostilities ceased all these troops were consolidated into a single regiment of , men, known as the twentieth engineers. to this force were added negro service troops to the number of , , making , men engaged exclusively in the work of cutting down french forests and turning them into lumber required by our forces. at first we had difficulty in supplying the necessary machinery. until the sawmills came the forestry troops were engaged in building camps and hewing out railroad ties. in january, , the machine equipment began to arrive. in february our troops cut about , , feet of lumber; while in october the cut for the single month had reached the enormous figure of , , feet. when the war ended we were expanding our forestry operations in france to produce , , , feet of lumber in a year. the lumber produced by our sawmills in france up to november , , would build completely enough barrack buildings feet wide to stretch out to a distance of miles if placed end to end, quarters enough for , , men. in addition to this output the railroad ties produced would build , miles of standard-gauge railway and the small ties for the -inch track would build a double-track railroad behind miles of trenches. just the posts and poles produced, if all cut into -foot posts, would be sufficient to support a wire fence, with posts one rod apart, reaching one-third of the distance around the earth. the piling, if stood end to end, would make a flagpole miles high. the cord-wood produced would make a rack yard wide, yard high, and miles long. the sawmill machinery installed to accomplish such a production comprised mills of , feet per day capacity, mills of , feet per day capacity, and smaller mills capable of producing ties and rough timber. in the base and intermediate sections a large amount of work was necessary in the maintenance of the existing roads and highways, and in the construction of new roads in the vicinity of the various new projects. experienced road engineers, drawn from civil life and commissioned as officers of the army, were put in charge of this work, and specialist engineer troops and labor battalions were assigned to them. quarrying the rock, grading the road, surfacing it, and maintaining it in good condition thereafter--all these duties fell within the province of the engineers. light railways and roads. the light railway and road regiments of engineers attached to the armies at the front, while their duties did not carry them so far or so much into the zone of enemy fire, may be considered as combatant units, since they operated with and in support of combatant troops in the field. to the light railway regiments were assigned the construction, operation, and maintenance of the light railroads of -centimeter gauge (about -inch gauge). a great quantity of such trackage was used during the war. these narrow-gauge railroads, capable of being operated under extreme conditions of grade and curvature, and powered with light steam and gasoline locomotives, were essential to the proper supply of a stabilized sector. they were the lines of communication between the railheads of the broad-gauge system and the dumps and depots within the front sectors. at the very front, sometimes within a few hundred meters of the german lines, these light railroads were operated by hand or animal traction, while further back the gasoline locomotive, less conspicuous than the steam engine, came well within range of the enemy's light field pieces. in periods of activity and during an advance these railroads did a tremendous service, not only in transporting troops, munitions, materials, and subsistence stores, but in affording a means of bringing up rapidly a certain class of railway artillery adapted for use upon -centimeter gauge trucks. built of light rail and steel ties assembled in portable sections, this track was easily destroyed by shell fire, and such was often its fate, yet it was but short work for the engineers to replace broken sections with new material, a work frequently done under heavy fire. engineer troops suffered many casualties in this service. in cooperation with the engineer department in the united states, a practical, efficient, and standard type of narrow-gauge motive power and rolling stock was developed by american manufacturers. this material was shipped to france knocked down, and was assembled and set upon the rails at gondrecourt, where a plant for this purpose had been established. up to november , , there had been built and placed in operation miles of -centimeter track, with steam and gasoline locomotives furnishing motive power for the operation of , cars of different types. [illustration: type-printing, base printing plant, th engineers, a. e. f.] [illustration: lithographic pressroom, base printing plant, th engineers, a. e. f.] [illustration: binding department of the printing plant of the sociÉtÉ publications periodiques. the new pay books were manufactured at this plant and were turned out at the rate of , a day, using tons of print paper, tons of parchment cover, tons of paper for envelopes, tons of paste, , rolls of moleskin. paris, france.] the road-building regiments in the zone of the armies built and maintained the roads immediately behind the front. equipped with modern road-building machinery and motor trucks, these regiments maintained the roads in shape to handle the abnormally dense and heavy traffic incidental to operations at the front. the army road troops were recruited from among men accustomed in civil life to road building, quarrying, and construction operations. they usually worked well within sound of the enemy guns, and frequently under their direct fire. during the advances made from the stabilized line of june, , these regiments improved and perfected the hasty roads thrown across no man's land by the sapper regiments of the fighting divisions, so that transport of supplies and troops could be maintained to the advancing armies. to furnish materials for this construction many quarries were opened or taken over from the french road service. a total of , cubic meters of rock was quarried and prepared for use in quarries operated exclusively by american engineers, while in quarries jointly operated with french forces , cubic meters were produced. map making and printing. a vitally important part of the work of engineer troops was the making and reproduction of the many maps required for the conduct of tactical and strategic operations by the american expeditionary forces. a highly specialized regiment was organized to conduct the topographic surveying operations, map reproduction, and printing work in france. many of the officers of this regiment had been formerly connected with the american coast and geodetic survey and the geological survey, and they were well qualified for the work of war-map making. at chateau thierry a portion of this organization rapidly mapped to a large scale the new region in which the theater of operations suddenly found itself, thus supplementing the excellent small-scale map which was in existence for the whole of france, but which was not sufficiently precise for the conduct of our artillery fire. this work was done under pressure, but it contributed its share to the later american successes in that locality. these troops also were charged with furnishing to the artillery the mathematical azimuths and coordinates, on the basis of which artillery indirect fire was executed. the maps in use even on stabilized fronts were in a constant process of revision and change. the data and information on which these changes and revisions were based were constantly pouring in from the photographic branch of the air service, from the intelligence service, the artillery, and from the sapper regiments at the front. consequently new maps had to be prepared continually and furnished to all the organizations and officers concerned with their use. then, too, an army as large as ours required an impressive amount of field printing in order to distribute its orders and information. as soon as our forces reached france it was apparent that the french map-production plant could not take care of our needs. the chief of engineers in the united states thereupon ordered the purchase of equipment for a base printing plant large enough to take care of all the map printing for an army of , , men. the special machinery ordered in the united states for this plant did not arrive in france during , and so the american expeditionary forces purchased abroad five large rotary lithographic presses, several type presses, and a number of linotype machines and other printing equipment. the base printing plant was established at langres, france. in the spring of the american equipment arrived, and thereafter the base printing plant was able to print not only the current maps required but also the base maps which the french had been supplying. in addition, during the heavy fighting in july and august, , our printing plant supplied to the seventh and eighth french armies the base maps of their fronts. the demands for maps and printing steadily increased until the base printing plant grew to have a working force of officers and men. from july until september , , the plant worked continuously hours a day to turn out the work required. by this time the shop had rotary lithographic presses, linotype machines, and several job presses, printing each month an average of over , , lithographic impressions and , sheets of printed matter. in november the plant turned out , , lithographic impressions and over , , sheets of type work. to supplement the base printing plant we had at each army headquarters an advanced printing shop to supply maps when they were needed within a few hours. at the base printing plant we had a department for making relief maps, which work had been done for us previously by the french government. the equipment for military map making was enriched during this period by an invention of maj. james n. bagley, united states engineers, called the aerial cartograph, or map camera. the bagley camera's three lenses at the height of , feet could photograph a strip of territory ½ miles wide. military bridges. the science of building military bridges is an old one. when war with germany was declared the united states had developed its heavy ponton equipment, which was standard in design and yet which had changed but little since the civil war. as soon as we formally took the step to send troops against germany the engineers ordered great quantities of this equipment and by the latter part of had plenty of it ready to go overseas. our deliveries to france, however, were hindered by the shortage in ocean tonnage, particularly after we had begun to use every available ship for the transport of men. [illustration: trucks loaded with piling en route to french railway yards near bruyers, france.] [illustration: pile driving for footbridge by engineers in france.] [illustration: footbridge built by engineers across canal de l'est near the village of brieulles, france. this bridge was constructed under heavy fire from enemy guns.] meanwhile the efforts of the engineers were being directed to the development of standard ponton equipment strong enough to carry tanks and the ponderous artillery of the present day. the old ponton bridge was first strengthened to carry loads of tons on each of two axles spaced feet or more apart. the standard prewar equipment would support only tons similarly spaced. the next step was to develop a bridge that would hold up axle loads of tons with a distance of feet or more between axles, although in actual use this bridge showed itself capable of supporting a load of tons concentrated on one axle. as soon as these developments were made, the plans were mailed to the american expeditionary forces, so that the engineer corps abroad could provide the beams and metal parts at its own mills and shops in france. when the fighting ceased, the engineers were designing a raft capable of transporting the heaviest portable ordnance then under manufacture in the united states. in the engineer department made designs for a standard sectional steel bridge, consisting of short latticed steel truss sections capable of being assembled to form trusses varying by increments of feet up to a maximum span of about feet. two of these trusses with the span mentioned were capable of supporting a load of tons, and they could be erected in a matter of hours over abutments prepared in advance or extemporized from the ruins of a demolished structure. these bridges had been manufactured in quantity in this country and were ready for shipment when the armistice was signed. in the argonne push army bridge troops repaired and replaced the bridges destroyed by the retreating enemy as fast as material and labor could be provided at the points needed. for this work much heavy timber was utilized, and, in general, trestle structures were erected as best meeting the conditions of relatively soft crossings and soft river bottoms. the fighting in the french terrain with its numerous narrow but deep streams and canals indicated to us the desirability of a portable floating footbridge. such a bridge was designed and produced by the engineers in france. many of the crossings of the meuse river and near-by canals under machine-gun and artillery fire from the high hills on the eastern side were made possible by the use of these bridges. camouflage. while camouflage has existed in nature since the beginning of time, its application to warfare on a grand, scientific scale was almost solely a development of the great war. camouflage, due to the great developments of aerial observation and aerophotography, as well as of air bombing and indirect artillery fire, became a vital necessity for every branch of the service, far back in the rear as well as at the front. any matériel or personnel the position of which was observed was at the mercy of the enemy, but, further, such observation might betray strategic plans. the need for camouflage became universal. camouflage organization was carefully developed for both the field and the factory, while one of the most important duties, that of instruction, was carried out in army and corps schools and artillery camps, where thousands of officers and men were taught both the necessity and the methods of camouflage. our undertakings in this direction were based largely upon the methods developed by the french and british. in one respect camouflage was a matter of quantity production. this was in the manufacture of material used for concealing guns, roads, and other strategic locations which fall under the eyes of enemy observers on the ground or in the air. in this work the british did nothing without the most careful scientific investigation, including the aerial photography of all their materials used, while the french relied more on their innate artistic sense of color and form. the camouflage material produced in quantity by the british consisted principally of burlap cut in strips about inch wide and inches long, colored in the desired hues with oil-emulsion paint. for artillery cover this was knotted in fish nets and chicken wire. the french for this purpose used raffia, a common product of madagascar, whose natives use it largely for making their fantastic garments. the raffia was dyed and then knotted on nets and wire in the french camouflage factories. after a careful study we adopted the british system and used burlap. our engineers made this decision because of the impossibility of finding permanent dyes for raffia and because raffia is more inflammable than burlap and scarcer and higher in price. the first demand for camouflage material which we received embraced coverings for guns, sniper's suits, dummy heads, silhouettes, and some airplane hangar covers. in order to supply this material at the outset the engineering forces abroad leased a factory building in paris and turned out a sufficient quantity with a working force of enlisted soldiers and french women. but, as the american troops at the front increased in number, the demands for camouflage material became rapidly heavier. battery positions of some types required about , square yards of camouflage cover. aviation hangar covers were demanded in large numbers, and each one was a special order due to the varying conditions of terrain encountered. it became evident that we needed a vast increase in our camouflage-factory space. in january, , the engineers secured about acres of ground in dijon, haute marne, a city on the main supply line north through the regulating station at is-sur-tille. they started to erect buildings immediately, and within days this plant began turning out material. by november the dijon factory numbered about buildings, including blacksmith and machine shop, a sewing shop, a paint shop, laboratory, and a toy shop where dummies and silhouettes were made. the factory turned out artillery cover at the rate of , square yards per day. the total output of camouflage cover for all purposes required about , , square yards of burlap per month. when the fighting stopped the american expeditionary forces were using camouflage materials to the value of $ , , monthly. by new methods of manufacture, we succeeded in reducing the weight of fish-net covers. we designed two important field devices, one being an improved frame and set for mobile artillery protection, this equipment being later adopted by the british, and the other an umbrella machine-gun cover having special advantages. the central camouflage works of the american expeditionary forces at dijon was declared by unprejudiced observers to be the best equipped and most efficient of any on the western front. when the dijon camouflage plant was projected it was expected that the american forces would require great quantities of camouflaged observation posts, silhouettes, dummy heads, snipers' suits, and other concealing devices. it was for this production that the toy shop at dijon was erected, this shop being a kind of studio for the painters and sculptors connected with the fortieth engineers, which was the camouflage regiment. these various devices for deceiving the enemy, however, were used principally in the stagnant action of the trench warfare deadlock. by the time american forces came into the war in large numbers the struggle had become one of movement in which the trenches were left far behind. also, american troops found themselves largely in sectors which were well wooded and therefore provided plenty of secure observation. the result was that there was never a great use on the part of american troops of these clever and interesting exploits in camouflage with which the public is familiar. one of the best observation posts was the imitation of a tree trunk made of armor plate and set up in advanced positions during the night. both the british and the french made considerable use of these. the british tree consisted of an oval shell of manganese steel. this was covered with tin, crimped in imitation of bark, and further camouflaged with paint and plaster and natural bark. when it was desired to set up such a post a camouflage artist would surreptitiously make a faithful sketch of the tree trunk to be duplicated in armor plate. this sketch was then taken back to the workshop, where the spurious tree was built in exact duplication. the metal tree was built to rest on a base with hinges holding it down on one side. during the night two saps, or trenches, would be dug to the natural tree selected. workers in one of these trenches would fell the branchless stub and carry it back out of the way. the armor plate tree would be drawn up in the other trench. the base would be set in place, and then the whole tree was raised on its hinges by means of ropes until it was upright and as life-like as artistry could make it. inside the tree was a flight of iron steps leading to a seat in the upper part of the trunk. at this seat were peepholes and a stand for the phone which was connected up with the exchange at the adjoining trench. the sap, covered over, served as the gallery leading back to the trench. the american camouflage force built only a single one of these trees, using it as a training device. such objects were useless in an advancing movement, since, under such circumstances, they would play an important part only a short while and would then be left far in the rear. the dijon factory, however, turned out a number of small observation posts for use at the edges of shell holes. these were known to our troops as beehives and to the english soldiers as domes. each one was built of light metal and covered with chicken wire and plaster. it was camouflaged with paint and bits of grass to simulate the appearance of the surrounding terrain, often being studded with tin cans or old shoes to make it appear to be an accumulation of rubbish. the favorite way of making the peephole for a beehive was to cover with gauze a hole cut in the bottom of an old shoe, which was then fastened to the observation post. another device built by the dijon factory was the trench periscope. this was built and set up to look like an ordinary stick, thrown down casually upon the ground. for periscopes, too, we also used imitation stakes placed naturally in the barbed-wire entanglements. the british on occasions used imitation trench telephone poles to mask their periscopes. the dijon shop turned out large numbers of silhouettes and dummies. they were drawn from life by artists at dijon and then cut out from ordinary wall board. soldiers of the fortieth regiment posed as models for these silhouettes. all sorts of postures were employed, but nearly all of them represented soldiers in the act of climbing out of a trench or running, gun in hand, towards the enemy. the uniforms were painted in neutral shades, but the faces and hands were highly colored to be visible at considerable distances during the gray and mist of dawn, when silhouettes were usually employed. the object of these dummy heads and silhouettes was to draw the fire of the enemy so as to make him reveal his strength and positions. the usual method of use was to place a number of silhouettes, possibly several dozen of them, in shell holes out in front of the trenches. the silhouettes were mounted so that they could be made to stand erect instantly whenever the ropes were pulled from the trenches. at the appointed moment the ropes would all be pulled at once, and the appearance to the enemy would be that of a raiding party starting out at top speed. the british troops called this operation the chinese attack. the germans made no extensive employment of it. the silhouettes nearly always fooled the enemy, as indeed they would deceive anybody in such light and under such circumstances. the british were often amused to read in the german communiques that these chinese attacks were regarded by the enemy as the real thing. more than one such "repulse" of silhouettes has gone down into the german records as a local success. on one occasion the germans took a chinese attack so seriously that they concentrated troops against it with the result that the british were able to gain considerable ground at the points weakened on both sides of the pseudo attack. the dijon factory made a thousand or so silhouettes, as well as a large number of dummy heads, these latter devices to draw the fire of snipers. these simulacra, however, had their principal use at the training schools in france, since they were peculiarly adapted to trench warfare, and by the time the american forces reached the front in strength the war of movement was in progress. several thousand sniper suits were turned out at dijon. these suits were made of burlap, resembling in appearance the teddy-bear pajamas which little children wear. they were colored to match the terrain, either painted to resemble rocks or fitted with a grasslike covering. an adjunct to this suit was the cloth cover for the sniper's rifle. sniper suits were so deceptive that they would protect a man from observation even at short distances, and if exceptional care were used in the making of one, a man could conceal himself so effectually that an observer might step on him before seeing him. an american camouflage officer upon his return from france brought a sniper's suit with him and found a novel but practical use for it when he was invited to go duck hunting with a party of sportsmen. the other hunters stayed in their blinds, but the officer in the sniper suit went out in the open and shot more ducks than all the other gunners together were able to bring down. the dijon camouflage factory also turned out a large number of covers for the so-called bessenaux hangars for airplanes. these hangars were large tents set up at aviation fields near the front. it was soon found to be impracticable to attempt to camouflage such tents by day, as they gave plenty of indication of their position in spite of the best efforts at concealment on the american and allied sides. however, the great danger at aviation fields came at night when the german bombing planes were abroad. even on a dark night a white tent proved to be a good mark for the hostile airmen. consequently the attempt was made to camouflage bessenaux hangars at night only. it was found impracticable to paint the tents themselves, since the waterproof canvas would not take the paint readily. the solution was a large cover of burlap. this was painted in broken patches of color, much as artillery was painted in camouflage. at the factory such covers were spread out on the ground and painted with floor brushes dipped into water color. all machinery at dijon, with the exception of two lathes, two drill presses, and a shearing machine, was designed and built at the plant itself. the work of providing camouflage cover required enormous quantities of burlap to be cut up into strips. the english camouflage shops used stationary knives and a machine operated by a crank. american engineers at dijon designed a power-driven cutting machine with a large number of circular, whirling knife blades. the invention of this machine increases the production of burlap strips per cent with the same force. the engineers at the plant also designed paint tanks and special machinery that would mix , gallons of color in a day. there were about , french women employed in this plant. the executives paid great attention to their welfare. a special nursery, the "creche," was built for their children. american red cross nurses cared for the babies during the time their mothers were at work. many of the women employed were refugees driven from once comfortable homes. their children fattened up with the good food provided by the army mess, and the mothers were correspondingly happy. entertainments were frequently provided for the operators of the factories. the artists at the shop worked during their leisure moments and eventually produced the scenery and equipment for a genuine yankee circus, animals and all, the menagerie, however, being made principally of papier-mâché with human operatives inside the beasts. the first performance of the circus was given on thanksgiving day, , and the audience was so delighted that it demanded a repetition. after three encores of this sort it was suggested that performances be given in dijon, a city of upward of , population, with admittance charged. this advice was followed, and the circus made such a hit that the engineers were able to turn over to the french orphan fund a considerable sum of money. conclusion. the foregoing account gives in a broad way an idea of the scope of activities and the achievements of the engineers during the months of actual warfare in france. to furnish the organization of technical troops and specialists which made all this possible, the original engineer arm of the united states army was increased to . times its prewar strength, and the proportion of engineer troops relative to the total forces was increased from . per cent to . per cent. to accomplish this, a heavy demand was made upon the technical professions and upon the industries of this country. in filling this demand most necessary assistance was given by the engineer societies and the engineering journals, whose patriotic work demands the highest praise. in situations requiring special knowledge almost always there could be found some specialist capable of adapting himself and his work to the military needs. engineer officers for the combatant regiments were younger members of the technical professions, who were sent to the training camps provided for the purpose and there given the essentials of strictly military knowledge. this training was later supplemented by courses in engineer and line schools located in france. the training officers of the regiments were supplied from the corps of engineers, these men having both the military and technical knowledge fitting them for the command. the diversity of education and experience necessary in all branches of the engineer service may be understood by a consideration of the duties of the different units sent to france during the war--specialist units, in addition to the strictly combatant divisional regiments, who also numbered among their commissioned and enlisted personnel many technical specialists of high attainment. we had, for instance, seven railway construction regiments, two railway construction battalions, one regiment and five battalions for railway maintenance of way, two battalions for maintenance of railway equipment, four regiments and one battalion to operate our main military railways in france, three regiments to operate the light railways in france and their repair shops, two regiments for operating the regular railway shops, two regiments and six battalions for constructing buildings and other general construction work, two regiments for storing and transporting engineer supplies, a forestry regiment, a light railway construction regiment, a regiment for building roads, a water supply regiment, a mining regiment, a quarrying regiment, a technical regiment for handling surveying, sound ranging, and location of enemy positions by means of special apparatus, three survey and printing battalions, two railway transportation battalions, an electrical and mechanical regiment, several companies to operate cranes, a camouflage service, five inland waterway companies, five ponton trains, a ponton park, a railway transportation and stores battalion, and a searchlight regiment. utilizing and applying the new knowledge and scientific achievements of recent years, drawing upon the fund of experience acquired by the regular army in its theoretical studies and past wars, making available the vast amount of technical skill which has assisted this nation to its present commercial and industrial status, the engineers of the united states army worked and fought, planned, and accomplished in france a work which in magnitude exceeds any similar undertaking recorded in american history. from base port to first waves of an assault upon the enemy's position, engineer troops have been constantly in action first to last and have "carried on" always with the high ideals of the profession and with the motto of the corps of engineers, "_essayons_," before them. chapter ii. military railways. in establishing contact between our great bases of supply on the french coast and interior points, as well as with the fighters in the various fields of operations, the department of military railways of the engineer corps found it necessary to provide thousands of miles of railway track ranging from the standard gauge down to the narrow -centimeter type built right up to the border of no man's land, to construct and ship across seas thousands of almost every kind of freight cars, to build hundreds of locomotives and transport them to europe, to provide in addition fabricated track that could be laid under heavy shell fire, and hospital trains that could care for our wounded. it was on july , , that gen. pershing cabled stating that the french had asked for locomotives and , kilometers of track, in addition to numerous items of accessories that go with an order of this size. delivery of the locomotives was requested by october , , and of the track by december , . it was ascertained that the american locomotive works had built consolidation engines for france of an entirely satisfactory type, and that similar locomotives for the use of british forces on french soil had been turned out by the baldwin locomotive works. after the decision to adopt the consolidation type of locomotive, which is generally used in freight service in the united states, arrangements were made at once with these two concerns to build locomotives each. the consolidation locomotive weighs , pounds, and is about the heaviest that can be used in france. it has one pair of engine truck wheels and four pairs of drivers. the engine is just as large as it is possible to use within the french tunnel and platform clearances. the type sent to france was, however, not nearly so large nor so heavy as the general run of freight engines used here. the order for engines was placed with the baldwin concern on july , , and the first locomotive of this order was ready for shipment on august , , just working days elapsing between the date of the placing of the order and the day when the first engine was completed and all set up ready for shipment. this is believed to have established a new record for locomotive construction in the united states and probably in the world for an engine of this size. all the other locomotives in this order were delivered promptly-- of the baldwin engines being freighted from the factory in august, in september, and the final in october. of the locomotives ordered from the american locomotive works, were freighted in october and the remaining in november. on account of differences in the details of construction the original price fixed for the locomotives turned out by the american locomotive works was $ , each and for those of the baldwin works $ , apiece. advance payments on these engines reduced the price by $ , each. changes in the painting and other small details resulted in a saving of $ additional on each locomotive built by the baldwin works and $ on each engine turned out by the american works, so that the net cost of each baldwin locomotive was $ , , and of each american locomotive $ , . after much consideration, and after this initial order had been disposed of, it was determined that the baldwin type of engine should be made the standard, and all subsequent orders for engines went to the baldwin works. as orders were placed from time to time with the baldwin people, reductions were made in price, so that the last engines of the total of , ordered from this concern were obtained for $ , each. orders for , of these engines eventually were canceled without cost to the united states government. the saving effected by the reduction in price on the engines ordered, using the original price as a basis of comparison, was $ , , . there were shipped in all to the american expeditionary forces , locomotives, of which had been put into service by november , . during the severe winter weather of - and the simultaneous shortage of motive power on american railways, of these consolidation engines built for the american expeditionary forces were turned over to the american railways to help out a critical situation in this country. it was possible to use these engines here by making changes in the couplers and some other slight additions to meet the requirements of our safety appliance laws. at the time these engines were turned over to the railway administration we were producing locomotives for france much more rapidly than it was possible to provide tonnage to transport them overseas. these locomotives were in service helping out the transportation facilities in this country an average of months and days each before being recalled for shipment to france. they earned profits for the government while in service for the railroad administration at the rate of . per cent a year. [illustration: standard gauge -wheel consolidation (baldwin) locomotive. cylinder, inches × inches. driving wheels, inches; wheel base, engine, feet inches; wheel base, engine and tender, feet ½ inches; weight in working order, engine , pounds, tender , pounds; tractive power , pounds; capacity, water , gallons, fuel tons.] [illustration: ration train near menil-la-tour, france.] it might also be noted that the director general of military railways was appointed custodian of undelivered locomotives ordered by the russian government from the baldwin and american works. in january, , a total of of these russian locomotives was purchased, and the engines were converted to meet american requirements by a change in the gauge from feet to feet, ½ inches, and a change in the coupling system to meet our standard. the price of these was $ , each. the baldwin works turned its over to the railroad administration between february and may , , and the american works made its deliveries between february and may , . the combined cost of these locomotives was $ , , and their total rental revenue from the railroads was $ , , up to december , , or . per cent of the cost price, or at the rental rate of . per cent per annum. orders for , freight cars to be used by the american expeditionary forces were also placed with american contractors. of these the orders for nearly half-- , cars, in exact figures--had been placed just before the armistice, and these contracts were canceled at slight cost to the government. up to the end of the year a total of , freight cars had been shipped overseas, nearly all of these cars being of the , -pound size. close bargaining in the purchase of these cars resulted in a saving of $ , , under the prices originally quoted. for the first time in history american locomotives were shipped across the atlantic stacked in ships on their own wheels. in our normal foreign trade, and even in the early locomotive shipments to the american expeditionary forces, both engines and cars had been disassembled at the seaboard and their parts put up in packages for convenient and economical loading on ships. each of the first locomotives sent to france was crated in packages, while the parts for an ordinary box car were put up in packages. on october , , however, gen. atterbury called attention to the fact that the english were shipping locomotives across the channel on their own wheels and stated that it would result in very great economies of time, money, and man power if such an arrangement could be made for shipments from the united states. manufacturers of the locomotives, however, advised against this. so did our own embarkation people and the shipping control committee. efforts were unsuccessful to get car ferries from the key west and habana line and from quebec for the transport of locomotives on their own wheels over the ocean. finally, however, after numerous efforts to get ships with large hatches the ore steamer _feltore_ was loaded with locomotives on their own wheels, packed in baled hay. this steamer sailed may , , and its arrival in france resulted in the following cable from gen. pershing: shipment of erected locomotives transmitted on the _feltore_ very satisfactory. boat completely discharged of locomotives and cargoes in days with saving of ship's days in unloading the locomotives erected as compared with same number of locomotives not erected and further saving of days of erecting forces. observations of capt. byron, who came with these locomotives, show that by loading locomotives in double tiers, placing cab parts and tools, now in separate packages, within tender space and fire boxes, to locomotives can be loaded. subsequently the steamers _cubore_, _firmore_, and _santore_ were assigned to the task of carrying these engines over on their own wheels. the total number of locomotives that went abroad in this manner was . after the signing of the armistice we sold the french government locomotives, of which had been shipped up to january , . efforts were likewise made to ship over freight cars already set up but this was also met with much objection. finally, , cars were built to go over complete but the signing of the armistice stopped the shipment. the saving in the cost of shipping locomotives on their own wheels amounted to $ for each one, and an average of $ a car would have been saved by sending the cars over on their own wheels. but, in addition to this, the cost of erection on the other side, amounting to $ for each locomotive, should also be added to the saving. the number of cars actually shipped overseas for the american expeditionary forces, if made into one solid train, would be miles long. in august, , there came a call from abroad to produce locomotives at the rate of a month and freight cars at the rate of , monthly. machinery for getting this production was started at once and was so effectual that during the months of september and october and up to the signing of the armistice engines were actually being produced and shipped from the baldwin locomotive works at this rate. this company was turning out the greatest number of locomotives ever produced by any one company in the same length of time. arrangements for increasing production of freight cars to meet every possibility of tonnage facilities on the ocean were also made, and had the armistice not been signed we had planned to produce during the month of december , complete freight cars and to maintain this production rate until we had filled all orders from gen. pershing. [illustration: loading railway locomotives, complete, aboard ship.] [illustration: -centimeter gauge tank car. capacity in gallons , . in pounds , . length over end sills feet ¼ inches; width over side sills, feet inches; weight, , pounds.] [illustration: -centimeter gauge v-shaped dump cars. capacity, cubic feet. length over couplers, feet inches. width of body, - / inches.] [illustration: railroad locomotives packed with baled hay in the hold of a ship.] on our first purchase of rails, amounting to , tons, the price paid was $ a ton for bessemer steel and $ a ton for open-hearth steel, as against a price of $ a ton that the russians were paying and prices between $ . and $ . that were being paid by the french. there was a saving in this item of approximately $ , , as compared with the prices paid by the russians and of $ , , compared with the prices paid by the french. in connection with our first purchase of this steel rail, it should be stated that the lackawanna steel co. and the united states steel products co. agreed to sell us rail on this basis. orders were placed with these companies, but not with two other companies--the cambria steel co. and the bethlehem steel co.--who declined to accept the price offered. all subsequent orders for steel rail were on the basis of $ and $ a ton for bessemer and open hearth, respectively, which figure was established by the war industries board pursuant to the government policy to stabilize industry by establishing fixed prices alike for all purchasers--the government itself, the allies, and the public. a total of miles of standard-gauge railway track was laid in france with material shipped from this country. a big money saving was effected by changing the design of the freight cars asked for by our overseas forces. their original call was for , four-wheel cars of the french type, these varying from to tons capacity per car. our investigations here convinced us that the american type of car with -ton capacity could be used on the french railroads. consequently we recommended that , of the -ton american-type cars be sent abroad instead of smaller-capacity french cars. our recommendation was approved by officers abroad, and as a result there was a saving of $ , , in the cost of this initial order of cars. from that time all cars shipped from the united states were of the american -wheel type, a fact which resulted in a saving of approximately $ , , over what it would have cost to build and ship the lighter french cars. had the light french type of cars, as originally suggested, been adopted, , cars would have been required instead of , cars, and probably twice as much tonnage would have been necessary to transport these cars overseas. most of the steel rails were purchased from the cambria steel co., the lackawanna steel co., the bethlehem steel co., the united states steel products co., and the sweets steel co. raised pier, gantry, and locomotive cranes were turned out by the several crane builders in proportion to their ability to produce. the standard steel car co. made millions of dollars' worth of metallic parts for freight cars, and the colorado fuel & iron co. produced rails and bars. as previously mentioned, the baldwin locomotive works got the bulk of the orders for locomotives, although the american locomotive co., the vulcan co., the h. e. porter co., and the davenport locomotive works also made locomotives for our expeditionary forces. hospital trains. ambulance trains were called for by gen. pershing in his cablegram of july , . it was stated in this message that plans for these ambulance trains would be furnished by the surgeon general of the army. to build these ambulance trains, with their complicated designs and specialized equipment, in this country would have entailed lengthy delay and very heavy expense, as after they had been constructed it would have been necessary to knock them down for shipment. with this fact in mind our officers here took up the question with sir francis dent, of the british railway commission, who was in this country at the time. he stated that ambulance trains built by the london & north western railway, which had proved wholly satisfactory in three years of service, could be turned out by that same concern there quickly if the english design were adopted for our army. after considerable discussion and consideration the english design was followed, and orders for our ambulance trains were placed abroad. up to december , , there had been completed for our army of these trains, with a total of cars, and there were in the course of completion at that time or under order additional ambulance trains. information from england shows that it was indeed the part of wisdom to order these ambulance trains abroad, as figures from england stated that the first of these trains were produced at a cost to us of £ , per car, including repair parts. this means that at the present rate of exchange the cost of each coach was $ , . , while to have built these cars in this country, knocked them down, and shipped them overseas would have cost $ , each. narrow-gauge railway equipment--fabricated steel track. the urgent necessity for narrow-gauge railway equipment for our armed forces in europe was first brought home to us when gen. pershing cabled on july , . in this message he asked for large quantities of -centimeter locomotives, cars, and track. the types requested were entirely new in this country. specifically, there were required -centimeter steam locomotives with a low center of gravity and with a maximum of ½ tons axle load; -horsepower gasoline locomotives; -horsepower gasoline locomotives; and , freight cars of various types, including box cars and flat cars of -ton capacity, tank cars, and dump cars. to aid in the building of this new equipment many photographs and designs brought over from france were used. it was decided to build the -ton cars fitted with small -wheel trucks at each end, rather than to make them of the -wheeled type, as with this construction they would be better adapted for the rounding of short curves. [illustration: -centimeter gauge steam locomotive; tractive power, , pounds. cylinders, × , driving wheels ½ inches, wheel base feet inches; weight in working order , pounds; capacity: water gallons, fuel , pounds.] [illustration: -centimeter gauge steam locomotive; horsepower. cylinders ½ × , driving wheels inches, wheel base feet; weight in working order , pounds; fuel capacity, gallons.] [illustration: armored railway motor car. hall-scott gasoline engine; length feet inches, width feet inches, truck centers feet.] [illustration: armored motor car, oil-electric engine.] [illustration: armored car equipped with -inch gun and searchlight on car attached.] in turning out the different kinds of locomotives for the -centimeter railways new designs were made in order to produce locomotives that would run with equal facility in either direction. for the gasoline locomotives, designs of types similar to standard-gauge engines, a few of which had been in the service in this country, were made, and orders were placed with the baldwin locomotive works for the first lot. the first steam locomotives were delivered by the builders on october , , and the first gas locomotives on november , . orders for the freight cars for these narrow-gauge railways were placed with a number of the larger car-building companies of the country. the first of these cars were delivered november , . when the armistice was signed a total of , locomotives and , cars of the narrow-gauge type had been ordered and locomotives and , cars completed. up to the th of november of the locomotives and , of the cars had been shipped overseas. of the locomotives sent to france, were steam engines, had -horsepower gasoline engines, and had -horsepower gasoline engines. of the , cars that went to the expeditionary forces prior to the signing of the armistice, were box cars, were tank cars, were flat cars, , were -wheeled gondola cars, were dump cars, were artillery truck cars, were motor cars, were inspection cars, were hand cars, and were push cars. for the construction of the narrow-gauge railroad used in the combat areas behind the front line trenches a special type of fabricated track was designed. this consisted of short sections of rail bolted to steel crossties. the american narrow-gauge railway was so arranged that it could be packed in knockdown shape to save shipping space. most of this track was in -meter lengths, although many shorter sections were used. all, however, were in multiples of ¼ meters, accurately sawed so as to insure absolute fit of intermediate sections when shell fire made replacement necessary. vast quantities of curved track, as well as innumerable switches and turnouts, also were built. in all about miles of fabricated, narrow-gauge steel track were purchased and miles shipped to france. all but miles of the fabricated track was built at the lakewood engineering co., near cleveland. the balance was obtained through the united states steel products co. the cost of the straight track was about $ , a mile, while the cost of the curved sections was $ , a mile. much of this narrow-gauge track that went to france was manufactured at the rate of between and miles of completed track a day. great quantities of the fabricated track produced by the lakewood engineering co. were loaded upon camouflaged steamers in cleveland in may, , and sent direct to france, via lake erie, the welland canal, and the st. lawrence river. chapter iii. engineer activities at home. a vast quantity of motorized or portable equipment was required by the engineer units of the american expeditionary forces and this had in the main to be furnished under the supervision of the engineers in this country. the extent to which this material was produced is shown by such items as , trucks of all kinds, , portable buildings, portable shop and material trucks, portable pile drivers, electric storage trucks, , boilers, and , dump cars. two-thirds of this equipment was shipped overseas before the armistice was signed. the development of mobile shops was one of the most interesting phases of this branch of engineering work. quite early in the war, when we began the construction of the great base shops in france, we developed these portable machine shops, blacksmith shops, carpenter shops, and storeroom shops in demountable truck bodies, to be used for general service in the field. the shops were so constructed that they could be entirely closed up when the unit was in motion; but when the shop was ready for use the sides and ends of the inclosing structure were lowered, forming work tables when the shop was left on the truck chassis. if the shop were entirely demounted, these sides and ends, let down, formed extensions of the floor. with this arrangement a wide range of general repair and construction work could be handled on the spot on short notice. if it were necessary for the shop to stay in one place for several days or weeks, the body could be demounted, and the truck chassis was then used for transporting materials to and from the shop. each portable shop contained about different items of tools and equipment. each was mounted on a ½ ton truck. the portable machine shop contained a workbench, a drill press, a portable electric drill, a grinder, and a -inch lathe, these being operated by an electric power plant carried on the truck; and it also had an equipment of necessary small tools and supplies, including an oxyacetylene welding outfit. the portable blacksmith, plumbing, and tin shops each contained a workbench, forges, hoists, pipe-fitting machines, a shear and punch, vises, and a welding and cutting outfit, together with a power plant and switchboard and the necessary small tools and supplies. the portable carpenter shop contained boring machines, a drill press, a bench grinder, a workbench, a saw bench, a winch, power plant and switchboard, small tools and supplies. a complete machine shop on wheels cost the government about $ , . the carpenter shop cost $ , . as supply units for the portable shops, the government built material trucks, each containing about items of tools and supplies. these material trucks cost $ , apiece. another successful development of this nature was the portable photolithographic press truck, already referred to in the account of the american expeditionary forces' lithographic equipment. these automobile presses, which were at our front soon after our troops went into the trenches, were able to print and distribute lithographic sketches and maps within hours after the original sketches were submitted for reproduction. the french and british armies also had mobile photolithographic units which were much less portable than ours and much slower in operation. the best time made by the french and british outfits was four days for the same work. we also supplied to the engineering forces abroad special water sterilizers and water tanks, mounted on trucks. the engineers put small job-printing shops on trucks and photographic dark rooms on trucks for use in the field. they equipped trucks with derricks, capstans, and wrecking machinery. they furnished automotive road sprinklers and oilers, as well as trucks with special dump bodies for highway work. they developed a light, portable pile driver unlike anything used theretofore in commercial work. this machine was constructed of structural steel and had a total weight of tons. it was mounted on a truck drawn by horses or mules, and the pile driver itself was operated by a -horsepower gasoline engine. the pile driver could be used within minutes after its arrival at any point. one development of this sort, the mobile clam-shell derrick, is worth noting. this unique piece of machinery was built by the winther motor truck co., of kenosha, wis. when the american expeditionary forces issued a requisition for clam-shell derricks mounted on motor trucks, no such piece of equipment was in existence anywhere on earth. the winther co. volunteered to attempt to produce the machine. by giving a wider tread of rear axle to the winther motor truck, the company could provide a suitable vehicle, but, search as they might, they could not find a derrick of sufficient power to operate a half-yard clam shell and also light enough to mount on a -ton truck. no such derrick existed. the company, therefore, without knowing anything about the manufacture of derricks, put its engineering force to work to produce a design. this design was developed in two weeks, and the derrick built from it was less than half the weight of any derrick of equal capacity. after being perfected, the mobile derrick in tests showed that it could move cubic yards of sand or gravel per day or or tons of coal. one man could operate it and the motive power was a -cylinder gasoline engine. [illustration: engineers' tool wagon.] [illustration: engineers' blacksmith shop, closed.] [illustration: one of the engineers' portable machine shops.] the engineering department approved this design and ordered such clam-shell units. nine of these were delivered before the armistice was signed. the company has continued production of these derricks with a view of selling them to road builders and excavators in civil life. for use of the various engineer units we manufactured , tool wagons and shipped most of them to france. because of the rough nature of the shell-torn ground over which these wagons must be used, we designed each to be uncoupled and operated as two -wheeled carts. the development of mobile industrial units mounted on motor trucks is likely to have a profound effect on american industry in the future. for instance, the special derrick or crane trucks which we built are almost certain to be adopted in commercial use. the locomotive crane has always been a useful machine, but its chief use has been in handling heavy materials which were being loaded on or off railway cars. a crane which can be moved rapidly to places where railway tracks are not located should be of almost equal importance. an accompanying illustration shows in operation one of the derrick trucks which we built for overseas use. in the same way the mobile pile drivers designed by the engineer corps should be of great future service in road building in this country. the various machine shops which were built for war purposes will, in their duplications and adaptations, undoubtedly serve a useful purpose in future commercial activities in this country. the increased use of motive power on farms has created a demand for machine repairs. the day may come when the traveling machine shop will be a familiar sight on our rural highways. the engineer troops required a great quantity of hoisting machinery. our purchases in this respect amounted to cranes, mostly of the locomotive type, and hoisting engines, at a total cost of $ , , . about two-thirds of this equipment was sent to france and installed at the ports of debarkation and at depots. the rest was used at the shipping points in this country. this machinery was of great aid in the rapid handling of materials at tidewater. a vast amount of small tools and construction material was required. some , tons of barbed wire, shipped abroad to be used principally in the construction of entanglements in front of american battle positions, were manufactured principally by the united states steel products co., jones & laughlin, the gulf states steel co., and the colorado fuel & iron co., although several other firms also supplied barbed wire. the engineering department ordered in the united states, during the fighting, equipment and supplies which cost approximately $ , , . we furnished in all , steel shelters of various sizes, of which , were of the individual type which could be carried by one man. the steel used in these individual shelters was about one-eighth of an inch thick. there may be expected to be great incidental benefit to future american industry from improvements and inventions brought out by american military engineering in and . one important work, for instance, which the engineer department undertook was that of standardizing the requirements for paints and varnishes. at the outset our army needs ran into shades of color in different paint and varnish mixtures. without affecting any of our camouflage projects or other important undertakings, we reduced the number of shades required from to and brought the total number of commodities down from to . this reduction in the range of commodities will be of great use to the paint and varnish industry in the future. at the beginning of the war the mechanical rubber industry had but few standard specifications. the engineers, after considerable research, developed standard specifications for mechanical rubber goods, which class included such materials as hose, packing, and sleeves. the representatives of the rubber industry verbally stated that the engineer department in this short time did more good to the trade than it had been able to accomplish for itself in the previous three or four years of effort. immediately after hostilities stopped rubber concerns began asking the engineer department for its standard specifications. in the manufacture of hardware and kitchen utensils there was also considerable standardization done, and changes in manufacturing methods were recommended which were put into effect by the producers. all spun goods were eliminated, and the industry confined itself to straight stamping, which meant a reduction in labor. a standard cobalt coating for enamelware was developed by which the industry conserved about tons of nitre per month and made a more durable and satisfactory enamel coating, with the result that to-day the army is purchasing its vast quantities of enamelware subject to certain tests, whereas, in the past, practically all this material was bought purely upon the manufacturers' statements. the shortage of tin was of considerable importance. upon the recommendation of an engineer officer enormous quantities of cafeteria trays were coated with zinc and large amounts of tin thereby conserved. the finished tray was entirely satisfactory and gave essentially the same service as that plated with tin. horseshoe nails, formerly a variable product, were standardized and tested, and methods were devised by which the army was enabled to control their quality. before the war there was no standard rating for internal-combustion engines, each manufacturer rating his motors according to his own ideas. our studies of small engines of the type used for driving pumps or operating woodworking and metal-working machines resulted in many improvements, which have been adopted by the manufacturers of internal-combustion engines. out of these studies came the so-called army rating, a standard which is bound to result in the more careful rating of commercial engines. the engineer department brought out a modification of the design of the existing line of gasoline-driven shovels by applying caterpillar traction to the larger sizes, thus doing away with the labor required to plank up and block shovels that move on wheels. when we entered the war, the explosive trinitrotoluol was standard for our army for mining and demolition purposes. the bureau of mines, in cooperation with the engineer department, developed an explosive which is cheaper than t. n. t. and promises to replace it for engineering operations. we also improved the devices commercially used in electrical detonation of distributed charges, our improved detonators being more certain and reliable than anything in use. commercial machines for detonating as many as standard no. caps were developed for the panama canal, but the machines in common use had seen little improvement for years. as a result of the development by the engineer corps, a machine capable of detonating caps was obtained, weighing no more than the -cap commercial blasting machine and costing slightly less. a second machine was developed, capable of exploding caps, at a price not greatly above the price of a -cap commercial machine. mining engineers who saw this development stated that it would have a high commercial value, as these improved machines would make electric blasting more positive and dependable than any other form of detonation, as well as making it possible to set off a large series of charges simultaneously. the panama canal machine weighed pounds and cost $ . our -cap machine weighed pounds and cost $ . the du pont -cap machine weighed pounds and cost $ . our small machine weighed pounds, cost $ . , and would fire caps. in addition to this there might be mentioned other projects developed primarily for war purposes but which will be available for the industrial uses of peace. these included portable well-drilling outfits of a new type, alcohol stills of a small size for the utilization of waste products in small units, sound reducers on the exhaust pipes of gasoline engines, air strainers to minimize the chances of dust and grit entering gasoline engines. when the war ended we were working on the problem of hastening the setting of concrete and were also studying the production in this country of photographic colors and tone chemicals formerly secured only from germany. in general, mention should be made of the exhaustive tests in many industries conducted by the engineer depot and by special detachments of engineers. tests were made of hundreds of pieces of apparatus, and these tests led to many improvements in american manufacture. illustrating how these tests were regarded by individual concerns, the cleveland tractor co., after a test of its equipment conducted by army engineers, stated: "our people consider this test to be the most valuable ever undertaken by this company." this is indicative of benefits scattered throughout american industry by the engineering war tests. while practically all of the research work which resulted in the developments and improvements noted was conducted by engineer officers while on duty at the general engineer depot in washington, since the transfer of the functions of the general engineer depot to the division of purchase, storage and traffic, november , , much of this research work has been and still is being carried on by the latter division. for handling engineer materials there were established the general engineer depot at washington, d. c, embarkation depots at south kearney, n. j., and norfolk, va., and shipping depots at baltimore, md., philadelphia, pa., jacksonville, fla., new orleans, la., and mobile, ala. in addition, subdepots were organized at all of the divisional camps and cantonments. the war demanded the production in america of quantities of precision instruments. these were required not only by the ordnance department for the equipment of artillery with sights and indirect fire-control apparatus but also by the engineer corps, the signal corps, the bureau of aircraft production, and the medical department. these instruments were such things as aneroid barometers, pocket compasses, measuring tapes, surveyors' equipment generally, map-drawing outfits, draftsmen's supplies, and so on. for a large period of the war the procurement of precision instruments was in the hands of the general engineer depot. later, when the war department's supply activities were being consolidated, the purchasing of precision instruments, except the highly technical sound-ranging devices, was taken over by the director of purchase and storage, the organization of the general engineer depot going along in the transfer. the development and the production of searchlights and sound-ranging apparatus remained in the hands of the engineer corps. in april, , there were probably not more than a dozen recognized american manufacturers of high-grade precision instruments. as an indication of the expansion of manufacturing capacity required by the war, one concern, the taylor instrument cos., of rochester, n. y., which had manufactured in peace times watch-pocket compasses at the rate of , a year, were called upon to turn them out at the rate of , weekly to fill an order for , of them. in order to handle this contract the taylor instrument cos. built a new factory building in days. a certain type of aneroid barometer required by the exigencies had never before been produced in america. the taylor instrument cos. succeeded in producing , of these barometers. the lufkin rule co., of saginaw, mich., was called upon to manufacture band chain measuring tapes for surveying, graduated throughout according to the metric system, and also , special outfits for repairing such tape. these band tapes when broken are fastened together by tiny rivets, which are produced by special machinery. because of the inability of the machine-tool industry, swamped as it was with war demands, to produce the special rivet-making machines, it was necessary to reduce in the specifications for repair outfits the quantity of metal rivets for each kit from ounces of rivets to ounces. field artillery required a precision instrument known as the miniature telescopic alidade of the gale type. it is unlikely that of these instruments had been made in the united states during years, yet the artillery demands called for the production of , of them. the w. & l. e. gurley co., of troy, n. y., not only manufactured half of this order, but, in order that the government might obtain a sufficient supply of these instruments, it turned over to a competing firm, the eugene dietzgen co., of chicago, the lenses, prisms, hermetically-sealed bubbles, and other parts for instruments. the army required large numbers of hand tally registers to be used by checkers and observers. the benton manufacturing co., of new york, had been making less than , registers of this sort in a year, yet it increased its facilities and turned out , of them for the army within two months. the army required , complete sketching outfits for the use of military observers. the contents of these outfits were manufactured by a dozen different concerns. drawing instrument sets were produced by the eugene dietzgen co. each set included a pair of proportional dividers. our draftsmen had always obtained their dividers from europe. the divider, which nearly everyone has seen, appears to be a simple device, yet it must be made with the utmost precision, or else it is valueless. in manufacture it goes through more than distinct factory operations. marching compasses for troops were made by the sperry gyroscope co., of brooklyn, n. y., the quantity in manufacture being over , instruments. many other delicate instruments of most difficult manufacture, whose description is too technical to be set down here, were produced successfully in america during the war period. [illustration: derrick truck for overseas use.] [illustration: light microphone set.] [illustration: geophone sound ranging set.] [illustration: american t-m surface sound-ranging set.] chapter iv. sound and flash ranging and searchlights. in childhood we were enthralled by the tales of those magic persons whose keen hearing could detect even the whisper of the growing grass. as camouflage developed, modern warfare yearned for such supernatural gifts of sense that troops might detect the unseen presence of the enemy. accordingly science, the fairy godmother of today's soldiers, raised her wand, and lo, the army was equipped with the wonderful ears of the fairy tale, uncanny no longer, but a concrete manufacturing proposition. artillery practice nowadays abhors the wasted shot. the time when cannon fired in the general direction of the enemy, and hoped to hit something, passed when the long-range rifles and howitzers, with their marvelously accurate sighting instruments, came into existence. whole books have been written on the subject of pointing a modern cannon in the modern way. a great proportion of our industrial effort in the recent conflict was devoted to the sole end that we might aim our artillery accurately. for instance, to this end almost exclusively was devoted the enormous production of aircraft material. the observer in the airplane or balloon trusted not to his eyes but to the finer sight of the photographic camera; and this again occasioned a large war industry--the production of cameras and their operation in the field, which included the production of finished photography in the field dark rooms. but, as the airplane and aerial camera were perfected, camouflage was undertaken as a protection from discovery from aloft; and so might be brought in another chapter--the production of camouflage material and the work of camouflage experts in the field. presently camouflage succeeded in baffling the camera to a great extent, and this made necessary the development of instruments that could detect the location of the enemy by sound. since the unaided ear was not keen enough to supply the desired information, applied science came to the rescue with the various devices embraced in the general classification of sound-ranging equipment. the production of this equipment was under the direction of the engineer department of the army. in three classes of military work we needed hearing refined to the razor-edge. with keen enough ears we could detect those subterranean operations of the enemy known as mining; with ears of that sort we could detect and locate the positions of hostile cannon; and still again we could employ such sensitiveness of hearing to find in the darkest sky at night the hostile raiding airplane. one of these long-distance ear drums which man invented for himself as an aid to his military operations was known as the geophone. the first geophone used by the western powers in the war was invented by the french. it was a simple mechanism. the device or drum which received the sound waves and magnified them consisted of a small closed box with a confined air space. this box was weighted with a leaden disk to give it the required inertia. the geophone was placed upon the ground and the vibrations of the earth were communicated through the medium of the confined air space. the sounds then reached the listener's ears via a rubber tube and an ordinary stethoscope horn. by means of this device the slightest vibrations of the ground were rendered audible. the geophone was used to detect enemy mining operations. the listener placed the weighted box on the floor of an underground gallery or on solid earth or rock. if the enemy were burrowing in the ground anywhere within a distance of yards the geophone would tell about it. in order to enable the listener to know in what direction the sounds came, two geophone boxes were provided, one connected with each ear. by placing the boxes a small distance apart from each other and them moving them until the vibrations in both ear horns were equalized, the listener could tell approximately in what direction the enemy mining operation was located. geophones were used by both sides, and so effective did they prove to be that it is reported that they were largely instrumental in stopping mining operations altogether. if an enemy mine were located by one of these devices, a counter mine could be started at once and carried through, usually with disastrous results to the hostile miners. as our first step in the production of geophones, we adopted the french device; but later on we developed an instrument with nearly one-third greater range than the french geophone had. this improvement was developed by the engineers and bureau specialists at the bureau of standards in washington with money provided by the engineering department. we produced the improved model in sufficient quantities to meet the requirements of the american expeditionary forces. we also developed an electromechanical geophone that could be connected up by wire to a central listening station some distance back from an exposed location. the sound-receiving boxes or microphones were placed out in no man's land and hidden under trash or earth. they were so sensitive that they would not only record any subterranean activities of the enemy within their range, but at night would betray enemy raiding parties attempting to cross to our positions, the sensitive boxes picking up the vibrations of their speech or footsteps. the central listener could locate approximately the position of hostile operations by observing which boxes were receiving the sounds in greatest intensity. the boxes could also pick up and send to the central listening stations conversations carried on by the enemy parties even in low tones, the apparatus thus acting as the dictatorship of the war. but by far the most important work done by listening instruments was in locating the positions of enemy gun batteries. this was one scientific instrument, at any rate, which the germans were never able to produce successfully for themselves. during the final months of the war more enemy guns were located by listening instruments than by any other means. an american instrument with the army spotted german gun positions in a single day by surface sound ranging. this was the high american record set in the war, but at all times our sound-detecting equipment had an uncanny accuracy. up to the end of the fighting, no way had been discovered to conceal the location of a gun from sound-ranging instruments suitably placed and properly operated. the instruments used for locating gun positions were of such a highly complicated and technical nature that no one but designers and mechanics skilled in the production of complex electrical equipment could build them at all. the recording instruments, or microphones, were of a sort so delicate that their use theretofore had never been considered outside of laboratories. yet they were required to operate successfully amid the din and concussion of heavy bombardments. all useless sounds and jars were filtered out so that only the sought-for vibrations could come to the central recording mechanism. studies of gunfire showed that when a cannon fires an explosive shell of high velocity there are three distinct concussions. one of these is the sharp crack produced in the air when the shell, dragging a short vacuum trail behind it, passes over the head of the observer. as the air rushes into this vacuum and collides with itself, it produces a crack that is similar in origin to ordinary thunder. the second concussion to be heard is that produced at the muzzle of the gun by the expanding gases that propel the shell. there is still a third, the break, or explosion. in order to locate a battery or gun exactly only one of these concussions--the explosion at the muzzle of the gun--must be picked up by the microphone. the first and third shocks, and all other sounds not useful to the work should be damped out and excluded. a number of these microphones would be placed in scattered positions, usually in a trench, and then connected with the central recording mechanism. when a microphone picked up a hostile gun explosion the disturbance was instantly transmitted through several miles of wire. an ingenious and complicated mechanism actuated an electromagnetic needle, which instantly recorded this disturbance on a tape of photographic paper, calibrated to show fifths of seconds in time. each microphone on outpost duty was represented on this tape by a parallel line; and, as six microphones were usually used, the tape was striped with six parallel lines. as the other microphones at the front picked up the concussion of the gun, their records were made on their respective lines; and the observers at the central station, by noting the difference in time between the reports of the various microphones, and by making calculations based on the rate at which sound travels, could locate the gun that set up the disturbances by means of ordinary surveyor's triangulations. so accurately would this mechanism do the work that a gun position could be determined within or feet. incidentally, it is interesting to note that the practice of our army was to secure in advance, by means of surface sound ranging and other methods, the positions of all the enemy's guns that could be learned. then, often after intervals of hours or even days, the fire began simultaneously upon all these gun positions just as our attack started. in this country we had two experimental stations for the development of sound-ranging apparatus. we began experiments in this work in june, . before we had perfected any satisfactory instruments, the british had met with great success with the bull-tucker system; and we adopted that type for the use of the american expeditionary forces. from plans and models sent to this country we produced an american bull-tucker machine, utilizing standard american electrical equipment wherever we could. at the close of the war we had in operation along the american front complete american outfits. the six microphones of each recording machine in action were set about , feet apart along the front, so that each sound-ranging section covered a frontage of approximately miles. the outfits in use were sufficient to locate the guns of the enemy on a -mile front. about a month before the fighting stopped we sent to france a new model sound-ranging set which had been developed with the cooperation of the bureau of standards. the reports from the american expeditionary forces indicated that this american development was superior in several important particulars to anything else in use when the war came to an end. the american instruments were lighter, easier to carry about, easier to install, and much cheaper than those of the british type, and would operate under more adverse weather conditions. the impulses received by the microphone in this equipment were recorded on a running tape smoked by an acetylene flame. sound ranging for the detection of airplanes at night requires an equipment which consists fundamentally of a sound-gathering device and a listening mechanism, the combination enabling the observer to tell the direction from which the sound is coming. when a bombing plane approaches at night the hum of the motor can be heard at a distance from to miles, or even more, depending upon conditions. but the direction of this sound is elusive to the unaided ear, as anyone can testify who has heard an airplane in broad daylight but could not locate it with his eyes. before the invention of aerial sound ranging the searchlights hunting for the hostile airplane were obliged to sweep the sky aimlessly in an endeavor to locate it; and the pilot of the plane could often maneuver to keep out of the light. but by use of the sound detectors not only can the approach of the airplane be detected at a distance beyond the hearing range of the unaided ear, but, what is more important, its direction can be determined within an angle of °. the use of these sound detectors greatly increased the chances of locating airplanes at night by searchlight. the engineer department conducted extensive experiments in the development of aerial sound detectors. one form developed consisted of a set of long horns with listening tubes attached to the small ends and leading to receivers on the observer's head set. these horns were mounted on a turntable which the observer could revolve, so that the horns could be turned in the general direction of the sound. four horns were used in this mechanism--two to indicate the direction of the airplane on a horizontal circle (in azimuth), and the other pair to indicate the direction on the vertical arc (in elevation). under favorable conditions the sensitiveness of this device was three times that of the unaided ear, and the airplane could be located within an angle of °. the horn detector, however, was large and cumbersome and not satisfactory for a mobile unit. for field sound ranging, when the listener may wish to move from place to place, the parabloid sound reflector was developed. this hemispherical object, like a huge fountain basin in shape, was made of material similar to building board and shaped in parabolic lines. such a sound collector echoed or reflected the sound from every point of its surface to a focal point where the listening instrument was located. the observer turned the parabloid on its universal mount until the sound was equalized in his ears, and then the exact direction of the airplane would be indicated by the azimuth and elevation pointers on the machine. the paraboloids developed by our engineering department had a sensitiveness three times that of the unaided ear and could locate sound within ° of arc. we were not pioneers in developing the parabloid, however, the french having built them ahead of us; but our apparatus possessed marked advantages over that of the french. in the first place, the french collecting device weighed ½ tons and was so heavy and cumbersome that it could scarcely be moved at all. the total weight of the american collecting device was only , pounds. the american instrument was thus much lighter and more portable. it was so simple that it could be set up in about one-sixth the time that it took to erect the french device. the cost of our machine was only about two-fifths that of the french mechanism. although valuable work in detecting gun positions was done by sound ranging, yet both sides located guns by watching their flashes. we improved flash-ranging sets of the allies. these were simple in principle. a number of observers at posts commanding good views were equipped with observation telescopes mounted on tripods to watch for the flashes of enemy guns. whenever two or more of them observed the same flash and reported its direction, the position of the gun could be determined by ordinary triangulation. however, in operation the system was not so simple, because of the fact that the observers reporting might not have turned their instruments upon the same flash. this difficulty was met by furnishing each observer with an outpost switch set. as soon as he observed the flash through his telescope he closed the switch, and that action turned on a small electric light at the headquarters station, which might be miles away. then, as soon as he could, he telephoned in the direction of the flash observed. if the operator at the switchboard saw two or three of the lights flash simultaneously, he knew the observers at the front had probably caught the same flash. lights that came on a little ahead or a little behind the simultaneous lights were disregarded when the observers telephoned reports. in developing the telescope for this system considerable difficulty was experienced on account of the shortage of the proper optical glass in this country. we were, therefore, obliged to buy our telescopes in france until our supply would be available. these telescopes were expensive mechanisms, and in some of the work of the flash-ranging sections two of them were originally required at each observing station--one to determine the position of a shell burst in elevation and the other its position on the horizontal circle in azimuth. since the declaration of the armistice an american engineer officer has designed a telescope eyepiece which enables this work to be done by observing through a single instrument, thus effecting a marked saving in the number of telescopes which might be required in the future. [illustration: american parabloid type acoustic detector.] [illustration: -inch open type portable searchlight.] [illustration: -inch high intensity seacoast type searchlight.] when the fighting stopped our military scientists and others cooperating with them were developing a type of ground sound-ranging apparatus which it was hoped could be utilized to give troops warning of the firing of heavy artillery shells in their general direction. preliminary experiments show that at a distance of . miles this mechanism could record the firing of a gun some seconds before the arrival of the shell. under proper circumstances this elapsed time would enable troops properly warned to seek cover from the explosion of the projectile. this development of sound-ranging apparatus and its application to the protection of personnel was made possible by the far greater speed with which shock vibrations travel through a dense medium like the earth than through the usual sound-conveying medium, the atmosphere. searchlights. the searchlight equipment of the united states army prior to consisted chiefly of lights located at our coast defenses. in we began the development of mobile searchlight-and-power units for field-army work, four horse-drawn equipments, with -inch lights, being ordered first, and later eight other sets, with extensible towers and gasoline electric generators. when the war was approaching we ordered sets of the limber-and-caisson type. the caissons of these sets carried -inch lights on extensible towers. in january, , we ordered high-intensity lights to replace as many low-intensity lamps at our seacoast fortifications. the first war order was placed in april, , and consisted of additional searchlights of the -inch dimension, the largest light ordered by the war department. after the entrance of america in the war the engineer department began studying the requirements abroad for searchlights used in defense against hostile aircraft; and in september, , this investigation resulted in orders for high-intensity searchlights, high-intensity arc mechanisms, and , glass mirrors of standard design. about this time we began looking to the improvement of existing searchlight equipment. the cooperation of leading scientists, manufacturers, and government bureaus was obtained, and the product of exhaustive experiments was different new kinds of searchlights either partially or wholly developed. the first of these were produced, shipped, and were in operation with the second field army in france on october , . this was a new form of searchlight more powerful than any that had been produced before that time. it weighed one-eighth as much as lights of former design, cost only one-third as much, was about one-fourth as large in bulk, and threw a light per cent stronger than any other portable projector in existence. without going into the details of this mechanism its most striking innovation, from the standpoint of the nontechnical observer, was the absence of the front glass through which the beams of the older type lamps are sent. the absence of the glass, while reducing the weight and cost of a light, also increased the intensity of the beam of the searchlight, since any glass, no matter how conducive to rays, absorbs light to a considerable extent. in the first part of the war we took the -inch lights which the government had on hand and mounted them on motor trucks. for generating power for the lights, motor trucks were equipped with electric generators operated by the crank-shaft of the truck engine. in moving about each truck carried not only the light and power unit and accessories, but provided space for the crew and their equipment. when we went into the war there was only one firm in the united states that could make the large searchlight mirrors, but two other concerns developed the art and the faculties during the hostilities. these mirrors were of glass and cost about $ , at prewar prices. the maximum output in the united states before the war was three -inch mirrors per week. as the result of governmental encouragement the production of the -inch mirrors increased until it reached the stage of a week in november, ; and the price was reduced to about $ per mirror, even under war-time conditions with respect to labor and material. this was equivalent to a price of about $ per mirror under normal conditions, or a saving of per cent. a remarkable contribution of the united states to searchlight science was the production of a satisfactory metal mirror for projecting the beam. the metal mirror not only weighed a little less than the glass mirror, but it cost only one-third as much as the glass one, could be produced in one-fifth the time, was much less fragile, and extended the possibility of manufacture to a wide number of industries. the metal mirror possessed per cent of the reflectivity of the glass mirror. this slight dullness is inappreciable in searchlight work and more than compensated for by the other qualities of the metal reflector. this type of mirror, however, had not yet been put in production when the war ended. our inventors during the months of hostilities succeeded in reducing the size of carbons used in -ampere lamps from inches in diameter to - / inches. this cut the cost of carbons in two, but the improvements tripled the amount of light developed. in november, , we were working with assurance of success to develop a simple system whereby field searchlights could be pointed and controlled from a distance. such controls had been used in experimental work prior to , but the mechanisms were complicated and not suitable for field service. the searchlight section of the corps of engineers also developed optical finding devices, which doubled the range of all searchlights without requiring any modification of the lights themselves. neither the ordinary telescope nor night glass is suitable for target finding by searchlight. the result of our investigation was the development of a combined observer's chair, eye protector, and searchlight target finder, the new equipment adding only per cent to the cost of the searchlight unit. the range of our modern high-power searchlight, whose target is a ship at sea, is about , yards; the range of this searchlight when its target is an airplane is about , feet. book iv. chemical warfare. chapter i. toxic gases. the first recorded use of suffocating gases in warfare was about b. c., sulphur fumes having been used in besieging the cities of platea and belium in the war between the athenians and the spartans. similar uses of toxic substances are recorded during the middle ages. in august, , the english admiral lord dundonald, having observed the deadly character of the fumes of sulphur in sicily, proposed to reduce sebastopol by sulphur fumes, and worked out the details of the proposition. the english government disapproved the proposition on the ground that "the effects were so horrible that no honorable combatant could use the means required to produce them." that the probable use of poison gases was still in the minds of military men is evidenced by the fact that at the hague conference in several of the more prominent nations of europe and asia pledged themselves not to use any projectiles whose only object was to give out suffocating or poisonous gases. many of the powers did not sign this declaration until later. germany signed and ratified it on september , , but the united states never signed it. further, this declaration was not to be binding in case of a war in which a non-signatory was or became a belligerent. admiral mahan, a united states delegate, stated his position in regard to the use of gas in shell, at that time an untried theory, as follows: the reproach of cruelty and perfidy addressed against these supposed shells was equally uttered previously against firearms and torpedoes, although both are now employed without scruple. it is illogical and not demonstrably humane to be tender about asphyxiating men with gas, when all are prepared to admit that it is allowable to blow the bottom out of an ironclad at midnight, throwing four or five hundred men into the sea to be choked by the water, with scarcely the remotest chance to escape. the second hague peace congress in adopted rules for land warfare, and among them was article which read as follows: "it is expressly forbidden to employ poisons or poisonous weapons." the use of toxic gas in the great war dates back to april , , on which day the germans employed chlorine, a common and well-known gas, in an attack against the french and british lines in the northeastern part of the upper ypres salient. the methods of manufacturing toxic gases, the use of such gases, and the tactics connected with their use were new developments of this war; yet during the year from to per cent of all american battle casualties were due to gas, showing that toxic gas is one of the most powerful implements of war. the records show, however, that when armies were supplied with masks and other defensive appliances, only about or per cent of the gas casualties were fatal. this indicates that gas can be made not only one of the most effective implements of war, but one of the most humane. it will, of course, be necessary to remove the noncombatant population from a greater depth of country immediately in the rear of the fighting lines than formerly, in order that women and children may not be gassed. this additional sacrifice of territory for war uses is another element of effectiveness in the weapon. since germany had chosen to utilize toxic gas in warfare, the allied nations were compelled to adopt like tactics; accordingly england and france, faced with the desperate situation resulting from advantages secured by the germans through the employment of these new weapons, immediately turned their attention not only to devising methods for protecting their own troops, but also to securing supplies and equipment necessary for the utilization of toxic gas as an agent of warfare against the german army. germany originated thereafter the use of most of the new forms of gas, but the allied nations and america were actually producing, at the time of the armistice, gases on a much greater scale than germany was ever able to attain. in fact, america itself was producing gases at a rate several times as great as was possible in germany. prior to the entry of america in the war our overseas observers had been collecting information bearing upon gas warfare, referring the facts so obtained to the ordnance department in washington, where the information was turned over to lieut. col. e. j. w. ragsdale, who was then in charge of the trench warfare section. in the early days of our belligerency it was seen that we should need a plant for filling artillery shell with toxic gases. the government in the fall of bought a large tract of land near aberdeen, md., to be an artillery proving ground. approximately , acres of this reservation, about one-tenth of it in area, was set aside as the site for the gas shell-filling plant. this reservation was known as edgewood, and the plant erected on the site was called the edgewood arsenal. work started on the construction of the arsenal on november , . none of the toxic gases in use in europe, except chlorine and small amounts of phosgene, had ever been commercially prepared in the united states. it was the original intention to interest existing chemical firms in the manufacture of these gases; but there were many difficulties in the way of such a project, not the least of which was the ruling of the director general of railways that such products as poison gas be transported only on special trains. also we discovered that the private chemical companies were loath to undertake such manufacture. the exhaustive investigations necessary before quantity methods of manufacture could be devised would be uncertain and expensive. there would be great danger to the lives of those employed in such work. many of the private concerns were already crowded with war work. finally, the new plant equipment which must be set up would be worth nothing when the war ended, since the manufacture of such gases would be limited to the period of hostilities. these and other considerations explain the reluctance of the commercial chemical industry to undertake the production of war gases. consequently the government was forced to adopt the plan of building various chemical plants at the edgewood arsenal in connection with the filling plant. by december , , it had been decided to build at edgewood a chlorpicrin plant and a phosgene plant. the contracts were immediately let, and the work was pushed through the rigorous winter of - . in march, , the edgewood project was taken from the trench warfare section of the ordnance department and made an independent division under the command of col. wm. h. walker. in june, , the chemical warfare service was organized, and the edgewood arsenal was transferred to it. gen. w. l. sibert, director of the gas service, took charge of the activities of the arsenal in may prior to the official transfer. chlorine, the raw material for the manufacture of which is common salt, was one of the principal materials required in the gas-production program. although chlorine was a standard product in the united states prior to the war, it was soon seen that we had an inadequate commercial supply to meet the requirements of our proposed gas offensive. chlorine was used not only by itself, but it was also the active agent in the manufacture of nearly all the other toxic gases which we required. consequently we decided to build a government chlorine plant with two -ton units, giving a daily capacity of tons of liquid chlorine. the ground for this plant at edgewood was broken on may , , and the actual production of chlorine begun on september . in july, , the germans introduced the so-called mustard gas. it was immediately realized that for certain purposes of fighting this chemical was the most effective product so far employed, and a large number of government experts here at once concentrated their energies in developing methods for its manufacture on a large scale. not only were the uniformed experimenters busy at the gas service's american university camp, at washington, d. c., but experimental units were established at the plant of the dow chemical co., at midland, mich., at the plant of zinsser & co., hastings-on-hudson, n. y., and at the government plant which had been started by the trench warfare section, at cleveland, ohio. eventually it was decided to erect a large plant at edgewood for the manufacture of mustard gas. not until april, , however, did we feel that we possessed sufficient knowledge and information to justify the construction of a mustard-gas plant on a large scale. france and england also were long in working out satisfactory methods of mustard-gas production. we began to make mustard in june, and continued with rapidly increasing output until the signing of the armistice. it soon became evident that we could not depend upon civilian labor in the operation of the various chemical plants at edgewood because of the danger involved. it was decided, therefore, to utilize enlisted men in the working crews. as the projects at edgewood increased in size and number, the forces at the arsenal grew, until at one time there were , troops at this point. meanwhile the government had at last been able to persuade a number of private chemical firms to manufacture toxic gases. the government agreed to finance all new construction, but the operation was to be in the hands of the contracting companies. at each plant the government stationed one of its representatives with necessary assistants. in the spring of , these scattered factories by official order were made part of the edgewood arsenal, each plant being designated by the name of the city or town where it was located. thereafter in army usage the term "edgewood arsenal" embraced not only the group of factories on the edgewood reservation, but also included the following projects: niagara falls plant, operated by the oldbury electro-chemical co. project--the manufacture of phosgene. midland, mich., plant, operated by the dow chemical co. project--the sinking of brine wells for the purpose of securing adequate supplies of bromine. charleston, w. va., plant, operated by the charleston chemical co. project--the manufacture of sulphur chloride. bound brook, n. j., plant, operated by frank hemingway (inc.). project--the manufacture of phosgene. buffalo plant, operated by the national aniline & chemical co. project--the manufacture of mustard gas. in addition to these, the edgewood arsenal built at points advantageous to supplies of raw materials four other plants, and operated them as well. these were as follows: stamford, conn., plant. project--the manufacture of chlorpicrin. hastings-on-hudson, n. y., plant. project--the manufacture of mustard gas. kingsport, tenn., plant. project--the manufacture of brombenzylcyanide. croyland, pa., plant. project--the manufacture of diphenylchlorarsine. in constructing and equipping the edgewood arsenal we laid miles of standard-gauge railway and miles of narrow-gauge railway, built nearly miles of improved roadway, and set up two water systems, one with a capacity of , , gallons per day for the manufacturing purposes of the chemical plants, and the other providing a fresh-water supply pumped miles with a daily capacity of , , gallons. in all buildings were put up on the grounds of the arsenal. there were cantonment buildings, with a capacity of , men, as well as adequate quarters for officers and civilian employees. three field hospitals, a complete base hospital, and separate buildings for y. m. c. a. and k. of c. activities indicated the extent of the building equipment. three power houses were provided, with a total capacity of , kilowatts. in the construction of buildings every precaution was taken to avoid accidents from the handling of toxic gas, the ventilating systems being as near perfection as human science could make them. it is notable that out of the thousands of men employed only four met their death by gas poisoning. three of these casualties were due to phosgene and one to mustard gas. to show that all of the danger of the war was not confined to the front, the following table of casualties in at the edgewood arsenal proper is here given: -----------------+------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+------- toxic agent. |june. |july. |aug. |sept. |oct. |nov. |dec. |total. -----------------+------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+------- mustard gas | | | | | | | | stannic chloride | | | | | | | | phosgene | | | | | | | | chlorpicrin | | | | | | | | bleach chlorine | | | | | | | | liquid chlorine | | | | | | | | sulphur chloride | | | | | | | | phosphorus | | | | | | | | caustic soda | | | | | | | | sulphuric acid | | | | | | | | picric acid | | | | | | | | carbon monoxide | | | | | | | | +------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+------- totals | | | | | | | | -----------------+------+------+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+------- as has been noted, chlorine was the only war gas produced on a commercial scale in america prior to the war. at the ordinary temperatures chlorine is a greenish-yellow gas of strong, suffocating odor. through the combined effects of cold and pressure it is readily condensed to a liquid and is ordinarily shipped in this form, stored in strong cylinders. chlorine is prepared commercially by the electrolytic process. a current of electricity is passed through a solution of common salt. the greenish gas at once arises, leaving behind it a residue of caustic soda. the apparatus in which the salt is decomposed by the electric current is known as a cell. the government plant used nelson cells, each with a capacity of pounds of chlorine and pounds of caustic soda per hours. the government chlorine plant at edgewood was ready for operation in august, , but was not actually started until september . the plant consisted of ( ) a cell house, which had a total capacity of tons of chlorine per hours; ( ) an electric substation for supplying the current; ( ) a brine building, where the salt was mixed with water and the resulting brine purified; ( ) a boiler and evaporation building, for concentrating the caustic soda from the cells; ( ) a caustic fusion building, for drying the caustic soda and fusing it into solid form for shipment; and ( ) a liquefying plant to condense and liquefy tons of chlorine per day. with the exception of chlorine, chlorpicrin was the first war gas to be manufactured on a large scale in this country. when pure, chlorpicrin is a colorless liquid which boils at a temperature approximately of ° c. the compound has been known since . while not so poisonous as some of the other products used in gas warfare, it is, nevertheless, an active poison, and has the additional advantage of being a fair lachrymator, or tear producer. chlorpicrin is made by the reaction between picric acid and chlorine. the chlorine is best supplied in the form of so-called bleaching powder, which is ordinary chloride of lime. in the manufacturing process as originally carried out, free picric acid was mixed with bleaching powder held in suspension with water. later it was found advantageous to use calcium picrate instead of picric acid. accordingly, the final process was as follows: the bleaching powder was creamed with water and mixed with a solution of calcium picrate in large stills holding , gallons or more. a jet of live steam was then introduced at the bottom of the still, and the reaction began at once, the rapidity depending upon the amount of steam introduced. the resulting chlorpicrin, together with a certain quantity of steam, passed out of the still and was liquefied in the condenser. the resulting mixture of chlorpicrin and water was run into tanks, where the chlorpicrin, being insoluble in water, gradually settled to the bottom and was run off and used directly in gas shell. in developing this process the government was assisted by the dow chemical co., the semet-solvay co., and the american synthetic color co., of stamford, conn., the principal work being done by representatives of the bureau of mines at the stamford plant. [illustration: airplane view of chlorine plant, edgewood arsenal.] [illustration: chlorine plant, edgewood arsenal. this is the largest single chlorine and caustic soda plant in the country. its capacity, when entirely completed, is tons of chlorine and tons of fused caustic soda per day.] [illustration: chlorpicrin plant at edgewood arsenal. bleaching powder, lime, and picric acid are received by rail. in the mixers appearing in the right foreground lime, picric acid, and water are mixed to form a solution of calcium picric, and bleach and water are mixed to form a cream. these solutions are pumped together into any of the several stills, where they react to form chlorpicrin. this plant was rated at ½ tons of chlorpicrin a day, but reached a production as high as tons on one day.] [illustration: mixer building of phosgene plant at edgewood arsenal. the capacity of this building is tons of liquid phosgene per day. dry per cent gaseous chlorine, as obtained directly from the cells of the chlorine plant, and pure carbon monoxide obtained from the producers, are mixed in approximate equal volumes and the mixture passed through catalyzers, where the two gases combine to form phosgene. the resultant gas is liquefied in the condensers, appearing in the left.] [illustration: chlorine plant, edgewood arsenal. one of eight cell rooms, capacity ½ tons gaseous chlorine per day. each cell room consists of six circuits-- cells per circuit, or a total of cells per room.] [illustration: in the foreground the chlorine pipe line from chlorine plant passing to chemical plants in right center of the picture. on the extreme right the mustard gas plant. in upper left and center, view of filling plants and shell dumps.] [illustration: filling -ton containers with phosgene. each empty cylinder weighs , pounds and will contain , pounds of liquid. the plant shown fills cylinders per day.] [illustration: machine filling -millimeter shell with mustard gas.] [illustration: filling hand grenades with white phosphorus. empty grenades are first completely immersed in a shallow hot-water bath, shown on extreme left in photo. in a tank that is not shown in picture white phosphorus is melted under water, and this molten phosphorus is pumped by a small centrifugal pump into a system of distributing pipes. through a flexible tube and by hand, each grenade is completely filled with molten phosphorus, displacing the water in them. while the grenades are still immersed in the water bath, a suction tube is inserted in each grenade to remove the molten phosphorus to a certain depth below the top of the grenade, this molten phosphorus being displaced by water in the bath. the operation shown in the photo depicts the grenades thus filled with molten phosphorus to a definite heighth and with the remaining heighth filled with water, having the water removed from the top of the phosphorus by suction, after being taken out of the bath.] [illustration: filling mustard gas shell at edgewood arsenal. inspected empty shell, as shown inverted on the left in the foreground, are placed on small filling trucks, shown in the right middle ground, and run under filling machine. filled shell with boosters screwed down leave the tunnel, as shown in center of picture, where any possible mustard gas liquid on them is vaporized by gasoline torch. a draft from this operation into the tunnel prevents the distribution of mustard gas vapor throughout the plant. the loaded shell are then placed on trucks, as shown in foreground of photo.] [illustration: filling livens drums at edgewood arsenal. this photo shows the livens drums being filled with phosgene. the range of this special type of projectile, known as the livens drum, is about , yards. its empty weight is about pounds, and it contains a charge of about pounds of gas.] [illustration: painting and striping filled shell at edgewood arsenal. after leaving the filling plants, shell are classified by weight into four groups and each group maintained separately. the shell then are stored in an inverted position to detect leaks. after testing for hours, the shell are buffed, painted, and striped by spray painting, as shown on the endless conveyor, and then are ready for packing. in the left background will be noted livens drums being similarly painted.] [illustration: shell dump at edgewood arsenal. this picture shows filled shell being stored for leakage test before being painted.] [illustration: filled containers of phosgene, ready at edgewood arsenal for overseas shipment. each container holds approximately ton of liquid.] [illustration: phosphorus clouds from bursts of -millimeter shell at lakehurst, n. j., proving grounds.] [illustration: gas cloud from . -inch gas shell exploding , yards away from the gun at lakehurst.] america's whole supply of chlorpicrin during the war came from the american synthetic color co. and the edgewood arsenal. the stamford plant was the first to reach large-scale production. the contract with the american synthetic color co. was dated december , ; and the company shipped over , pounds of the gas to edgewood on march . this, when mixed with the necessary stannic chloride, supplies of which were already on the ground, was sufficient to fill approximately , -millimeter shell. in the spring of , due to certain internal troubles at the stamford plant, it was agreed that the united states should lease this factory and operate it as a government plant. under government operation the total production of chlorpicrin at the stamford plant amounted to , , pounds, of which , , pounds were shipped overseas in -pound drums. the chlorpicrin plant at edgewood went into entire operation on june , . up to the signing of the armistice this plant had produced , , pounds of chlorpicrin. phosgene was one of the deadliest gases employed in the war. numerous other gases were used to annoy the enemy and force the wearing of masks, but phosgene was a killer employed to produce as many casualties as possible. the gas did not persist long in the air or on the ground after the shell had exploded, so that it was an ideal chemical for use in an attack. the gas would clear away by the time the troops following reached the place of gas concentration. phosgene at ordinary temperatures is a colorless gas, but it condenses to a liquid at ° c. it is formed by the combination of two gases, chlorine and carbon monoxide, in the presence of a catalyzer. the reaction is best conducted in iron boxes lined with lead and filled with charcoal of proper quality, into which boxes a stream of the reacting gases, mixed in proper proportions, is introduced. the reaction creates heat, and means must usually be taken to keep the reaction boxes cooled. the resulting phosgene is condensed to a liquid by passing the gas through a condenser which is surrounded by brine kept cold by refrigeration. the liquid is then stored in strong steel containers or run directly into livens drums or artillery shell. prior to , the oldbury electro-chemical co., of niagara falls, n. y., had set up a small experimental phosgene plant in the hope that the experiments might lead to the commercial utilization of carbon monoxide which was obtained by this company as a by-product in the manufacture of phosphorus. when we entered the war the company had developed its process to such efficiency as to warrant the construction of a large phosgene plant, and the government entered into a contract with the company for the creation of facilities with a capacity of tons of phosgene per day. also, because of the great importance of phosgene in warfare, it was decided at the same time to build a government phosgene plant at edgewood. a little later the government financed a phosgene plant at the factory of frank hemingway (inc.), at bound brook, n. j. the total output of the original small experimental plant at niagara falls, which was later leased by the united states, was , pounds of phosgene, of which , pounds were shipped overseas. the contract with the oldbury chemical co. for its main phosgene plant was signed on january , . production here began on august and by august had reached a daily average of tons. on november the average daily production was tons. the total quantity produced at this plant was tons. the plant loaded , livens drums with phosgene, each drum holding about pounds. this plant was operated by enlisted men. the contract with frank hemingway (inc.) called for a factory producing tons of phosgene per day by a secret process controlled by the company. the construction of the plant was begun on february , , and phosgene was first manufactured on may . this concern reached its maximum of tons per day by august , and produced in all tons of phosgene. construction of the phosgene plant at edgewood was begun on march , . the plant consisted of four catalyzer buildings, each building having four units, each unit possessing a projected capacity of tons of phosgene per day. the total capacity, therefore, was designed to be tons per day. the carbon monoxide used in the process was produced by passing a mixture of oxygen and carbon dioxide over heated coke in a gas producer, the oxygen being supplied by a claude machine with a capacity of , cubic feet of oxygen every hours. the chlorine used came partly from the edgewood chlorine plant and partly from outside sources. the actual production of phosgene at edgewood began on july , , and worked up to an output of tons per day by the date of the armistice. the total production of phosgene at edgewood was tons. the total output of phosgene from all three plants, edgewood and the bound brook and niagara falls operations, at the date of the armistice was tons per day; and this was increasing to reach tons per day by may , . the total phosgene produced by all the plants before the armistice was , tons. the germans, in spite of their attainments in chemistry, were never able to improve their clumsy and expensive methods of producing mustard gas. the best reports we have show that at the time the fighting ended, all of germany's chemical warfare facilities could not produce more than tons of mustard per day. the united states alone had ten times that capacity on the same date, while france and england both reached a heavy output. so concerned was the german high command because of the fact that germany was being outdistanced in the production of mustard gas that the ablest spy of the german empire was sent into france in october, , to find out the french method of making mustard. one of the chemical warfare officers who accompanied our forces into german territory reported that the germans had decided to adopt the american method of making mustard gas and to stop their former process. mustard gas was by no means a child of the great war, having been prepared in experimental quantities since . it is a colorless, slightly oily liquid, boiling at ° c. with some decomposition. when perfectly pure it freezes at ° c.; but, since it usually contains small percentages of impurities, it usually remains liquid at ° c, or even below that. in chemistry the substance is known as dichlorethyl sulphide. the first commercial process proposed for the manufacture of mustard gas depended upon the use of ethylene chlorhydrin; and on april , , a contract was made with the commercial research co., flushing, long island, for the manufacture of tons per day by this process. in the spring and summer of a new process was developed both abroad and in the united states, one which used sulphur monochloride. accordingly, the contract with the commercial research co. was canceled, and efforts were concentrated on the later process. this process consisted in blowing gaseous ethylene into liquid sulphur monochloride in large iron reaction vessels. the reaction developed much heat. sulphur is set free by this reaction, and the temperature must be controlled in order to prevent the formation of solid sulphur in the reaction machine. at the date of the armistice three mustard gas plants were either completed or nearing completion. the construction of the edgewood plant was begun on may , , and the first mustard was produced exactly a month later. the changing of processes, however, hampered production somewhat, but by september , the arsenal was producing tons per day, and by november had increased this to tons per day. the total production of mustard gas at edgewood during the war period was tons, of which approximately tons went into shell. on july , , the government began the construction of a mustard gas plant at hastings, n. y. this factory was to have a capacity of tons per day, afterwards increased to tons per day. the first unit of this plant was ready to operate when the armistice was signed. on july , , the government signed a contract with the national aniline & chemical co., buffalo, n. y., calling for a mustard gas plant with a capacity of tons daily. on november this plant was per cent complete. the cost of the plant was met by the government, but the operation was to be in the hands of the buffalo concern. the total daily capacity of all three plants when complete was estimated to be tons. to insure an adequate supply of sulphur monochloride for its mustard gas production the government built a special plant at edgewood with a capacity of tons of sulphur monochloride per day. as soon as toxic gas warfare had developed to a considerable extent, the perfection of gas-absorbing masks had given almost a complete protection against this new weapon, if the soldier put on his gas mask in time. but the mask, especially the earlier forms of it, was not easy upon the wearer, due to the difficulty of breathing through it and also because it restricted the soldier's vision. it was soon discovered that a force compelled to wear its gas masks for any considerable period lost in efficiency. the employment of gas by both sides for the purpose of forcing the opposite sides to wear masks continually was an important element in war at the close of hostilities. for this purpose the so-called tear gases were produced. gassing the enemy with tear gas was much cheaper than with poison gas, yet it forced him to remain masked. the tear gases were highly effective. even a trace of tear gas in the air would in a few moments blind a man temporarily. a single tear-gas shell could force the wearing of masks over an area so wide that it would require from to , phosgene shell to produce the same effect. most of the tear gases had bromine bases; so it was early determined that we should have to increase the american supply of bromine considerably if we were to meet our gas-warfare requirements. bromine is a deep red liquid which boils at ° c. the domestic source of bromine is principally in certain subterranean brines found in the united states, these solutions containing bromine in its compounds. the brines obtained in the vicinity of midland, mich., are especially rich in bromine, and by far the largest amount of bromine obtained in this country comes from that locality. in december, , at a conference with mr. dow, of the dow chemical co., midland, mich., it was decided that the government should finance the sinking of brine wells near midland, the dow chemical co. to supervise the work and to produce the bromine from the brine. the work on this project was not begun until march, , but the entire project was practically completed when the armistice was signed. this plant is a future war asset of the united states. it is capable of yielding approximately , pounds of bromine per year. the tear gas which we prepared to manufacture was brombenzyl cyanide. it is a brownish oily liquid which solidifies to white or brownish crystals at ° c. the production of brombenzyl cyanide involves a fairly intricate chemical process. the first step is to chlorinate ordinary toluol, one of the coal tar bases, to produce benzyl chloride. this chloride is then mixed with sodium cyanide in alcoholic solution and distilled, benzyl cyanide being the result. it is then only necessary to brominate the benzyl cyanide by treating it with bromine vapor. the first manufacture of brombenzyl cyanide in the united states was conducted at an experimental plant at the american university station at washington. after this a large scale plant was authorized at the plant of the federal dye & chemical co., at kingsport, tenn. the construction of this factory began on july , , and operations started on october , the total production of brombenzyl cyanide being a trifle over tons. in november the plant reached a capacity of tons per day. the bromine gases were not poisonous in the sense of being killers, but were merely highly irritating to the membranes of the eye. the killing gases were phosgene, chlorpicrin, and chlorine. mustard gas in sufficient amount was also fatal, its effect being identical to that of a deep burn. it attacked the lungs, the eyes, the skin, and even the intestines if food contaminated with mustard gas were swallowed. an insidious feature of mustard gas is the fact that its action is practically always delayed. it might be several hours after a man was gassed, even fatally, with mustard before he became aware of it, and then it was too late to administer the treatment that might save his life. goggles alone would have been sufficient protection against tear gas, except for the fact that it was invariably mixed with the deadlier gases. the various experiments preliminary to our production of gases were conducted in provisional laboratories at the bureau of standards, washington, d. c., bureau of mines, washington, d. c., the geophysical laboratory, washington, d. c., the ohio state university, columbus, ohio, and johns hopkins university, baltimore, md. a control laboratory for the solution of problems arising in manufacture was eventually established at edgewood. a total of , single chemical determinations were made at these laboratories under the direction of commissioned officers, noncommissioned officers, and privates. the production of gases and other chemicals was only part of the work of the edgewood arsenal and its subsidiary plants. the other chief activity was that of filling artillery shell with the toxic substances. the description of the plant which filled shell with phosgene will indicate the scale upon which this operation was conducted. the empty shell, after being inspected, were loaded on trucks, together with the proper number of loaded boosters. the booster was the device which exploded the shell and scattered the gas. electric locomotives then pulled the shell trucks to the filling buildings. there were four of these to a single shell-filling plant, radiating at right angles from a common center. from the trucks the empty shell were lifted by hand to a belt conveyor and the conveyor carried the shell slowly through a room kept cold by artificial refrigeration. although the shell moved only feet through this room the conveyor traveled so slowly that they were minutes in transit, and during this time they were cooled to a temperature of about ° f. this chilling was necessary because phosgene has a low boiling point, and it was necessary to keep the temperature of the metal of the shell considerably below the boiling point of phosgene in order that the gas might remain in liquid form while the filling was going on. the chilled shell cases were next transferred to small trucks, each carrying six of them. the loaded truck was then drawn through a filling tunnel by means of a chain haul. this tunnel was so ingeniously contrived that the human assistance to the filling and closing machinery could all be conducted from the outside. the phosgene, kept liquid by refrigeration, was run into the shell by an automatic filler. the truck was then moved forward a few feet to a point where the boosters were inserted into the noses of the shell by the hands of the operator reaching in through an aperture in the tunnel. the final closing of the shell was then accomplished by motors. the air in the filling tunnel was constantly withdrawn by strong ventilation, the exhaust air being washed in stone towers by chemical agents to neutralize any gases that might be present. the filled, inclosed shell were next conveyed to a dump, where they were classified and then stood nose down for hours to test them for leaks. then they were painted, striped, and stenciled by air paint brushes. the final process was to pack them in boxes and store them for shipment. this was done in large storage magazines on the grounds of the edgewood arsenal. a similar method was used for filling shell with chlorpicrin, except that refrigeration was unnecessary. mustard gas required another sort of filling machine. several filling plants were designed and constructed for filling grenades with stannic chloride and with white phosphorus, and also one for filling incendiary drop bombs. the capacity of each of these plants per day was as follows: stannic chloride plant, hand grenades, , . white phosphorus grenade plant, , . white phosphorus smoke-shell plant, millimeter shell, , ; or . -inch or -inch shell, , ; or -millimeter shell, , . incendiary drop-bomb plant, , . the following sentences summarize the production and expectations of the edgewood arsenal: ( ) the gas program as of march called for approximately tons of toxic gas weekly. ( ) the chemical warfare service program of august , , called for a much larger amount, viz, about , tons per week. ( ) the approximate filling capacity of the edgewood arsenal plant from august to november, , was nearly , tons per week. ( ) the toxic gas production during this same period increased from to tons per week. ( ) the capacity of all projectiles received, unlimited by boosters, varied during the same period from to tons per week. ( ) the maximum capacity corresponding to boosters received was less than tons per week. in these facts it will be seen that the numbers of empty shell delivered to the plant was far less than the number required to accommodate the gas production. many of the shell received were without boosters and therefore without value until boosters were provided, so that the limiting factor was really the supply of boosters. the booster supply was sufficient to take care of only a relatively small fraction of the toxic gas actually produced. the filling capacity of the plant was also in excess of the delivery of shell and boosters. the -millimeter shell-filling plant had a capacity of , , shell per month, eventually double that, while delivery of shell was slightly over , per month and of boosters less than , . because of the nature of toxic gas it is impossible to store it up in any large quantities. early in the summer of large amounts were shipped in bulk overseas and there loaded into shell. later we received instructions to stop all shipments in bulk except a limited amount of chlorine, and thereafter our production was limited to the number of shell and boosters available. in june, , we shipped in bulk tons of mustard gas, tons of chlorpicrin, and tons of phosgene. this was to be exchanged for gas shell produced by the french. in late july the french had no more extra shell to be filled with american gas and this fact terminated the arrangement. however, we sold excess gas both to england and to france. england received tons of our chlorpicrin and tons of american phosgene. france took tons of chlorpicrin and , tons of chlorine, equivalent to , tons of phosgene, since phosgene is per cent chlorine including allowance for wastage in manufacture. france furnished phosgene shell to us in exchange for chlorine. in addition tons of mustard gas were shipped to england and utilized by the english. we therefore shipped to europe in bulk , tons of gas or its equivalent, which gas was largely loaded in shell and used by the united states troops or those of the allies. this quantity was sufficient to load , , shell, two-thirds of them being of the -millimeter caliber and the other one-third -millimeter, the total number being thought to be at least equal to the total number of gas shell fired by american troops in action. thus while american gas was not actually fired in american shell against the germans, american gas was used against the enemy and america furnished at least as much gas as she fired. in addition to this we shipped , livens drums loaded with phosgene. these contained tons of gas, and some of them were fired at the enemy. we began producing loaded gas shell in the summer of and by august had shipped , loaded -millimeter shell. these shell were unassembled for firing in the guns, the ordnance department having decided in june to assemble gas shell in their cartridge cases in france. the chemical warfare production organization developed and manufactured a large number of special containers for the shipment of toxic gases. these were of special construction in order to guard against dangers that would result from leaks, and all had to stand the tests required by the bureau of explosives before they would be received for railroad shipment. the -ton containers, all of which would hold ton of liquid chlorine, were designed by the ordnance department and would withstand a pressure of pounds per square inch. the -pound phosgene cylinders, designed by the ordnance department, were made to withstand a -pound hydrostatic pressure and a -pound air test. we purchased standard -gallon acid drums and standard-pattern cylinders for holding pounds of chlorine. we constructed chlorine tank cars, each tank with a capacity of tons and a strength that could withstand a pressure of pounds to the square inch. we also designed a tank car originally for the shipment of chlorpicrin and later used it for shipping sulphur monochloride. chemical warfare production data. _production of toxic material._ [all figures are for tons of , pounds.] ---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+--------------+-------+------+----- | | | | | | | | |tita- |liquid |gaseous|chlor- |phos-|mus- |brom- |white | tin |nium |chlor- |chlor- |picrin.|gene.|tard |benzyl |phos- |tetra-|tetra- |ine.[ ]ine.[ ] | |oil. |cyanide |phorus |chlor-|chlor- | | | | | | | | ide |ide. ---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+--------+-------+------+------ january | | | | | | | | | february | | | | | | | | | march | | | | | | | | | april | | | | | | | | | may | | | | | | | | | june | | | | | | | | | july | | | | | | | | | august | | | | | | | | | september| | | | | | | | | october | | | | | | | | | november | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+--------+-------+------+------ total | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | | | | | | | | | amount | , | | , | | | | | | shipped | | | | | | | | | overseas | | | | | | | | | total | | , | , | , | | | | | monthly | | | | | | | | | producing| | | | | | | | | capacity,| | | | | | | | | nov. , | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | estimated| , | , | , | , | , | | | | capacity,| | | | | | | | | jan. , | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+--------+-------+------+------ [ ] procured from commercial agencies. [ ] manufactured at edgewood. _shell, grenades, livens drums, and drop bombs filled._ ---------+----------------------+-----------------+--------+---------------- | -mm. shell. | grenades. | livens |incendiary drop | | | drums. | bombs. +-------+-----+--------+-------+---------+--------+-------+-------- |chloro-|phos-|mustard | white | tin | phos- | | |picrin |gene | oil | phos- | tetra- | gene |mark i |mark ii. | | | |phorus |chloride | | | ---------+-------+-----+--------+-------+---------+--------+-------+-------- july | , | | | , | , | | | august | , | | | , | , | , | | september| , | , | , | , | , | , | | , october | , | | , | , | , | , | | november | , | | | , | , | , | | +-------+-----+--------+-------+---------+--------+-------+-------- total | , | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | | | | | | | total | , | | , | , | , | , | | number | | | | | | | | shipped | | | | | | | | overseas | | | | | | | | ---------+-------+-----+--------+-------+---------+--------+-------+-------- _total monthly capacity of filling plants on date of armistice (stokes shell, drop bombs, and other special containers not included)._ -mm. shell (ultimate capacity) , , . -inch shell , -mm. shell , -inch shell , gas grenades , smoke grenades , livens drums , chapter ii. gas defense equipment. during the spring and summer of two marked tendencies were to be observed in the fighting in france. one of these was the greatly increased use by both sides of poisonous gases and chemicals, frightful in their effect; the other the almost complete censorship that hid the knowledge of this tendency not only from the people of europe but particularly from those of the newest belligerent, america. the french and british governments, who then controlled all news from the front, feared, and perhaps with reason, that if the picture of gas warfare, as it was then developing, should be placed before the american people, it would result in an unreasonable dread of gases on the part of the american nation and its soldiers. one year later, with tens of thousands of american troops facing the germans, there was almost no censorship upon the details of fighting with chemicals. the mysterious gases of were then known to almost every reading individual in the civilized world. the once secret formulas were published in the technical journals. non-censored photographs of defensive equipment were freely published, and masks and other paraphernalia were exhibited for the public interest. except for secret plans for the future and the various surprises being prepared by one or more of the belligerents, the whole subject of chemical warfare had become an open book. what occasioned this change in policy on the part of governing authorities? the reason was that the american troops brought with them to france the best and most protective gas masks the world had seen; and they brought these with them by the millions. starting a mask-production effort in may, , america turned out a total of , , gas masks before the armistice was signed, and sent more than , , of them overseas. as to the quality of these masks, it is only necessary to say that they gave twenty times the protection afforded by the best german gas masks. in other words, we protected our soldiers against the poisons which germany had brought into warfare, and protected them completely. no american soldier was ever gassed due to the failure of an american gas mask, and such gas casualties as did occur were due to the fact that the masks were not quickly enough utilized when gas was thrown over, or because the soldier was unaware of the presence of gas. with such protection there was no longer reason to fear that the frightfulness of chemical warfare would reduce american morale. the production of gas masks was one of the most picturesque and successful phases of our entire war preparation. it engaged the attention of some of the principal chemical engineers of the country, and millions of men, women, and children in the united states contributed something to the success of the undertaking, if only to obey the "eat more coconut" slogan or to save peach stones for the benefit of the production of the charcoal essential to efficient gas masks. the problem of making masks in such quantity and under such supreme demands for perfection was one which might well stagger manufacturers accustomed to large-scale operations. we started in with practically no knowledge whatsoever of the fundamental principles of a perfect mask. yet the apparatus was as difficult to build as a rifle. it must, perforce, be made of perishable materials, and this fact brought the question of durability to the fore at the very start. it was evident that no chemical substances known in our past commercial life would give protection against the new poisons which had been developed in europe. with the exception of phosgene and chlorine, the various war gases which had been brought out prior to our entrance in the struggle were completely unknown in our trade or commerce and had existed only in our experimental laboratories. then it was discovered that as these toxins increased in power they could penetrate the ordinary fabrics known in commerce, and this necessitated the creation of new types of materials to be used in the masks. finally the increasing use of gases forced the soldiers to wear their masks for much longer periods than had been necessary at the beginning of gas warfare; so that the problem of comfort became one of great importance. all of these basic considerations indicate to some extent the difficulty of the undertaking. the chlorine, which floated in a pale greenish-yellow cloud down upon the defenseless canadian troops at ypres, with such terrible effect upon the men, was, as has been said, the first gas used. chlorine, though easy to obtain, the principal source of supply being common table salt, was, from the standpoint of strategy, far from being the ideal gas of warfare. troops could be quickly and easily protected from it. but even as it was, only lack of faith in their new weapon prevented the germans from winning the war with it then and there. had they brought into the fighting a sufficient supply of this chlorine, they might have gassed their way to paris in short order. in fact, they brought to the line an almost negligible supply and they themselves were insufficiently protected to go through their own gas and follow up the attack. by the time they were able to renew gas warfare the french and british had equipped themselves with masks which were sufficient to protect men against chlorine. thereafter the tendency was toward new and strange gases which were heavy in weight and highly toxic in their physiological action. this development led to new, slightly volatile liquids, the so-called mustard gas being the best example. mustard gas (properly called dichlorethyl sulphide) is similar to lubricating oil in many of its physical characteristics but smells like ordinary mustard. ground soaked with the mustard gas remains impregnated for days, the vapor rising continually. a perfect mask is one which will remove completely every trace of gas or poisonous vapor before the air can reach the eyes, nose, or mouth of the soldier. the first masks adopted by the allies were simply gauze pads saturated with neutralizing chemicals. these became unsuitable as soon as new varieties of powerful poisons were brought out. the mask development thereafter progressed to the box respirator type. this consisted of a mask or helmet connected to a box filled with absorbing and neutralizing chemicals which purified the air for the mask wearer. this was the type of respirator in use to the end of the fighting. it is quite clear to us now that only such a mask could be efficient in chemical warfare, but in the early part of the matter was not clear either to us or to the allies. the first requisitions from the a. e. f. called for masks of two types, each soldier to be supplied with one of each. the reserve mask was to be of the gauze type and the regular mask of the box respirator type, affording protection from the more powerful poisons that were then just coming into use. we wasted considerable energy at the beginning in our attempt to produce both types. eventually, however, when we were just ready to start manufacturing the gauze-type mask, orders came to abandon the effort, since it was even then apparent that our soldiers must be prepared at all times to withstand all gases. the box respirator equipment, the general principle of which was finally adopted by all the nations at war, fell into two classes. in a single-protection mask the wearer breathed air from inside of the face piece, so that any leakage around the edges of the face piece would result in a casualty when the wearer was in a strong concentration of gas. the other sort, known as the double-protection mask, consisted of a gas-tight face piece, similar to that of the single-protection mask. in this type, to guard against any possible leakage around the edges between the mask and the wearer's skin, the breathing system was sealed away from the air inside the face piece by means of a rubber mouthpiece and a nose clip, the wearer inhaling through the mouthpiece. [illustration: various types of gas masks. top row, left to right.--first type u. s. navy mask, now obsolete; u. s. navy mask as finally developed; u. s. c. e. respirator (production started october, ); u. s. r. f. k. respirator (production started february, ); u. s. a. t. respirator (production started august, ); u. s. k. t. mask (production started august, ); u. s. model mask (ready for production when armistice was signed). middle row, left to right--british black veil mask (first mask used after initial gas attack in april, ); british p. h. helmet (stops phosgene but not tear gases); standard british box respirator used by all british forces after ; french m- mask used by the french; french tissot mask used by artillerymen; french a. r. s. mask. bottom row, left to right.--late type of german mask; experimental mask; italian mask (similar to french m- mask); british motor corps respirator; u.s. rear area emergency respirator; u. s. connell mask (never passed the experimental stage).] [illustration: american c. e. type of box respirator. this side view shows face piece, harness, hose, flutter valve, and knapsack. this is the mask most used by our troops.] the united states and english double-protection masks consisted of principal parts as follows: . a knapsack slung from the shoulder or neck. this contained the canister and a pocket for storing away the mask when not in use. . a metal canister in which was contained the absorptive neutralizing chemicals. . a flexible hose reaching from the canister to the face piece. . a flutter, or exhalation, valve, which opened when the wearer exhaled his breath and closed when he inhaled, thus bringing the inhalation through the canister but allowing the exhalation from the lungs to pass out without polluting the chemicals of the canister. . the face piece, or hood, fitting snugly around the edges and covering the eyes, cheeks, lower forehead, nose, mouth, and chin. . the eyepieces, or lenses, through which vision was maintained. . an elastic harness for the head, to hold the face piece in place. . a body cord to tie around the chest and hold the knapsack firmly, so that the mask could be seized in both hands and pulled out of the knapsack. . a metal flange connection or angle tube which carried the hose through the face piece to the mouthpiece. . a rubber mouthpiece through which the wearer breathed and which helped to hold the mask in place. . a wire nose spring and rubber nose pad to hold the nostrils shut and force breathing through the mouth. the first order for gas masks was issued on may , , when the chief of staff asked the surgeon general to supply , , masks before june , , or within about one year. meanwhile , masks were needed at once in order to equip gen. pershing's first division, then about to sail overseas. there was but one man in the army who knew anything at all about the subject and who could even attempt to produce this quantity in three weeks. this was maj. (later colonel) l. p. williamson, of the surgeon general's department, who had been spending some months at the army war college at washington studying as a side issue such papers on gas warfare as came from abroad. it was due to his knowledge and the volunteer staff of the bureau of mines that we were able to begin the actual manufacture of masks within a few days after the requirements were fixed, and actually to turn out , masks in but little more than three weeks' time. col. williamson's first step was to consult with dr. van. h. manning, the director of the bureau of mines, and with his assistant, mr. g. a. burrell. since february, , the bureau of mines had been experimenting with gas masks and had built up a corps of scientists for this work. within this organization was mr. bradley dewey, a chemical engineer, who, though then director of the research laboratory of the american sheet & tin plate co., of pittsburgh, had been loaned to the bureau of mines. to mr. dewey was turned over the job of directing the production of the first , masks for the american troops then sailing. to produce , gas masks in three weeks meant to compress england's two years of experience into days. the military authorities of this country at that time could plead entire ignorance of the qualifications of an efficient gas mask. the prevailing idea seemed to be that you could go out into the market and buy them by the hundreds of thousands, as you might buy halloween masks. but this was not any ordinary poison which we were to fight. these powerful chemicals attacked the human tissues as would acid. as the result of the effort, we did supply the first division going overseas in july. however, the masks were inferior to the british and were quickly replaced in france by british equipment. it was not until the following january that we developed an apparatus which we regarded as satisfactory to undergo the supreme test of battle. to indicate some of the difficulties overcome between may and december, , there are here set forth some of the features of an effective mask. in the first place, the face piece must fit perfectly; it must not leak gas around the edges. it must fit into the hollows of the temples and must give the jaws a free space in which to work, and yet not slip back and press against one's adam's apple. the pressure of the mask on the forehead must come above the supraorbital nerves which are just above the eyebrows, or else intense headaches will result from a few moments' wear. moreover, to fit all faces and heads, several graduated sizes of masks are required. we first attained the gas-tight fit with a padded band around the edge of a flexible rubber-cloth face piece. later we developed a thicker, stiffer face piece, but maintained a gas-tight fit by the elasticity of the face piece and the head harness. then the material of the face piece must be gas-tight in itself. at first we manufactured a fabric made by spreading rubber on cotton sailcloth; and, after testing it, we found that the smallest molecule known, that of hydrogen, would not pass through it in large amounts. this seemed to be a suitable fabric, until tested by the newer gases. then we found that some of these gases were soluble in rubber compounds and could dissolve their way through thin rubber so quickly that the face piece cloth offered practically no protection at all. another difficulty with the rubber fabric was that it was likely to absorb and hold certain of the poisons, so that a man might be gassed by the mask itself. the rubber companies, principally at akron, ohio, experimented continually until they discovered a coating that would not only withstand gas concentrations for a sufficient time, but would also aerate promptly and lose as much gas as it had absorbed. the eyepieces or lenses offered another problem. celluloid is strong but it is not so transparent as glass. it ignites easily and is easily scratched. glass is ideal in transparency and will not burn, but is fragile. it was evident that we must provide eyepieces which would not break easily, since even so slight an accident as the breaking of a lens might cost a soldier his life by admitting concentrated gas to the mask. a material known as triplex glass had been experimentally made. this consisted of a thin celluloid strip sandwiched between two layers of glass, all three welded together. this glass would not splinter, and even if cracked or broken, would still be gas-tight. however, this had never been made in quantity and it was necessary to work out many kinks and to start a large plant to provide the necessary millions of lenses. then there was also to be overcome the tendency of the eyepieces to dim, particularly in cold weather, as the wearer breathed moist breath into the mask. the answer to this problem was a soapy compound which put a slippery surface on the glass and avoided the droplets of mist. the first masks were also equipped with deep plaits so that the wearer could wipe off the lens with the interior of the face-piece itself, though the final development (the invention of a frenchman by the name of tissot) was to bring the cold air into the mask so that it flowed directly against the lenses and evaporated any condensed moisture. this kept them clear under all ordinary circumstances. it was evident that the metal tube passing through the face piece must not contain pinholes and must be able to stand rough handling without pulling loose. the harness must maintain a gas-tight connection between the wearer's face and the face piece, but not at the cost of pain or chafing of the face or head. the flutter valve must fit with absolute tightness and must work perfectly and instantaneously at all times. the flexible hose leading from the canister to the face piece must be strong and without flaws or leaks, and yet flexible in the extreme. a stiff hose would be likely to swing and displace the face piece whenever the wearer moved. the mouthpiece must be comfortable and must be built along lines to prevent irritation to the gums or lips, yet it must be reinforced so that in his excitement the soldier can not bite down and shut off his air supply. the canister must withstand corrosion and must be gas-tight. smooth sided canisters can not be used, for the gas would slip up the sides without coming in contact with much of the chemical filling. the sides of the canisters were, therefore, ribbed so that the charcoal and other ingredients working into these ribs baffled the gas and threw it out into the body of the chemicals. the canister, moreover, must be equipped with a perfectly working check valve which will stop exhalation through the canister and force the air to pass out through the flutter valve. the web sling of the knapsack must not curl and chafe the neck or shoulders of the wearer. the knapsack must be waterproof and must have easily and quickly workable fastenings. the canisters were filled with charcoal and with cement granules. these were crushed into carefully sized small bits about the size of a pinhead and packed in layers in the canisters. the air could pass through them easily and the particles of both substances absorbed gas. the chief quality requirements for the carbon and the cement were that they must have long life and great activity. of the canister ingredients the charcoal offered the more difficult technical problem. it had long been known that charcoal was highly absorptive of certain gases, but except in rare instances no thorough study had ever been made of the subject. it was evident, however, that the more charcoal or carbon which could be packed into the canister and still allow the free passage of air the greater the amount of gas that would be absorbed. consequently a search was made for carbon existing in the natural state in the most compact form. this search is described later. each canister also contained concrete granules in a definite proportion to the carbon pieces. these granules were made of cement mixed with strong alkalis and oxidizing agents to digest the poisons as they passed through the canister. it will be seen that the manufacture of good gas masks was a highly technical undertaking, one calling for the best talents of eminent men of science. the mask was not something that could be improvised on the spur of the moment, but each part of it must be worked out after the most painstaking research. the gas defense division of the chemical warfare service never at any time approved a type of mask which its own officers or men did not themselves wear in the most deadly concentrations of gas. to get back to the chronological order of development, on may , , the making of the first , masks was started with frantic haste; though, as it developed later, there was no need for such an effort, since there were available in england and france plenty of masks for the first american troops. working to produce in the shortest possible time some sort of protection for the first overseas division, the officers in charge were forced to adopt methods which, had they been followed throughout the manufacturing program, would have been extremely costly. there was no time then to stop and study the problem either here or abroad. before the end of june , masks had been started overseas, and , more were ready a little later. the most that can be said for this effort was that it gave our officers the experience which was the groundwork of the solid development later on. the production of these first , masks called upon the services of various manufacturers. the assembling of the masks was conducted by the american can co., at brooklyn, n. y. the b. f. goodrich co., of akron, manufactured the face pieces with the eyepieces inserted, also the connecting hose, the check valve of the canister, the flutter valve, and the rubber mouthpiece. the american can co. produced the canisters. the day chemical co., of westline, pa., gave the charcoal its first burning. the ward baking co., of brooklyn, patriotically baked the charcoal--to activate it--in their bread ovens free of charge. the general chemical co., of new york, supplied the soda-lime granules. the doehler die casting co., of brooklyn, manufactured the angle tubes. the simmons hardware co., of st. louis, produced the waterproof knapsacks. the seaver howland press, of boston, printed the cards of instructions that went with the mask outfit; and the beetle & maclean manufacturing co., of boston, printed the record tags. though maj. (now colonel) williamson was formally in charge of this emergency work, he requisitioned the masks from the bureau of mines, which took entire charge of the first contract. following this, on august , , the gas defense service of the surgeon general's department was established by official order, and mr. dewey, who had been working as a volunteer in the bureau of mines, was commissioned major and put in charge. the next step was to prepare for the permanent development and manufacture of gas masks. contracts were let for the manufacture of , component parts of masks as we then knew them, and a price was fixed for the assembling of the entire original requirement of , , masks. the assembling contract went to the hero manufacturing co., of philadelphia, which remained until the end of the war the sole private contractor assembling our gas masks. the spirit of cooperation and desire to serve the government was evident from the start. the b. f. goodrich co. had been the only producers of the rubber parts of the first , masks. in this original contract it had gained valuable technical and cost knowledge; but in order that the government might not be limited to one source of supply for such parts, the goodrich co. voluntarily imparted to the goodyear tire & rubber co. and to the united states rubber co. the information that would enable them to bid intelligently for portions of the work. this was a distinct departure from the usual practice in competitive industry. all during the fall of and early winter of - the development of the mask continued, the government experts working hand in hand with private contractors. because of the newness of this sort of manufacture and because of the wide variety of unusual articles required, entailing in some instances the actual creation of hitherto unknown commodities, the government at all times was required to act as the procurer of raw materials for the masks. in this period of development america designed her own typical mask--a gradual evolution, but one which, though based on the british design, arrived at a perfection which had been unknown in warfare before. the triplex glass used in the eyepieces was a patented commodity produced only in one small factory in philadelphia. it was necessary to expand the facilities for the production of this necessary material. meanwhile some of the men engaged in the work had improved the eyepiece by providing it with an aluminum mounting. but this very improvement brought embarrassment to the work, since the akron rubber contracts had provided for eyepieces inserted in the fabric itself, and to apply the aluminum frame brought about a radical change in the manufacturing methods at the rubber factories. there were also many other problems that had to be solved before our authorities were satisfied to go ahead in quantity production. there was the matter of rubberizing the face-piece fabric, for instance. two methods of rubberizing cloth were in use. the first method was to roll out a thin sheet of rubber and then press it into the cloth fabric by running the whole thing under heavy rollers. this was known as the calender method. the other method, called the spreader method, was more intricate. in this process the sailcloth, tightly stretched, was carried around a roller. above the roller a few thousandths of an inch was a knife blade extending from edge to edge. the rubber compound in liquid form was then fed upon the roller in such manner that a thin film of it pressed under the knife blade and upon the cloth on the roller. the rubberizing method finally adopted was a combination of the calender and spreader methods. the rubber was applied green to the cloth. the curing process thereafter was highly important. if the curing process were too short, the rubber would be sticky and would pull off the sailcloth too easily. if the rubber were over-cured, it would crack and split. nothing short of absolute perfection in every part would do, since the slightest imperfection anywhere was likely to cost a man his life. consequently we installed at the various producing plants not only per cent inspection, but we constructed laboratories for putting the materials through the most elaborate and exhaustive sorts of control tests, and then reinspected the parts at the assembly plants, both before and after the assembly. [illustration: chemical development department of long island laboratory, gas defense division, showing intermittent flow canister testing machine.] [illustration: photo taken at philadelphia control laboratory of gas defense division, showing apparatus used in experimental work on the effect of resistance to inhalation and exhalation of masks.] [illustration: side view of gas chamber at chemical development laboratory, showing subjects on outside breathing tests.] [illustration: another view of gas chamber at chemical development laboratory, showing subjects inside.] all the rubber used was continually sampled and analyzed in the laboratories. the tensile strengths of all fabrics were determined by standard destructive tests. we also tested the adhesion of the rubber coating by standard chemical methods and worked out flexibility tests for the breathing tube. after all of the factory inspection and material-control tests, the masks themselves were sampled and worn in highly toxic atmospheres. in this work thousands of our masks were worn by the officers and men of the gas defense division in concentrated atmospheres of the most deadly gases. for such work we constructed testing rooms whose atmosphere could be completely exhausted and changed in seconds. the efficiency of canisters was tested either by the lungs of the inspectors or by mechanical breathing into telltale solutions. the story of the carbon (charcoal) which went into the american canister is one of the most interesting phases of the whole undertaking. investigations carried on by the research staff of the national carbon co., aided by a clue from the university of chicago, led to the selection of coconut shell as a raw material. any carbon absorbs a definite number of times its weight of gas. therefore the densest carbons will be most efficient, volume for volume, as gas absorbers in a given space. coconut shells and other nut shells were found to be the most compact form in which carbon exists in nature in commercially practicable quantities, being considerably superior in this respect to anthracite coal and to such woods as ironwood and mahogany. another essential for charcoal used in the canisters was that it must be so hard that it would not crumble easily and produce dust that would clog up the air passages and prevent easy breathing through the canister. coconut shell fulfilled both of these conditions better than any other known material. further study by the national carbon co., backed up by wonderful large-scale development work, paid for and carried out by the national electric lamp association under the direction of their mr. f. n. dorsey (who later became col. dorsey and chief of the development division of the chemical warfare service), gave us the details of a new process for treating the charcoal to make it absorptive. after the original burning of the nut shells, or other carbon materials, the resulting carbon was given a second highly specialized heat treatment, and this activated it until it had a powerful affinity for gas. such carbon, made from nutshell material, would absorb times its own volume of chlorpicrin, one of the most deadly of the war gases, the action being approximately instantaneous. it must not be supposed, however, that investigation of carbons stopped with these experiments. in the search for the ideal carbon we experimented with almost every hard vegetable substance known. literally, hundreds of kinds of carbon were tested. next to coconut shells, the fruit pits, several common varieties of nuts abundant in the united states, and several tropical nuts, were found to make the best carbon. pecan nuts, and all woods ranging in hardness from ironwood down to ordinary pine and fir, were found to be in the second class of efficiency. among other substances tested were almonds, arabian acorns, grape seeds, brazil-nut husks, balsa, osage oranges, chinese velvet beans, synthetic carbons, cocoa bean shells, coffee grounds, flint corn, corn cobs, cottonseed husks, peanut shells and oil shale. while many of these substances might have been used in an emergency, none of them would produce carbon as efficient, volume for volume, as that of the coconut shells and other hard nuts. some idea of the scale of the american mask production may be seen in our requirements for coconut shells. in our survey of raw materials we included the entire coconut resources of the world. such figures were relatively easy to obtain because the copra, or dried coconut meat, industry is an important one, particularly in southern asia and the south sea islands of the pacific. ceylon was the greatest single source of coconuts, , , , nuts being gathered there annually. british india was next with , , , nuts. our own philippine islands were third, with an annual production of , , nuts. then followed in order the dutch east indies, british malaya, french indo-china, siam, and the pacific archipelagos, the total production of the orient being , , , nuts annually. this was a supply that would provide , tons of coconut shells every day. the total production of coconuts in central america, the west indies and the caribbean coast of south america amounted to , , nuts annually, equal to a supply of tons of shells daily. when we first began to build masks our demands for carboniferous material ranged from to tons a day of raw material; but by the end of the war, due to vastly increased mask requirements, we were in need of a supply of tons of coconut shells per day. this demand would absorb the entire coconut production of the tropical americas five times over. it was equal to one-tenth of the total coconut production of the orient. since transportation from the oriental countries was out of the question on the scale demanded by our mask program, it was evident that we were likely to be seriously embarrassed by the lack of raw materials; and, indeed, at no time before september, , did we have on hand a reserve supply of shells and other charcoal materials that would last for more than a few days, though at no time after the start was the actual output of masks retarded by lack of these materials. [illustration: airplane picture of carbon plant and cantonment of gas defense division at astoria, long island.] [illustration: general view of carbon plant no. on left at gas defense division plant, astoria, l. i. storage bins are in central background, with administration building and carbon plant no. in the right foreground.] [illustration: carbon plant no. at astoria, l. i., showing also office and laboratory.] in building up our supply of coconut shells we naturally turned first to the resources in the united states. america normally consumes fresh coconuts at a rate sufficient to supply about tons of shells daily. the war restrictions on the use of sugar had the effect of cutting down the consumption of coconuts, used largely in candy and cakes, and consequently one of our efforts was to increase by widespread propaganda the use of coconut. the "eat-more-coconut" campaign more than doubled the american consumption of coconut in a brief space of time; and the tons of shells daily, which had been the original supply, grew in volume until in october, , with the help of importations of shell, we averaged about tons per day exclusive of the orient. the first heating of coconut shells to make charcoal reduces their weight per cent. therefore it was evident that we could most economically ship our oriental supply in the form of charcoal produced on the other side of the pacific ocean. for this purpose, in august, we established under the direction of an officer of the chemical warfare service a charcoal plant in the philippine islands. from this plant agents were sent to ceylon, india, siam, and other oriental countries to purchase enormous supplies of nutshells. this work was only gaining momentum when the armistice was declared. as it was, the philippine charcoal plant actually shipped over tons of coconut shell carbon to the united states and had , tons on hand ready for shipment on november . the method adopted in the philippines was to burn the shells in long, shallow trenches. as soon as the smoke had disappeared and the flames came clear and lambent through the incandescent mass, the bed of coals was smothered by means of galvanized-iron lids thrown over the trenches. it is interesting to note that the coolies hired by the chemical warfare service in the philippines would not work at charcoal burning more than a few hours each day, because they declared that the heat from the pits would give them tuberculosis and other lung troubles. meanwhile agents and officers of the gas defense division were searching the tropical regions of central and south america for other nuts valuable for this purpose. the best of these was found to be the cohune or corozo nut. these nuts are the fruit of the manaca palm tree. they grow in clusters, like bananas or dates, one to four clusters to a tree, each cluster yielding from to pounds of nuts. cohune nuts grow principally on the west coast of central america in low, swampy regions from mexico to panama, but are also found along the caribbean coast. before the war created a demand for cohune nuts none of them had ever been imported commercially in this country, although it is understood that france had a prewar commercial use for them. the chief virtue of the cohune nut from our point of view was its extreme thickness of shell, the kernel of this large nut, which is inches or more in length and nearly in diameter, being relatively small. we were importing cohune nuts at the rate of , tons per month at the time of the armistice. a disadvantage in the use of cohune nuts was that their husks contained a considerable amount of acid which rotted the jute bags and also caused the heaps of nuts to heat in storage. the fire department at the chemical warfare service nut storehouse at astoria, n. y., was kept busy putting out spontaneous blazes in the storage piles of cohune nuts. we also sent agents to west africa and there arranged for the shipment of some hundred tons of palm nuts a month. a third source of tropical material was in the ivory nuts used in considerable quantities in this country by the makers of buttons. in the button factories in this country there is considerable waste of this nut material, amounting to or tons a month, this waste including the nut dust which was useless to us and had to be screened out. the price of ivory-nut waste was high, because of the use of this material in the manufacture of lactic acid. nevertheless, we used a considerable quantity of it. another great branch of activity in securing carbon supplies was undertaken in this country. in the search for fruit pits and for domestic nuts it was found that the quantity of apricot pits, peach pits, cherry pits (largely from the canning industry), and walnut shells on the pacific coast amounted to , tons annually. we arranged for the whole pacific coast supply of these commodities and converted a part of a san francisco plant of the pacific gas & electric co. into a plant for the preliminary carbonization of tons a day of these materials. the next step was to turn to the consumers of the country and ask them to save their peach and apricot stones, their prune, plum, and olive pits, their date seeds, cherry pits, butternut shells, brazil nut shells, and their walnut and hickory nut shells. the work of securing these and advertising the government's need to the public was turned over to the american red cross. there was some question at the start as to whether the charter of the red cross would permit it to undertake such a war activity; but, since it was determined that this was purely a defensive operation, the legal forces of the red cross decided that the organization could go into a campaign of this kind. [illustration: barefooted negroes in spanish honduras shoveling corozo nuts into baskets to be loaded into boats for shipment to gas defense division.] [illustration: , tons of peach pits piled up at san francisco. this is enough to produce , tons of carbon for use in gas mask canisters.] [illustration: nut shells stored on dock of east river wharf, astoria, l. i., after being unloaded from barges. shell-cracking tower also shown.] [illustration: , tons of apricot pits at san francisco ready to be reduced to carbon for gas masks.] [illustration: troops in trench at long island city ready for a gas attack.] [illustration: troops wearing gas masks charging in open order at long island city.] [illustration: "gas!" troops hastily don their masks at the alarm.] [illustration: troops wearing gas masks cutting barbed-wire entanglements in tests at long island city.] "help us to give him the best gas mask." that was the slogan which was carried on the posters, catching the attention of almost every person in the united states. more than , , pieces of literature were distributed. the red cross established collection points, and collection barrels appeared on the streets of practically every community in the united states. the junior red cross, the food administration, and the department of agriculture gave valuable assistance. the boy scouts organized nut gathering parties. the governor of massachusetts proclaimed november , , to be gas mask day for the collection of carbon material, and other states fixed gas mask days in november. two reels of motion pictures were shown through the country. journalists aided the campaign in newspapers and magazines. frederic j. haskin sent out a valuable article which was published in many of the important newspapers of the united states. one oklahoma town took a day off en masse and gathered a whole carload of nuts. this campaign started september , , but was abruptly cut short on the th of november. thus it is impossible to give exactly the result of it, since many of the scheduled shipments of nuts and fruit pits were canceled and found their way into fuel bins. however, at one time there were on the rails, en route to the carbon plant at astoria, carloads of materials supplied by the patriotism of the american people. it was estimated that some , tons were collected in this brief period, exclusive of the material from the california canning industry. the procurement of the nuts, however, was but the first step in the production of carbon for use in our mask canisters, for after charcoal is first burned its pores are still filled with various impurities which may be summed up by the word "tar." when the charcoal was given a second heating, under careful temperature regulation, this tar was burned out, with the result that the charcoal itself became much more active in its absorption of gas. in fact, properly activated charcoal is more than absorptive--it is catalytic in its action toward the gaseous poisons used in the war, not only absorbing them but hastening their breakdown (digestion) into less injurious substances. the activating of charcoal offered at the start considerably more of a problem than the question of making the charcoal itself, since activating had never before been conducted on a commercial scale. two months of experimentation showed us that the best distillation of shells and pits for charcoal was that conducted in illuminating-gas-making retorts. the activation thereafter had to be done in special equipment permitting of fine control of temperature. the government eventually spent more than $ , , in a charcoal activating plant, providing for america the best protection known to science against the poisons which germany had introduced into warfare. the cement granules, which also had to go into the canisters, supplied another problem. we originally used a special soda-lime for this material, but only obtained a satisfactory product after maj. h. w. dudley, r.e., came to america as our british advisor and brought to us the british granule formula. the basis of this cement was lime, to absorb gases of an acid nature. portland cement was used, to give hardness and prevent disintegration and the formation of dust in the canister. then infusorial earth was added, to make the compound porous in texture. a little sodium hydroxide was put in, to increase the alkalinity of the mixture. finally there was an infusion of sodium permanganate, which is a powerful oxidizing agent. this latter chemical was added as a precaution against arsine. arsine and arsenical compounds were difficult to use in warfare, but the germans had introduced them to some extent, justifying us in adding this protection. in making the granules the sodium permanganate solution was mixed with the cement. the mixture was roughed out into slabs, allowed to set for three days, dried, ground up, screened to the proper size, and packed in drums for future use. as has been noted, the charcoal and cement were packed in the canister in alternate layers. the cement had the virtue of working while the carbon slept--that is, the carbon was active when there were gases present to be absorbed, but the cement kept on thereafter, digesting the gases which had been absorbed by the charcoal. the cement was not quick in action, but it had a remarkable capacity for consuming some poisons. to return to the chronological development of manufacturing facilities, after we had placed the contracts for the first , , masks in the early fall of , we began looking around for facilities for producing carbon and cement in the quantities which we should need in the near future. we found at astoria, the district near hell gate at the junction of the east river and long island sound in new york, the large gas works of the astoria light, heat & power co. perhaps the largest illuminating-gas plant in the world. this was a subsidiary of the consolidated gas co. of new york, which concern readily agreed to turn over to the government some of its retorts and to permit the construction of a government-operated plant on its grounds. we might have been seriously delayed in the production of gas masks except for the extraordinary and continuing efforts of mr. w. cullen morris, chief construction engineer of the consolidated gas co., and mr. addicks, its vice president. it was due to mr. morris that a $ , granule plant was constructed, heavy complicated equipment installed, and operations started in the short space of days. let us now go back to the history of actual mask production. at the start it was estimated that when the hero manufacturing co. had reached full capacity it could assemble and turn out , masks a day. the fuel shortage and the railroad congestion of the late fall and early winter of - hampered our supplying the hero manufacturing co. with parts, until the mask production, averaging , a day as it had in november, dwindled to , a day in december. the goodyear co. at akron had meanwhile established its akron-boston motor track line. this was put at the service of the gas defense division, hauling various supplies from both akron and boston to the assembling plant at philadelphia. sometimes in the mountains of pennsylvania the trucks would be blocked in snow and the patriotic citizens of the community would get out with shovels and work until the supplies again started on their way. [illustration: slabbing the doughlike mixture of carbon and spreading it on screen-bottomed trays at carbon plant no. .] [illustration: chemical laboratory showing apparatus for testing the absorbent power of the carbon and gran powder.] [illustration: retort house. discharging machine drawing out the nearer half and pushing out the far half of the hot carbon.] [illustration: carbon plant no. , showing treater room and west side batteries of dorsite treaters. four views of carbon plant at astoria, l. i.] [illustration: zigzagging and combing work on masks.] [illustration: doping the masks.] [illustration: assembly department.] [illustration: final inspection department. four interior views of gas mask plant.] all of the masks produced in the fall of were still regarded as experimental and not yet up to the standard of masks which we were willing to supply for actual service at the front. consequently, not one of them was exported, but the entire production, after the first order of , , was sent only to the training camps in this country. by january , , we were producing masks which we were willing to put into actual service, and on that date the manufacture of masks for export was started. in january we exported , masks, which was , less than the schedule which we had set for ourselves. but by february we had wiped out this deficit with a little over, for our schedule by that date called for the production of , gas masks, and we had produced , . late in the fall of the requirements of the expeditionary forces were reanalyzed in the light of information gathered abroad and in accordance with the new military program. requirements were multiplied almost fourfold. let us see how these requirements were met, and what difficulties were solved in the course of the effort. experience had already shown that for many reasons the government needed its own mask factory, where improvements could be adopted as soon as made and where inspections and the storage of parts could be more centralized than in private plants. with the necessary expansion then confronting us, any other policy would have meant making face pieces in half a dozen or more private plants, all starting at once with organizations untrained for this work. this would have been fatal, for even with the goodyear and goodrich companies manufacturing face pieces in akron and the kenyon manufacturing co. making them in brooklyn, we found it most difficult to maintain uniform standards in all the plants. as new points came up, it was constantly necessary to interchange inspection personnel and to send men from one plant to another to teach manufacturing wrinkles. such practices consumed more personnel than we could train in the time available. moreover, it was impossible under the conditions that we were then facing to build up more than barely adequate supplies of gas mask parts and such raw materials as special fabrics. to have operated many more face-piece plants would have meant to divide these stocks of fabrics, elastic, tape, etc., still further. to have kept each of these plants properly stocked, under the existing traffic conditions, would have been impossible. a big central gas-defense plant was the only solution of our difficulties. the order approving the establishment of the gas-defense plant was signed by secretary baker on november , . the officers of the gas defense division found in long island city, not far from the new chemical plant at astoria, a group of modern concrete factory buildings which had been put up in this newly developed section by several different concerns, among them the ford motor co., the goodyear tire & rubber co., and the national casket co. one of these buildings, known as the stewart building, was taken over by the government and modern machinery was installed. mr. r. r. richardson, of chicago, was appointed plant manager with a salary of $ per year. he quickly set to work organizing the factory and its staff. on january , , the first few factory operators were hired. five days later the executive offices at the plant were ready for occupancy. the plant grew apace. one by one the other buildings were absorbed and added to the establishment--first the goodyear tire & rubber building, then the national casket building. next a long storage building was built between the stewart and the goodyear buildings. runways were built which connected up the various buildings, and, finally, in july, the ford motor building was taken over and connected up to complete the group. thus by the summer of we occupied five large buildings, with a total of over , , square feet, or acres, of floor space, connected up to make the gas-defense plant. of the , employees in this plant, , were women. endeavors were made as far as possible to hire those who had near relatives with the american expeditionary forces. the degree of care required in the manufacture of masks was beyond anything known in normal industry, and we rightly believed that this personal interest in the work would bring about greater care in manufacture and inspection. since the factory was working at top speed a great deal of attention was paid to welfare work. women employees were given -minute rest periods both in the morning and the afternoon, and completely furnished attractive rest and recreation rooms were set apart for women in the factory. [illustration: gas-defense plant at long island city.] [illustration: employees of gas-defense plant long island city, november , .] the plant was unique in more than one respect. at the very start it attempted the supposedly impossible, for it combined in its staff and in its working organization civilian and military personnel. the manager was a civilian, the assistant manager was lieut. col. coonley. below them on the next tier of the organization were army officers in charge of several departments and civilians in charge of others. throughout the plant were certain groups of women workers or inspectors in charge of civilians were others; in charge of sergeants or even privates. the arrangement worked out well and the whole organization pulled together as one team, without reference to civilian or military status. again, at the start there was laid down a policy of inspection at every single stage of manufacture. the incoming parts, though already inspected at their source, were reinspected and retested. after every operation in the manufacture of the face piece there came an inspection by specially trained women set apart from the operators. then again, there was a special control inspection. after the face piece was finished, and when assembly was complete, the entire mask went to a final inspection where it was looked over by several trained women, who worked in dark closets and inspected the face pieces over a bright light to make sure that no pin pricks had been made, either maliciously or otherwise. furthermore, wherever there was an inspector there was a system of checking his or her accuracy, for per cent of every inspector's work was periodically selected at random and checked over by other inspectors. hand in hand with this went many of the latest developments of factory operation. the best machinery was employed, conveyors were used wherever possible, and, when changes in the size of the operation or the design of the mask made it advisable, the factory was at once rearranged in order that the flow might always be orderly and continuous. from all of this the reader might judge that the operation, lasting, as it did, for only a little more than eight months, was a costly one. such, however, was not the case, for a well-ordered and accurate cost system, kept from the very start in accordance with the best practices of factory accounting, showed that after charging in all equipment changes and overhead, the plant made complete masks which cost the government about cents per mask less than it cost to get complete masks by purchasing parts and assembling them under private contracts. along with this manufacturing development went the building up of an elaborate procurement force charged with the responsibility of providing parts to be assembled at the gas-defense plant and the hero manufacturing co. this section faced a hard and intricate task, but though there were instances where a shortage of parts temporarily slowed down production, these were remarkably few. many were the difficulties of buying new parts; many of the parts were the product of elaborate die work; die makers in the country were overworked. specifications had to be written, checked, and approved, and a field inspection first had to be organized and trained so that the product from all the different plants could be relied upon as satisfactory for the assembling plants. but this problem was still further complicated by ever-recurring changes in design, made necessary as improvement followed improvement. officers had to be trained in a day and then sent out to train inspection corps in manufacturing plants in many parts of the country. inspection and procurement detachments were maintained in most of the eastern industrial centers. there were over enlisted men and officers in akron, enlisted men with officers in boston, and men and officers in over cities. here again the civilian and army officer worked hand in hand; for mr. robert skemp, a volunteer civilian from pittsburgh, was in charge of this procurement, reporting to lieut. col. besse and directing an organization made up almost entirely of officers and enlisted men. the march output of masks was , ; that of april, , ; may, slightly less than this figure; that of june, , ; that of july, , . in all, between january and november , , we built more than , , gas masks. in february, , shortly before the german drive commenced, we received requisitions for sample lots of oiled mittens and oiled union suits as protection against mustard gas and also for chloride of lime to neutralize poison-impregnated earth. in their march drive the germans used gas in much more protracted concentrations than before. originally the masks had been worn only during the sporadic gas alarms, and then only for a brief period at a time. the double-protection mask which we had been building had been admirable in its day, but it was no longer adapted to the sort of use to which it was evident it must now be put. in long-continued wear the mouthpiece would irritate the gums and lips of the soldier, and the face-piece band would cause excruciating headaches after a few hours. it had now become frequently necessary for men to wear their masks for eight hours at a stretch. the word discomfort is a weak description of the feelings of a man wearing one of our masks for that period. our authorities in france decreed for a single-protection mask and more comfort, even at the expense of a little safety. the result of these new conditions together with the establishment of closer relationship with our expeditionary forces, through a visit of col. dewey to france, was the determination to build masks in this country which should give the protection of the masks which we had been turning out and at the same time be comparatively comfortable. there had been brought out in france a single-protection mask, that is, a mask in which the inlet tube entered directly into the space between the mask and the face, with the orifices so arranged that the fresh air was drawn across the eyepieces. this was known as the tissot mask. the principle of the tissot was correct as far as comfort was concerned, since it did away with the irritating mouthpiece, but the chief danger in this mask arose from the fact that it was made of thin, pure gum rubber. we took the tissot and endeavored to produce a mask of this type which should be gas-tight and yet rugged. in this work we experimented on hundreds of subjects to determine face and head sizes and shapes. it is interesting to note in this connection that the size of a man's face has nothing to do with the size of his head, as large heads with small faces and small heads with large faces occur not infrequently. we made two developments of the mask without mouthpiece or nose clip. both were ready for field tests in august, . the one produced in akron and assembled at the philadelphia contracting plant was known as the akron tissot, or type a-t. at the start of operations in long island city mr. waldemar kops, of new york, a manufacturer of corsets, came to the government, asking an opportunity to do his part in the war. he was assigned to the gas-defense plant, and later, with the commission of major, took charge of the gas-defense long island laboratories. maj. kops had no experience with gas masks until he came to the gas-defense plant, but his experiments soon led to an improvement in the design of the tissot mask. it was called the type kt mask--the kops-tissot. only a few hundred thousand were produced, though the latest model was scheduled for enormous production beginning in december, . it possessed much of the protective efficiency of the old uncomfortable mask, the cut of the face piece insured a gas-tight connection with the head, it was relatively comfortable, and it was durable. the call of the allies in the spring of for american troops in as great numbers as the ships could carry them to france resulted in still further increases in our mask requirements. at the height of the drive we were making over , masks a day. approximately , employees were engaged in the manufacture of various gas-mask parts. our carbon requirements were expanding at a rate that would have needed tons of raw materials a day by december, . we built , kt masks and approximately , a-t masks. in exact figures the total production of masks of all types was , , . of these , , were built at the gas-defense plant and , , were assembled by the hero manufacturing co. in addition, we furnished , , extra filled canisters for the replacement of those used up by hours of field service. hand in hand with this procurement and manufacturing achievement went the development of the technical section of the gas defense division. this was known as the long island laboratories, manned by a personnel of several hundred men and officers. here in its laboratories were solved the knotty problems that bridged the gap between experimental work and production. many new designs were worked out, only to be rejected when tested. here there were workrooms that could make sample lots of , masks, and here were located the chemical laboratories and the gas chambers in which the product of the gas-defense plant was tested daily by control chemical analysis and by actual breathing and wearing tests. in spite of this elaborate technical section, the testing of masks did not stop with it. there was a special field-testing section of the gas defense division, composed of about men who were trained to the minute in field maneuvers and did most of their work in gas masks. they were constantly in and out of gas with regular production and experimental masks, they played baseball in them, they dug trenches, laid out wire, cut wire, and fought sham battles at night, both with and without actual gas. this section was not organized until july, but it should have been one of the first of our units. it was there that we learned all the fine points of gas mask comfort and durability. the work of this section even went so far in the case of the later designs as to include a test where six men worked, played, and slept in the masks for an entire week, only taking them off for minutes at each mealtime, and each day entering high concentrations of the most deadly gases, without any ill effects whatsoever to the wearers. when it is remembered that eight hours was the limit of time which a strong man could wear the old-type mask, something of the efficiency of the new mask may be realized. we also built , horse masks. investigation showed that a horse's eyes did not shed tears in the presence of even strong lachrymatory gases. moreover a horse never breathes through his mouth; and it was, therefore, necessary only to cover his nostrils. furthermore, horses proved to be more resistant to the toxic gases used in europe than were men, and his mask, accordingly, needed to be only a bag of many layers of chemically treated gauze. the horse masks were all manufactured by the fifth avenue uniform co., of new york city, under the supervision of a detachment of the gas defense division. we furnished , dugout blankets to be used at the doors of dugouts to make them gas proof. these were specially woven all-cotton blankets which were treated in france with a special heavy oil, shipped from the united states. toward the end of the war we received large requisitions for protective suits and gloves to safeguard men against mustard gas burns. the suits were made of oiled fabric and the gloves were of cloth impregnated with chemicals. as a work just starting, we produced , suits and , pairs of gloves. a total of , tons of a new ointment known as sag paste was made and shipped. this was an ointment to protect the skin against mustard-gas burns. gas warning signals were of several types, watchmen's rattles and klaxon horns being the most commonly used to sound the gas alarms. we shipped , of these special hand horns. the rattles were secured in europe. [illustration: the akron tissot mask. an improvement over the mask that was in general use among our troops.] [illustration: the kops tissot mask. our latest development and considered to be the best of all masks.] [illustration: gas mask of flannelette type for horse.] trench fans, for fanning out gas from trenches and dugouts, were produced, to the number of , . _production data of gas defense division of chemical warfare service--final statistical report._ -------------------+--------------------------------+------------------- | production. | shipped overseas-- -------------------+----------+----------+----------+---------+--------- |up to july|up to nov.| dec. ,| july , | nov. , item. | , . | , .| (total| . | . | | | product- | | | | | ion). | | -------------------+----------+----------+----------+---------+--------- respirators | , , | , , | , , | , , | , , extra canisters | , | , , | , , | , | , , horse masks | , | , | , | , | , bleaching powder | , | , | , | | , (tons) | | | | | extra anti-dimming | | , , | , , | | , , (tubes) | | | | | sag paste (tons) | | , | , | | dugout blanket oil | | , | , | | , (gallons) | | | | | protective suits | | | , | | protective gloves | | , | , | | dugout blankets | | , | , | | , warning devices | | , | , | | , trench fans | , | , | , | , | , -------------------+----------+----------+----------+---------+--------- book v. quartermaster activities. chapter i. subsistence. when the american soldier went to war against germany he took his appetite with him. the task of keeping that appetite satisfied with good food (and the soldier, therefore, contented and well) fell to the quartermaster general. the average american soldier at the end of the fighting in is said to have weighed pounds more than he did when the selective-service act or his own enlistment brought him into the army. this is the complete testimonial to the quality and quantity of the food served to the american troops in and . assuming , , to have been the greatest number of americans under arms, this average increase in weight means that the beans and bacon and fresh meat of the american army ration were transmogrified into some , , pounds of yankee brawn to be the basis of untold resources of health and energy during the coming quarter of a century. consider these millions of soldiers as one composite, gigantic man in khaki; compress the war period into a single hour, the dinner hour; and it will be seen that the american fighter consumed what might be called a sizeable meal. let us say that he started off with the main course. the roast of beef weighed over , , pounds. it was flanked by a rasher of bacon weighing , , pounds. over , , , pounds of flour went into the loaf of bread, while to spread the bread was there a lump of butter weighing , , pounds and another lump of oleomargarine weighing , , pounds. as a side dish this giant had over , , pounds of baked beans, half of these coming in cans ready baked and flavored with tomato sauce. the potatoes weighed , , pounds. to add gusto to his appetite there were , , pounds of onions. then scattered over the table were such items as , , cans of corn, peas, and string beans; while the salad contained , , cans of salmon and , tins of sardines. then there was a huge bowl of canned tomatoes, nearly , , tins supplying its contents. for dessert he had , , pounds of prunes and , , pounds of evaporated peaches and apples. the sugar for sweetening various dishes weighed , , pounds. he washed it all down with a draft made of , , pounds of coffee thinned with , , cans of evaporated milk. the bill for the meal, paid by the american public, amounted to $ , , . , this figure to december , . in supplying such vast quantities of food, scientific attention was concentrated upon the details of the effort. at the time the armistice was signed the american troops in france were eating about , , pounds of food every day. never before in history had any nation been compelled to send subsistence so great a distance to so many men. it was not possible to ask france and england to divide their food supplies, as they were already rationing their civilian populations. we were required to purchase practically all food in america and transport it nearly , miles. ships were relatively scarce. there was a strong bid for every inch of tonnage space. the tonnage allotted to subsistence must be filled with sufficient food not only to supply the immediate consumption, but to overcome losses due to the sinking of ships and the possible capture of base depots. these contingencies required two pounds of food to be shipped where one would ordinarily be sent; yet because of the shortage of ships the subsistence authorities were asked to pack these two pounds into almost the space of one. the result was foods in forms never before known by american soldiers and in some cases never before known at all--such forms as dehydrated vegetables, boneless beef, and the so-called shankless beef. trench warfare made new demands for food. calls came for such rare articles as soluble coffee or the wheat-and-meat cake of the emergency ration. these problems were solved only by the assistance of the american food industry. in numerous instances new factories, or even whole new types of food manufacture, were built up as rapidly as three shifts of men could work and money accomplish results. the cost of food rates high among the war costs of and . back in the average meal in the army cost about cents, and the daily three meals cents. at the end of the cost of the ration was approximately cents. the advance was not all due to the advance in living costs. much of it was on account of the improved standards of the ration. in congress appropriated $ , , to feed the army; the fiscal year beginning july , , brought an appropriation of $ , , for the same purpose. the american fighting man of - was a good feeder. he ate nearly three-quarters of a ton of food each year, or over ten times his own weight. without counting any transportation costs or the expense of handling at all, each man's yearly supply of food cost more than $ . in spite of the most rigid and painstaking economies in the purchase of this subsistence the american people were paying at the peak of army expansion more than $ , , per day to feed the troops. the distance of the american expeditionary forces from the source of their food supplies required that their food be largely purchased in nonperishable forms. that is, meats must be cured, meats and vegetables tinned, vegetables and fruits dried. we literally paved the way to berlin with tin cans. the various foods put up in tins and purchased during the year totaled over , , , cans, or enough, standing on end, to make a road wide enough and long enough for a force of men marching in columns of four to go from the port of embarkation at hoboken, n. j., to the heart of germany. the largest closing machine can seal tin cans per minute. if such a machine could be operated eight hours a day seven days a week, it would take it years and months to seal these tins. during the spring of , when the demand for men in france resulted in reducing the available tonnage for supplies, the cry came from france to cut every nonessential. as a result most of the canned vegetables and fruits, including peas, corn, sweet potatoes, asparagus, pineapple, pears, and apples were stricken from the list of food supplies for the american expeditionary forces. from france came calls for tomatoes and men, men and tomatoes. this phrase did not mean that bread and bacon, beans and beef, should be eliminated; but it emphasized the importance of this one vegetable, the tomato. the total purchases of tomatoes exceeded those of all other vegetables combined. in addition to the many ways of serving tomatoes, they were used in the trenches to relieve thirst, being, perhaps, more effective than any other substitute for water. because of its food value and slight acidity, a quart of tomato juice was worth several quarts of water to the thirsty men in the field. the army took per cent of the total american pack of tomatoes. these tomatoes were bought from , firms scattered throughout the rural districts of the united states. the demands of the overseas forces for meat during the summer of were so heavy that they created a shortage of beef in the united states. beef is the mainstay of the soldier's diet. the army allows pounds of beef per year for each soldier. this does not mean that the soldier actually eats that much beef, beef being simply the army's meat standard. pork, usually in the form of bacon, is substituted for per cent of this quantity of beef, ounces of bacon being considered the equivalent of ounces of beef. the major portion of the american expeditionary forces' beef was fresh beef shipped frozen all the way from the packing plants in the united states to the company kitchens at the front, through an elaborate system of cold-storage warehouses and refrigerator cars and ships. the food administration asked that the people substitute corn meal, rye flour, and other grain flour for per cent of the wheat flour ordinarily used in making bread. the troops in the united states complied with this ruling and saved , , barrels of flour. the use of substitutes in france was not insisted upon, as bread making in the field is more difficult. field bakeries are not adapted to experimenting with doughs and yeasts, as is required when substitutes for flour are used. the army allowance of flour for a year for one man is pounds. flour was usually issued in the form of bread, pound of bread being allowed for each man each day. other yearly allowances are pounds of beans, pounds of prunes, pounds of coffee, pounds of sugar, ½ pounds of condensed milk, ½ pounds of vinegar, and ½ pounds of salt. for variety other items are specified which may be substituted for these foods. food was purchased by the quartermaster's department and furnished to the individual companies at cost of the food. in charge of the mess was a sergeant, who had had special instruction in schools as to methods of feeding the army. the mess sergeant checked over his stocks daily and made up a list of what he would require for the coming day. this list, in turn, was given to the camp supply officer, under whose direction the order was made up and delivered to the kitchen on army trucks. this order was based on a ration allowance, as has been stated, a ration being the food required to subsist one man for one day. the general components of the overseas camp ration consisted of the following: -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ component articles | substitutive articles and quantities. | and quantities. -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ beef, fresh ounces |mutton, fresh ounces | |beef, fresh, boneless ounces | |bacon ounces | |pork, fresh ounces | |sausages, canned pork |or vienna ounces | |canned roast beef |or corned beef ounces | |hash, corned beef ounces | |fish, dried ounces | |cheese, not exceeding per cent |of total issue ounces | |fish, canned ounces -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ bread, soft ounces |flour, corn meal, oatmeal, or | macaroni, in lieu of an equal | quantity bread, but not exceeding | per cent of total issue. -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ baking powder (to be issued only | with flour or corn meal, | ounce to ounces), ounce . | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ beans, dry (not to exceed issues |beans, baked (not to exceed in days) ounces | issues in days) ounces -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ rice or hominy (not to exceed | issues in days) ounces | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ potatoes, fresh ounces |onions, fresh, in lieu of an equal | quantity of potatoes, but not | exceeding per cent of total issue. | tomatoes, canned, in lieu of an equal | quantity of potatoes, but not | exceeding per cent of total issue. | |canned potatoes ounces | |other fresh vegetables (not canned) | when they can be obtained in the | vicinity by purchase or from the | u. s. garden service, or can be | transported in a wholesome condition | from a distance, in lieu of an equal | quantity of potatoes. | |dehydrated vegetables to be issued | only in case fresh vegetables are | not available. ounces | |corn, canned ounces | |peas, canned ounces -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ jam ounces |prunes, or evaporated apples, | or peaches, or apricots, or figs, | or dates, or raisins, in lieu of | an equal quantity of jam. | |sirup gill . -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ coffee, r. & g ounces . |tea, black or green ounces . -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ sugar ounces . | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ milk, evaporated, | unsweetened ounce | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ vinegar gill . |pickles, cucumber, in lieu of an | equal quantity of vinegar. -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ salt ounce . | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ pepper, black ounce . | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ cinnamon ounce . |cloves, or ginger, or nutmeg, or | sage, thyme, or | allspice ounce . -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ butter ounce . |oleomargarine or lard or | lard substitute, ounces . -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ flavoring extract, | vanilla ounce . |flavoring extract, lemon . -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ candy (issued ½ pound | once in days) ounce . | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ tobacco, smoking ( cigarette |cigarettes number . papers for each ounces |tobacco, chewing ounce . smoking tobacco) ounce . | -----------------------------------+------------------------------------ the ration at home was practically the same. the home ration, however, did not include candy and tobacco. the commanding officer had authority to modify or change all rations to meet special conditions. for instance, in times of great cold and when the men were subject to great exposure, or after long and tedious campaigns or marches, or when the work required of the troops was abnormal, the ration might be increased. the ration also included soap, candles, matches, towels, and a few other items considered necessary in the daily life of a soldier. the value of a ration fluctuated with the market from month to month. each day's food weighed about . pounds per man. the men actually in the trenches sometimes made use of the emergency ration, the little flat can of compressed nourishment which every soldier carried in his pocket. this ration, however, was used only in severe straits, on the order of an officer, or on the enlisted man's own responsibility in the direst emergency, when the activity of the enemy made it impossible to get hot food to the men during daylight hours. hot food was served in the trenches whenever possible. the hot food consisted principally of soups and soluble coffee. specially constructed cans, made on the principle of thermos bottles, kept the food hot when it was being carried to the front. the chief quartermaster of the american expeditionary forces relates that on a tour of inspection made by him, during the argonne-meuse offensive, on november , , he inspected the meals served at noon to the troops of the fifth corps actually engaged in battle on that day, and found in a number of cases that artillery organizations were being served beefsteak, potatoes, onions, tomatoes, white bread and butter, rice pudding, and hot coffee, the men eating in reliefs in order that there might be no cessation of fire. the hot meals for the infantry were prepared at their rolling kitchens a short distance in rear of the line, and sent forward to them in "marmite" cans. the company was the unit on which the feeding of the men was based. each month the company was given credit at the quartermaster's store equal to the number of men in the company multiplied by thirty times the ration allowance. on the basis of this credit the mess sergeant of the company made purchases to feed his men. he might be as economical as he desired, provided that he fed the men sufficiently. if the entire credit extended him at the camp quartermaster's office was not used up during the month, a check was given for the difference. this went into the company's funds, with which the mess sergeant might buy in the open market such extras and delicacies as the savings would permit, up to the quantity specified in the ration. but this system was followed only in the united states. savings were not allowed in france, all food there being issued on a straight ration basis. this was due to the fact that the shortage of tonnage made it imperative that no article not absolutely essential be shipped from the united states, while difficulties of transportation in france necessarily eliminated all except the most essential articles of food. under the procedure in vogue previous to the recent war, subsistence was purchased by depot quartermasters located in principal cities throughout the united states. the plan gave the army a large number of purchasing officers for subsistence, working without coordination and even in active competition with each other. this condition resulted in a wide range of prices and a lack of uniform quality; while under war conditions, with the enormous quantities to be procured, it would cause at times a congestion of buying orders, with consequent disturbance of market prices. a plan of control was soon worked out whereby the subsistence division, with headquarters at washington, received at regular intervals the estimates of the needs for subsistence for the army, both at home and abroad. these estimates were compared and a budget made up. bids were then asked through zone supply officers, who reported the bids to the control body in washington. the lowest or most advantageous bid was accepted, and the purchase was completed by the zone supply officer in whose zone the seller was located. the plan eliminated one army zone bidding against another. at the same time it enabled every manufacturer or producer to bid on the needs of the army. in this way active competition was secured and low prices obtained. a decided advantage of the plan was that purchases were made with a minimum of disturbance to prices paid by the civilian trade. not only was it necessary to coordinate army organizations, but it was also found that the independent buying of the army, the navy, and the allied provision export commission was having the effect of increasing prices of a number of food products. these buying agencies were unconsciously bidding against each other. in december, , at the suggestion of the food administrator, with the consent and approval of the secretary of war and of the secretary of the navy, the food purchase board was organized to coordinate all of the purchases of food products in this country intended for military purposes. the plan adopted was to allot through the food administration the required quantity to the industry producing the commodity in question, dividing the business among the various producers in proportion to their capacity. products so controlled were those in which there was an actual or prospective shortage. the prices were determined by the food purchase board after studying and investigating the costs of production. the products so purchased included flour, sugar, all canned vegetables, canned and evaporated fruits, salmon, sardines, canned milk, rice, and, for a time, fresh beef. these products totaled about per cent of all food requirements for the army. practically all purchasing of meat was done by the subsistence division's packing-house branch, located in chicago. circular proposals were submitted by the various packers whose headquarters are located there. the subsistence division ordered the required purchases made, and the chicago office at once allotted the amount needed among the packers. after the butchering and inspection of the meat, it was sent to the freezers and, after being frozen, was loaded in the cars and shipped to the embarkation points. the whole process from the time the animal was killed until it was loaded on the boat took about two weeks. the middle west produced practically all the beef which nourished our fighting men. some of the cattle were bought in california, inspected at the packing-house plants along the pacific coast, and sent to france via the panama canal. the packers of chicago and other cities found their plants, gigantic as they were, all too small to handle the demand of our troops for meat products packed in special forms; and extensive additions, both in buildings and machinery, were required by the army's demands. it was only by careful vigilance on the part of its inspection branch that the millions of men dependent on the subsistence division for their food were protected from deterioration of supplies and abuses by certain dealers and manufacturers. such firms were in the minority, for the food industry backed the army with great loyalty, giving honest and patriotic support. in a certain week the inspection service found oatmeal flour moldy and unfit for use, having been stored too long before using; large amounts of potatoes, shipped to camp devens, undersize and frostbitten; , pounds of butter at camp greene too old for use; and carloads of tomatoes of poor quality. the system in vogue of demanding reinspection was responsible for discovering many such cases, and traveling inspectors also kept the products up to the highest standard. any information from outside sources was immediately investigated. samples of all shipments of food stuffs were required to be sent to the inspection branch. in this way many violations of the food laws were found. one packer was found to be using pork which contained large numbers of skippers. another tried, consciously or unconsciously, to pass off wormy dried fruits. milk has in some cases been found to be much below standard. all of these supplies were promptly rejected as improper for army use. in many cases the fault has been found to be the result of improper manufacturing conditions, and in this event the manufacturer has been compelled to make good the loss to the army. the general result of this inspection was that manufacturers gave the army their very best products. one of the most important divisions of the inspection branch was the meat and meat-products section. its function was the supervision of the reinspection, storage, and handling of meat and meat products, butter, and cheese. special care was taken to see that there were no embalmed meats. meat and meat products, butter, and cheese are all highly perishable articles; and, although they may be delivered in perfect condition, many imperfections may develop if diligent care is not exercised during shipment, handling, and storage. one of the first steps taken at the camps was the installing of complete cold-storage plants with adequate chill rooms, so that the proper preservation of fresh meats was assured after arrival at camps. from the first the most rigid inspection of meat and meat products was insisted on and no product allowed to pass which did not comply with army specifications. the carcass might be from a perfectly healthy animal, yet be rejected, as lightweight carcasses were not approved for consumption in the army. instructions as to army requirements were placed in the hands of every inspector, covering the inspection, storage, and handling of meat and dairy products. supervisory traveling inspectors visited all stations at irregular intervals to insure these instructions being followed and to instruct quartermasters in posts which were too small to warrant a qualified meat inspector being stationed there. one object of the subsistence division was to educate the proper officers throughout the army to be inspectors. to accomplish this the inspection branch compiled a manual covering practically all the principal items of army subsistence, the exact methods of inspection, and how to detect imperfections in foods. complete army specifications for all supplies were included. gen. pershing cabled for copies to be used in france, and the university of california adopted the manual to be used in zymology classes. it placed exact knowledge in the hands of the men who received the food and who had the responsibility that it be up to specifications. the overseas forces were the particular concern of the subsistence division. it was planned to have approximately three months' advance supply of food sent over each month for the number of troops actually sent to france during that month. this was called the initial supply. in addition to this, there was sent over a monthly automatic supply, equivalent to the amount of food the troops already in france would consume during that month. in this way a days' reserve was usually maintained overseas. the problems of the overseas forces demanded quick solution. the new modes of warfare gave rise to many needs unknown in peace times. the result was that calls came in for commodities which were not at the time being produced in adequate quantities. factories had to be built, labor secured, and machinery manufactured; in instances entirely new industries had to be created. the service of supply found it was impossible to secure sufficient fresh vegetables in europe to take care of the requirements of our troops, and the subsistence division at home was called upon to supply dehydrated vegetables for overseas requirements. to send fresh vegetables from the united states was impossible, due to the great necessity for conserving ship tonnage, and a substitute was imperative. to supply dehydrated vegetables meant the development of an industry. dehydration was practically unknown in the united states, there being but three small plants in existence. the subsistence division searched the country for advantageous locations where there were prospects of having such factories established. within a few months the cooperation of companies was secured and factories were built whose combined output for the month of december, , amounted to , , pounds, there being large plants in the united states at that time. up to the date of the signing of the armistice , , pounds of dehydrated vegetables had been ordered by gen. pershing. the difficulty of supply was increased by the delicate process which is required to make dehydrated vegetables. the moisture of the fresh product must be removed without extracting the nutritious juices or destroying the food value or flavor. after the vegetables have been peeled and sliced or cubed, they are blanched, in order that they may retain their starch components. they are then placed on trays in huge kilns, through which heated air is blown until only the small required amount of moisture is retained. the product is then packed in hermetically sealed cans. dehydrated vegetables occupied a prominent place in the soldier's menu in france. reports from overseas made by inspectors of the subsistence division indicate that dehydrated vegetables were quite satisfactory. the surgeon general's office has approved their use. however, when fresh vegetables could be purchased in foreign markets they were used in preference. the use of dehydrated vegetables saved two-thirds of the cargo space in ships over the amount required for fresh vegetables. their use came at the time when the cargo space was as valuable as life itself, and it enabled men and munitions to be transported sooner than would otherwise have been possible. dehydrated vegetables were also found especially adapted for use at the front when food was carried forward from the rail heads to the trench kitchens under shell fire. the emergency ration and its production make another interesting story. designed to be used only in dire extremity, primarily for no man's land fighting, the ration was packed in small cans to be carried in the soldier's pocket, usually the upper left-hand jacket pocket. this ration corresponded to the starvation ration of the allies. its components were adopted after experiments at the battle front and after consultations with food experts. it represented the greatest amount of food that could be concentrated in the smallest compass. the complete ration consisted of three cakes of a mixture of beef and ground cooked wheat, each cake weighing ounces; three -ounce cakes of chocolate; three-quarters of an ounce of fine salt; and dram of black pepper. from the beef the preparation process removed all fat, sinew, and white fibrous tissue. the meat was then heated, and all of its moisture was evaporated so skillfully that no flavor was lost. the wheat or bread component of the cake was prepared by removing the chaff from cooked wheat which had been kiln-dried, parched, and then ground to a coarse powder. the meat and bread were compounded together, about two parts of bread to each part of meat, making a perfectly homogeneous cake. the chocolate of the ration was prepared by combining equal weights of fine chocolate, containing not less than per cent of cocoa butter, and pure sugar, and molding the product into cakes weighing ounce each. the several components were packed into oval tin cans, which were camouflaged to render them inconspicuous. these cans bore the legend: "u. s. army emergency ration. not to be opened except by order of an officer, or in extremity." many ways of preparing the emergency ration for eating in the field were found by experiments. the bread and meat cake could be eaten dry; or, when boiled in pints of water, it made a palatable soup; boiled in pint of water, it produced a thick porridge which could be eaten hot or cold; the cold porridge could be sliced and fried when circumstances permitted. the chocolate could be eaten as candy or made into a drink by placing the chocolate in a tin cup with hot water. the gas attacks in the trenches made it necessary that the soldier's food be packed in containers impervious to mustard gas poison, mustard gas, when swallowed, attacking the intestines. the first call for such a ration came during october, , and it called for the shipment of , sealed rations a month for months. the food was to be packed in hermetically sealed galvanized iron containers, holding rations each. the contents of each can consisted of pounds of meat in -pound cans, pounds of hard bread in -ounce cans, and rations each of soluble coffee, sugar, and salt. tobacco and cigarettes were added for the comfort of the men. the addition of tobacco and cigarettes was accidental. it was found necessary at first to fill the surplus space in the containers with excelsior. the office force of a large corporation learned of this fact and got permission to fill the empty space in some of the containers with tobacco. the subsistence division thought so well of the idea that orders were issued for the tobacco ration to be placed in all reserve ration containers. one of the most difficult elements in supplying the reserve ration was the securing of tin cans for hard bread. these, because of their unusual size and shape, could only be manufactured after new can-making machines had been designed. the demand for such cans exceeded , , in number. within a comparatively short time, however, hard bread in cans for special reserve rations was being produced on a large scale, and the overseas requirements were filled. next the manufacture of the necessary galvanized containers and crates was contracted for. a packing plant was then designed to pack the components into the containers, which was an intricate operation in itself, the number of rations being so great. this plant was so contrived that the parts of the packing material came in at one end of the plant, and the hard bread, canned corned beef hash, canned roast beef, and canned corned beef, canned fish, coffee, sugar, salt, and can openers were packed into the galvanized containers as they traveled on a conveyor belt, until all the components were included. only the best of army purchases were put in the reserve ration. a study was made of the best packers of the various commodities, and their products were used exclusively. everyone connected with the packing knew the purpose of the ration. it was to be used only when the trenches were under the heaviest fire--when hot food could not be carried forward, and when the men were most in need of good food. the reserve ration became the quality ration of the army as a result. after the packing was complete, the cans were hermetically sealed by solder and camouflaged with olive drab paint. the container of the ration, when packed, was so buoyant it would support two men upon it when thrown into the sea, thus being a potential life raft. it was also necessary to feed our men in german prison camps. a ration for american prisoners was prepared by the subsistence division of the quartermaster corps, in conjunction with the food and nutrition division of the surgeon's general office. this ration was distributed by the american red cross from denmark and switzerland. individual packages each containing sufficient food to supply one man were sent to the prison camps each week. the chief components of the package were corned beef and salmon (with an occasional substitution of corned beef hash and canned roast beef), hard dry bread, dry beans, rice, baked beans, and fresh potatoes (where possible). prunes, jam, apples, peaches, coffee, sugar, evaporated milk, vinegar, salt, pepper, and pickles were also supplied. potatoes and onions were procured when possible in ireland, france, and italy. otherwise dehydrated potatoes and onions were used. special food was sent for the invalid prisoners, this ration containing potted chicken, crackers, concentrated soup, dehydrated spinach, creamed oat meal, cornstarch pudding, sweet chocolate, extract of beef, soluble coffee, etc. there were several substitutes for all items mentioned, among the substitutes being dried eggs, potted veal, cheese, peanut butter, dried apricots, honey, corn meal, gelatine, malted milk powder, bouillon cubes, apples, oranges, lemons, cocoa, and tea. when the american troops entered the trenches it was found impracticable to use the ordinary roasted and ground coffee. its preparation required too much fire, the smoke of which made a target for the enemy. experiments were made with soluble coffee, looking toward guaranteeing a warm stimulant in the trenches. it was found necessary to give hot drinks to the men before they went over the top or after they had undergone periods of exposure. the british and french troops were supplied with brandy, wine, or rum on such occasions. but issues of intoxicants to soldiers were contrary to the american policy, and quantities of soluble coffee were substituted. solidified alcohol was supplied so that the coffee could be served hot. the soluble-coffee industry was in its infancy in the united states. so great was the demand for soluble coffee from the overseas forces that the calls were for over thirty times the prewar production. a cablegram was received in october informing us that after january , , the troops would require , pounds of coffee each day in addition to the amounts packed in the trench rations, these latter quantities alone amounting to , pounds daily. allowance was also made for possible sinkings of , pounds daily, making a total of , pounds necessary to meet the daily requirements of the american expeditionary forces. [illustration: manufacturing barrington-hall soluble coffee at the baker importing co. plant, new york. three batteries of percolators. capacity cases of coffee each.] [illustration: manufacturing soluble coffee for the u. s. government in the plant of c. j. blanke tea & coffee co., st. louis, mo.] the entire american output of soluble coffee was taken over for the army, but this amounted to only , pounds daily. a number of manufacturers of other food products were induced to turn their entire plants into soluble-coffee factories. the greatest difficulty was incurred in the securing of the necessary equipment for these new plants. there was but one company in the entire united states which made the revolving bronze drums essential to the manufacturing process. this company ran its plant seven days a week, with three shifts daily, to produce the necessary materials. the metals which went into these drums were vital in the manufacture of other munitions, but it was even more important that men in the front lines be given hot drinks when tired and worn from long fighting and exposure. the signing of the armistice saw the difficulties of supplying soluble coffee about overcome. the subsistence division had won one of its hardest fights. the cooperation of american manufacturers had made the achievement possible. the problem of supplying good coffee to the troops was a difficult one. to make good coffee for a unit as large as a company is not easy for the average cook. to guarantee that good coffee would always be available, the subsistence division made one of its most radical changes in handling supplies. this change was so complete that whereas the army formerly was served with coffee from three to six months out of the roasters, it came to be supplied with coffee freshly roasted every day. at the beginning of the war coffee was purchased, ready roasted and ground, from competitive dealers. it was then held in new york for about days before being shipped overseas, the transportation requiring days more. received in france, the coffee often was kept for days before it was distributed to the troops. in addition, a days' supply must be kept on hand, making the coffee months old by the time it was used. the result was that when the coffee finally reached the men it had lost half of its value as a stimulant and was greatly deteriorated in flavor, often being in a crumbly condition. "muddy" coffee on the mess tables resulted. the only way for the troops to secure fresh coffee was for us to send over the green product for roasting as it was needed. buildings were erected to house coffee-roasting machinery at home and abroad; men were trained as quickly as possible in the process of coffee-roasting, and sent out to take charge of the plants. in a relatively short length of time plants were in full operation in france, and an increasing number at home. eventually all the coffee used in france was shipped over green and roasted in the plants there. these plants were capable of roasting sufficient coffee to take care of , , men at a considerably lower cost to the government than under the old system. the expeditionary forces, as is noted elsewhere, organised a purchasing office in paris. its purpose was to save tonnage space by securing as many products as possible in europe. its scope covered all classes of supplies, but a large section was devoted to subsistence. candy, hard bread, and macaroni factories under the direction of the quartermaster corps were built or secured from the french government. large quantities of beans, fresh potatoes, onions, coffee, rice, salt, and vinegar were secured from european markets. many thousands of tons of foodstuffs were purchased and manufactured in europe for our army, every ton representing space on ships saved for additional men and munitions. overseas purchases were generally discontinued after the signing of the armistice, as the director of purchase and storage and the expeditionary forces were firm for the policy of favoring american manufacturers wherever possible. to reduce tonnage still further, extensive experiments were made in the packing of beef for overseas consumption. all bones, surplus fats, and waste portions were removed. the remainder, all edible, was pressed into -pound moulds and frozen. the initial shipment was composed of carloads of boneless beef. the meat arrived in france in splendid condition, and was carefully watched from its arrival at the ports in france to its consumption in the front-line trenches. officers, mess sergeants, and cooks were enthusiastic over the boneless beef, as it took much less time to prepare it and so conserved labor to a great extent. the men were gratified, as the inferior portions of the beef were not included, and much better meat resulted for the mess. after the success of this experimental shipment, as much boneless beef as possible was sent to france. trouble was encountered in securing the skilled butchers to bone the great quantities needed, but this shortage was largely overcome. no means was discovered so effective for reducing tonnage as boning beef, dehydrating vegetables, and purchasing foods in france, but in many of the smaller items there were stories just as interesting. efforts to save tonnage brought about the reduction of moisture in soap. while the subsistence division was securing toilet paper it found that the entire supply for the expeditionary forces could be stored in the waste space of army rolling field kitchens. a special formula for vinegar was devised, and double-strength vinegar was shipped. this, when mixed with an equal quantity of water in france, was a good product. the saving of space in the transportation of subsistence stores makes a long story in itself. just so much tonnage was allotted to food each month; and the ablest men in the food industry spent much time in working out how the maximum amount of essentials and luxuries in foodstuffs could be sent in the minimum amount of space. [illustration: coffee-roasting plant as operated at a number of camps.] [illustration: furnishing the army with tobacco. packing machines in a winston-salem, n. c. plant. these machines automatically weigh the tobacco, wrap and seal tins in which this particular brand of tobacco is marketed.] [illustration: making cigarettes for the army. leaf tobacco being blended for cigarette-making purposes in a richmond, va., tobacco plant.] the subsistence division not only looked after the working fighter but the playing fighter as well. the american soldier is fond of candy, tobacco, and chewing gum. the supply of these commodities brought much pleasure to the troops. long lines of men waiting for free candy and tobacco in france, men who just came from the front, formed one of the interesting sights of the war. tobacco has established its claim to a recognized place in the soldier's life. probably per cent of the soldiers of the american expeditionary forces used it in one form or another. in may of it was decided to adopt the practice of the allies, namely, to allow each soldier a certain amount of tobacco per day. this unusual innovation was the official recognition of tobacco as a necessity for men in active service. to men enduring physical hardships, obliged to live without the comforts and often even the necessities of life in times of battle, tobacco fills a need nothing else can satisfy. the daily ration of four-tenths of an ounce was given to every man overseas who desired it. the soldier had the choice of cigarettes, smoking tobacco, or chewing tobacco. if he chose smoking tobacco he received cigarette papers with it. in addition the men could buy at any army or other canteen the most popular brands of cigars and cigarettes in unlimited quantities. the subsistence division purchased for overseas shipment a monthly average of , , cigars and , , cigarettes. abundant supplies of tobacco were on hand in the commissaries overseas, and the soldier could buy it at actual cost. there was no profit or tax added on any tobacco shipped to france, and it was sold at retail to the troops at a cost lower than the price paid by the biggest wholesalers in the united states. the plan for the purchase of cigars and cigarettes was to divide the contracts among the most popular brands in the same proportions as the latter are sold in this country. candy in the days of the old army was considered a luxury. the war with germany witnessed a change. the old popularity of chewing tobacco waned; that of candy increased. approximately , pounds of candy represented the monthly purchases during the early period of the war. this amount included both the home and overseas consumption. demands from overseas grew steadily. the soldier far from home and from his customary amusements could not be considered an ordinary individual living according to his own inclinations, and candy became more and more sought after. as the demand increased, the quartermaster department came to recognize the need of systematic selection and purchase. the first purchases were made from offerings of manufacturers without any particular standard, per cent being assorted chocolates, per cent assorted stick candy, and per cent lemon drops. a standard was developed through the steady work of confectionery experts. this standard offered no opportunities for deception, and it guaranteed candy made from pure sugar and the best of other materials. the specifications furnished all bidders covered raw materials, the methods of manufacture, packing, and casing. specifications were adopted after many conferences with the leading manufacturers of the country. these men cooperated in the work by giving their best suggestions and often their trade secrets. huge purchases of candy were made during the days when sugar was scarcest in the united states. the food administration was convinced that the army should have all the candy it desired, and sufficient quantities of sugar were allotted for the purpose. from , pounds monthly the candy purchases increased till they equaled , , pounds in november, , the highest amount purchased up to that time. in december, , an innovation was adopted, consisting of giving the troops a regular monthly ration of candy. the candy which had been shipped every month for sale in the various canteens had always been quickly disposed of. many men did not get the opportunity to make purchases. the ration plan, however, assured each man a pound and a half a month, without exception. it required , , pounds the first month of the ration system to provide each soldier overseas with his allotted portion. in december, , the subsistence division took over the purchase of all candy for the various organizations conducting canteens for our troops. the purchase for that month totaled , , pounds, all of which was shipped overseas. it was the largest exportation of candy on record. the candy purchased for the canteens, commissaries, and other agencies was manufactured by the best known candy firms in the country. a portion of the candy consumed overseas was manufactured in france. this french supply was discontinued january , , and thereafter all requirements were shipped over from the united states. the candy was sold to the men at just half the price it would have cost individuals here. after december, , , pounds were furnished each month for sales purposes for every , men in france. up to february , , , , pounds of candy had been sent across. the demand for candy jumped skyward after the signing of the armistice, the men then having more time on their hands in which to enjoy luxuries. tobacco demands likewise increased. the suffering sweet tooth of the yank was not appeased by candy alone. the third of a billion pounds of sugar bought for the army represents a tremendous number of cakes, tarts, pies, and custards. an old soldier recently stated that the ice cream eaten by the army during the war would start a new ocean. the serious shortage of sugar which at one time threatened to reduce sweets to an irreducible minimum on the civilian bill of fare did not interfere with the soldier's ration, which continued to be pounds monthly in this country and about pounds overseas. the ration for the civilian population was reduced to pounds monthly. army officers were placed on the same status as the civilian population and were allowed to purchase only the amount stipulated for civilians for use in their homes. up to the signing of the armistice the total amount of granulated, cut, and powdered sugar purchased by the subsistence division equaled , , pounds and cost $ , , . of this amount the greater portion was shipped to the troops in france. a close companion in popularity to candy and tobacco was the typical american product, chewing gum. this confection was found of great value on the march as a substitute for water. its importance is shown in the vast amount sent overseas. a total of , , packages represents the overseas shipment in january, . the shipment for february was , , packages. the winter consumption of gum was heavier than that of summer, the average monthly supply being only , , packages during the summer of . chewing gum came to be considered a necessity by the men in france and has been found to be an invaluable aid to keeping up their spirits in the midst of hardships. every complaint against meals served in the army reaching the attention of the subsistence division was investigated. these investigations were made in conjunction with the inspector general's department of the army. where complaints were justified, remedial action was taken. a study of the complaints revealed that most dissatisfaction was among new troops who, when first separated from the luxuries of home, wrote of their adventures at the mess table, enlarging any lack of home comforts into stories of privation. the more solid food, however, soon became popular, as the hard work in training gave an appetite for sustaining rather than for the more fancy foods. subsistence to the value of $ , , was shipped to our forces overseas from the united states from the start of the war to december , . the following table gives the quantity, unit price, and total value of these subsistence items: -------------------------------+--------------+--------+------------- item. | quantity. | unit | total | | price. | value. -------------------------------+--------------+--------+------------- | _pounds._ |_cents._| ham | , , | . | $ , bacon | , , | . | , , beef, fresh, frozen | , , | . | , , beef, tinned | , , | . | , , fish, salmon | , , | . | , , cheese | , | . | , flour | , , | . | , , hard bread | , , | . | , , corn meal | , , | . | , oatmeal | , , | . | , beans, dry | , , | . | , , beans, baked | , , | . | , , rice | , , | . | , , hominy | , , | . | , tomatoes | , , | . | , , peas, green | , , | . | , corn, sweet | , , | . | , beans, stringless | , , | . | , vegetables, dehydrated | , , | . | , , prunes | , , | . | , , fruit, evaporated | , , | . | , , jam | , , | . | , , apples, canned | , , | . | , peaches, canned | , , | . | , apricots, canned | , | . | , pears, canned | , , | . | , cherries, canned | , | . | , pineapples, canned | , | . | , coffee | , , | . | , , sugar | , , | . | , , milk, evaporated | , , | . | , , lard and substitutes | , , | . | , , butter and substitutes | , , | . | , , candy | , , | . | , , tobacco | , , | . | , , salt | , , | . | , vinegar gallons| , , | . | , pickles do.| , , | . | , sirup do.| , , | . | , , cigars each| , , | . | , , cigarettes do.| , , , | . | , , special reserve rations do.| , , | . | , , emergency rations do.| , | . | , | | +------------ total | | | , , -------------------------------+--------------+--------+------------ [illustration: meat for the u. s. army receives thorough inspection. federal inspectors are examining sheep as they pass along the endless trolley in the process of dressing. armour & co.] [illustration: manufacturing razors for soldiers: blade honing department. durham duplex razor co.] [illustration: making uniforms for the army. view of the cutting department of a plant at red bank, n. j.] [illustration: manufacturing spiral puttees for the army. this photo shows yarn being wound in a cleveland, ohio, factory.] chapter ii. clothing and equipage. the army raised against germany had to have stout shoes for its feet. it required warm uniforms and overcoats and good socks and underwear. it had to have heavy blankets for its beds. the men needed raincoats and rubber boots for wet and muddy weather. tentage was required, pup tents for the front and large tents and flies at the camps. belts and bandoleers of cotton webbing added to the soldier's efficiency as a rifleman or machine gunner. to procure these and other supplies for an american army that eventually reached the strength of , , men required the best brains in the textile, rubber fabric, and leather goods industries. from the counting rooms, from the laboratories, and from the american factories the needs of the government called to washington several hundred men, experts in a thousand lines, and put them into american officers' uniforms. eventually the various agencies of the war department purchasing these supplies were centralized in a single division known as the clothing and equipage division of the office of the director of purchase and storage, which in turn was part of the division of purchase, storage, and traffic. the total cost of this necessary equipment of textiles and leather and rubber goods was approximately $ , , , . of the enormous sum of money appropriated for the so-called quartermaster activities, a full one-quarter went for clothing and equipage of this sort. the group who handled this enormous manufacturing effort not only conducted one of the biggest undertakings of the war but did it in a way to command the admiration of those who knew the story of what was going on. the division turned scientific attention, and that means the attention of real scientists, to the proper construction of all sorts of articles. it designed new styles of soldiers' clothing adapted in every curve and line to the service in france. it standardized dyes and made studies of protective coloring. it produced highly specialized shoes. it saved millions of dollars by the scientific study of specifications of various articles. it educated manufacturers in the production of articles strange to their experience, and in some cases developed entirely new industries. at one time it constituted the entire wool trade of the united states, since it had optioned every pound of wool in sight and had its agents out gathering up the excess wool of the earth. it was a shipmaster, an employer of men, a reformer in labor conditions, and an inventor and originator of new products. the organization was important not only for the size of its business but because it dealt more intimately with the individual soldier than perhaps any other production branch of the government, with the possible exception of the branch which fed him. it might seem to be a fairly easy proposition to buy clothing for a soldier, his tent, and the bed clothing that kept him warm in active service or when he was a patient in a military hospital. but it was not a simple task. none of these articles was standard for civilian use, either in material, color, or pattern. everything had to be made to order. the ordinary factory could not begin work on contracts for these supplies on a minute's notice, but usually only after special and sometimes costly preparation. and as the army grew in size it had to have large quantities of special clothing. cooks needed cotton aprons, and blacksmiths leather ones. linemen had to have special gloves; hospital orderlies and waiters at messes required white duck suits; motorcyclists needed hoods; laborers, overalls; and firemen, helmets. there were special garments for aviators. we began capturing prisoners and they had to have special uniforms. convalescents at hospitals needed special suits. the women nurses of the army were supplied with uniforms, something entirely outside of previous army experience. the government was something more than the designer and manufacturer of these goods, drawing the specifications, placing the orders, and then teaching the processes of manufacture in the thousands of factories which had virtually become government plants. the clothing and equipage organization had to go further back and become the actual procurer of the raw materials; and this phase of its work eventually became one of the largest and most spectacular and romantic elements of the whole undertaking. in addition to procuring the raw cotton and the raw wool and the hides, the government had to go into the manufacture of cloth and the tanning of leather to supply these commodities to the manufacturers of the finished articles. the government went into a raw materials market which was already glutted with orders from the allied governments and from domestic consumption. it went into this market at first without money, since funds on the scale demanded were not available between march , , and june of the same year; and it had to buy on credit and secure the commodities in the face of cash bidding for them. nevertheless the whole enormous undertaking was successfully carried through. except in rare instances, the american soldier never lacked for necessary supplies of this character. the organization which handled the work originally consisted of officers and clerks. when the armistice was signed this great purchasing and manufacturing agency had an enrollment of , people. wool was the most important of the raw materials to be procured, since wool entered into the composition of more items than any other material. uniforms, overcoats, underwear, socks, breeches, shirts, and many other articles had to be made entirely or partially of wool. the purchases of woolen breeches alone during the war period amounted to , , pairs. on september , , the wool experts of the army estimated the nation's total needs for wool up to june , . the war department, it was found, during this time would require , , pounds of clean wool; the allotment to civilian needs was but , , pounds. in other words, the war demands were to absorb practically the entire supply of wool; civilians were to be forced to do without it almost entirely. soon after the declaration of war the quartermaster corps estimated that it would require about , , pounds of scoured wool to meet the initial demands of the army in . a meeting was called of the principal wool dealers of the united states, most of them from boston, and a quick inventory was taken of the available wool supplies, not only in the united states, but on order from foreign countries. it was found that there was in sight , , pounds of greasy wool, which, after being scoured, would produce , , pounds of wool of the quality needed. this was barely one-third of the army's demand alone. it should be noted, however, that this inventory was taken just before the annual american clip, which would be finished by the end of july. to insure that the government would secure every pound of wool in sight, options were promptly obtained on all wool in american warehouses or on the sea, and speculation in the prices of the domestic clip for was thus headed off by the entry of the government itself in the raw wool business. the prices were fixed for the clip as of july . a year later the clothing and equipage division had become the entire wool trade of the united states. there was no wool market again and no public sale of wool until after the armistice was signed. to handle this enormous undertaking the division appointed a wool administrator to buy wool, a wool purchasing quartermaster to pay for it, and a wool distributor to sell it to the government contractors. the government's wool headquarters was in boston, with branches at philadelphia, chicago, st. louis, san francisco, and seattle. this organization arranged to procure the whole clip, if needed, took over all wool destined for the united states under import licenses, and sent its agents to foreign markets. the largest of the foreign markets practically available from the standpoint of distance was the argentine in south america. australia and new zealand were, of course, enormous markets, but the dearth of shipping made it impossible to spare many bottoms for the long voyage into the antipodes. as a matter of fact, when the fighting ceased, the whole world was suffering for wool, except australia and new zealand. america was short of wool, france had practically none, there was a little in england, but australia and new zealand had the staggering surplus of , , , pounds. this was due to the fact that there had been no shipping available to bring this wool to america or europe. the government's wool administrator secured such australian and new zealand wool as he could; but he had to rely principally on sailing vessels, which could not, under the most favorable conditions, go to australia and back again in less than seven months, while nine or ten months were more often required. a quick sailing voyage to argentina and back required five months. nevertheless, and this was particularly true in the early fall of , when preparations were being made for the equipment of the army in , every effort was made to secure foreign wool. a south american wool-buying commission was formed and sent to buenos aires, arriving there october , . by that time, however, the end of the war was in sight, and the commission never opened up its argentine headquarters. the government conducted its raw-wool business on the lines of a great department store. headquarters were established in boston, where the wool distributors kept samples of almost every kind of wool produced on earth, these samples representing stocks on hand in the various government warehouses in boston and elsewhere. charles j. nichols, a member of a large boston wool firm, was the wool administrator and e. w. brigham was wool distributor. prices were fixed, and the manufacturers bought from the samples. carpet wool was sold at an office in philadelphia. the wool administrator did a business that averaged $ , , per day during his incumbency, his total purchases amounting to about , , pounds of wool. at first the supply of the better grades of wool seemed to be adequate to meet the army's demands. later, however, changes were made in the specifications for various cloths, uniform cloth being increased from to ounces in weight, overcoating from to ounces, shirting flannel from ½ to ½ ounces, and blankets from to pounds. these increases made it necessary for the army to use grades of wool previously made only into coarse materials like carpet. the lower grades of wool were blended with the finer grades to provide the necessary weight and warmth, even at the expense of fineness of texture and appearance. this action explains why at the end of the period of hostilities some of the american soldiers' uniforms looked rough and uneven in color. but the necessary cloth was provided, and it was warm. the government saved every ounce of wool that it possibly could save. more economical patterns and layouts for the cutting of uniforms were designed in washington and furnished to the manufacturers. the american soldier's uniform did not meet the approval of officers of the american expeditionary forces as to style, after the latter had become used to seeing the smartly dressed troops of europe. accordingly, after gen. pershing had recommended a better-appearing uniform, a new one was designed, incidentally with an eye to saving cloth. the coat of the uniform--formerly called the blouse, a designation which is now obsolete--was cut with new lines, making it slimmer without sacrifice of warmth or comfort. the patch pockets of the original blouse were usually unsightly bulges when the soldiers filled them with articles. on the new coat the patch pocket was retained only in appearance, the pocket actually being on the inside. it is not known to most americans that the breeches, which have been typical of the american service uniform for many years, were abandoned late in the war in favor of long trousers. this change was also due to studies made by the army clothing experts. the soldiers themselves were not enamored of breeches, since they had to be either laced or buttoned below the knee, a process which took time always, but seemed to take more when a man was in a hurry. the laces sometimes chafed the leg under the leggins. then, too, it was often impossible to remove the breeches from soldiers wounded in their legs without cutting the cloth. long trousers did away with all these objections and had the added virtue of being warmer than the breeches. the overcoat, too, was redesigned, following gen. pershing's recommendations, the stock overcoat being too long to be worn in the trenches. a knee-length garment was provided which was much smarter than the older coat. the redesigning of the overcoat and the uniform (although the new uniform never appeared in the field) accomplished numerous economies. merely by the elimination of lacings, eyelets, tape, and stays, the new trousers cost . cents less than a pair of army breeches. by july , , this change in design would have saved the government $ , , in orders for trousers already placed or in sight. the change in overcoat styles saved cents per garment, or a total saving to july , , estimated at $ , . the service coat, made by redesigning the blouse, saved the government $ . on each garment, or an estimated saving of $ , , to july , . this was not only financial saving, but what was more important, it was saving the consumption of the raw material, wool. the government could always raise more money; but if the wool supply were exhausted, all the money on earth could not buy any more of it. a more economical cutting pattern saved twenty-three one-hundredths of a yard of cloth in the manufacture of every pair of trousers. this resulted in the total saving of , , yards of woolen cloth. part of the facings of the service coats and overcoats were eliminated without sacrificing warmth or serviceability, and cheaper cotton linings were substituted. another important cloth economy came when the army designers cut off the right-hand pocket of the o. d. shirt, on the ground that this pocket was seldom used. the designers also substituted an oblong elbow patch on the army shirt for the circular patch formerly specified. this substitution was not economy in cloth, but the original circular patch, put on the sleeve to reinforce it at the point of greatest wear, actually resulted in reducing or shortening the life of the garment by tearing loose at the stitches, a fault which the oblong patch overcame. in the earlier contracts the garment makers were stimulated to save wool by being allowed a percentage of the cost of yardage saved. each contractor, too, was permitted to sell his own clippings. but as the government obtained a more scientific grasp of the clothing problem and produced pattern layouts which utilized the maximum percentages of the cloth, the issues of cloth to the garment makers were calculated more closely. thereafter the contractors received no reimbursement for cloth savings, and the government itself took all the clippings. these clippings were shipped to a base sorting plant at new york, where they were baled and shipped out to mills to be used as reworked wool in blankets and other articles. the clippings were sorted at a cost of . cents per pound and sold at an average price of cents per pound, the total sales bringing in to the government $ , , . the history of the government's wool enterprise during the war illustrates how hard it was to check the momentum of the whole production undertaking against germany once it had attained full speed. a week before the armistice was signed the wool stocks looked small, and shortages plainly existed to cause anxiety for the executives in washington. that was because we were thinking in terms of consumption made familiar by the terrific destruction of war. a week later the same stocks looked overwhelming in size, and the shortages had become enormous surpluses. it had been a constant worry to procure a sufficient quantity of blankets, yet as soon as the armistice was signed, we had on hand a -months' supply of blankets for , , men in the united states and , , men overseas. as soon as the german plenipotentiaries affixed their signatures to the armistice agreement at spa an apparently small stock of marching shoes turned into a -year supply for , , soldiers at home and abroad. on november , , the clothing and equipage division had on hand a reserve stock of goods valued at $ , , . the entire woolen industry, from the handlers of raw wool to the textile mills, worked splendidly with the government. at all times there was plenty of available machinery to make all the cloth for which wool could be furnished. mills which found no government use for their regular business output went heartily to work to make something else that the government would need. the government's uses for carpet, for instance, were practically negligible; so that the carpet mills, many of them, swung their entire production to army blankets and army duck. blankets, in fact, were one of the largest items. the total purchases brought to the government warehouses about , , blankets, at a total cost of over $ , , . melton cloth for overcoats and uniforms consumed an enormous quantity of wool. the total purchases of melton amounted to more than , , yards, or enough to stretch twice around the world at the equator, with a strip left over long enough to reach from new york across germany and russia and into siberia. the total quantity of raw wool bought by the government up to december , , cost over $ , , . after the government had secured the wool and various types of cloth, there still remained the task of making this cloth into uniforms. the usual method was for the government to furnish the materials and to pay the contractor his cost of manufacturing. all army clothing was made up according to the so-called tariff sizes. the average coat for a man is a or , and experience shows how many men in a given number will need this average. but there were always exceptions. one camp sent in a special order for overcoats for "fats." through a scientific study of the problem, notable reforms in the matter of fitting soldiers were brought about. when the men were coming in greatest numbers from civilian life to the training camps they were often put to great inconvenience in securing proper clothing. each man would ask for such sizes as he thought were correct, but it often happened that the garments supplied to him did not fit him, and he thereafter spent some hours or even days swapping garments with other recruits until he eventually acquired an outfit somewhere near his size. then, too, there was confusion in the way the articles were supplied to the men, who sometimes had to stand in line all day long, awaiting their turn at the issue windows. the matter of fitting was satisfactorily solved by adopting the so-called foolproof size labels. the labels originally used were merely paper tags pinned to the garments, and in the handling of garments by men unfamiliar with the fitting of ready-made clothing mistakes often resulted. as in the case of civilian clothing, all army clothing was divided into four classes, known as "longs," "shorts," "stouts," and "regulars." a garment of any size would come in these four classes. the labels were marked with diagonal, colored stripes to indicate the general characteristics of the garment to which it was attached. thus green meant a "short," red indicated a "long," and yellow showed the garment to be a "stout." the soldier was pretty sure to remember the color of the stripe attached to the garment that fitted him. if he were a green striper, he would refuse to accept anything that did not bear a green stripe on its ticket. before hostilities ceased a system providing a more scientific issue of clothing to recruits had been introduced. under this system the recruit would enter the supply building at one end and there, in a special room, strip himself of his civilian clothing. he would thereupon enter the mill as naked as the lord made him. he would stop first at the underwear counter, where he would procure garments that fitted him, would don them, and then pass on to the hosiery counter. thus he would progress down the line, eventually emerging from the other end of the building a fully dressed american soldier, the process reminding one of the progress of an automobile through the ford factory. it required the services of some , inspectors to supervise the garment-making in thousands of shops scattered throughout the country. this inspection also looked at the character of the shops taking contracts, and the government was sometimes hard put to it to prevent child labor and sweat shop production in the work. at one time there came a rush order from france to supply several hundred thousand mackinaws. an officer who was familiar with, mackinaws was sent out from washington to buy them from goods in stock. he accomplished his mission in days, literally baring the shelves of the united states of these garments, his purchases including the extensive quantities of mackinaws held by mail-order houses in chicago. it was always a problem in clothing the army to find olive-drab dyes that were fast in color. the first dyes used were apt to fade quickly. a certain dye was of the proper color, yet it was found on test to have the peculiar characteristic of being visible at a distance. as the new american synthetic dye industry expanded and processes were perfected, the officers of the clothing and equipage division were able to cooperate with the american dye makers to produce satisfactory dyes. yet while the olive-drab dye used in dyeing coats and trousers seemed to withstand the sun and rain, that used in coloring the leggins proved to be fugitive to a remarkable degree. it seemed to be impossible to produce a dye that would hold its shade in leggins. the experts working on the dye problem had expended a good deal of valuable energy in worry and had grown a few gray hairs in their heads over the failure of leggin dyes when they discovered the true cause of the fading. the men were deliberately bleaching out their leggins, usually by using salt solutions on them, since anything but a faded leggin indicated that the soldier who wore it was a rookie and a greenhorn. the materials which went into the manufacture of clothing came from various sections of the country, since the several garment industries had grown up around centers. for instance, the melton cloth came generally from the boston district. linings were supplied from atlanta, buttons from philadelphia, and duck from chicago. this geographic distribution of supplies simplified the government's problem of supplying materials to the various contractors. it was possible to supply materials on short notice to any garment-making district. at one time chicago wired that unless , yards of flannel shirting were supplied immediately hundreds of shirt factories in chicago and the chicago district would have to close down. accordingly, a special freight train was loaded with shirting in the east and started for chicago on a special movement in charge of a "live tracer"--that is, an officer who saw that the train was put through to its destination. the train arrived in chicago on the second day after the order was received, so rapidly had the goods been procured and loaded. in addition to the regular uniforms for the men, almost half a million articles of clothing for officers were also bought by the government. the quartermaster department went into an entirely new field when it bought uniforms for the women nurses of the army. there was a norfolk suit which cost about $ and a cotton uniform that cost about $ , an overcoat costing nearly $ , and then there were waists made from navy blue silk and from white cotton, and hats. before leaving the subject of clothing, it is interesting to refer again to the clothing furnished for interned prisoners. this was not manufactured for the purpose. uniforms discarded by our own men were reclaimed and dyed a special shade of green. over , of these garments were prepared at an average cost of less than cents per garment. it had been the original intention to make a special prisoner's uniform striped in resemblance to the prison suits worn in american penitentiaries. another interesting development in the manufacture of army clothing was the production of a special uniform for expeditionary troops sent to russia. the uniforms were so warm that they could well serve as the equipment for an arctic exploration party. the determination to send an expedition to russia was made suddenly by the government, and the decision brought with it the problem of producing in a jiffy an equipment of garments not only expensive in themselves, but of a character unknown to the american garment trade. an agent for the division in new york at once bought on the new york market large quantities of muskrat, wolf, and marmot fur. other agents were sent into our own northwest and to canada to pick up such suitable garments as these markets afforded. the siberian equipment as specified by the commanders of the expedition called for fur caps, fur mittens and fur overcoats, mucklucks, moccasins, felt shoes, fur parkas, and underwear for , men or more. the order for the equipment came in the latter part of august, , so that only the fastest kind of work would produce the garments in time to catch the last steamer that could get into the northern russian and siberian ports before the ice closed navigation for the season. the result was that whenever the articles specified could not be procured on time, suitable substitutes were provided. the specifications called for per cent wool underwear. underwear with that percentage of wool could not be provided, but underwear of equal weight was substituted. where fur-lined garments were unobtainable, fur-trimmed ones were procured. the specifications called for buffalo coats. the division sent a man to the north woods country of minnesota and wisconsin, and there in the supply cities he bought sheep-lined coats with moleskin or duck shells as a substitute. these coats were the sort used by woodsmen and alaskan miners and explorers. there was no time to procure mucklucks, moccasins, and felt shoes, so an agent of the division was sent into canada to buy shoe pacs (or lumbermen's boots) and lumbermen's knee-length socks. the total cost of the whole outfit was more than $ per man. it was impossible to find any substitute for the alaskan parka. a parka is a sort of overshirt, wind proof and waterproof and hooded, to be worn over the overcoat and cap of the uniform. consequently it was necessary to produce the parkas in this country, although our garment makers were entirely unfamiliar with such manufacture. the work was undertaken by the international duplex coat co., at fifth avenue, new york. it was necessary from the start in turning out this order for the employees of this plant to work overtime. in order to speed the production the principal member of this firm himself took his place at the bench and worked almost day and night in cutting out garments. [illustration: clothing worn by our siberian expeditionary forces.] [illustration: manufacturing woolen underwear for the army. the weaving department of a plant at cohoes, n. y.] [illustration: manufacturing hosiery for the army. the knitting room of a hosiery mill at durham, n. c.] the day approached closer and closer when the shipment would have to start across the country if it were to catch the last boat from san francisco. on the home stretch of the race the entire working force of the plant went hours, stopping only for meals. the last stitch was taken at . o'clock in the morning. the garments were then piled upon auto trucks to be rushed to the baling plant in brooklyn. one of the loaded trucks developed engine trouble and stopped in the middle of a bridge across the east river. the officer in charge thereupon commandeered every automobile that came along, piled them all full of parkas and sent them to the baling plant. the entire shipment was aboard the train less than one hour before its starting time. it was not only necessary for the government to furnish cloth for the uniforms, shirts, and other articles, but it had to supply the fittings and findings as well, such needs as linings, tape, buttons, and hooks and eyes. in the calendar year the purchases amounted to over , , yards of cotton lining and , , yards of felt lining, worth over $ , , . the government spent over $ , for hooks and eyes, $ , for tape, $ , , for thread, and practically $ , , for buttons. when it was found that the standard specifications for army uniform buttons favored a certain class of manufacturers and excluded many others, new specifications were drawn so as to make it possible for every button manufacturer in the country to compete for contracts. an exclusive study was made of new materials for buttons. they had been made of brass or bronze, but due to other war necessities for metals an effort was made to provide a substitute. it was found, too, that metal buttons sometimes resulted in infection of wounds received on the battlefield. substitution of vegetable ivory for metal in buttons was attempted. the bureau of standards in washington tested the taqua, or ivory, nuts from which buttons are made and found them suitable. a vegetable ivory button with a shank was developed, although no such ivory button had been known before, and the government's insignia was stamped on this button. gen. pershing approved the use of ivory buttons, and thereafter many manufacturers produced millions of gross of them. every manufacturer who took button contracts agreed to turn over the ivory nut waste to the chemical warfare service to be used in making charcoal for the gas-absorbing canisters of the gas masks. most of the buttons were produced by firms in rochester and philadelphia. many concerns made them who had never made buttons before. manufacturers of electric goods, hardware, billiard balls, celluloid, pearl buttons, and phonograph records turned their plants into ivory-button factories. enormous quantities of buttons were required. for the army shirts alone the government needed , , buttons in . flags constituted another class of goods requiring wool. in all, the division produced , flags during the war period, most of these being made at the government's own shop at philadelphia. it is a grim fact that many of these flags were used to wrap around the bodies of soldiers who died at sea. thirty million chevrons for noncommissioned officers were also turned out by the government. the production of overseas caps for the american expeditionary forces was likewise an extensive undertaking. when the requisition for overseas caps came from france, it was not possible to design one here because of lack of knowledge of what was required. later a courier bearing a sample cap came to the united states from gen. pershing. as soon as this sample was received a meeting of cap makers was called in new york, and manufacturers attended. one and all agreed to turn over their factories to the exclusive production of overseas caps until the requirements were met. it took these cap makers only two weeks to turn out the first order. in all , , caps were delivered. our experts on this side of the water were not satisfied with the overseas cap. it shrank after being wet, it quickly lost shape, it absorbed much water and did not dry out quickly, and it was unattractive in appearance. also it did not shade the eyes, and the experience in france showed that the soldiers usually improvised peaks to their caps by sticking their girls' letters between their caps and their foreheads. then, moreover, the standard cap was made of -ounce melton, which was a fabric hard to get. but there was plenty of rabbit fur available to make felt caps for an army of , , or , , men. accordingly a new cap was designed, made of felt and doing away with the bad features of the melton cap; but this cap improvement came at the end of the war and was never used. wool was required not only for the outer clothing of the army--for the uniforms, overcoats, and caps--but there was also a tremendous war demand for it for the manufacture of such knit goods as undershirts, drawers, stockings, gloves, and puttees. the matter of providing the army with these necessary articles offered a problem of peculiar difficulty, since, in addition to the ever-threatening shortage of raw wool, there was an actual shortage of machinery in the knitting industry. when it was found that the regular mills could not turn out all the woolen knit goods the army required, numerous mills which had been turning out specialties exclusively, such as women's underwear or men's union suits, were converted into factories to knit garments according to the army specifications. some idea of the extent of the army's demand for this class of goods may be read in the fact that toward the close of hostilities every machine in the united states that could make hosiery at all was knitting socks for the government. [illustration: sewing overseas caps in a st. paul. minn., factory.] [illustration: heaps of overseas caps ready for sewing in a st. paul factory.] [illustration: underwear for the army at a mill in st. johnsville, n. y.] [illustration: knitting army underwear in a syracuse, n. y., mill.] at one time there was an acute shortage of needles. germany had previously supplied america with knitting needles. when this source was cut off, we turned to japan. the japanese needles proved disappointing; they were not correctly tempered and frequent breakage caused great loss. at one time it was rumored that there were , , knitting needles in sweden, and the need here was so urgent that several buyers were sent to that country. their effort was well worth while, for they actually secured a million needles to help relieve the situation here. meanwhile, american needles were improved and american needle makers were pushed to the limit; but until the close of the war there was always an acute shortage of needles for the knitting industry. it was soon discovered that there was not enough machinery in america to knit one-tenth of the seamless woolen gloves that the soldiers required. consequently it was necessary to adopt a substitute--a glove of knit fabric cut to pattern and sewed up with seams. in actual service this glove did not stand up to the hard usage required of it. consequently there was designed an over-glove of canton flannel with the palm cased in leather, this to be worn outside the seamed woolen glove. in the effort to produce gloves which would give longer wear the so-called ambidextrous glove was designed so cut that it could be worn comfortably upon either hand. puttees, the spirally wound leggins that had long been used by the british army, were unknown articles to american manufacture when the american expeditionary forces adopted them as standard articles of equipment. a puttee of knitted wool was designed and , , of them were ordered in the spring of , these to be preliminary to future orders for , , . the work required the installation of much new machinery in the textile plants. on november , , we had produced all the puttees required by the troops then in france and had a surplus of , , of them. in the production of knit goods, economies in the use of material were constantly effected. an original article of equipment for the overseas troops had been a knitted woolen toque, which was a sort of stocking-cap. the toques had cost the government $ apiece, and some , , of them had been piled up in the quartermaster warehouses before the toque was abandoned as a piece of standard equipment. later a requisition was received for , woolen mufflers to be used by drivers of automobiles and motor trucks. according to the specifications these would cost about $ apiece. then it was discovered here that the abandoned toques might be sewed together to make mufflers. with this stock in hand it cost the government only cents each for the mufflers instead of $ , a clear saving of over $ , , . the quartermaster department was the mecca of inventors during the war period, who came bringing real or fancied improvements in many lines of apparel and personal equipment. one brought in a trench shower bath, consisting of a hot-water bag and a hose. he was much chagrined when informed that if this apparatus were set up in the trench there would be no room for soldiers to pass it. in no respect did the inventors have more novel ideas than they had in the manufacture of underwear. one of them brought in a patented vacuum suit of underwear which acted on the principle of a fireless cooker or thermos bottle to exclude the cold from the wearer's body. however, he had failed to take into consideration the fact that not only must cold be kept out, but perspiration must be given a chance to escape. the vacuum underwear would never dry out, after a man had become sweaty in it. for that reason it was not adopted. a woman of iowa invented cootie-proof underclothing by impregnating underwear with vermin-destroying chemicals. the state of iowa was so interested in her invention that there was a public movement to clothe all iowa troops in this underwear, should the government fail to adopt it. the underwear was submitted to the experts of the bureau of entomology (the government agency that deals with bugs), whose experts tested the invention. they found that the underwear was indeed death to the cootie. however, if the chemicals were applied in weak strength they soon evaporated and left the underwear harmless to the insect; if applied in great strength, the poisonous chemicals irritated the skin of the wearer. during the first winter the men were in camp, the winter of - , there was no time to provide the troops with standard army underwear. consequently government agents went into the underwear market and bought outright whatever was in sight. as a result, the soldiers that first winter wore underwear of almost every description and grade of merit. this gave the army's underwear experts a fine opportunity to study the qualities of underwear of various types as proved by actual use. these studies contained hints of use to the civilian. for instance, the warning is plainly given to wear no fleece-lined underwear. a study was made of the causes of colds, and it was discovered that soldiers wearing fleece-lined underwear caught cold more easily than those wearing any other sort. the fleece of the lining absorbed perspiration and retained it, staying damp. since many of the soldiers slept in their underclothing, they were thus encased in damp clothes hours a day. sick reports plainly showed the result of it. when it comes to the production of cotton cloth for the army's uses, the figures are so large as to appear almost fantastic. in all we procured over , , square yards of cotton textiles. this was enough to carpet an area nearly four times as large as the district of columbia. in a strip feet wide there was enough of it to wrap layers of cloth around the equator. spread this strip out on some cosmic floor, and you could place upon it side by side globes as large as the earth. in addition to the cotton khaki required for uniforms and other purposes, the principal other cotton items were duck, denim, webbing, gauze, venetian, sheets, pillowcases, and towels. the purchases made by the army were beyond anything that had been known in the textile industry. in march, , the supplies of cotton khaki on hand seemed to indicate a surplus of , , yards beyond the needs of the immediate future. then came the start of the german drive, and by the middle of april this great surplus of khaki cloth was not sufficient to the need. in other words, there was a shortage of khaki, since the army needed at once , , yards and thereafter would require a monthly supply of , , yards. this was looking toward the great increase in the number of men soon to be called to the colors. it was planned to draft , in june alone, and subsequent drafts would be on a like scale. in order to supply summer uniforms for these men it was necessary for army officers to get every yard of khaki goods in the country. all stocks of goods in the hands of dealers and manufacturers were inventoried, and the positive order went out of washington forbidding the use of khaki in articles for civilians. in spite of the government's tremendous demand upon a limited supply, these stocks of khaki were acquired at a price per cent lower than the prevailing market. the requirements for cotton duck and cotton webbing also leaped upward as soon as the united states began to avalanche soldiers upon france. the demands were greater than could be supplied by the output of mills regularly producing these materials, and consequently the clothing and equipage division called upon manufacturers of similar materials to adapt their plants to the production of duck and webbing. this they did, in many cases at considerable inconvenience and expense. among the concerns which assisted in supplying these materials were manufacturers of carpets, automobile tire fabric, and even lace. owing to the scarcity and the high cost of leather a great deal of cotton webbing was substituted in the manufacture of such equipment as cartridge belts, suspenders, gun slings, and horse bridles. here was additional demand, and to meet it factories which had been making such things as asbestos brake linings, hose, lamp wicks, suspenders, garters, cotton belting, and other similar fabrics, became webbing mills. all these plants thus adapted to the emergency manufacture of webbing were dependent on purchased yarns, which they had to secure in the open market from yarn manufacturers. in the south particularly, where most of this yarn was purchased, the securing of power was a serious question. many of the mills depended upon electricity generated by water power. these power plants did not always have good railway connections and many of them had no steam power equipment even if fuel could have been furnished. in the late summer of the rivers of the south ran nearly dry, and in order to operate many of the southern mills it was necessary for the government to allocate according to most pressing needs the available power among the mills working on contracts. also, for a long time when transportation facilities were seriously overtaxed, it was hard to secure a steady flow of materials from the south to the northern mills. with regard to labor, employees in the cotton and webbing mills had to be educated in the manufacture of the new types of work to which these plants had been shifted. in the south, more especially, there was a question of child labor and of hours of labor for women and minors; for the government inserted clauses in the later contracts requiring certain standards for the benefit and protection of labor. in some instances contracts were returned because of the child-labor clause. in such cases compulsory orders were often issued, practically compelling the mills to produce the goods called for. considerable burlap used for packing, as well as burlap bags, silk for flags, hat bands, and badges were also purchased in quantity. the united states was never forced to turn to the use of paper in the manufacture of clothing, as the central powers were compelled to do; nevertheless preparation was made for the time when the cotton supply of the united states might become unequal to the demand. garments made of paper cloth captured from the germans were shipped to the united states and carefully studied by the clothing and equipage division to learn the possibilities of paper fabrics should the need for them develop. over , , yards of denim were bought. denim was used particularly in making working clothes for the soldiers. at one time the factories were consuming denim at the rate of , , yards a month. brown denim which was required by regulations was a material hard to get, blue denim being the standard fabric for american overalls, and consequently heavy gray goods and drills were dyed olive-drab and put into use. as to gauze, about , , yards of it were purchased. sheets and pillowcases were required in such quantities that at one time every mill in the country whose normal business was the production of sheeting was working for the government. there were over , , yards of webbing purchased, and nearly , , yards of the various kinds of duck. the duck and webbing just mentioned went into the manufacture of a numerous class of articles, known as textile equipment, including such articles as belts, tool bags, tool kits, flasks, canteen covers, and the like. the procurement of the webbing for these articles was in itself a manufacturing achievement. before the war there were only a half dozen plants in the united states which could make webbing of the grade demanded by the army. when the armistice came there there were such plants. at the beginning of the war an order for , , yards of webbing fairly staggered the industry, but that industry was to witness the day when an order for , , yards would be absorbed as a matter of course. but even after the webbing was secured there were practically no factories in the united states that had machinery heavy enough to make the army's textile equipment. this work for the standing army had been done exclusively by the rock island arsenal. in order to increase the manufacturing capacity of the country it was necessary to get the singer sewing machine co. to build special machines adapted to this heavy work; and we also had to send experts from the rock island arsenal to teach all new contractors how to make the articles. many of the factory workers were women. in spite of all difficulties production was wonderfully increased. along in january, , about , pistol belts a month were being made; while at the time of the signing of the armistice , were being manufactured monthly. of cartridge belts in the same period the production was increased from , to about , monthly, and of haversacks from , to about , monthly. no soldier could be sent overseas without a haversack, a cartridge belt, and a canteen cover; yet during the period of active hostilities no movement of troops was delayed one day on account of the lack of textile equipment. up to december , , the production of haversacks was over , , in number, costing over $ , , ; of canteen covers, about , , , costing $ , , ; of cartridge belts, about , , , costing over $ , , . another large item was bandoleers, which were procured to the number of over , , at a cost of $ , , . these are only a few of the major items, but they serve to illustrate the extent of the purchases of textile equipment. at the end of hostilities the government was buying textile equipment at the rate of $ , , a month, and was working toward the goal of being able to supply , men a month with all articles of textile equipment. when the army began to expand in size at an unexpected rate in the spring of , it created a great shortage in cotton underwear. government agents went out over the country and bought all cotton underwear stocks. in order to provide a sufficient manufacturing capacity for cotton underwear, women's underwear factories were enlisted for war work, and so were even corset factories. the army experts in cotton textiles also effected many economies. a standard pattern layout was drawn for the overall makers with consequent large savings of cloth in the manufacture of brown denim fatigue clothing, or soldiers' working clothes. at one time practically every overall factory in the united states was making fatigue clothing for the army, after gen. pershing had cabled an order for , , garments to be delivered in days. in making the soldiers' barrack bags, in which they pack their clothing and personal effects, the manufacturers in cutting out the pattern left a -inch strip of cloth. army officers discovered these -inch strips and also noted the fact that every barrack bag must be provided with a draw-string. the specifications were thereupon changed so that these -inch strips could be used as draw-strings in the barrack bags, a trifling economy apparently, yet amounting to a saving of cents in the cost of each one of millions of these bags. a vast amount of tentage was required, not only for tents themselves, but also for such articles as paulins, tent covers, bed rolls and clothing rolls, canvas basins and buckets, bags for stakes, tool bags, coal bags, and mail bags, cargo covers, wagon covers, horse covers, and many similar articles. valuable work was done in substituting cotton thread for linen. linen thread became so scarce that the ordnance department commandeered the whole supply. this worked havoc in the shoe industry, and as a result the council of national defense secured from the ordnance department enough linen thread to take care of the army shoe contracts. nevertheless it was discovered that cotton thread might be substituted for linen in many industries. in fact, it often proved to be better than linen. valuable standard tests for waterproof cloth were also worked out. these tests were developed at the bureau of chemistry, a branch of the department of agriculture in washington. in these tests cloth was required to withstand a deluge of water equivalent in intensity to a tropical rain, and also to undergo a dry temperature of ° fahrenheit. there were also tests to determine under what conditions the cloth would mildew. these tests are expected to have a use in the waterproof-goods industry in normal times. another important contribution of the army to peace-time industry was the design of the over-suit for the use of truck drivers. this was a waterproof garment, air-tight and cold-proof. it is expected that this new garment will continue in commercial use. the principal items of rubber goods bought by the army were rubber boots and overshoes, raincoats, and slickers. the production of rubber boots for the army took practically the entire capacity of all mills in the united states, the rubber boot manufacturers having pledged themselves to discontinue their civilian business until the needs of the government were taken care of. of different types of rubber boots, the purchases were considerably over , , pairs, at the cost of $ , , . incidentally there was worked out an improvement in rubber boots to prevent them from blistering the heels of wearers. it was discovered that a rubber boot blisters the heel because it rubs slightly as the wearer walks, no matter how well fitted to the foot the boot may be. to the specifications for the army's rubber boots was added the requirement that straps be incorporated in the article to be buckled both around the ankle and around the instep, thus holding the boot so that it can not slip. raincoats caused a good deal of trouble, as there was not a sufficient manufacturing capacity in this country to meet the requirements. practically all stocks of commercial raincoats were purchased, on the theory that even a poor cover was better than none. as these garments were made for civilian use, they were not built according to army specifications, and considerable criticism was made as to their quality. when the manufacture of raincoats commenced on a large scale, many new concerns went into the business, and some of them, either through lack of experience or through carelessness or intent, made garments that were not properly cemented. this led to investigations and indictments. the total purchases of ponchos, raincoats, and slickers amounted to about , , garments, costing over $ , , . in all , , service hats of felt were manufactured on orders placed by the war department. the felt for these hats was made of rabbit fur imported from australia, new zealand, and russia and produced in the united states. hats were made principally at danbury, conn., and fall river, mass., with smaller sources of supply at yonkers and peekskill, n. y., and reading, pa. the numerous requirements of the army for pillows created a shortage in feathers. in all there were manufactured on government order , pillows weighing ½ pounds each. it had been the original intention to fill these pillows with duck feathers; but when the american duck-feather supply was exhausted and thousands of the ducks of china had given up their plumage for the comfort of the american soldiers, and still there were not enough feathers for the pillows, adulterations with goose feathers and other light plumage were permitted. the procurement of leather for the army, both the raw material and the finished products of leather, was one of the most important undertakings, the principal war uses for leather being in shoes for the soldiers and in harness for the horses and mules. when the government entered the leather market it found a high level of prices, due to the large quantities of leather and leather equipment which america had been exporting to the european nations at war. the tanners were called together, and they came to an agreement with the government as to the prices of all grades of equipment which the army expected to buy. the packers next agreed on a maximum price for hides suitable for army leathers. the government took an option on , hides then in the hands of the packers. by consulting with the industry at all times the government officers were able to stabilize prices of leather. the price of harness leather, which was originally fixed at cents per pound, was advanced only cents during the months of the war period, while russet leather never advanced more than cents per pound above the $ . fixed at the beginning of the war. as the stocks of leather on hand diminished it became necessary to stimulate the production of leather goods, and there was formed a hide and leather control board, with a representative on it from each branch of the trade, one for harness, one for sole leather, one for upper leather, and one for the sheepskin trade. this board also inspected leather at all the tanneries and the finished leather in the various factories, a course of action which resulted in great improvement in the quality of leather, particularly in leather used in shoemaking. at the outset the quartermaster corps, the ordnance department, the signal corps, the engineering department, the medical department, the navy, and the marine corps were all buying leather or leather equipment, and the y. m. c. a. and the red cross were also in the market for large amounts of leather materials. these activities, except those of the navy and marine corps, were all eventually brought under the administration of the clothing and equipage division, thus virtually eliminating competition in the leather market. at the signing of the armistice it is safe to say there was enough leather equipment, either in the united states or in france, or in process of manufacture here, to meet the needs of , , men. leather equipment was available at all times. the principal items of leather were harnesses, shoes, jerkins, gloves, and mittens. in all, $ , , was spent for harness and leather equipment. the procurement of saddles in itself was a hard problem, since there were only three or four makers of saddletrees in the united states, and only one of these could get the ash or basswood required. the division induced various furniture factories to install the special lathes required for turning saddletrees, and in this way built up eight factories, which gave us sufficient capacity. belting manufacturers and manufacturers of shoes were educated in the art of producing the leather for the saddles. the army harness is of russet leather, a product for which there is no commercial demand. the result is that surpluses of army harness can not be disposed of to advantage. [illustration: dieing out uppers with clicking machine.] [illustration: pulling upper over last. manufacturing army shoes.] [illustration: stitching vamp to quarter.] [illustration: attaching heels. manufacturing army shoes.] the former american army shoe built on the munson last and known as the russet marching shoe was machine sewed, had an upper of calfskin with the rough side turned in, and was lined with duck. this shoe proved to be short lived when subjected to the severe service in france. at the beginning of the war a new shoe was designed for trench service. this was a much heavier shoe and the calfskin of the upper was turned rough side out. there was no lining in the shoe. the shoe had two heavy soles, the outer one being hobnailed. yet this shoe, too, proved to be unsatisfactory for the service. the uppers wore fairly well, but the soles could not stand the constant submerging in mud and water. the demands of trench service eventually led to the design of what was called the pershing shoe. this was a shoe with three heavy soles, stitched, screwed, and nailed together. it had steel reinforcements on toe and heel. the outer sole was studded with hobnails. the original requisitions from france for this shoe called for leather tanned with bark. as bark tanning is practically obsolete in the united states to-day, it was necessary to go into the tanneries and build up what was virtually a new industry. it may be mentioned that the design for the pershing shoe was completed in days. the culmination of the shoe development was the model known as the victory shoe. this model corrected certain defects in the pershing shoe. the pershing shoe was prone to rip along the back stays, and the upper did not fit snugly. in the victory shoe the entire back of the upper was one piece. at one time shoe factories in states were working on army shoe contracts. a scheme of packing shoes for overseas shipment in burlap bags instead of in boxes was worked out, and it resulted in saving a great deal of space on board ship. machinery and tools for the shoe repair shops of the salvage division were purchased by the clothing and equipage division. this was the first time that uncle sam had ever acted as cobbler for his soldiers. about , machines for repairing shoes were bought, besides some , repair kits, each one of which cost $ . among the items of supplies for the army shoe repair shops may be noted , , pairs of half soles. a shoe waterproofing grease, or dubbin, as it is called, which had no odor and which would not turn rancid, was developed. the experts worked closely with officers in the field in training soldiers in the care of shoes to make them last as long as possible. every man who received a new pair of shoes was required to break the pair in by standing in them in water for a certain period and then walking for an hour until the shoes dried on his feet. the men were cautioned not to dry their shoes by placing them too closely to any heating apparatus, as this shortens the life of the leather. good care of the soldier's feet has long been standard army practice with us. no soldier in and was permitted to wear darned socks, unless he wore two pairs at once. at regular intervals officers inspected their men's feet, treated any blisters or sores that might exist, and dusted the feet with powder. bad shoe fitting means foot troubles, leg troubles, and sometimes even spinal and mental troubles. e. j. bliss, a boston manufacturer of shoes, developed a shoe fitting system which was adopted as being unexcelled. the fitter was an implement about like a roller skate, with movable wings on the sides and a movable plunger in front of the toes. the soldier to be fitted equipped himself with rifle and loaded pack. with this weight on his shoulders he stepped both feet upon the skate-like devices and then raised on the balls of his feet, until the weight and movement pressed out the wings as far as they would go and advanced the front plungers. with the size thus automatically determined, the next step was to check the accuracy of it. this was done by inserting a pair of implements with knob-like ends in the toes of the shoes, the implements just filling the space in front of the soldier's toes. wearing shoes and implements, the soldier then walked about the room, stepped upon a platform, climbed a cleated ramp, and otherwise simulated actual service demanded of shoes in the field. if the checking implements in the shoes did not hurt his toes the fit was regarded as correct. _clothing and equipage produced and shipped to the american expeditionary forces apr. , , to nov. , ._ -----------------------------------+-------------+----------- | produced. | shipped | | overseas. -----------------------------------+-------------+----------- | | blankets | , , | , , coats, denim | , , | , , coats, wool | , , | , , drawers, summer | , , | , , drawers, winter | , , | , , overcoats | , , | , , shirts, flannel | , , | , , shoes, marching and field | , , | , , stockings, wool, light and heavy | , , | , , trousers and breeches, wool | , , | , , undershirts, summer | , , | , , undershirts, winter | , , | , , -----------------------------------+-------------+----------- chapter iii. miscellaneous quartermaster undertakings. sergt. irving berlin, one of the fountain sources of american jazz music, found a special job cut out for him when he was drafted into the military service. the needs of the war machine called upon a wide range of individual talents, and this range did not exclude the artists. the painters engaged in camouflage work and made sketches and pictures of such things as unusual surgical operations for the permanent records of the government, the poets fired the zeal of the country, and the musicians inspired the soldiers by providing them with music. the american expeditionary forces as they grew in size found themselves possessed of some regimental bands. these bands organized themselves, gathered such music as they could get, practiced, and presently regaled the soldiers of units to which they were attached; and then the inevitable happened--they played and played the same old pieces until their audiences yearned for something new. one day a cry of distress trickled through the cables, and then the plight of the hapless lover of band music in france became the problem of the quartermaster organization in the united states, resulting in the largest purchase of band music ever made, , sheets of it, costing nearly $ , . the music problem of the american expeditionary forces was put into the hands of a special committee of three well-known authorities in the musical world. sergt. berlin was the authority on popular numbers; lieut. r. c. deming, the bandmaster at camp meigs, washington, d. c., was the member in charge of the ceremonial numbers; while mr. ward stephens, the well-known composer, organist, and accompanist, was in charge of the concerted numbers. this committee picked out a repertoire of selections, consisting of concert pieces, ceremonial numbers, and popular numbers. four hundred complete sets of these were bought, one for each of the bands of the american expeditionary forces, with sets as a reserve. the music was bought from some music publishers, the largest suppliers being carl fischer, the waterson, berlin & snyder co., the leo feist co., the jerome h. remick co., and g. schirmer (inc.), all of new york, and the oliver ditson co., of boston. each complete set was packed in a separate case so that each case upon arrival in france could be sent immediately to a band of the american expeditionary forces without being disturbed. the sorting and packing of this consignment of sheet music was handled by sergt. berlin and a staff of technical musical assistants, who, at his request, contributed their services. the supply of music was but one of hundreds of enterprises required to make the army efficient, comfortable, and happy, quite aside from the more obvious ones of supplying guns and ammunition, artillery, aerial observation, and food and clothing. and these scattered undertakings in military supplies accounted for the expenditure of hundreds of millions of dollars. nearly all of them were quartermaster enterprises. but before we lift the curtain on this, one of the most interesting branches of our military preparation, involving, as it did, the scientific solution of problems ranging from the production of super-gasoline for the fighting airplanes to the proper and most economical method of cutting up the carcass of a steer, let us continue the musical overture by observing how the army secured its band instruments. there was a special branch of the quartermaster corps which concerned itself exclusively with the musical requirements of the army. this branch bought in all approximately , musical instruments. these were secured at a saving of about $ , under the prices which the government had been paying for such instruments prior to the war. without going into the details of how this economy was effected, one typical instance may be cited. for years it had been the custom of manufacturers of musical instruments to embellish the trumpets and brass horns of bandsmen with engraving, chasings, and other markings. these were decorative only and had nothing to do with the quality of tone produced. by eliminating all such markings from the specifications, a substantial saving in cost was attained. the principal suppliers of musical instruments were the wm. frank co., of chicago; j. m. york & son, of grand rapids, mich.; and the h. m. white co., of cleveland, ohio. c. s. conn & co., of elkhart, ind.; the eugene geisler co., of chicago; and the rudolph wurlitzer co., of cincinnati, also supplied several thousand musical instruments. fuel, oil, and paints. during the months of hostilities the american public was constantly informed in advertising literature that fuel would win the war, and indeed fuel would win it, and did win it, in the sense that without fuel or with any grave shortage of fuel we could not have won. in this sense there was no commodity contributing to success in the great drama more important than coal. coal not only furnished the power that transported the khaki-clad millions to france, but it furnished the manufacturing power in the united states and supplied the coke, which is essential to the manufacture of steel, thus entering into every rifle and piece of artillery. [illustration: mining coal for the government's needs with electrically operated machines.] [illustration: -ton electric locomotive pulling a string of coal cars.] [illustration: picking tables and loading booms in a west virginia coal mine.] [illustration: twenty-ton electric locomotive bringing coal out of mine.] america began keeping the records of coal mining in the year . woodrow wilson was inaugurated president of the united states in . in the years between and , and including those years, american mines produced a total of , , , tons of coal. in the succeeding five years of president wilson's administration american mines turned out , , , tons of coal, almost one-third as much as was mined in the entire - period, and almost one-fourth of all the coal mined in the united states since records have been kept. the american coal miners in met the war emergency by producing , , tons of coal more than they had dug in . the shortage of coal in the winter of - was due not to the inability of the mines to produce the required tonnage but to inadequate railroad transportation facilities and severe weather conditions. the war-coal project was in the hands of the united states fuel administration, but the office of the quartermaster general assisted in the effort. army officers were stationed at the offices of the various district representatives of the fuel administration throughout the country. these officers kept in constant touch with the factories making war supplies and saw to it that coal was diverted from less essential enterprises to the munitions factories. this service operated with such excellent effect that few manufacturers working on government contracts were compelled to suspend operations because of the lack of fuel, and those who did have to suspend were able to resume again within a few days. during the summer of the usual seasonal slack in the demand for fuel was taken up by the action of the fuel branch in absorbing practically all of the excess coal in the united states and storing it at army posts, camps, and stations. this action kept the mines working at maximum capacity during a period when there is normally a curtailment in output. of course, at the time there was no realization that the fighting was to end so soon, and this policy was adopted in preparation for unchecked industrial activity during the winter of - . the army itself was a heavy user of fuel, requiring it not only at its various manufacturing establishments but also at the great camps for heating purposes. the following table shows the army purchases of fuel for the calendar year . -------------------------+------------+------------ | amount. | cost. -------------------------+------------+------------ anthracite coal tons | , | $ , , bituminous coal do. | , , | , , +------------+------------ total | , , | , , coke do. | , | , wood cords | , | , , +------------+------------ total fuel | | , , -------------------------+------------+------------ the army was an enormous consumer of oil, the total oil purchases, both in the united states and in france, in the nine-month period from april to december , , amounting to $ , , . there were items in the oil-purchasing schedule for the troops in the united states alone, including lubricating oils, fuel oils, oils for paints and varnishes, gasoline for motor trucks and airplanes, axle grease, floor oil, tempering oil, oil for the preservation and waterproofing of shoes, harness, and other leather equipment, and numerous other varieties of oils. the gasoline purchases were heaviest of all, army motor trucks and cars in the united states requiring , barrels of it, worth $ , , , in the nine months between april and december , . the american army motor trucks and cars with the american expeditionary forces were supplied with , barrels, worth $ , , , in the same period. for army airplanes in the united states during the same months there were purchased , barrels of special aviation gasoline, at a cost of $ , , , and for the planes in france , barrels, worth $ , , . to give the american aviator the hottest, most instantaneously explosive, and surest-fire gasoline ever produced, the american refiners turned out a naphtha along specifications drawn by the government that was the highest refinement of gasoline ever produced in large quantities. this was done by taking the best gasoline that had ever been produced in commercial quantities and giving it another run through the distilling retorts. thus it was literally the cream of the cream, containing only the most combustible elements of liquid fuel and nothing else. this refinement became known as " ° fighting naphtha," and the army confined its use to the service planes actually at the front. it was not supplied to the aviation training camps, either in this country or in france. in order to distinguish this naphtha as the finest engine fuel available and to mark it so that it would not be wasted by accident in any use other than that of service at the front, it was colored red with aniline dyes. the army did not even trust ° fighting naphtha to bulk transportation on tank ships, but stored it in steel drums and freighted it across the ocean in this form in cargo boats. america has always been the largest producer of gasoline, and the experience and development in this country has resulted in many grades of the fuel. the ordinary commercial gasoline comes in five grades, the best grade being known as "straight-run" gasoline and the other grades, in the order of their cost and purity, as "casing-head," "blended," "pressure-still," and "cracked." for motor fuel for the army the quartermaster specifications would accept nothing but "straight-run" gasoline, unblended and without dangerous additions which have a damaging effect upon motor cylinders. this gasoline, the best that could be bought by the civilian users, is known as " ° gasoline;" and it was the fuel used universally in our motor trucks and motor cars. above that were the three grades of gasoline, or rather, naphtha, produced specially for the american army airplanes. the lowest grade of these was called domestic aviation gasoline, and it was the best commercial gasoline refined until its boiling point had been brought down to ° f. this fuel was used by our aviators in this country and was known as " ° domestic aviation naphtha." a still greater refinement was the splendid " ° export aviation naphtha," which was used by planes in france, other than those at the front. the fighting naphtha was obtained by taking the cream of export aviation naphtha. although purchased in enormous quantities, it cost the government more than cents a gallon. the government paid slightly less than cents a gallon for its motor gasoline. another new development in the oil industry brought about by the government's war needs was known as "liberty aero oil." this was an airplane lubricating oil of pure mineral origin, a refined lubricant of excellent viscosity and a low cold test, an oil which proved itself to be capable and reliable under the ever-changing atmospheric and pressure conditions of mechanical flight at the front. liberty aero oil was a success. most of it which was shipped overseas was made from paraffin base oils, although in this country we used successfully many aero oils of asphaltum base. the ordnance department submitted a requisition for a three-months' supply of pure neat's-foot oil, which was in quantity almost twice the total american production of neat's-foot oil in the preceding year. the government oil experts worked out a satisfactory substitute by combining animal and mineral oils. this was not only equal to neat's-foot oil under tests, but it was considerably cheaper. the american expeditionary forces submitted a rush order for , , pounds of dark axle grease. the specifications called for containers made of tin. but it was almost impossible to secure the tin for such a shipment. experiments were conducted with all possible haste, and the result was a container made of black iron sheets treated with a special varnish to prevent the moisture in the grease from rusting the iron. this container proved to be satisfactory. brushes. offhand, one would scarcely say that brushes play any part of vast importance in the life of an individual; yet to buy the brushes for the army required a special organization, competent to spend money by the millions of dollars and get value received for it. indeed it was quite surprising how many brushes in variety the army required. the tooth brush, the shaving brush, the hair brush, the clothes brush, the shoe brush, and the paint brush might occur to anybody as necessities; but the army used all these and in addition, artists' brushes, bottle brushes, chimney brushes, whitewashing brushes, gun-cleaning brushes, floor brushes, roofing brushes, stove brushes, horse brushes, and dozens of other kinds. in all, the government bought , , brushes, at a cost of $ , , . it required factories in the united states to manufacture these brushes. the most numerous class of all were the tooth brushes, more than , , of these being ordered from one company alone. brushes are made from many different materials, such as bristle, horsehair, fiber of various kinds, imitation bristle, split quills, and the like, but the most important is bristle. only a little bristle is produced in the united states in comparison to the demand for it, the bulk of the supply coming from china, india, siberia, and russia. the procurement of bristle was no small part of the problem of supplying brushes for the army. not one in every tooth brushes used in the united states was of american manufacture before the war, the rest coming from japan, france, england, germany, and austria. when the european supply was cut off, japan became the principal source of supply. the problem of tooth brushes was further complicated by an embargo on bristles coming into this country and another on the exporting of bone to japan. the army bought no shaving brushes made of horsehair, even in part, since horsehair is known to be the carrier of the much dreaded anthrax germ. the government specified a shaving brush with an abbreviated handle, making it more convenient to carry. a handle-less hairbrush was also specified. paint brushes were largely standardized, but it was impossible to standardize toilet brushes because there were not enough facilities in the country to turn out sufficient quantities, if machinery had to be remodeled to meet government specifications. rolling kitchens. those in charge of general quartermaster purchases designed and produced the liberty rolling field kitchen, an equipment which could cook for men. rolling field kitchens were not new to our army or the trade, there being about six types of commercial kitchens manufactured at the time we entered the war. most of these were being produced on foreign war orders. in order, however, to secure a standardized kitchen with interchangeable parts, thus insuring a constant supply of spare parts, the division designed the liberty kitchen. there were two types of it--the horse-drawn type and the motor-drawn or trailmobile type. each kitchen consisted of a stove and a limber. the stove unit contained a bake oven and three kettles. the limber contained four bread boxes, which were also used as water containers, one cook's chest, four fireless cookers, and four kettles. in july, , contracts were awarded for , complete kitchens, including the necessary cooking and camp utensils. deliveries of these kitchens eventually reached a rate of over per day. two factories adopted and installed track conveyor equipment on which the assembling process was carried forward from operation to operation until the finished kitchen, painted and boxed, was delivered to the car for shipment to the port of embarkation. the kitchens were packed each in a single crate, ready to be delivered to the front after arriving in france. before this kitchen was designed the army had been paying from $ to $ , apiece for rolling kitchens. the average price of the liberty kitchen was $ . subsequent orders brought the total projected purchases of mobile kitchens to , , of which , were of the animal-drawn type. substantial shipments of these kitchens had been received overseas before hostilities ceased, and in november deliveries were expanding at a rate which would have exceeded several times the , liberty kitchens required by the american expeditionary forces by january , . about , rolling kitchens of all types were shipped to france. tools and tool chests. another important result accomplished in the purchase of general supplies was the standardization of tool chests. at one time the army was buying and using approximately different kinds of quartermaster tool chests. a committee to standardize tools and tool chests was appointed, and this committee reduced the number of types of tool chests to seven standardized ones--the carpenter's chest, the blacksmith's, the farrier's, the saddler's, the electrician's, the plumber's, and the horseshoer's emergency chest. the committee also standardized the tools. many varieties of such things as drawknives and handsaws had been purchased previously. this committee adopted a standard type of draw knife and a standard handsaw, and also standardized many other tools. standardization of tool chests effected a large saving in transportation space by keeping the dimensions to a minimum. the standardized carpenter's chest occupied ½ cubic feet less space than the older type wooden chest. since at the time the armistice was signed the army was in the market for approximately , tool chests of the seven standardized types, the saving in shipping space would have been no slight achievement. but there was also in sight an enormous saving of money, not to speak of the fact that standardization would greatly increase the rate of manufacturing the chests. hardware. the general supplies division of the quartermaster organization operated much of the army's hardware store. in this work the division not only standardized army tools, but also standardized the proportions in which the various tools were bought. this was not only an intensely interesting development, but it was of utmost importance to the american people, since it saved large sums of money and great quantities of shipping space. the supply officers of the american expeditionary forces early began making up their estimates of the materials that must be produced in the united states and shipped to france, to maintain the efficiency of an indefinitely growing army over a protracted period of time. in the matter of hardware these estimates came originally from the company units. each repair unit, for instance, would look over the future, and its officers would estimate kinds and quantities of tools required for such and such a period. these little estimates came together in larger groups, and so on, the consolidation of figures continuing until eventually in the case of a certain tool there would be one figure on file at headquarters. then one day one of those long daily cablegrams from france, signed "pershing," came to washington, bringing the future requirements for tools and other hardware. theoretically it might be assumed that the proportioning of items in these requisitions would be correct and that the american expeditionary forces might be expected to need tools in the proportions named. of course, sergt. a, in a repair unit with the artillery, might estimate too many hammers and too few wrenches, but machinist x, miles away in some base shop, might call for too many wrenches and too few hammers. these two estimates would thus balance correctly; and, following out this line of reasoning, it would seem that the entire american expeditionary forces' hardware requisitions, compiled as they were, would be properly proportioned. yet when these requisitions came to washington and were found to call for the manufacture of such things as files and bolts by the tens of millions, the supply officers here would not accept the theory that the proportions of various sizes called for were correct, but turned the searchlight of science upon these estimates. the method selected of checking these estimates was simplicity itself, yet unique in the history of american industry and almost majestic in the scope of its comprehensive vision. the officer in charge of the procurement of hardware, in the case of files, for instance, simply called together the entire file-manufacturing industry--and that means that not a single manufacturer was overlooked--and asked that industry to assemble the results of its experience over a period of the last five or six years. each manufacturer would show, for instance, how many flat files he had sold of each length and of each type of cutting surface--either bastard, second cut, or smooth--how many half-round files, how many hand files, how many round files, how many square files, how many warding files, how many knife files, how many taper files, etc., all by lengths and by cutting surfaces. thus when all these experience figures were assembled, the officers in charge at washington knew exactly in what proportions the whole american industrial world had used files of various types throughout a considerable period of time. this procedure was followed with respect to many common articles in hardware. the hardware manufacturers' organization for war service was formed to give just such assistance, cooperating up to per cent of the hardware industry. the consolidation of the experience figures in american hardware consumption resulted in a schedule of supplies known as the army's hardware tariff, a schedule showing the proportions in which hardware might be expected to be consumed. the hardware tariff disclosed some surprising errors in the estimates from the american expeditionary forces. the american expeditionary forces' requisitions, for instance, had called for a total of , , bolts of various kinds. the experience of bolt consumption in the american industry was able to correct this to a total of , , bolts, or a saving of nearly , , in number of pieces. the requisitions had called for , , large carriage bolts. the experience of american consumption showed that only , , large carriage bolts would be required. the original specifications had called for , , small carriage bolts. the experience in american consumption showed that , , would be necessary. in other words, the off-hand estimates of the american expeditionary forces had called for , , too many large carriage bolts and nearly , , too few small carriage bolts. the specifications from france called for , , stove bolts of the five-eighths-inch dimension. since this size was not used or was not made at all by stove-bolt manufacturers, the item was canceled, and , , smaller-dimension bolts substituted. all bolts were supplied in quantities and proportions determined by following the proportions of the scientific tariff. they were shipped to france in these proportions, whence reports from the american expeditionary forces showed that the quantities sent completely covered the needs of the troops in the field. the saving in the manufacture of bolts alone came to nearly $ , , , and this says nothing of the saving in railroad and ocean freight charges, or the still more important saving in ocean tonnage space, since the bolts supplied according to the scientific tariff occupied many hundreds of cubic feet less space than the bolts originally specified would have filled. the same procedure was followed in the supplying of files. the hardware manufacturers consulted their records and on the basis of actual consumption in american industry discovered that a repair unit consisting of a machine shop, a horseshoeing shop, a blacksmith shop, and a woodworking shop, with mechanics working in the unit, would consume dozen files per year, the experience tables showing precisely the proportions of the various sizes of files in this consumption. consequently, when the american expeditionary forces requested , dozen files, the quantities of each size, kind, and style as specified in the requisition from france were disregarded, and the so-called tariff proportions substituted. the files as supplied not only proved adequate in number in every style, but they cost $ , less than it would have cost to fill the original order. moreover, by using tariff sizes the industry was able to make immediate shipments and to run at full production from the start, since it needed only to produce files in the proportions known in the regular trade. what was done with bolts and files was done in many other lines of hardware. when the american expeditionary forces saw that its hardware was coming in correct quantities, its officers notified the hardware supply organization to ship all tools and hardware materials in accordance with the so-called tariffs. the executive committee of the hardware manufacturers' association for war service, which made possible this achievement in commercial science, consisted of messrs. murray sargent, alexander stanley, charles w. asbury, fayette r. plumb, and isaac black. the standardization of proportions in the hardware supply succeeded in cutting an original requisition of the american expeditionary forces for , tinners' machines to , and an original requisition for , tinners' assorted groovers to , and still met every need of the army's tin shops in france. the army hardware office was also called upon to supply such small hardware as fasteners for gas-mask knapsacks and pistol holsters, and some metallic parts for cartridge belts and similar goods. less than two months before the armistice was signed orders were in sight for the manufacture of some , , pieces of these small metallic devices. most of them were to be made of brass. the uses of the army in october, , were calling for these articles in such quantities that it required approximately , pounds of brass per working day to meet the demand. [illustration: ambulance body boxed for shipment overseas.] [illustration: photo showing method of crating chassis for overseas shipment.] [illustration: interior view of coat factory operated by the philadelphia quartermaster depot.] [illustration: interior view of flag and chevron factory operated by the philadelphia quartermaster depot.] at one time there came an order to procure , , stud fasteners within approximately days. the result was that one manufacturer, who had been producing , such fasteners in a day succeeded in raising his production to , , per day, and this was only typical of the expansion elsewhere in the industry. the demands of the army overtaxed the brass rolling-mill capacity of the land. as a result the hardware specialists investigated the possibility of substituting iron and steel for brass, and these substitutes were under consideration when the war came to an end. vast quantities of large sizes of rope were requested for overseas to replace steel hoisting cables, which could not be secured in sufficient quantities. standard specifications drawn by the government in cooperation with rope manufacturers insured the supply to the army of rope only of the highest grades. approximately , , pounds of manila rope, , , pounds of halter rope, and , , pounds of cotton and jute twine were purchased at a cost of approximately $ , , . army hardware men bought , , axes, at a cost of $ , , . they bought , , shovels at a cost of $ , , , and , wrenches costing $ , . they purchased , fire extinguishers at a cost of $ , , . they purchased , , safety razors and , , safety razor blades, the razors costing $ , , and the blades $ , , . these items selected at random give some idea of the extent of the army's hardware business. quartermaster factory enterprises. it may not be generally known that the quartermaster organization was an extensive manufacturer of war goods in government shops. in another chapter has been described the method by which the army was supplied with clothing. while many of the clothing contractors were private manufacturers, the government itself manufactured more uniforms than it secured from any single outside source. there were two government uniform factories--one at the plant of the philadelphia quartermaster depot and the other at the jeffersonville (ind.) quartermaster depot. the philadelphia factory also manufactured chevrons, flags, and tents. the jeffersonville depot produced army shirts in addition to outer clothing. the jeffersonville depot expanded in size during the war until it became the largest shirt manufacturing establishment in the world. when the armistice was signed the philadelphia uniform factory was rapidly gaining the eminence of being the largest clothing manufacturing plant in the united states. the total value of the articles manufactured by the philadelphia quartermaster depot during the war was $ , , . the garment factory at philadelphia was started in june, , and in five months it turned out , garments and , flags of various kinds. it was working toward an output of , pairs of trousers and , woolen coats per day. there were , employees in the shop and , outside seamstresses. the outside seamstresses made denim jumpers and trousers, white clothing, and olive drab shirts, the production of shirts alone reaching a total of , , garments. the philadelphia factory attained an output of , pairs of chevrons per day, most of them embroidered by hand or by machinery. before the war the philadelphia factory had a maximum capacity of pyramidal tents per day. this output was raised to per day. the jeffersonville uniform factory was established in february, . jeffersonville is just a few minutes' ride from louisville, ky., which is a clothing center, and therefore there was little trouble in securing experienced workers. the factory was operated day and night with two shifts, each working eight hours. the plant reached a capacity of woolen coats and , pairs of woolen trousers per day. the salaries of the women employees ranged from $ to $ per month. the government established at jeffersonville one of the most modern woolen cloth shrinking plants in the united states, costing approximately $ , and providing a capacity for sponging , yards of cloth per day. the army supply officers pronounced the uniforms turned out at jeffersonville to be the best and most honestly made clothing delivered to the army during the war, yet the cost of manufacturing uniforms in this plant was at least per cent under the average price paid to private contractors. the average cost of making a woolen service coat at jeffersonville was $ . , and the average cost of making a pair of woolen trousers was cents. the shirt factory at jeffersonville was that depot's largest manufacturing enterprise. the jeffersonville depot had been making army shirts since . the shirt factory greatly expanded during the spanish-american war, until it was employing nearly , operatives, mostly home workers. thereafter the depot continued to make shirts at the rate of about , per year until the united states declared war against germany, and in that time it had accumulated a roll of , sewing operatives who had worked for the factory at one time or other. [illustration: a pair of army shoes before and after being salvaged at jeffersonville quartermaster depot.] [illustration: two views of the resco shoe-fitting machine.] [illustration: shoe-fitting machine with plunger and wings open.] [illustration: shoe-fitting school, camp meigs, d. c.] when the great demand for shirts came in the spring of , the most expert of these seamstresses were hired outright by the month to act as instructors in the homes of new sewing women who had volunteered for the work. advertisements were then sent out through the newspapers of that entire section for women workers, and presently the factory had a sewing force of , operatives from practically every town and village throughout southern indiana and northwestern kentucky. the output of shirts was increased from , per year to , , . each home worker was supplied with one complete shirt to be used as a guide, and she secured from the factory as often as she needed it shirt material cut from the pattern and tied up in bundles of sets. a large corps of sanitary inspectors was employed to visit the thousands of homes and see to it that the shirts were made under proper conditions. all shirts accepted from the home workers were thoroughly fumigated before being issued from the depot. shoe fitting. the quartermaster department, along with its other activities, was a school-teacher on a large scale. without going into a general description of the quartermaster schools and the branches they taught, we will here consider some of the most interesting educational enterprises such as the shoe-fitting schools, the schools for butchers, and the school of goods packing. elsewhere in this volume the mechanical system of shoe measuring, perfected and adopted by the war department, was described. studies made at the camps at various times during and , studies which examined nearly , men, showed that a little more than per cent were wearing shoes too short, more than per cent were wearing shoes too long, while less than per cent were correctly fitted. it is probable that these proportions ran clear through the army before shoe fitting was scientifically taken up, and there is no reason to believe that in civil life the averages of correct shoe fitting are any better. after the so-called resco system of shoe fitting was adopted, schools for shoe measuring were held at camp meigs, d. c., and at jefferson barracks, mo. each camp and cantonment in the country sent two officers to one or the other of these schools. the course of instruction lasted five days and consisted of lectures by experts and demonstrations of the various appliances. in this way the science of correct shoe fitting was scattered throughout the army. meat cutting. it is no easy trick to teach a man to cut meat properly; butchering is a skilled trade. as soon as it was apparent that the american expeditionary forces in france were to be greatly expanded in size, our officers overseas sent requests that several trained and experienced butchery companies be sent over to cut meats properly for the organizations abroad. in order to comply with this request there was added to the curriculum of the quartermaster training camp in florida a butchery course in the cutting, boning, rolling, and tying of fresh and frozen beef. in this course there was developed an entirely new method of cutting beef known as the "natural guide" method; and by it men who had never cut meat before were developed into practical meat cutters in less than eight weeks of instruction and practice. the natural guide method, which was found to be far superior for army use to any other meat-cutting system which had been known, was exactly what it was named, as it was essentially a separating rather than a cutting process. the beef quarters were boned and divided into their major parts by following the natural separations between muscles, tissues, and bones. this method, which is not at all like that in commercial use, proved to be more economical than any meat-cutting system known, because it utilized every ounce of meat and produced a greater proportion of choice cuts suitable for pot roasts and other roasts than the older army cooks' manual method of meat cutting. the cooks' manual method was similar to the method used by the retail butcher, in that it cut meat along artificial indetermined lines. the natural guide method actually produced per cent more edible meat than the other method, since even the most expert meat cutters can not remove all meat from the bones by the cooks' manual method. moreover, by the natural guide method all cuts are uniform, and the fats, suets, and bones are separated as clean, sweet, edible products. butchery companies were trained by the natural guide method and sent overseas in numbers sufficient for the requirements of the american expeditionary forces. after the discovery of this method and the fact that it produced at least per cent more meat than even the expert cutters could secure by the artificial cutting system, it was evident that further research work along this line would be profitable. even expert butchers, in spite of all their skill and care, wasted meat. what must be the conditions in the mess kitchens of the army where the cooks, with no expert knowledge of butchery, cut the meats? it was evident that numerous edible by-products of meat, such as fats and marrow, were going into the kitchen garbage pails and thence to the rendering plants. the result of the investigation was a project to establish central meat-cutting and rendering plants for all large concentrations of troops, where all meats would be cut, boned, rolled, and tied, by experts, and delivered direct to the company kitchens ready for roasting or cooking in any manner. the fat and suet at such plants would not be soiled or made unsound by handling, and so it could be rendered and its food value retained. the oil could be cooked from the bones as a valuable by-product, the bones could be dried and sold commercially, and the plant could also have machinery for making sausage and hamburg steak. a plant of this character was put in operation during the summer and autumn of at camp johnston, the quartermaster training camp, and it proved to be a complete success. when the armistice was signed, the general staff was considering the proposition of establishing these centralized meat plants at all the larger camps. the meat experts also effected notable economies in ship space by developing what was known as shankless beef. shank-less beef was beef quarters with the four shanks removed. quarters thus prepared occupied per cent less freezer, cargo, and shipping space than quarters with their shanks. a still further economy in shipping space was projected in the plan to bone all beef at the packing plants and ship it boxed or frozen in molds and wrapped in burlap. this method saved about per cent of cargo space, and it began to be extensively used during the winter of - . one set of packages included tenderloins, sirloins, butts, loin steaks, top rounds, and shoulder steaks. another set of packages contained roasts, including prime ribs, rumps, bottom rounds, and bottom chucks. a third set was for stews, including flanks, plates, blades, necks, shanks, and trimmings. packing. american exporters generally for many years have had the reputation of packing goods improperly for overseas shipment. time and again travelers and investigators in foreign lands have pointed out that if america expected to compete successfully with other manufacturing nations in foreign trade, she must learn to pack goods so that the packages will not break en route and damage the contents. when we sent an army of over , , men to france, it was evident that unless we learned quickly how to put up our supplies properly for overseas shipment, our lack of knowledge would be costly to us. accordingly the packing service branch of the quartermaster department was established. one of its first acts was to set up a school of baling, packing, and crating, this school being located at the forest products laboratory at madison, wis., where studies of packing were being made by scientists. the school started in july, , and before the armistice came it had graduated students from its six-weeks' course. now, while it was important that army supplies reached the other side in good condition, it was soon seen that of even greater importance would be the economy that might be effected in shipping space by the scientific packing of goods. this obscure and little known packing service branch was really one of the most important agencies in the whole war organization, since the results which it accomplished in the saving of ship space were nothing short of astonishing. these economies came at a time when the german submarines were still highly destructive to american and allied shipping, and the shortage of ocean tonnage was one of the most disturbing factors in the whole war situation. the american packing service, in saving thousands of tons of shipping space, in reality offset the operations of the u-boats over a considerable period of time. these space economies resulted usually from specifications drawn by the packing experts reducing the sizes of packing cases that were too large for the goods contained, and also by packing articles more compactly. for instance, these experts studied the rolling kitchen and determined the most compact assembly of its parts in a crate. the crate was then carefully designed to occupy a minimum amount of space. some , rolling kitchens were packed ready for shipment to france. had all of these been floated, a total of , cubic tons of ship space would have been saved, or the equivalent of five or six whole shiploads. as it was, room aboard ship could be found for only , rolling kitchens, which by being scientifically packed occupied , cubic tons less cargo space, or about two whole shiploads, than they would have occupied otherwise. wherever possible, entire units of such heavy articles as escort wagons and ambulances were packed in single crates. wherever open spaces were inevitable in the crating, these vacancies were filled with various subsistence stores, such as dried peas or beans. galvanized-iron cans, for instance, were packed with two sacks of flour inside each one. the experts studied boxing to determine the best thickness of wood required by various commodities and the proper method of strapping or otherwise fastening the boxes. as a result there was a great improvement in the condition of goods arriving in france. in no respect did the packing service effect greater space economy than in the packing of clothes for the american expeditionary forces. formerly clothing had gone forward to troops packed loosely in wooden boxes. the packing service devised the system of baling all clothing, and a baling plant was set up at the army supply base in brooklyn. the service gave scientific attention to the proper folding of garments and eventually, after exhaustive experiments, developed a system of folding that allowed the maximum number of pieces which could go into a bale. it was found that these new methods saved two-thirds of the space that had been used formerly for the shipment of the same quantity of goods in boxes, to say nothing of the great saving both in labor and in boxing materials. [illustration: a field of rolling kitchens at nevers, france.] [illustration: field kitchen equipment.] [illustration: mules after malleining. malleining is a serum test to determine if the animal is suffering from glanders.] the baling plant at new york in the calendar year shipped to france approximately , , bales of clothing and textile and other equipment that could be baled. the saving in money to the united states government by this method of packing at this one plant in a single year amounted to approximately $ , , . the largest item in this economy was the matter of cargo space, which is estimated at $ , , saved to the government. the complete statement of the financial saving in the shipment of these , , bales is as follows: material $ , , labor , tare weight , cargo space , , ---------- total , , ========== to these savings are to be added: savings effected in rent and maintenance , freight to the shipping warehouses , rent of additional warehouse awaiting shipment , freight from warehouse to ship side , , re-cooperage , unloading at the forwarding stations , , ---------- total , , ========== grand total , , in addition to the financial saving there was a large saving in raw materials, which count for more than money to a nation engaged in a desperate war. this million bales of clothing saved , , board feet of lumber, which would have been used in boxing had the old system of packing been followed. the lumber which might have gone into these boxes requires years for its growth, but the burlap covering the bales was made of jute, which is raised in semiannual crops. the size of the bale adopted was by by inches and up to inches. it is interesting to note that this size was determined upon because it was found that the burlap covering such bales of this size would cut into sandbags with a minimum amount of waste material. the army abroad used great quantities of sandbags. thus, by wrapping bales in burlap pieces of proper size, there was saved a considerable amount of cargo space previously occupied by baled burlap being shipped to france to be made into sandbags. it is also notable that baled clothing arrived in france in much better condition than clothing which had been packed in cases. horses and mules. the quartermaster corps was charged with the duty of providing horses and mules for the army. this function is known technically as remount, and the buying of horses was in the hands of the remount division. there were three permanent remount depots in the united states when the war began in april, --one at front royal, va., one at fort reno, okla., and one at keogh, mont.,--an auxiliary remount depot at fort bliss, tex., and a purchasing headquarters at kansas city, mo. when it became apparent that the army would need a large number of horses, some of the most celebrated horsemen and riders in the country offered their services as buyers. some of them were commissioned as captains in the quartermaster reserve corps and sent to the various purchasing headquarters for short training in the proper types of horses and animals required by the army. these buyers purchased a large number of excellent animals. in addition to the existing three remount depots there were established additional auxiliary remount depots and two animal embarkation depots. the horses purchased were shipped to the various remount depots and there trained and conditioned for army use. it required a large number of officers and men to care for the remount establishment. shortly before the armistice was signed there were approximately officers and , enlisted men in the american remount service. the following statement shows the total numbers of horses and mules purchased for the american army in the calendar years - , including those acquired by the remount service in france: _(a) number of horses and mules purchased from jan. , , to jan. , ._ -------------------+------------------------------+---------------+------- | horses. | mules. | +--------+----------+----------+-------+-------+ grand where purchased. | | light | heavy | | pack | total. |cavalry.|artillery.|artillery.| draft.| and | | | | | |riding.| -------------------+--------+----------+----------+-------+-------+------- from french | , | , | , | , | , | , from spanish | , | | | , | , | , from british | , | , | , | , | | , in united states | , | , | , | , | , | , private mounts | | | | | | young horses | , | , | | | | , +--------+----------+----------+-------+-------+------- total purchased to | , | , | , | , | , | , jan. , | | | | | | -------------------+--------+----------+----------+-------+-------+------- _(b) number of horses and number of mules lost in america and abroad apr. , , to jan. , ._ -------------------+---------+---------+------- | horses. | mules. | total. -------------------+---------+---------+------- in america | , | , | , abroad | , | , | , +---------+---------+------- total | , | , | , -------------------+---------+---------+------- _(c) number of horses and mules on hand in the united states and insular possessions, jan. , ._ horses: cavalry , draft , mules: draft , pack and riding , ------- grand total , thousands of american animals were shipped to the american expeditionary forces in france. because of the lack of tonnage there were no animal shipments between march , , and august . between the declaration of war and march , , a total of , animals were shipped abroad, and in the august -november period , animals crossed the atlantic, making a total of , american horses and mules sent to the american expeditionary forces. the total expenditures of the army both abroad and at home for horses and mules during the war period was $ , , , divided about half and half between the united states on the one hand and france, england, and spain on the other. the largest remount depot developed during the war is located at camp jackson, columbia, s. c. this depot has a capacity of about , animals and its construction cost was about $ , . soon after the armistice was signed, when it became apparent that animals would no longer be needed, thousands of horses and mules at the different remount depots were sold at auction, these auction sales drawing large crowds of buyers. storage. the problem of storing army supplies became great only after hostilities had ceased. before that time supplies were going through the warehouses and to the ships at the deep-water ports so rapidly that there was no backing up of the tide of them in the vast warehouse facilities that had been provided as a war measure. but as soon as the armistice was signed and the army no longer grew in size but rapidly diminished as men were discharged, the manufacturing operations under way, necessarily continued for a time on a scale which had been developed in preparation for an army nearly double the size of the one that existed on november , , soon began filling up the warehouses. the total storage capacity which the army had on hand at the time of the fighting, exclusive of that at ports and that for the department of military aeronautics, was as follows: -----+-------------------+----------------+----------------+----------- zone.| depot. | warehouse. | open. | total. -----+-------------------+----------------+----------------+----------- | | _square feet._ | _square feet._ | | boston | , , | | , , | new york | , , | | , , | philadelphia | , , | | , , | baltimore | , , | | , , | atlanta | , , | , | , , | jeffersonville | , , | | , , | chicago | , , | , , | , , | st. louis | , , | | , , | new orleans | , | , | , | san antonio | , | | , | omaha | , | | , | el paso | , | , | , | san francisco | , , | | , , | newport news | , | | , | washington, d. c. | , | , | , , | +----------------+----------------+----------- | grand total | , , | , , | , , =====+===================+================+================+=========== | warehouse | open | total. -------------------------+----------------+----------------+----------- | _square feet._ | _square feet._ | camps | , , | , , | , , -------------------------+----------------+----------------+----------- the operation of one of the quartermaster depot warehouses might be described at this point, and the general supply depot at jeffersonville, ind., is typical. during the war this depot procured for the quartermaster corps of the entire army all horse-drawn vehicles and harness, and such items as barrack ranges, field ranges, and ovens, pack-train equipment, and other supplies. the war deliveries began at jeffersonville in the late summer of . receipts soon outgrew storage space. adjoining lands were leased, and supplies, covered by paulins, were stored in the open. this early period of the war, prior to the spring of , was a back-up period at all the warehouses, as supplies were produced faster than men were trained and transported to france. in the late spring of jeffersonville began making heavy shipments of supplies overseas and from then on shipments exceeded receipts. for three months before the armistice was signed the jeffersonville depot's shipments averaged carloads a day and its receipts about carloads. after the armistice was signed, jeffersonville was designated as the depot for the storage of all surplus horse-drawn vehicles and black harnesses therefor. extensive temporary storage sheds were erected. inbound shipments increased to about cars a day. the depot has stored , rolling kitchens of the trailmobile type, these kitchens being packed in boxes, each package weighing about , pounds. the work of storing these kitchens is still in progress, and the pile of boxes will ultimately be feet wide, feet high, and , feet long. as the pile is made, corrugated-iron roofing is placed on the sides and top, thus forming a waterproof building. crated automobile trailers, weighing about , pounds per crate, are being handled in the same manner. wagons are stored in galvanized-iron warehouses, each one capable of receiving , wagons, without wheels. wagon wheels are stored in specially adapted sheds. about , automobile trucks have already been received for storage in specially constructed sheds. these trucks are mainly nash quads, four-wheel-drive trucks, and g. m. c. ambulance chassis. these chassis are stored on end, resting on the bumpers. the engines of all trucks are well oiled and the magnetos are covered with waterproof material. [illustration: storage of automobile chassis, jeffersonville, ind.] [illustration: storing rolling kitchens.] [illustration: method of storing wagon wheels at jeffersonville quartermaster storage depot.] [illustration: method of storing horse collars at jeffersonville depot.] as the supplies backed up into the warehouses, it became necessary for the army to know where it stood in the matter of property; and a complete inventory was ordered, since there had been no time during the hurry and bustle of the war period to take stock. this inventory in itself was an enormous undertaking. to prepare for it the quartermaster training school at camp meigs, d. c., was completely transformed into a school for training experts for taking inventories. a standard scheme was worked out. the experts, after being trained in the standard method, were sent out into every zone in the country as instructors. in each zone they convened the so-called "town meetings." the town meeting was made up of army storekeepers from each depot, post, camp, and station in the zone--any place where army supplies were stored. these representatives were schooled in the inventory method and then sent back to their stations with instructions to start the inventory on december , . the next operation was to organize an inventory factory in washington as the consolidating point for all the inventories in the united states. some idea of the number of articles which uncle sam accumulated as a result of the war may be gained from the fact that the inventories received in washington filled , sheets of paper, the size of an ordinary large letterhead, with typewriting single spaced. to take the inventory required a force in washington of approximately officers and civilians, while there were probably over , officers and men engaged in the entire operation over the country. the inventory was undoubtedly the largest ever taken in the world. before the war the standard items of army supplies had been , . the inventory in the consolidation of its figures in washington disclosed the fact that at the beginning of the year there were , standard items, and many of these stood for large quantities of individual pieces. as this report is written, a catalogue, or standard nomenclature list of supplies, comprising , items, is being prepared, to establish throughout the united states one language of supply for all items stored, distributed, and issued under the direction of the director of storage. chapter iv. motor and horse-drawn vehicles. the punitive expedition into mexico in pursuit of francisco villa marked the real beginning of the use of motor transportation for the army, although for many years the motor truck had received some attention for military purposes. in a few progressive officers at west point made preliminary tests of ½-ton trucks, but these tests, while demonstrating that the truck would doubtless be of value to the army in the future, were not sufficiently successful to create any particular interest. a few trucks were in use in the army in , but no systematic tests were made until . at that time officers were seriously studying the motor transportation needs and problems of the army. in the society of automobile engineers, having learned from the experience of european nations then at war that motor transportation is one of the most vital factors in the success of any army, offered its services to our war department for the purpose of making a complete survey of the automotive industry, in the hope that the interests of the industry and of the army could be coordinated so that in an extreme emergency the industry might be able to provide the necessary motor equipment for the army, and that the army might be able to use such equipment in the most efficient manner. pursuant to this offer, on april , , the war department asked the society's cooperation in issuing revised specifications for the purchase of ½-ton and -ton army trucks. in may of the same year, a committee consisting of the engineers from five companies manufacturing trucks, from five companies assembling trucks, and an engineer from a truck company not making the types of trucks under consideration, was appointed to cooperate with army officers in making plans to provide our troops with motor vehicles suitable to their needs. on this committee were representatives of the locomobile co. of america, the packard motor car co., the peerless motor car co., the pierce-arrow motor car co., the kelly-springfield motor truck co., the selden motor vehicle co., the commercial truck co. of america, the white co., and the general motors co. this committee went over the government specifications for the ½-ton and -ton trucks, which had been proposed by the army, and after a few changes had been made, the specifications were drawn up for what then seemed to be the ideal trucks for army use in these two sizes. trucks at this time were urgently needed for our forces along the mexican border and for the punitive expedition entering mexico. consequently rush orders for the first large quantities of trucks ever purchased or used by our army were placed with the white co., the packard motor car co., the garford motor truck co., the kelly-springfield motor truck co., the four wheel drive co., and the jeffery (nash) quad. it was with the trucks of these concerns that our army officers obtained their first real experience on a big scale with motor transportation. the trucks themselves also received the most severe tests while in service on the border and in mexico. not only did the army officers secure valuable experience in operating this motor equipment but the manufacturer also took this exceptional opportunity to study motor vehicles in actual operation under army conditions, and early in revised specifications for army trucks were issued as a result of the numerous conferences that had been held between representatives of the war department and the automobile industry. in may standard specifications for the so-called class a ( ½-ton to -ton) and the class b ( -ton to -ton) motor trucks were established, showing that the fundamental requirements of motor trucks for the army were as follows: low-gear reduction, larger engines, -speed transmission (with very low first speed), maximum ground clearance, demountable tires of standardized size and specifications, large gasoline tank, electric lighting system, -point engine suspension, locking differential, extra quality alloy steel springs, and larger radiators. after deciding on the requisites of an army truck, the matter of standardization began to receive definite attention, it being the belief of many of the army officers that it would be entirely possible and practicable so to standardize army vehicles that but one type of truck would be sufficient for each size, and it became quite evident if this ideal could be worked out, the maintenance of army vehicles would be a simple matter. without some standardization, the providing of the proper stock of spare parts became a problem of extreme difficulty. in the early summer of an appropriation of $ , was set aside by the quartermaster department for the purpose of financing the cost of designing and drawing up specifications for a complete new vehicle, which would become a standardized truck for our military forces. on august , , there were assembled in washington automotive engineers who had been in touch with the truck needs of the army; and these men, with the help of army officers, began the task of designing a sample standardized truck, first centering their efforts on the -ton size, as this was at that time most urgently needed by the army. on october of this same year the engineers had finished designing the new type of truck and had completed the first two sample trucks of this type, afterwards known as the "standardized b." these two sample trucks were driven to washington on october , were formally presented to the war department, tested, and pronounced wholly successful. orders for , of these class b trucks were placed within the next few weeks. five additional trucks were rushed through the plants as a check on tools and were completed january , . in april, actual production having begun on the first , , the purchase of an additional , was authorized, and orders for them were placed in may. in september, , additional orders were placed for , , but on account of the signing of the armistice no trucks were delivered under this last order. production of these standardized class b trucks was directed by the following men, who were called to washington: christian girl, head of the standard parts co., of cleveland; james f. bourquin, continental motor co., louisville, ky.; percy w. tracy, of the premier motor co., indianapolis; walter s. quinlan, of the maynard h. murch co., cleveland; guy morgan, of the mitchell motors corporation, racine, wis.; j. g. utz, of the standard parts co., cleveland; g. w. randels, of the foote-burt co., cleveland; and a. g. drefs, of the miller-franklin co. all materials for the building of a standardized truck were mobilized through officials at washington. in general, it was the idea to have at least three or four sources of supply for each part that went into the standardized truck, and as a result parts manufacturers were given contracts. during the time in which the quartermaster department was attempting to standardize all army cargo-carrying vehicles, and up to may , , the other branches of the army were buying commercial trucks of different makes for their special uses. the ordnance department had concentrated on the nash and f. w. d. trucks for ammunition and other ordnance work, and had ordered approximately , of these two types. the signal corps had specialized in the light and heavy aviation trucks, these being assembled from known and tried units, such as motors, axles, transmission, etc., and equipped with special apparatus for the signal corps. approximately , of the light aviation and , of the heavy aviation trucks were ordered. the engineer corps had adopted the mack ½-ton truck and had ordered approximately , . the medical corps had gone in for the g. m. c. model for ambulances, of which approximately , had been ordered, and they had also purchased approximately , ford ambulances. these five branches of the army had purchased trucks of other makes as well, and during the winter of and it became evident that the buying of so many makes and from so many different manufacturers was not a logical solution of the motor transportation problem. each corps had its own ideas as to the type of truck required, and the sum of these ideas resulted in a decided lack of standardization for the army as a whole, and no complete standardization for any corps as a unit. during the first year of operations in france the american expeditionary forces had purchased various types of vehicles abroad in order to fill their immediate requirements, and the result was that over different makes of motor vehicles were actually in use by the american expeditionary forces. this diversity in types was to some extent caused by lack of shipping space in which to transport motor equipment abroad. not being able to secure sufficient trucks from the united states, due to shortage of ocean tonnage, the american expeditionary forces were compelled to purchase a miscellaneous assortment of foreign-made vehicles, thus complicating the maintenance problem beyond the possibility of a satisfactory solution. the buying of motor equipment by so many different agencies of the government was not only confusing to the manufacturer, who was selling to five different corps, but it also precluded any possibility of real standardization; and with a view of eliminating these two evils, special order , w. d. , and general order , w. d. , were issued. the first created a standardization board and the second consolidated the procurement of all motor vehicles in the motor transport service, which service operated under the direction of the quartermaster general. under the special orders the standardization board was charged with selecting and approving the proper types for the use of the army, the board being composed of representatives from each of the various corps. in this manner the various ideas of the different corps were coordinated through the discussion of the board, and the final result was that the following chassis were standardized for use: passenger cars: light, ford and dodge; heavy, cadillac. ambulances: g. m. c. and ford (with longer wheel base). trucks: one-half-ton to ¾-ton, ford and dodge (same chassis as in passenger cars); ¾-ton to -ton, g. m. c. model ; ½-ton to -ton, white; -ton to -ton, quartermaster standardized "b." the -wheel-drive tt type, called the "militor," was also standardized, this being a special truck tractor designed by the ordnance department. these latter vehicles were never furnished to the army, as production had not progressed far enough at the time of the signing of the armistice. on this limited number of chassis could be mounted any bodies required by the army. for instance the white ¾-ton to -ton chassis could be used as a passenger car when equipped with pneumatic tires and with the ordnance staff observation or reconnaissance body. the ford and dodge chassis could be used either with the regular passenger-car bodies or with light-delivery or light-repair bodies. the g. m. c. chassis could be used either as an ambulance or could be equipped with a light-cargo body, thus providing a ¾-ton to -ton truck. the standardized "b" chassis could be used with special machine-shop bodies, special signal corps apparatus, or the regular "b" cargo body, etc. the work of the board was painstaking and thorough, and decisions were rendered only after experts had been consulted and exhaustive tests made. while the board was standardizing on the types of vehicles to be purchased in the future for the army, the motor transport service was being formed, and by june , , the consolidation of procurement, inspection, production, maintenance, etc., was well underway. the needs of the american expeditionary forces for motor equipment were increasing by leaps and bounds, and the motor transport service found that it was impossible to purchase the trucks standardized by the motorization board in sufficient quantities to meet the overseas requirements. it was therefore decided, after the consent of the board had been received, that certain other types of vehicles should be procured to fill the requirements of the army until such time as production of the standardized truck could be increased. therefore, the makes of trucks which were already in use in large quantities with the american expeditionary forces were temporarily made standard to meet the immediate needs of the army. it being extremely difficult to purchase sufficient trucks, even of these additional makes, to meet the needs overseas, it was decided that still other makes of trucks would be procured for use in the united states, thus allowing all the makes standardized for overseas use to be shipped to france. the motor transport service operated from may until august , , when the motor transport corps was organized under general order no. . this order created a separate corps under the operations division of the general staff for the operation as well as the procurement of all passenger and cargo carrying motor equipment for the army. a few weeks later, however, supply circular , p., s. & t., was issued, placing the procurement of the above under the director of purchase, storage and traffic (motors and vehicles division), but the operation and maintenance of vehicles was left with the motor transport corps. from september on these organizations remained unchanged up to and after the signing of the armistice. the table appended shows the status of the procurement and production of motor-vehicle orders as of november , , days prior to the signing of the armistice. it will be noted that there had been ordered for delivery before july , , a total of , trucks, , ambulances, and , passenger cars. the army in april, , possessed , trucks, automobiles, motor cycles, and tractors. one and one-half years later it owned approximately , trucks, and had the war continued until july , , there would have been approximately , trucks provided for its use by american industry. in addition, this same industry would have provided , ambulances, , passenger cars, , motor cycles, , bicycles, making a grand total approaching , vehicles, costing (with spare parts) over $ , , . from the very beginning the government received the hearty cooperation of the entire industry. the need was urgent, the demand tremendous, and many manufacturers were called upon to sacrifice their own product in order to meet the needs of the army, and many were on a -per-cent war-work basis. _motor truck production._ vehicles standardized for overseas shipment. key: (a) - class (b) - capacity in tons (c) - total ordered to nov. , (d) - total completed to nov. , (e) - floated overseas ---------------+---+-------+---------------------------+------+------+------- name. |(a)| (b) | manufacturer. / address. | (c) | (d) | (e) ---------------+---+-------+---------------------------+------+------+------- g. m. c. |aa | |commerce motor car co. | | | standard | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. |aa | do. |velie motors corp. | , | | | | | moline. ill. | | | do. |aa | do. |dort motor co. | , | | | | | flint, mich. | | | do. |aa | do. |elgin motor car corp. | | | | | | elgin, ill. | | | do. |aa | do. |lexington motor co. | | | | | | connersville, ind. | | | do. |aa | do. |auburn auto co. | | | | | | auburn, ind. | | | do. |aa | do. |hupp motor car corp. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. |aa | do. |general motor truck co. | , | | | | | pontiac, mich. | | | do. |aa | do. |saxon motor car co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. |aa | do. |campbell motor car co. | | | | | | kingston, n. y. | | | do. |aa | do. |columbia motor co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. |aa | do. |moon motor car co. | | | | | | st. louis, mo. | | | do. |aa | do. |liberty motor co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | g. m. c. |aa | do. |general motors truck co. | , | , | , ambulance | | | pontiac, mich. | | | white |aa | do. |the white co. | , | , | | | | cleveland, ohio | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= dodge light |aa | ½ |dodge bros. co. | , | , |} delivery | | | detroit, mich. | | |} , dodge light |aa | ¾ | do. do. | , | , |} repair | | | | | | ford light |aa | do. |ford motor co. | , | , | , delivery | | | do. | | | ford |aa | do. | do. do. | , | , | , ambulances | | | | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= white | a | ½ |the white co. | , | , | , standard | | | cleveland, ohio | | | do. | a | do. |peerless motor co. | , | | | | | do. | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= light aviation | a | ½ |general motor truck co. | , | , |} | | to | pontiac, mich. | | |} do. | a | do. |paige motor car co. | | |} | | | detroit, mich. | | |} , do. | a | do. |republic motor truck co. | | |} | | | alma, mich. | | |} do. | a | do. |denby motor truck co. | | |} | | | detroit, mich. | | | garford | a | ½ |garford motor truck co. | , | , | | | | lima, ohio | | | packard | a | do. |packard motor car co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | pierce-arrow | a | do. |pierce-arrow motor car co. | , | , | | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= standardized b | b | |packard motor car co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. | b | do. |gramm-bernstein motor | , | , | | | | truck co. | | | | | | lima, ohio | | | do. | b | do. |kelly-springfield motor | , | | | | | truck co. | | | | | | springfield, ohio | | | do. | b | do. |indiana truck corporation | , | | | | | marion, ind. | | | do. | b | do. |service motor truck co. | , | | | | | wabash, ind. | | | do. | b | do. |republic motor truck co. | , | | | | | alma, mich. | | | do. | b | do. |pierce-arrow motor car co. | , | | | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | do. | b | do. |selden truck sales co. | , | , | | | | rochester, n. y. | | | do. | b | do. |bethlehem motors | , | | | | | corporation | | | | | | allentown, pa. | | | do. | b | do. |diamond t motor co. | , | | | | | chicago, ill. | | | do. | b | do. |u. s. motor truck co. | , | | | | | cincinnati, ohio | | | do. | b | do. |brockway motor truck co. | , | | | | | cortland, n. y. | | | do. | b | do. |velie motors corporation | , | | | | | moline, ill. | | | do. | b | do. |sterling motor truck | , | | | | | corporation | | | | | | milwaukee, wis. | | | do. | b | do. |garford motor truck co. | , | | | | | lima, ohio | | | do. | b | do. |hurlburt motor truck co. | | | | | | new york, n. y. | | | do. | b | do. |midland motor truck co. | | | | | | oklahoma city, okla. | | | do. | b | do. |atterbury motor car co. | | | | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | do. | b | do. |standard motor truck co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. | b | do. |maccar co. | | | | | | scranton, pa. | | | do. | b | do. |clyde cars co. | | | | | | clyde, ohio | | | do. | b | do. |rowe motor manufacturing | | | | | | co. | | | | | | lancaster, pa. | | | do. | b | do. |j. c. wilson co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. | b | do. |lewis hall iron works | | | | | | do. | | | do. | b | do. |denby motor truck co. | , | | | | | do. | | | do. | b | do. |winther motor truck co. | | | | | | winthrop harbor, ill. | | | do. | b | do. |vim motor truck co. | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | do. | b | do. |signal motor truck co. | | | | | | do. | | | do. | b | do. |united motors co. | | | | | | grand rapids, mich. | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= packard | b | |packard motor car co. | , | , | , | | | detroit, mich. | | | heavy aviation | b | do. |united motors co. | | |} | | | grand rapids, mich. | | |} do. | b | do. |federal motor truck co. | , | , |} | | | detroit mich. | | |} do. | b | do. |kelly-springfield motor | , | , |} , | | | truck co. | | |} | | | springfield, ohio | | |} do. | b | do. |standard motor truck co. | | |} | | | detroit, mich. | | |} do. | b | do. |velie motors corporation | , | |} | | | moline, ill. | | | riker | b | |locomobile co. of america | , | , | , | | | bridgeport, conn. | | | pierce-arrow | b | |pierce-arrow motor car co. | , | , | , | | | buffalo, n. y. | | | mack | b | ½ |international motors co. | , | , | , | | | new york, n. y. | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= four-wheel |tt | |nash motors co. | , | , |} drive | | | kenosha, wis. | | |} do. |tt | do. |hudson motor car co. | , | |} | | | detroit, mich. | | |} do. |tt | do. |national motor car & | , | |} | | | vehicle | | |} | | | indianapolis, ind. | | |} , do. |tt | do. |paige motor car co. | , | |} | | | detroit, mich. | | |} do. | w | do. |nash motors co. | | |} | | | kenosha, wis. | | |} do. | w | |four-wheel drive auto co. | | |} | | | clintonville, wis. | | | do. |tt | do. | do. do. | , | , |} | | | | | |} do. |tt | do. |mitchell motors | , | |} | | | corporation | | |} | | | racine, wis. | | |} , do. |tt | do. |premier motor co. | , | , |} | | | indianapolis, ind. | | |} do. |tt | do. |kissel motor car co. | , | |} | | | hartford, wis. | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , | | | +======+======+======= cadillac, | p | |cadillac motor car co. | , | |} limousine | | | detroit, mich. | | |} , cadillac, open | p | | do. do. | , | , |} | | | | | | dodge, open | p | |dodge bros co. | , | , |} | | | | | |} , dodge, winter | p | | do. do. | , | , |} top | | | | | | ford; touring | p | |ford motor co. | , | , | , | | | do. | | | | | | +------+------+------- total | | | | , | , | , ---------------+---+-------+---------------------------+------+------+------- key: w - winch p - pass motor vehicles for domestic distribution. key: (a) - class (b) - capacity in tons (c) - ordered to nov. , (d) - completed to nov. , (e) - completed to dec. , (f) - total floated overseas p - passenger --------------+---+-----+----------------------+------+------+-------+------ name. |(a)| (b) |manufacturer./address.| (c) | (d) | (e) | (f) --------------+---+-----+----------------------+------+------+-------+------ commerce |aa | |commerce motor car co.| , | , | , | | | | detroit, mich. | | | | ford trucks | |¾ |ford motor co. | , | , | , | , | |to | do. | | | | | | | +------+------+-------+------ total | | | | , | , | , | , | | | +======+======+=======+====== white un- | a | ½ |the white co. | | | | standardized| | | cleveland, ohio | | | | kelly- | a | do. |kelly-springfield | | | | springfield | | | motor co. | | | | | | | springfield, ohio | | | | denby | a | do. |denby motor truck co. | | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | | international | a | do. |international | , | | | | | | harvester co. | | | | | | | akron, ohio | | | | miscellaneous | a | ½ | | | | | | |to | | | | | american | | | | | | | | | | | | | | wilson | a | ½ |j. c. wilson co. | | | | | |to | detroit, mich. | | | | moreland | a | do. |moreland motor truck | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | los angeles, cal. | | | | miscellaneous | a | do. | | | | | american | | | | | | | ambulance | | | | | | | | | | +------+------+-------+------ total | | | | , | , | , | | | | +======+======+=======+====== white | b | |the white co. | | | | | | | cleveland, ohio | | | | peerless | b | do. |peerless motor car | | | | | | | do. | | | | mack | b | ½ |international motors | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | new york, n. y. | | | | velie | b | do. |velie motors | | | | | | | corporation | | | | | | | moline, ill. | | | | gramm- | b | do. |gramm-bernstein | | | | bernstein | | | truck co. | | | | | | | lima, ohio | | | | federal | b | do. |federal motor truck | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | | standard | b | do. |standard motor truck | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | do. | | | | selden | b | do. |selden motor truck co.| | | | | | | rochester, n. y. | | | | republic | b | do. |republic motor truck | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | alma, mich. | | | | moreland | b | |moreland motor truck | | | | | | | co., los angeles, | | | | | | | calif. | | | | white | b | |the white co. | | | | | | | cleveland, ohio | | | | packard | b | do. |packard motor car co. | | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | | hurlburt | b | do. |hurlburt motor truck | | | | | | | co. | | | | | | | new york, n. y. | | | | federal | b | do. |federal motor truck | | | | | | | co., detroit, mich. | | | | miscellaneous | b | to | | | | | american | | | | | | | | | | +------+------+-------+------ total | | | | , | , | , | , | | | +======+======+=======+====== | | | | | | | dodge sedan | p | |dodge bros. | | | | | | | detroit, mich. | | | | dodge roadster|do.| | do. do. | | | | | | | | | | | ford roadster |do.| |ford motor co. | | | | | | | do. | | | | ford closed |do.| | do. do. | | | | | | | | | | | miscellaneous |do.| | | | | | american | | | | | | | | | | +------+------+-------+------ total | | | | , | , | , | --------------+---+-----+----------------------+------+------+-------+------ motorcycles, side cars, and bicycles. the need of the army for motorcycles, side cars, and bicycles was so tremendous that for many months during the war practically the entire output of these vehicles of the kinds selected as being most suitable for army use was taken by the government. it was found that the indian and harley-davidson motorcycles were best adapted to meet the necessities of the expeditionary forces in france, and these types were standardized for overseas shipment. orders for a total of , indian motorcycles were placed with the manufacturers at springfield, mass., and before the end of , , of these had been delivered. from the harley-davidson manufacturers at milwaukee, wis., the government received , machines of the total of , ordered before the end of . in addition to the harley-davidson and indian machines, , cleveland motorcycles, made in cleveland, ohio, were contracted for, and , delivered previous to . side-car equipment for the indian and harley-davidson machines was bought in almost as great quantities as the motorcycles themselves. in fact, the demand for motorcycles and side cars from these two concerns was so great that they were working at -per-cent capacity for the government before the summer of . the needs of the army for machines increased so steadily and the requirements were so vast that both the indian and harley-davidson concerns had made large additions to their plants for meeting the government needs at the time the armistice was signed. a standard military type of bicycle was turned out for the army by the westfield manufacturing co., at westfield, mass., and other bicycles were ordered from the great western manufacturing co., at laporte, ind., and the davis sewing machine co., at dayton, ohio. _motorcycles, bicycles, and side cars._ motorcycles. ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+-----------------+--------- | | |ordered | completed to-- | name. | manufacturer. | address. | to +--------+--------+ shipped | | |nov. , |nov. , |dec. ,|overseas. | | | . | . | . | ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+--------+--------+--------- cleveland |cleveland motors |cleveland, | | | | | mfg. co. | ohio | , | | , | , harley- |harley-davidson |milwaukee, | | | | davidson | motorcycle co. | wis. | , | , | , |} | |springfield,| | | |} , indian |hendee mfg. co. | mass. | , | , | , |} | | +--------+--------+--------+--------- total | | | , | , | , | , ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+--------+--------+--------- side cars. ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+--------+--------+--------- harley- |harley-davidson |milwaukee, | | | | davidson | motorcycle co. | wis. | , | , | , |} | |springfield,| | | |} , indian |hendee mfg. co. | mass. | , | , | , |} | | +--------+--------+--------+--------- total | | | , | , | , | , ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+--------+--------+--------- bicycles. ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+--------+--------+--------- military |westfield |westfield, | | | | standard | mfg. co. | mass. | , | , | , |} do. |great western |laporte, | | | | | mfg. co. | ind. | , | | , |} , do. |davis sewing |dayton, | | machine co. | ohio | , | , | , |} | | +--------+--------+--------+--------- total | | | , | , | , | , ----------+-----------------+------------+--------+--------+--------+--------- horse and hand drawn vehicles. it was early realized by army officers upon our entry in the war that procurement of horse-drawn vehicles for the army would require mobilization of practically the entire wagon-making industry of the nation. consequently one of the first steps taken to provide the army with the necessary vehicles of this type was to call into conference representatives of the four largest manufacturing companies in the industry. r. v. board, of the kentucky wagon co.; a. b. thielens, of the studebaker corporation of america; e. e. parsonage, of the john deere wagon co.; and r. w. lea, of the moline plow co., were named members of an advisory committee to assist the army in the procurement of vehicles. our first requisition called for the manufacture of , escort wagons. this order, with the necessary spare parts for these vehicles meant the building of the equivalent of about , wagons. at the beginning of the war the manufacture of vehicles from kiln-dried lumber was almost unknown, as there had always been a sufficient amount of air-dried lumber on hand to meet every demand for farm-wagon construction. our first order, however, practically used up all of the air-dried lumber then in existence in the country. in order that dry lumber could be obtained in sufficient quantities to keep up with the demands for army vehicles, the war department entered into an arrangement by which dry-kilns were built by contractors with the government defraying half of the cost, the wagon manufacturer being reimbursed at the rate of $ for each wagon produced, or on a basis of $ for each $ worth of spare parts fabricated. despite the fact that ordinarily six months were required even with kiln-drying before a log was ready for fabrication into a vehicle, all orders for the war department were filled on time and in accordance with the plans outlined. to make this possible every manufacturer of the industry capable of turning out the class of vehicles desired did his part and did it so well that up to the signing of the armistice approximately , horse-drawn or hand-drawn vehicles had been delivered, of the total of , for which contracts had been placed. escort wagons formed the large bulk of the requirements at the start, but as the war progressed, the necessity was created for different designs of vehicles. so from time to time there were designed drinking-water carts and wagons, medical and ration carts, combat wagons, veterinary ambulances, sprinkling wagons, and various other types to meet special needs. in the early spring of it was found that the wagon industry had about reached its limit so far as output was concerned, and that, if the war continued another year, new sources of supply would have to be developed. then it was that the furniture industry was called upon to produce spare parts for vehicles. under the presidency of p. b. schravesande, president of the grand rapids school equipment co., the furniture and fixture and light-wood industry war service committee was organized to cooperate in arranging to have furniture makers enter the field of manufacture of spare parts. it was arranged that the furniture manufacturers were to produce per cent of the spare parts then requisitioned, totaling in value about $ , , . while the furniture industry was preparing its plants for the manufacture of these parts, the wagon industry continued to manufacture per cent of the required parts in order to keep up a satisfactory flow. when the armistice was signed practically all the furniture manufacturers had prepared to fill the spare-parts orders, but none of them had reached quantity production. automobile-wheel manufacturers were induced to turn out the immense quantity of wheels needed for escort wagons. there were in all about manufacturers of wagons, wagon parts, and wheels. among the prominent wagon companies engaged in this work were: bain wagon co., oshkosh, wis.; columbia wagon co., columbia, pa.; deere & co., moline, ill.; emerson-brantingham co., rockford, ill.; florence wagon co., florence, ala.; hackney wagon co., wilson, n. c.; international harvester co., memphis, tenn.; moline plow co., moline, ill; mogul wagon co., hoskinsville, ky.; owensboro wagon co., owensboro, ky.; pekin wagon co., pekin, ill.; peter schuttler co., chicago, ill.; springfield wagon co., springfield, mo.; stoughton wagon co., stoughton, wis.; a. streich & bros. co., oshkosh, wis.; thornhill wagon co., lynchburg, va.; tiffin wagon co., tiffin, ohio; eagle wagon works, auburn, n. y.; a. a. cooper wagon & buggy co., dubuque, iowa; winona wagon co., winona, minn.; white hickory wagon co., atlanta, ga.; kentucky wagon co., louisville, ky.; studebaker corporation, south bend, ind.; american car & foundry co., jeffersonville, ind. among the leading automobile-wheel manufacturers who were given contracts for escort-wagon wheels were the following: mutual wheel co., moline, ill.; roger wheel co., aurora, ind.; crane & mcmahon (inc.), st. marys, ohio; hayes wheel co., jackson, mich.; imperial wheel co., flint, mich.; kelsey wheel co., detroit, mich.; binnel spoke & auto wheel co., portland, ind.; archibald wheel co., lawrence, mass.; chattanooga wagon co., chattanooga, tenn.; hoopes bros. & dalington (inc.), westchester, pa.; prudden wheel co., lansing, mich.; standard wheel co., terre haute, ind.; avoca wheel co., avoca, n. y.; new wapakoneta wheel co., wapakoneta, ohio; piedmont wagon co., hickory, n. c. furniture factories that assumed contracts for making spare parts for horse-drawn vehicles included about furniture manufacturers of rockford, ill., as well as the following: grand rapids school equipment co., grand rapids, mich.; sherman bros. co., jamestown, n. y.; ramsey-alton manufacturing co., portland, mich.; connersville furniture co., connersville, ind.; p. derby & co., gardner, mass.; ebert furniture co., red lion, pa.; s. karpen & bros., chicago, ill.; chas. t. lambert & co., holland, mich.; the macey co., grand rapids, mich.; thos. madden son & co., indianapolis, ind.; sidney manufacturing co., sidney, ohio; basic furniture co., waynesboro, va.; brecht co., st. louis, mo. _production data for horse-drawn vehicles._ -------------------+-----------+-----------+---------+---------+---------- | number | value of |quantity |quantity | value of | ordered | orders. |delivered| shipped | quantity | between | | up to |overseas.| shipped | apr. , | |nov. , | | overseas. | , and | | . | | | nov. , | | | | | . | | | | -------------------+-----------+-----------+---------+---------+---------- commercial vehicles| , |$ , , | , | , |$ , , spare parts | | , , | | | , , -------------------+-----------+-----------+---------+---------+---------- total | , | , , | , | , | , , -------------------+-----------+-----------+---------+---------+---------- the following table shows the principal items listed under commercial vehicles, with the total number ordered, value of the order, and the total number delivered up to november , : ---------------------+---------+-------------+-----------+-------------- | | value of | | value of item. | total | number | total | number | ordered.| ordered. | delivered.| delivered. ---------------------+---------+-------------+-----------+-------------- _wagons._ | | | | ambulance | , | $ , , | , | $ , , escort, model a | , | , | , | , escort, j- | , | , , | , | , , combat | , | , , | , | , , drinking water | , | , , | , | , , mountain, -seat | , | , | , | , sprinkling | , | , | , | , bottom, dump | | , | | , milk | | , | | , buckboard | , | , | , | , |---------+-------------+-----------+-------------- total | , | , , | , | , , |================================================== _carts._ | | | | drinking water | , | , , | , | , , ration | , | , , | , | , , medical | , | , | , | , hand | , | , | , | , dump | , | , | , | , sanitary | , | , | | , veterinary ambulance | | , | | , disinfecting spray | | , | | , |---------+-------------+-----------+-------------- total | , | , , | , | , , |================================================== grand total | | , , | | , , ---------------------+---------+-------------+-----------+-------------- this table shows the total number of horse-drawn vehicles sent overseas during the war; also the value of these shipments and the unit prices. _horse-drawn vehicles._ --------------+-------+--------+------------------ | | | items shipped. article. | unit. | number.+-------+---------- | | | unit | total | | | value.| value. --------------+-------+--------+-------+---------- ambulances | each | | $ | $ , escort wagons | do. | , | | , , combat wagons | do. | , | | , , spring wagons | do. | | | , water carts | do. | , | | , , ration carts | do. | , | | , medical carts | do. | , | | , | | | +---------- total | | | | , , --------------+-------+--------+-------+---------- chapter v. medical and dental supplies. lest it be thought that the american army was dependent in any way for its hospital facilities and surgical supplies upon private contributions, it may be said that the government during the period between april , , and november , , placed contracts for medical supplies amounting to $ , , . contract cancellations after the armistice was signed amounted to $ , , . the remaining $ , , approximately represents the cost to the united states of medicine, surgical instruments and dressings, ambulances, hospital furniture, equipment and supplies, and dental and veterinary supplies for the war. this was considerably more money than was contributed by the american people to the american red cross, a great part of whose funds went to the relief of civilian populations in europe, or to any other war charity. thus it will be seen that the government with billions of dollars to spend could well afford the few hundreds of millions necessary to give the american soldiers who needed it the best possible hospital attention. it accepted the gifts of this sort, ranging from gauze bandages to fully equipped motor ambulances, as the offerings of the people whose hearts overflowed with love and gratitude to the american soldiers and took this means of showing their concern; but the government in no sense was dependent upon these donations. before four-fifths of all surgical instruments used in the united states were imported from germany. this country, too, was practically dependent upon germany for many of its most important medicines, including the potassium salts and such drugs as digitalin, salvarsan, atropin, etc. while in a way we had been developing substitute sources of supply in the united states for these indispensable commodities in the months between the outbreak of the great war and the date of our participation in it, the raising of a vast army and the project to send this army to the bloody battle fields of france created an american demand for medicines and surgical instruments beyond anything ever known in the united states. yet, through the cooperation of manufacturers and the officers of the medical department's general purchasing office, which was on november , , incorporated in the office of the director of purchase and storage, sufficient supplies were developed, not only of medicine but of surgical instruments. the development of the production of medicines for the use of troops in the field was particularly notable. the important drug, salvarsan, used in the treatment of syphilis, was a patented formula and had been furnished formerly by a single german manufacturer. in this country we produced arsphenamine as a substitute, gradually increasing the supply and constantly improving the drug until at length its toxicity had been so reduced that it equaled or even excelled the german product. the facilities of the american drug and tablet manufacturers were taxed to the utmost to supply the army. for example, during the year a total of , , quinine tablets was produced, while , , aspirin tablets were manufactured during the same period, and , pounds of calomel ointment, , , iodine swabs, , , tins of foot powder, and , , tubes of iodine-potassium. all other items of medicines, antiseptics, and disinfectants, required by the medical department, were increased in proportion. this production not only strained the facilities of the manufacturers of chemicals and drugs but also called upon the glassware manufacturers for the necessary bottles and tubes in which to pack these medicines satisfactorily. here again was an effort that required close cooperation between the trade and the medical department in order to meet the demand. when it became evident that a declaration of war against germany was imminent, the medical department proceeded to analyze the country's resources of medical supplies. these resources were to a large extent limited. the allied nations had been making heavy and constant demands for these materials, so much so that even the mobilization of such a relatively small number of troops as were centered along the mexican border put a severe burden upon the medical supply facilities of the country. the council of national defense took up the medical supplies problem at the outset. the various manufacturers sent their representatives to consult with the surgeon general, and committees on surgical instruments, surgical dressings, medicines, and other important supplies were formed. these committees allocated among the various manufacturers the first emergency orders for these materials. the result was that the base hospitals at the mobilization camps in were equipped in an amazingly short time. the new york medical supply depot, which was then the largest purchasing agent, was called upon to supply hospital beds each to of the camps. this work was handled so rapidly that in some cases the shipments had to be held back to wait for the completion of the hospital buildings. perhaps the most difficult task was to determine what quantities of medical supplies would be needed for a given period. it is a comparatively simple matter to estimate the quantity of clothing necessary for a certain number of troops, or to figure what food they will require; but it is not possible to forecast the number of men who will be sick at a given camp at a specified time, nor is it possible to foretell the nature of diseases or injuries. an epidemic of measles or mumps requires different treatment than an epidemic of influenza, and makes necessary the use of a different variety of medical supplies. experience sheets of supplies actually used in the past formed the basis of our requirements schedules. eventually there was worked out a system of supply based on the initial requirements of the unit of , men in the expeditionary forces and the automatic supply of replenishment of this equipment. in this system use was made of the knowledge and experience obtained by the british and french medical forces during their nearly three years of warfare before america went in. the following statement of estimated expenditures for the fiscal year illustrates the difference in the medical requirements of an army of , men under peace conditions and an army of , , men in a war such as the recent one: -------------------------------------------+--------------+-------------- |peace-- , |war-- , , | men. | men. -------------------------------------------+--------------+-------------- surgical dressings | $ , , | $ , , textiles, hospital supplies | , | , , miscellaneous hospital supplies | , | , , medicines, etc | , , | , , hospital furniture and equipment | , | , , surgical instruments | , | , , dental instruments, equipment, and supplies| , | , , x-ray, equipment, and supplies | , | , , field supplies | , | , , veterinary | , | , , laboratory | , | , , stationery | , | , , +--------------+-------------- total | , , | , , -------------------------------------------+--------------+-------------- civilian experts in various lines of medical supplies were brought into the organization to supply the wide range of specialized knowledge required in such a universal buying program as the medical department was about to conduct. before the war the army's purchases of instruments for oral and brain surgery, orthopedic supplies, dakin outfits, and other special apparatus were practically negligible. during the war period these purchases amounted to millions of dollars. it may be seen readily that the purchasing office had to possess more than a superficial understanding of the materials to be bought. orders customarily went to the lowest bidders, with a careful review in washington of all prices named in contracts. the inspection of material was an important phase of the work. this inspection was handled through the new york medical supply depot, which called in as assistants the united states board of customs appraisers at new york city. that corps of men had had long years of experience in inspecting and determining the value of surgical supplies, as most of these supplies in the past had come through the customhouse from foreign countries. the inspection of drugs was handled by the medical department's laboratories, the army medical school, and by the bureau of standards, which rendered valuable assistance in examining and testing samples. in addition the medical department maintained a corps of inspectors to travel from one factory to another, keeping in close touch with the progress and assisting in procuring raw materials and expediting deliveries. the medical supplies were divided under the following classifications: (_a_) hospital equipment, such as beds, bedside tables, enamelware, etc. (_b_) surgical dressings. (_c_) surgical instruments. (_d_) medicines, antiseptics, and disinfectants. (_e_) field supplies (chests and units for extended field service). (_f_) dental supplies. (_g_) veterinary supplies. (_h_) laboratory supplies. (_i_) motor ambulance supplies. (_j_) x-ray supplies. the new york depot was intrusted with the purchase of miscellaneous hospital equipment and dental and x-ray supplies. the st. louis depot purchased the veterinary supplies, and the field medical supply depot at washington purchased the laboratory and field supplies. the motor ambulance supply depot, established at louisville, ky., purchased ambulances and ambulance spare parts. appreciating the necessity for a certain amount of cooperation where the purchase of conflicting articles by the various depots was concerned, the general purchasing office of the medical department was organized at washington. this purchasing office bought all surgical dressings, surgical instruments, and medicines and such items as were used in the field, post, veterinary, and dental stations. in connection with the production of surgical instruments in this country it was necessary for the medical department to educate in the manufacture of these instruments certain concerns which had been engaged in the production of similar devices. men skilled in the manufacture of instruments, with long years of experience, were sent to these factories to work out with the forces there satisfactory processes. it was necessary to recruit toolmakers, jewelers, and cutlery manufacturers in order to build up a sufficient supply of forged and finished instruments. surgical needles, for instance, had never been made in this country, but had all been obtained in england. as a war measure the british government placed this item on its list of restricted exports. after long and continued effort the general purchasing office developed american sources of supply of needles with remarkable success. in one month we shipped tons of surgical instruments to france. a few of the principal instruments, quantities purchased, and the prices paid were as follows: average cost, each. , , hæmostatic forceps $ . , tissue forceps . , minor operating knives . , probes . , surgical scissors . , general operating cases . , small operating cases . , instrument cases for officers' belts . , enlisted men's belt cases . each general operating case contains more than instruments and the small operating case more than instruments, and in these two items alone are more than , forgings, practically all handwork. the quantity of surgical dressings used in peace times was relatively small, so that the sources for supplying this material had to be increased enormously. to do this the government went out into the cotton goods industry and induced such concerns as curtain makers and manufacturers of waists and white goods to make bandages for surgical uses. the government obtained the raw material, gray gauze, and turned it over to the various manufacturers for bleaching, cutting, sterilizing, and packing in the necessary cartons. among other items during the last year of the war a total of , , individual dressing packets were purchased and , boxes of gauze bandages, , , yards of bandage, , , first-aid packets, and , , yards of gauze. during the same period a total quantity of , , pounds of absorbent cotton was also bought. among the miscellaneous items obtained were approximately , , blankets, , litters, and over , , clinical thermometers. the rate of output of clinical thermometers was not all that the medical department thought it should be, and as a result a large quantity of thermometers was obtained on mandatory orders. the heaviest buying period during the war was between july and november , . the supplies purchased or ordered in that period were the following, with their costs: medicines, antiseptics, and disinfectants $ , , hospital furniture and equipment , , hospital supplies, textiles , , hospital supplies, miscellaneous , , surgical instruments , , surgical dressings , , x-ray equipment and supplies , , dental equipment and supplies , , laboratory equipment and supplies , , veterinary equipment and supplies , , motor ambulances and supplies , , it is interesting to note that the purchases made in france for the medical department consisted mostly of large and bulky items, mainly hospital furniture and equipment, which, if transported from the united states, would necessitate the use of considerable valuable cargo space. foreign purchases were made primarily to save ship space and not because of any shortage or failure to function in this country. although america is famous throughout the world for her dentists and dentistry, yet the participation of this country in the war created a demand for dental supplies that the american manufacturing facilities in existence in were unable to fill. for that reason it was necessary to extend the production capacity. the manufacturers in the trade rose to the occasion, and as a result the government was able to supply to the a. e. f. from the united states all dental materials required, the only purchases made in france being of exceedingly bulky apparatus. the total amount allotted for dental supplies for an army of , , men in was $ , , . during the five months between july and november , , the dental purchases amounted to approximately $ , , . the six leading dental items purchased by the medical department and the quantity and cost of each were as follows: -------------------------+--------------+-------- items. | quantity. | cost, | | each. -------------------------+--------------+-------- tooth-extracting forceps | , | $ . dental chairs: | | hospital equipment | , | . portable | , | . lathes: | | unique | | . electric | | . fountain cuspidors | , | . burs | , , | . engines: | | portable | , | . electric | | . -------------------------+--------------+-------- chapter vi. salvage. tables of statistics are apt to be tiresome affairs; but in the annals of the war department, as part of the record of the american army in the great war, there is a table of statistics that is replete with human interest. this is the table which depicts the activities of the salvage operations of the army, both at home and abroad. until the war came to america and brought to us the necessity of being provident, thrift and economy could not be called characteristic american qualities. as virtues in the individual we were apt to despise them. paris can live on what new york throws away, runs the old saying. for the prudent man we invented opprobrious names. such names and phrases were but the surface outcroppings of a national tendency to be wasteful. but the war came along to put a stop to waste and to raise thrift high in the esteem of america. partly because of the mounting prices of food and clothing and partly because of well-organized and well-conducted propaganda on the part of various agencies of the government, chief among them being the united states food administration and the liberty bond and war saving stamp organizations of the treasury department, america began to practice economy in the use of materials. how much of the credit for the change can be claimed by the government itself we may never know; but this may be said--in urging the people to save materials in their own homes, the government did not, as it had done in previous wars, allow the traditional wastes of military campaigns. the government practiced what it preached. it cleaned up its own back yard and utilized every scrap of useful material. it mended the shoes and clothing of the army; it darned the socks; it tinkered the tin cans; it starved the garbage pails by economy in the mess kitchens and recovered the valuable components of garbage at rendering plants; it collected the junk; it swept the stables and put the manure on the land, and then produced crops from the increased fertility. all of these adventures in conservation and reclamation were known to the army simply as salvage; which after all was but the scientific attention which the army paid to the "p's" and "q's" of military housekeeping--it was household economy on the scale of a family of , , members. the figures of the army's thrift are most impressive. the figures of our war salvage are as follows: _financial summary of the activities of the salvage service in france for ._ ------------------------------+-------------------------- depots and shops. | kitchen economics branch. ----------+-------------------+-----------+-------------- month. | value of output. | month. | recoveries. ----------+-------------------+-----------+-------------- january | no record | may | $ , . february | no record | june | , . march | $ , . | july | , . april | , . | august | , . may | , , . | september | , . june | , , . | october | , . july | , , . | november | , . august | , , . | december | , . september | , , . | +-------------- october | , , . | total | , . november | , , . | | december | , , . | | +-------------------| | total | , , . | | ----------+-------------------+-----------+-------------- _battle-field recoveries._ october $ , , . november , , . december , , . ------------- total , , . _capitulation of salvage activities in france for year ._ value of output, depots and shops $ , , . battle-field recoveries , , . kitchen economies , . waste sales , . rubber salvaged, , , pounds, at estimated value of cents per pound , . wool cloth shipped to british, , pounds, at estimated value of cents per pound , . lumber salvaged, , , board feet , . -------------- total , , . _financial summary of the activities of the salvage service in the united state from apr. to dec. , ._ -------------------+----------+-------------+---------------+-------------- | | estimated | estimated | activity. | total | cost | value |estimated net | articles.| of service. | reclaimed | saving. | | | articles. | -------------------+----------+-------------+---------------+-------------- clothing, shoe, | | | | and hat repair | , , |$ , , . | $ , , . |$ , , . cot repair | , | , . | , , . | , . canvas repair | , | , . | , , . | , , . +----------+-------------+---------------+-------------- total | | | | , , . | | | | dry-cleaning | | | | operations | , , | , , . | |[ ] , . government laundry | | | | operations | , , | , , . [ ] , , . | , , . +----------+-------------+---------------+-------------- grand total | | | | , , . | disposition of waste material | | estimated value of material turned over to organisations | , . cash sales: | scrap material from june to dec. $ , , . | garbage, may to dec , . | dead animals, may to dec. , . | manure, may to dec. , . | condemned hay, straw, etc., may to , . | dec. | --------------+ total | , , . farm products invoiced to quartermaster, may to dec. | , . +-------------- estimated net saving to government | , , . ------------------------------------------------------------+-------------- [ ] on articles dry cleaned in government shops. [ ] receipts and operating credits. a consolidation of these figures shows that the total amount returned to the government in money value by the savings of the salvage service of the army for the single calendar year of was $ , , . with this figure some interesting comparisons may be made. in , to meet every expense of the american standing army, congress appropriated $ , , . ; in the appropriations were $ , , . . salvage, reclaiming the materials once wasted and using them over again, saved enough in to have maintained the entire military establishment in or . but there is even a more striking comparison. during the fiscal year of --the spanish-american war year--the entire appropriations for the support of the army amounted to $ , , . . salvage in saved $ , , more than was appropriated to fight the spanish-american war up to july , , at which date the fighting was nearly over. take the cost of clothing the army raised to fight against spain, and add to it the appropriations for clothing the army and equipping it with shoes, leather and rubber goods, and textile equipment for the years , , , , and , and you have a total government expenditure of $ , , . . the savings of salvage in could pay this entire cost with $ , , to spare. it cost $ , , for the clothing and equipage of the army for the year ending june , , at which date the war with germany had begun. salvage in the united states alone in saved to the government $ , , more than this appropriation. salvage undertakings touched intimately every soldier in the army. this service which taught economy in the use of materials could with equal facility operate a laundry or dry-cleaning plant, or run a farm, or drive a good bargain in the sale of junk, or return goods that did not meet specifications and be reimbursed for them. wherever the experts of the service saw a leak through which the government's money might flow out, they plugged it. an innovation in warfare as we knew it, it had to fight its way against prejudice at the start, but it developed what formerly was waste and a liability into a tremendous asset. yet when the armistice came salvage had only commenced to show its possibilities. it had merely scratched the surface, but it had opened up unlimited fields for utilizing worn-out or unserviceable products or by-products of war. it had saved thousands of tons of shipping space in the transportation of supplies to the american expeditionary forces by using over again in france the things that otherwise would have had to be replaced by new; it saved this tonnage at the time when every ton saved counted heavily. in this and in the saving of materials at a time when all the raw materials of the earth would scarcely meet the insatiable demands of moloch, the value of salvage can scarcely be measured by the money figures of its record. salvage in the united states. war salvage in the united states started on october , , when the conservation branch was created in the quartermaster department. it started with an executive force of two commissioned officers and one stenographer. when the armistice was signed about months later, the salvage service in the united states alone had a force of approximately commissioned officers, , enlisted men, and , civilian employees. in this period the method of clothing and feeding the american soldier had been revolutionized. the old way was to issue a uniform to a soldier and hold him responsible for the repair and cleaning of it. he owned his uniform and had to keep it in good condition at his own expense out of the $ per month the government paid him. the new way was for the government itself to retain ownership of the uniform and to repair and clean it at public expense. the soldier was required to pay only for his laundry work at a uniform charge of $ per month, much under what he would have had to pay at commercial rates. formerly the soldier had to repair his own shoes. the soldier prefers repaired shoes to new ones for campaign service because the former are broken in and are comfortable. after the salvage service was established the government retained ownership of army shoes and repaired them at government expense. once the army seldom conducted sales of the boxes and crates in which supplies were packed. salvage undertook such sales, thereby bringing considerable revenue to the army. but in these and similar economies, it was not so much the saving of money that was important as it was the saving of materials at a time when the supply of all materials was scarcely adequate to the war demands. when our troops first reached france the officers were surprised at the emphasis placed upon salvage operations by the british and french armies. they were soon to learn that salvage was stressed because it supplied materials which were scarce. glycerine, a component of high explosives, had become so short in supply that the british ministry of munitions paid as much as $ , a ton for it. the british army distilled its garbage and procured from the operation glycerine at a cost of $ per ton. this was a financial saving of $ , a ton; but, more important, it supplied glycerine at the time when money did not count. the british ministry of munitions got the glycerine, which meant explosives for use against the germans, which was the main thing. the british appreciated the importance of salvage so much that one of the officers sent with the british mission to the united states early in the war was a salvage expert, included in the mission so that we might early have the benefit of the british experience in this work. although the salvage service of america was authorized in the autumn of , it was not until winter was declining into the spring of that the service became a working organization fully clothed with authority. consequently its record was accomplished within a period of or months. the purpose and ideals of the service were embodied in its code, known as special regulations no. , promulgating rules and regulations for the conservation and reclamation of army supplies and materials. the principal provisions of these regulations were as follows: (_a_) the repair of clothing and equipage. (_b_) laundering and dry cleaning of clothing and equipage. (_c_) supervision of contracts for the renovation of clothing and equipage. (_d_) the development of agricultural, mineral, and forest lands for the benefit of the army. (_e_) the organization, discipline, and training of men of special units, companies, battalions, and regiments for salvage work. these regulations likewise-- (_a_) created salvage companies of officers and enlisted men each, based on a camp strength of , troops where all salvage utilities exist. (_b_) provided methods of receiving and disposing of clothing and equipage turned in for renovation. (_c_) provided methods for the conservation of food and the reduction of waste through a systematic check on the disposal of garbage. (_d_) fixed the responsibility of organization in connection with salvage work. (_e_) provided definite rules and instructions to be followed by organization commanders and their commands in the care of clothing and equipage in order that the cost of maintenance might be reduced to a minimum and that usefulness might be conserved to the utmost, consistent with the health and well being of the troops. (_f_) provided a basis for the operation and financing of camp laundries and dry-cleaning plants operated in connection with base salvage plants. (_g_) provided a uniform monthly laundry charge of $ per enlisted man at each camp and station where there was a government-operated laundry, as well as a uniform charge for service rendered to officers, civilians, hospitals, and other camp agencies. thus it may be seen that special regulations no. were not only a charter for the salvage service but a code of conduct in economy and thrift for the soldier of the american army. although the regulations did not become official until midsummer of , they had a profound effect in the few months before the fighting in europe came to an end. prior to july , , all reports of garbage collection, etc., in the military camps in this country indicated that the american soldier in training wasted on the average of pounds of food per day. this was not excessive, judged by civilian standards, since our large cities, a great part of whose population are fed not nearly so well as soldiers were fed in the camps, show a food waste nearly as great. but the camp waste of food was regarded as excessive by the salvage officers. special regulations no. contained minute directions for conserving food in the camp kitchens. the result of these regulations was that in the four-month period beginning july , , the average mess waste per man in the camps fell to . of a pound per day. since there was an average strength of , , men in training during these four months, the reduction of waste amounted to many thousands of tons of food. these regulations also set up a salvage equipment for the use of the army. as a rule each camp had a shoe-repair shop large enough to fix to pairs of shoes per day; a clothing-repair shop large enough to take care of the everyday mending of , troops; a hat-repair shop sufficient in size to restore the headgear of , men; and other miscellaneous shops. but at the change of seasons there could be expected an exceptionally large turn in of worn-out clothing, and to handle these periodical floods of garments large base salvage plants were established at fort sam houston, tex.; washington, d. c.; atlanta, ga.; new york city; philadelphia; el paso; and newport news, va.; with a base salvage plant for rejuvenating shoes at jeffersonville, ind. smaller base plants were established at chicago, new orleans, san francisco, and at the united states disciplinary barracks at fort leavenworth, kans., and at alcatraz island, calif. other base plants to receive and classify and dispose of waste materials were established at new york, philadelphia, baltimore, chicago, st. louis, fort sam houston, and atlanta. the shoe-salvage base plant at jeffersonville depot was more than a repair shop in the accepted sense of the term, for it became one of the most complete shoe factories to be found anywhere in the country. when this shop was being projected as a plant to take care of the overflow of worn shoes from the camps and depots, the united shoe machinery co. agreed to furnish machinery sufficient to repair , pairs of shoes a day, supplying this equipment for a period of six months without any expense to the government, except upkeep and the cost of supplies. at the jeffersonville shop shoes went through the mill from department to department much as machines are assembled in the familiar quantity-production manner. shoes arriving were first counted, and then sorted and graded as follows: class . unrepairable. class . inner soles required. class . regular run of repairs (half soles or full soles, heels, patching of uppers, and other minor repairs). class . civilian. the shoes arriving at this plant were in a condition that would have resulted in their being discarded altogether in the old days. the experience at jeffersonville showed that of each pairs arriving at the factory could be repaired, and repaired cheaply. in january, , of , pairs of shoes sorted, , were in irreparable condition and had to be thrown away. there were , pairs of class shoes, , pairs of class , and , pairs of class . from the sorting room the shoes went to the wash room, where they were disinfected and cleaned in a bath containing a solution of ounces of formaldehyde and pound of castile soap to each gallons of water. after being washed the shoes were placed on rolling racks, each rack holding pairs of the same size and width. the loaded racks were wheeled to the lasting section where lasts were inserted according to sizes. next, machines cut off the worn portions of the old heels, after which the shoes went to the stripping bench, where the old soles were removed and the shank pieces skived to prepare a smooth joint for the new half sole. the next process was welting. the welts were prepared, and tarred felt was glued to the old inner sole to fill out uneven parts and prevent squeaking. the next operation was to lay on the half sole in a setting of rubber cement. another machine rough rounded the soles to conform with the shape of the shoes. then the shoes reached the stitching machines, where the soles were sewed on, and then the leveling machines, which smoothed out the wrinkles of the inner soles. the next step brought them to the heeling machines, where the complete heels were attached in one motion. next, machinery for nailing soles and heels, and then the trimming machinery for smoothing off the work. the final mechanical operation was on the scouring and finishing machines. meanwhile, if the shoes needed patching on the uppers, this work was done by women operating sewing machines. the final process was to give the field shoe a thorough coat of waterproof dubbin. a good polish was put on the russet shoes. a split leather insole was inserted in each shoe to insure perfect smoothness of the bottom. a pair of laces was tied to each pair of shoes, and then the shoes were packed in boxes of pairs each and turned in to the army stores. the jeffersonville shop repaired , pairs of shoes in seven months of operation. thousands of pairs of shoes were discovered to have been fitted too short. this was shown by the fact that many of the shoes were worn out entirely in the toes. a shoe that is too long will turn up at the toes, while one that is too short will stub with nearly every step taken. on august , , the secretary of war authorized the expenditure of $ , , for the construction of laundries to serve from , to , men in each of camps and posts. about this same time repair shops were authorized at each of the training camps and special dry-cleaning plants at atlanta, fort sam houston, el paso, and alcatraz island. before the armistice was signed many of these plants were in operation. in addition to these the salvage service eventually operated printing plants, wagon repair shops, and carpentry shops, so that at the time the armistice was signed there was hardly anything of quartermaster issue not subject to rehabilitation by the salvage division. each shoe-repair shop at the training camps had equipment sufficient to repair pairs of shoes per day, utilizing the services of to men. when the shops were officially authorized, an inventory of the army's old shoes showed there were approximately , , pairs on hand in need of rehabilitation. in order to assist the camp shops in the work, the salvage service brought between and shoe factories into the reclamation effort, these private factories repairing about , pairs until the camp shops were able to catch up. because of the shortage of linen thread it was decided to use nails for attaching half soles, particularly in the repair shops in france. more than , nailing machines were bought and shipped to the american expeditionary forces. the american expeditionary forces adopted the english system of company cobblers and regimental repair shops. upward of , cobblers' kits were shipped to france. in july, , the american expeditionary forces requested machinery for a base shoe-repair plant in france. this machinery was shipped considerably before hostilities ceased. the service maintained a corps of civilian instructors, who traveled from camp to camp and improved the efficiency of the army cobbling. the accumulation of worn shoes at the embarkation camps was sent to various contractors for repairs. by november, , the shoe-repair facilities of the army had reached full operation, , pairs of shoes being repaired that month, a figure representing all the repairing required by , , men. all shoe-repairing activities were under the direction of philip h. fraher, who was assisted by joseph caunt, of pasadena, calif., a retired shoe manufacturer with a wide experience both in this country and in england. in its clothing-repair activities the salvage service dry-cleaned uniforms and woolen equipment, repaired and renovated hats, and reclaimed outer clothing and underclothing. for the first time in dry-cleaning history, a method was worked out to destroy all living organisms and a considerable amount of bacteria, a process which is likely to have a lasting effect in the dry-cleaning industry. the specifications of this process were the result of cooperative laboratory research by the bureau of standards, the public health service, and the salvage division. in addition to destroying germs and bacteria the process also thoroughly cleansed the garments. experts from the salvage division were on hand to see to it that the various contractors lived up to the standard specifications. the authorized government-owned dry-cleaning plants, which were to be the last word in what such establishments should be, were not completed, due to the signing of the armistice. dr. harry e. mechling, a graduate physician and president of the swiss cleaners & dyers, of louisville, ky., was in charge of the army's dry-cleaning activities. in the repair of clothing the service received much assistance from the red cross. local red cross units in the vicinity of camps worked in conjunction with the officers of the salvage service in the reclamation of such garments as woolen shirts, underclothing, sweaters, helmets, socks, and gloves. the base salvage plants at atlanta and fort sam houston reached a high state of efficiency in the repair of clothing. shipment after shipment was made from such congested centers as newport news and hoboken to these plants, and within a comparatively short time the property was ready for reshipment and reissue. capt. harvey a. rosenthal, a graduate of the first officers' training school, and in civil life in the clothing business, was in charge of clothing repairs. all of the camps had shops for renovating and repairing hats. the average cost for repairing a hat was cents, whereas the lowest contract price was cents, and the quality of work at the government shops was far better than that obtained from private contractors. the following table gives an idea of the approximate saving to the government in hat-repair operations: -----------------------------+-----------+-----------+----------- | | cost of | place. | quantity. | repair of | estimated | | each. |total cost. -----------------------------+-----------+-----------+----------- government shop | , | $ . | $ , . contract | , | . | , . |-----------+-----------+----------- | , | | , . -----------------------------+-----------------------+----------- estimated value of hats made serviceable $ , , estimated net saving , cost of , new hats , , mr. e. leroy cummings, of the john b. stetson co., of philadelphia, was in charge of hat-repair activities. extensive repairs to canvas materials were confined to the base plants at philadelphia, el paso, fort sam houston, and atlanta, and, on a smaller scale, at jeffersonville. minor repairs were conducted at camp shops, some of which were only in the course of construction when the armistice was signed. tents were generally reconditioned while standing. patches to tents were attached by means of a nitrocellulose cement, the best cement for the purpose which the salvage service found, being called vanite. experiments at the bureau of chemistry resulted in the adoption of three waterproofing compounds named preservol, candeline, and truscon. these compounds were applied to both standing tents and tents which had been taken down, with complete and effective results. laundering was not a new activity for the war department, since when the war was declared the government already owned small steam laundries. later the government went into the laundry business on the scale demanded by the great chain of training camps, building cantonment laundries at a cost of approximately $ , each. experienced laundrymen were placed in charge of camp laundries. through the cooperation with the government's insect experts of the bureau of entomology, laundering processes were worked out successfully to disinfect all clothing while washing it and to free it from vermin without shrinking fabrics or causing other damage. government laundries during the war operated hours per day with three labor shifts and cleaned an average of , , pieces of clothing monthly, with gross receipts of over $ , per month, approximately half of which was profit. one of the most interesting features of laundry activity was the development of mobile laundry units for overseas use near the front. the men to operate these units were trained in a special school at camp meigs, d. c. each mobile unit required a crew of men. the men of the army nicknamed these special troops the "fighting chinamen." the need of the american expeditionary forces for wash-up and delousing stations at the front, so that even troops engaged in battle might have clean clothes, called the mobile laundry units into being. the first experimental equipment was designed and constructed early in . after that the salvage service produced others, of which were shipped to france. each unit consisted of a large steam tractor and four trailers, an outfit which on the road made up a train over feet long. the trailers could be placed together in the field to form a building feet long and feet wide, the tractor acting as the power plant. on the trailers were washing machines, wringers, drying machines, tanks for water and soap, a pump, and a dynamo to supply electric lights. one of these plants working hours per day could do the washing of , men. this unit was designed by officers of the salvage division. [illustration: one of the army's mobile laundries.] [illustration: interior view of mobile laundry.] [illustration: salvaging army hats in france. this photo was taken at tours, france, february, .] [illustration: salvaging army shoes in france. picture taken at tours in march, , showing a few shoes worn out by the soldiers overseas.] army laundry activity was in charge of three new york laundrymen: j. e. dann, president of the pilgrim laundry, of brooklyn, and his assistants, william longfelder, of h. kohnstamn & co., and e. d. tribbett, of the american laundry machinery co. wherever possible waste materials were reclaimed for use by the army instead of being sold as junk. this was particularly true of bags and burlap. hundreds of thousands of bags and great quantities of burlap furnished by the salvage division were utilized for army purposes. without salvage, all of this would have been thrown away or sold at junk prices. when the fighting ended the base salvage plant at chicago was being equipped to repair about , bags daily. the purpose of garbage separation was threefold--the reduction of mess waste, the increase in revenue to the government, and the recovery of glycerine contents for military purposes. before the war with germany the army regulations required the burning of garbage at camps. when the great training camps were established, the government adopted generally the policy of selling garbage to contractors, except at camps fremont, hancock, mcclellan, sevier, and shelby, where it was incinerated. originally contracts had been let on a per-man basis, the contracts extending for several months, comparable to municipal contracts for the disposal of garbage. later on, however, the policy was adopted of letting contracts for periods of one month only, since the number of men at the camps was continually increasing, and the garbage grew correspondingly bulkier. it is estimated that this change in contracting saved the government considerably over $ , . contract sale prices ranged from cent to cents per man per month, the latter price in most cases including the manure from the stables. with a view to obtaining glycerine, the war department authorized the construction of garbage-rendering plants at the larger concentration centers, but only one, that at camp lee, was actually constructed, since it was determined later by an investigation of our national resources that the amount of glycerine to be obtained in this manner did not justify the expenditure of the money. also the project of establishing piggeries at camps was abandoned, after investigation by the salvage service, since it would have required months to clear the investment, and in the meantime the government would have been deprived of revenue from the sale of garbage. the disposition of waste materials was under the direction of louis birkenstein, of chicago, assisted by r. d. cunningham, of troy, n. y. in response to an insistent demand that farms be operated at various camps, the salvage division, on may , , secured $ , from the vocational fund for the training of soldiers and allotted sums to camps. on november , , congress appropriated $ , for the same purpose, but little of this money was expended. the total acreage under cultivation in was , , and the equivalent revenue derived from the camp farms amounted to $ , . the farm work was under the direction of capt. henry g. parsons, a practical and scientific farmer. salvage activities, in general, in the united states were under the direction of philip w. wrenn, who was chief of the salvage division during the most active period of its existence. salvage in france. salvage in france was under the direction of the chief quartermaster with the american expeditionary forces. at first, it was undertaken in a smattering way, but as the american army grew in size, salvage increased, until the salvage service became one of the features in the field, with thousands of men and women working in salvage activities, with salvage plants, branches, and depots, large and small, saving, repairing, conserving, and putting into shape, ready for reissue, materials of all sorts and descriptions. the word "salvage" became the watchword and pride of many an organization at the front. each field army had its chief salvage officer. each division of troops had its salvage organization under a salvage officer. each organization had its salvage dump, in which it took a just pride, and there was a spirit of friendly rivalry between different organizations as to which could save the most for the government. in the flood times of battle, when waste materials piled up on the fields, the regular salvage specialists were assisted in various ways. in some divisions the regimental bands were designated to act as emergency salvage companies. sometimes after an engagement whole battalions and regiments were enlisted to clean up an area, and there is one instance on record where a wise general of the american expeditionary forces turned out his entire field army to clean up for salvage the area which it had just won from the enemy. the salvage service in france handled not only the recovery of quartermaster supplies, but it also collected and disposed of all materials captured from the enemy, including ordnance materials, and also all materials abandoned by our own troops and found on the battle fields. when troops moved into combat they took with them only such equipment as they could carry on their backs or on the meager transportation facilities allowed. thus they frequently left behind them an enormous quantity of their possessions; including personal baggage. the salvage units went through such areas, visited every billet, and collected all government and personal property and cared for it. as an indication of the magnitude of this work, there was one salvage dump in france acres in area piled as high as goods could be thrown from trucks. the salvage operations in france were conducted over an area of , square miles, and there were approximately , men in the salvage service field force. the various salvage depots and shops in france occupied a floor space of , square feet and had a personnel of , on december , . even before the war, the quartermaster corps of the army was a good-sized organization, yet there were more french women and girls mending clothing for the american army in france at one time than there were commissioned officers and enlisted men in the whole quartermaster service before the war. clothing generally for the american troops in france was repaired at special shops and at the homes of seamstresses in the small towns and communes. each town had a forewoman who distributed the damaged clothing, after it had been disinfected and laundered, and kept all counts. there were of these home workers, nearly all of them from needy families. the best record for darning socks was made by an old french grandmére, aged more than . numerous soldiers were discovered in the american expeditionary forces who were unfit physically for the hard service on the front line. these were permitted to go into the various salvage depots and shops, where they learned to be shoemakers, harness makers, saddle makers, wood workers, painters, metal workers, tailors, laundrymen, electricians, mechanics, checkers, warehousemen, etc., occupations in which many of them expected to engage after their separation from the military service. the salvage troops in france were in five classes--the salvage headquarter detachments, depot battalions, field salvage battalions, laundry units, and the clothing and bathing units. one of the last named was attached to each division to handle field bathhouses and delousing and disinfecting plants, to receive old clothes, and to issue new or reclaimed serviceable garments. the ordnance property salvaged in the field in the period between january , to october , , included , , rounds of small-arms ammunition, , shell of the -millimeter size, and , of the -millimeter size, more than , rifles, and , machine guns and automatic rifles. the unexploded or "dud" shell is a menace to life, and the duty of destroying these in immense quantities fell to the salvage service. some of the salvage squads in the field were composed of men who through lack of education or lack of knowledge of the english language were unable to do front-line service. they were largely composed of american troops of alien birth. the divisional salvage squads sorted the materials at the railhead dumps for shipment to the various depots. when trucks brought up supplies to the front and unloaded, the salvage detachments there filled them up again with all sorts of materials which had been picked up, and the trucks carried their loads back to the railheads, the railroad stations of the division. this queer conglomeration of trash consisted of everything from a hairbrush to a -millimeter enemy gun. to show the sorts of articles that are picked up in an area over which an army has fought, there is given here the following list of items selected at random from the check of a salvage shipment from the railhead of the twenty-sixth division on august , : , pairs of leggins. pairs of shoes. leather gun cases. bags of harness. mess kits. condiment cans. bacon cans. first-aid packets. feed bags. pistol holsters. wagon bed. german rifles. boxes tent poles. boxes gun repairs. rifle grenade throwers. german machine guns. german canteens. , gas masks. saddlebags. , canteens. caps. helmets. , pack carriers. canteen covers. wagon. wagon parts. ammunition cart. ration carts. wagon wheels. boxes artillery material (telephones, etc.). , american canteens. american rifles. german automatic guns. gun bolts. respirators. the kitchen economics branch of the salvage branch of the american expeditionary forces in the recovery of fats and glycerine and other kitchen by-products during the month of september, , saved $ , . to the government. the value was increased in october to $ , . , and in november to $ , . . in addition to this saving, kitchen salvage in october produced over , pounds of grease and over , pounds of dubbin for waterproofing shoes. this branch of the service also had the disposition of unserviceable food supplies, entailing the salvage of large quantities of flour, sugar, rice, and beans damaged in transportation or injured by exposure to weather so as to become unfitted for troops. such vegetables as peas and canned corn, unsatisfactory for use, were dried and ground and sold for chicken feed or hog feed, bringing in a considerable revenue. the question of laundering for the field hospitals, particularly after hard fighting, was a vital one. during the month of december, , a total of , , pieces of laundry was handled by the laundry branch of the salvage service. this included , , pieces for the hospitals alone. the american expeditionary forces were required to establish three large shops for mending clothing sent to the laundries. [illustration: outpost and field wire salvaged from battle area, gievres, france.] [illustration: portion of open storage yard. sappinets for temporary lines in foreground, cable reels in background.] [illustration: german prisoners working farm land.] [illustration: soldiers harvesting snap beans at camp gordon farm near atlanta, ga.] the salvage service in france rendered a peculiar service in being the repository for lost articles. the baggage branch of the salvage service worked in close cooperation with the army transportation service, railroad transportation service, the central records office, the graves registration service, the effects depot, the french railroad officials, and other agencies which might assist them to recover and handle all lost baggage for the members of the american expeditionary forces or for their heirs in the united states. the garden service of the american expeditionary forces was operated as a separate branch of the quartermaster corps, but a word about its work may not be amiss here. in addition to gardens at the camps and hospitals in france, there was a large central farm at versailles, near paris, where american officers and men were assembled to learn intensive farming before being sent to the various stations to assume charge of garden work. this service was composed entirely of men who had been wounded or gassed, or were otherwise physically unfit for service at the front. the garden operations provided welcome additions of fresh vegetables to the american expeditionary forces' diet and also gave many americans an insight of the french methods of intensive farming. the , german helmets used in advertising the american government's fifth war loan--the victory loan of april, --were all collected and shipped to the united states by the salvage service of the american expeditionary forces. in fact the immense quantities of dunnage and junk collected by the service are expected to be of untold historic value as time goes on. various historical societies and museums are taking steps to secure collections of this war material. civilians in europe are now wearing shoes built originally for american troops, later worn out by them, and still later reconditioned by the salvage service in france. a large number of these shoes recently sold for approximately $ . a pair. since the average total cost to repair shoes was $ . a pair, the government realized a net gain of $ . from every pair of these shoes. in connection with the conservation of waste materials the salvage service conducted a considerable manufacturing enterprise in france. it turned waste into a large number of small articles, such as metal markers for graves or effects of deceased soldiers, sheet tin (this from discarded tin containers) for lining the stables at the remount depots, large shipping bags, cement sacks, collar ornaments, divisional insignia, brassards, overseas caps, guidons, curtains for engine cabs, and many other things. the service took discarded campaign hats and old uniform and overcoat cloth and made hospital slippers with cloth tops and felt soles. such things as waste cotton scrap, waste paper, shredded rope, tin cans, and woolen rags collected in france were saved and sold, but nothing was sold that could be utilized for repairing or manufacturing purposes. leather scrap was used to make leather straps or shoe laces, and the worst of the leather scrap was burned at the power plants of the salvage depots as a fair substitute for coal. old harness, books, small scraps, leather washers, and the like, canvas and burlap scrap, went to the camouflage screen makers. woolen rags were shredded and used over again for making cloth. cotton rags too poor for other purposes went to the paper mills. rubber scrap became new rubber material. nothing which had a value was allowed to go to waste. the salvage depot at tours, france, alone in the period from march to november, , inclusive, produced goods to the value of $ , , . , at a total expense of $ , . , giving the government a net profit of $ , , . . the value of all this work went far beyond the value of the figures in dollars and cents, which is the only concrete way in which it can be expressed. the saving in raw material alone which it effected was an important factor in the war; yet of even greater service was the salvage production of materials, particularly ordnance materials, which took much time to manufacture at home and after that required a long haul to get them to the american expeditionary forces. some of the materials recovered on the battle field were scarce and hard to get, and every pound of them recovered added that much to the power of the american army in france. book vi. the construction division. chapter i. cantonments and camps. as soon as america had arranged to raise an army by selective conscription, the government proceeded to provide living quarters for the soldiers to be mobilized for training. this was a job magnificent in its proportions, carried out with a speed that was little short of magical. at points, widely scattered over the country, the construction expert and the civil engineer struck the earth with their potent wands; workmen swarmed forth; the staccato of myriads of hammers and the whine of saws merged into a rolling chorus of industry; and new cities arose--almost overnight, it seemed--built of wood to be sure, raw and unpainted it is true, but snug and taut and equipped with every necessary convenience known to the dwellers of modern american cities. the united states had been wont to measure other public works by that of the panama canal, which had been the largest construction operation ever undertaken by america, or any other nation, prior to the great war. the construction cost of the panama canal was approximately $ , , and the operation continued over a period of years. the cantonments for the national army and the camps for the national guard cost about seven-tenths as much as the panama canal, but they were completed in shorter time than it takes to build an ordinary suburban dwelling house. the science of warfare had made mighty strides since america's last great war, that of to , but in no respect more than in those matters relating to the individual soldier's comfort and bodily welfare. the soldier of lived in a tent, or in the chance shelter of a billet. when the weather was cold he might alternately toast and congeal at his camp fire, and at night he rolled himself in his blanket and reposed on a pallet of straw. his grandson warrior who went to the training camp in found life comfortable in a substantial barrack, warmed with steam heat or stoves. a good mattress on a hygienic metal bed wooed his slumbers after a hard day of training. the soldier of bathed where he could and when he could. he of kept clean daily under the shower bath. the soldier of slaked his thirst at neighboring wells or streams; and water-borne diseases, such as typhoid fever, reaped a harvest of lives. his successor drank water which was tested and filtered, sterilized when necessary, and the once fatal epidemics of armies were kept away from his cantonment. this water, moreover, came to him in a pipe under a pressure sufficient to throw a stream from a nozzle clear over his barrack, an efficient safeguard against the fire that might destroy his wooden city. the soldier in the civil war washed out his own clothing on the infrequent occasions when he possessed both water and leisure. the national army recruit received his khaki immaculate from a modern laundry equipped with the latest types of labor-saving machinery. the latter's grandfather suffered from scurvy because of the limitations of his diet. the soldier of ate tender beef and green vegetables kept fresh in ammonia-cooled refrigerators. the fighter of relished the hoecake baked in the ashes; his successor partook of white bread fresh from camp ovens. the camps of were arranged in haphazard fashion; those of were laid out by expert city planners. in the spring the soldier of waded and toiled through mud; the soldier of walked dry-shod upon walks or drove his autotruck upon macadamized or concrete or brick camp roads. the illumination of the camps of was the light of the stars and the bivouac fires; the barracks were built along streets radiant with electrical incandescence. for amusement the soldiers of had their campfire choruses and rough military sports, but the private in the national army had the theater, the motion picture, a library of good reading matter, the y. m. c. a. and similar clubhouses, the gymnasium, the post exchange where he could buy periodicals, candy, fruit, and other small luxuries. and so the contrast might be carried along. the marvel of the cantonments of was not that a grateful republic gave to its conscripted soldiers the conveniences of existence enjoyed by all urban communities, but that it provided them in such short time. ninety days after the first spade struck into the ground the cantonments were ready to receive two-thirds of their men, while one or two of the largest of all were complete in every essential respect. the houses of the national army and the national guard went up at the rate of $ , , a day. it is almost impossible to visualize this speed or to comprehend the feat of nailing fifteen hundred and some odd million board feet of lumber into place in about three months, or that of stringing wire in that time in length sufficient to reach from new york to san francisco and back and westward again to cleveland, or that of tacking enough rain-tight roofing paper to make a canopy for the island of manhattan, another for atlantic city, with nearly a square mile of it left over. the cantonment job took so many nails and spikes that it created an actual shortage in that industry. all of the factories in the united states that make metal pipes could not turn out enough to supply the needs of the water, sanitary, and heating systems of the cantonments, and so wooden pipes made from staves were used in most of the camps for piping water. in the matter of lumber alone it has been computed that the total amount ordered and mobilized by the washington office for the camps would build a board walk inches wide and inch thick to the moon and half way back again. in addition to this vast quantity of lumber there were used in the camps and cantonments about , , square feet of wall board--wall board being universally used instead of lath and plaster to line and ceil rooms-- , , square feet of window glass, and , , square feet of roofing. the , , , eight-penny nails used, if placed end to end, would girdle the earth three and one-half times. the heating systems would make a single steam radiator miles long, while the heating boilers were equivalent to one boiler feet in diameter and miles long. the rate of the flow of materials to the army of , workmen on the cantonment jobs gives an inkling of the speed with which they put lumber and nails together to make barracks. it took heavy freight trains a day, loaded cars to the train, to keep wood and metal supplies at the builders' elbows. these builders erected the camps at the rate of , tons of material a day. america had never seen construction progress to equal that. we liken swift building to the mushroom's growth, but almost always this figure of speech is used as hyperbole. some of the feats of the cantonment builders, however, equaled the growth of the mushroom in fact. in more than one instance at spots where the sod sparkled with dew at dawn, when the builders put away their tools at sunset there stood structures roofed and inclosed, needing only a few interior touches each to be ready to shelter men. efficiency in war is a matter of teamwork. every vital branch of the military organization must do its part well if the whole effort is not to fail. the weak link in the chain might well have been the construction organization of the army, for here was an emergency job on a scale beyond anything in the experience of our greatest builders. america in her first months of war was able to send to france across , miles of dangerous water more men than the united kingdom in a similar period could send to the front over the netted and laned miles of english channel. no slight share of the credit for this achievement must go to the cantonment builders, who despite great difficulties had the housing ready for the new armies when they were called forth for training. as soon as the united states entered the war the government sent out the call for technical experts of all sorts. for a quarter of a century the united states had been specializing in technical training for its young men, and now in the hour of need the ability existed to conduct the war, which in its first year was to be largely a matter of construction and manufacture of equipment. there was a wonderful outpouring of these men of action, the technicians who had been building the bridges and skyscrapers of the nation, developing its mines, providing its water systems, designing its machinery, organizing and commanding its trained and untrained workers, engaging in public and private works of every description and magnitude. the army prior to the th of april, , consisted of a relatively insignificant force of men. for this army the construction of barracks and other quarters had been in the hands of the quartermaster general. the officer in charge of the construction and repair division of the quartermaster general's office was relieved of his former duties and placed by the secretary of war in charge of a new and almost entirely independent division, reporting directly to the secretary, called the cantonment division, and charged with providing the necessary construction and camp facilities for the national army and the national guard. this was in may, , at which time the commissioned personnel of the division consisted of only three officers. this step was recommended by the general staff, acting in accordance with the advice of civilian construction experts on the council of national defense. one year later the personnel of this division had grown to officers and , civilians in washington, the best constructors, engineers, draftsmen, managers, purchasing agents, and other specialists obtainable by the government; there were hundreds of other officers and civilian experts in the field for this organization; it had an enlisted personnel of some , men and employed over , laborers and craftsmen; it had jobs on hand, complete and incomplete, aggregating $ , , , or nearly twice the cost of the canal at panama, while future works then being planned and later actually undertaken came to another $ , , ; it had now become the construction division of the army, attached directly to the office of the secretary of war, charged with all the army construction within the united states. such was the expansion of one branch of the army to meet the emergency. construction operations for the army overseas, conducted principally with troop labor, was in charge of the corps of engineers. congress passed the selective service bill on may , . before the end of may the military authorities had decided to call the first levies of the national army on september . the little cantonment division, which had in the week after its birth grown to a personnel of officers and numerous civilian experts, received orders to have the camps-- complete cities to accommodate , inhabitants each and tent camps, with many incidental buildings and public utilities--ready in days. actually the time allowed for construction was much shorter than that, for the last site was not approved until july . about days later, on september , the national army cantonments were ready for , men, two-thirds of the first draft. although some construction, subsequently authorized, was not entirely complete until later, the cantonments nevertheless were at all times prepared to receive the conscripted soldiers faster than the army could assimilate them. however irksome to the impatient construction officers the interval between the time when the cantonments were ordered and the day when the last sites were approved, it was not time wasted by any means. there was much preliminary work to be done. the magnitude of the task ahead was appalling. yet the cantonment division, with scarcely anything to start with, with not even the ground selected for a single camp site, must design and adopt types for buildings, mobilize materials, standardize everything possible, adopt an emergency contract that should protect the government from the grafter and the profiteer, locate stores of materials, commandeering them if necessary, and also discover manufacturing plants capable of turning out supplies as rapidly as they were needed, build up an organization to handle the work in every detail, and be ready to start hammering in the nails on the day the materials arrived on the jobs. actually these officers had something less than days in which to accomplish this feat. there had been, however, a measure of pioneering in several of these directions. the council of national defense had an organization of civilian experts in many lines gathered together in washington to give advice to the military authorities. through its committees the council prepared a form of contract upon what came to be known as the "cost-plus with sliding scale and fixed maximum fee" plan, which limited the cantonment contractor in each case to a maximum fee of not more than $ , , the army itself retaining control of the cost of materials and the wages paid to labor. since the cantonments cost anywhere from $ , , to more than $ , , each, the average fee to the contractor was slightly less than ½ per cent, out of which the contractor had to pay overhead expenses, such as his main office expenses and the like; so it will be seen that the united states drove a close bargain with its cantonment builders in spite of the breathless haste to get the work done. it was not until the st of june that the war authorities decided upon wood construction for the national army cantonments and canvas tentage for the camps of the national guard. according to the original plan, so far as could be foreseen, the cantonments were to be permanent camps to receive fresh contingents of selectives as long as the war should last, whereas after receiving its training the national guard would go to france and leave its american camps deserted. the wood construction was much more expensive than tentage--amounting to $ per man of the first draft, as it proved--but it was permanent; once installed it made no further demands for materials, and in convenience and comfort, especially in winter, it was far superior to tentage. meanwhile the cantonment division had designed a model barrack building, feet wide and long, to house men, or one company, as the company was in the spring of . here, in the adoption of this model and general camp plans, there might easily have occurred in washington a fatal indecision. both the british and the french armies had found by experience that a company of men was a more convenient size for trench warfare than a smaller one. there was some question whether the american army would be guided by this experience. gen. pershing was to decide this matter, but he did not reach europe until june . a weak executive control in washington might have justified itself in waiting for this decision before starting in at full speed to build the cantonments. those in charge of the program took upon themselves the responsibility of building the -man barrack, trusting to their own ability to adjust the buildings later to changed conditions. as a matter of fact, when the company unit was enlarged to men, it was readily possible to house two companies in three barracks, leaving space in two of them for the kitchen and mess room. still later the construction division built smaller barracks for men each, providing four such barracks to the company. before a single site was selected the experts in washington had designed the buildings and mapped out the future cities. america, leaving behind her the decorative atrocities of the old victorian days, had been seeking beauty; and this yearning had produced a new profession, that of town planning. town planners in the construction division grouped the , buildings required by each cantonment into two typical arrangements, known as the straight-line and the u-shape layouts. later at each cantonment there was a town planner who adapted one or the other of these plans to his local camp topography. the selection of camp sites was in the hands of boards of officers designated by the commanding officers of the six army departments. early in may these boards set forth on their quest. then ensued a lively bidding on the part of american cities to secure cantonments for their own neighborhoods. the government took the utmost advantage of such inducements as were offered. the city of tacoma, wash., sold its municipal bonds to the amount of $ , , and with the proceeds bought , acres at american lake and presented the land to the army. this tract became the site of camp lewis, most beautiful of all the cantonments. [illustration: start at a. m.] [illustration: . a. m.] [illustration: p. m.] [illustration: p. m.] a day's work in barrack construction. [illustration: camp grant at rockford, ill. this photograph, taken from kites at an elevation of , feet, shows a typical cantonment, of which sixteen were built to train the national army in .] the site for camp upton, at yaphank, long island, , acres, was provided for the government at an annual rental of $ per acre. san diego, calif., gave , acres at linda vista to the government rent free for five years. this became the location of camp kearney for the national guard. camp fremont, another national guard training center, was pitched on , acres of ground donated rent free for one year by the city of san francisco. louisville gave the site of camp zachary taylor for the national army rent free for two years. and there were numerous other similar inducements. in all the national army cantonments occupied , acres which the government obtained at an average annual rental of $ . per acre after the second year of occupancy. the national guard camps covered , acres, at a rental of $ , the second year of occupancy and thereafter. the clearing of the sites was no mean part of the cantonment job. the site of camp upton at yaphank, long island, proved to be covered with underbrush, and when this was cleared off it was discovered that the remains of an old forest were still there, and stumps were thickly scattered over the entire site. these had to be blasted or pulled out before any building operations could proceed. the sites in character ranged from the sandy loam of camp devens, in massachusetts, to the red clay of virginia and south carolina; from the farm lands of michigan to the prairie on which was built camp travis, tex. some were flat; some rolling; all were different in shape and extent; and the layout of the camp and the arrangement of the buildings in each case had to be adapted to the local conditions by the constructing quartermaster on the job. to give a picture of a typical cantonment, let us take camp grant, at rockford, ill., as an illustration. it cost approximately $ , , ; it could accommodate , men and , horses; its buildings numbered , . water was supplied from six wells drilled feet deep. there were miles of water main, while the reservoir tanks could hold , gallons. its electric lighting system entailed the use of , miles of copper wire, , poles, and , incandescent lamps. during the construction period carloads of building material were unloaded at camp grant every day, and an average of , board feet of lumber was put up every day over a period of weeks. in the camp grant schedule we find such items as , , feet of lumber, tons of nails, , , square feet of roofing, and , , square feet of wall board. only a builder of secure financial standing could handle such a construction contract. frequently his pay roll and current bills for supplies amounted to half a million dollars in a week. let the government delay a few days in its payments to him and he might find himself obliged to raise a million dollars in cash on the instant to meet his immediate obligations. to avoid such embarrassments the construction division adopted the policy of paying its bills the day and sometimes the hour they were incurred. at each cantonment job it stationed a disbursing officer with a checkbook. this officer reported by telegraph each night, and the next morning there was deposited to his credit in the treasury a sum of money sufficient for his immediate needs. on numerous occasions this officer paid for materials the instant they were unloaded from the cars and checked. the government maintained an auditing organization at each job. this organization checked and inspected all material as it was received, comparing the delivery in each case with the original order, and counted the workmen at least twice a day. an intense rivalry sprang up in the construction of the cantonments. sixteen teams, with an average of , men on each team, began racing for the goal, which was to be per cent completion by september , the date when the first contingents of selective soldiers were to be received by the cantonments. it was more exciting than any campaign in any professional baseball league, because the time was shorter and the stake vastly greater. the cantonment division kept alive this spirit of rivalry by posting each day in each cantonment the figures showing the rates of construction at all of them. the team, from the superintendents down to the humblest unskilled laborers, discussed these ratings as fans talk about the baseball averages. the race was a close one, being won by camp taylor at louisville, which was . per cent complete on the day the contest ended, lacking only six-tenths of per cent of coming up to the maximum per cent of completion regarded as possible in the time available. but other construction gangs were pressing that at camp taylor closely: camp travis, with . per cent of completion at the end of the contest; camp lee, . complete; camp devens, ; camp lewis, ; and camp sherman, . the camp lewis percentage was taken on august . all construction work, including numerous additions not contemplated in the original plans, was virtually complete by november . these additional structures included cantonment base hospitals, on which the government spent $ , , for the national army and $ , , at the national guard camps. with one or two exceptions these hospitals each had facilities for , patients at once, being the largest in the united states, at that time. at several of the cantonments the water problem was simplified by the near presence of water mains of the systems of adjacent cities. at the other camps, however, it was necessary to construct independent water systems sufficient to furnish gallons of water daily to each of , men. this is nearly twice as much water as was then being furnished to the average european army camp, and it meant in each case a system of centrifugal pumps and gravity tanks with a capacity of , , gallons daily. the local water supply was secured either from running streams or from dug wells. if the purity of the water was in doubt it was sterilized by the chlorine process and sometimes filtered in addition. the purity of the water and the care exercised in screening kitchens, mess halls, and later the dormitories themselves, from flies is seen in the hospital record for the first year of the war. of all the soldiers who sought hospital treatment for sickness during that first year, only one patient in , was suffering from a water-borne disease. in each cantonment there were about , wooden buildings, presenting a constant fire menace. as a protection from such disasters each cantonment organized its own fire department with modern motor equipment stationed in three or more fire houses. the men of the fire companies were usually those who had had previous training as members of city fire departments. there was not a single serious fire at the cantonments during the war period. besides keeping soldiers well and clean, the camp facilities provided them with opportunity for moral and healthy amusement. various organizations combined to supply the camps with amusement facilities. there were the library buildings, the red cross buildings and halls, the y. m. c. a. buildings, the knights of columbus buildings, the salvation army buildings, y. w. c. a. buildings, and the jewish welfare board buildings. although the american soldier bought liberally of liberty bonds, took out war risk insurance, and sent to his family the greater portion of his monthly pay, still he had a small amount of money to spend for little luxuries or necessities. these included small supplies such as candy and fruits, and they were on sale at the usual post exchange or company store. this was a small building, usually with a broad covered porch or shelter around three sides, so that the men in bad weather could be dry as they waited in line for their turn at the windows. the y. m. c. a., k. of c., red cross, y. w. c. a., jewish welfare board, and salvation army buildings offered reading and writing rooms and general gathering places; yet these were insufficient for a total camp population averaging , . hence the commission on training camp activities built through the agency of the construction division a liberty theater at each camp. the liberty theaters were of temporary construction, but in size compared favorably with the largest theaters in our modern cities. to provide these amusement facilities the construction division put up approximately , , board feet of lumber, , , square feet of wall board, and , square feet of roofing. the average large city laundry was insufficient in capacity to handle the laundry work of an average of , people per day, which was the requirement to keep some , men in clean clothing. consequently the camps and cantonments were provided with their own laundries built by the construction division. this put such a demand upon the manufacturers of laundry machinery that it created a shortage, and later there was a shortage of soap and powder. the laundries built used up , , board feet of lumber and , square feet of wall board. the householder may throw his old shoes into the trash box and sell his old suit to the ragman, but the army threw nothing away. consequently the construction division was called upon to build reclamation plants at many stations. usually one large plant was built at a center convenient to several camps, and to this center were sent the worn-out uniforms, shoes, leggins, and all other equipment. every camp of considerable size in the united states was provided with model bakeries. the total capacity of all the baking equipment installed by the construction division would turn out , tons of bread per day. this is a total of , , loaves of pound each. each camp bakery oven would take care of , men per day in two -hour shifts, or it could bake , loaves in hours. there were required at all the camps and cantonments numerous storehouses for materials to be used immediately by the troops. the construction division built of these small storehouses at the national army cantonments alone. the question of cold-storage facilities for the camps offered a knotty problem. certain camps generally relied upon cold-storage space obtained near by, or else upon refrigerator cars iced in the vicinity, but in the other camps it was necessary to build special refrigeration plants. these had an ice-making capacity ranging from to tons daily. the ice consumption of the american soldiers in the united states proved to be ¾ pounds per man per day. the kitchens in the camps and hospitals would be paradise to any woman who had drudged with old-fashioned methods and equipment in cooking. as far as possible the army's housekeeping was done by machinery. the bread slicer in common use would cut slices of bread per minute and stack the slices automatically, the loaves feeding automatically into the slicer. the meat choppers would cut up pounds of meat or vegetables in five minutes, and the electrically operated potato peeler would peel pounds of potatoes in three minutes. the meat slicers would cut meat at the rate of slices to the minute. vegetables were cooked and meats roasted by high-pressure steam. the vegetable cooker could turn out gallons of cooked product in minutes. the dish-washing machines could wash, dry, and sterilize , dishes per hour. at the hospitals the food was taken from the central kitchen to the outlying wards in mobile fireless cookers, designed to keep the food hot until served. to prepare food for , men, kitchens were required by each cantonment. the national army in training used , hotel ranges. in most of the cantonments, particularly those in the south, the heating of quarters in winter was accomplished by means of room heaters and cannon stoves. the constructors installed , of these. the officers' quarters everywhere and four entire cantonments in the north--devens in massachusetts, grant in illinois, custer in michigan, and dodge in iowa--were heated by steam either from central heating plants or by means of ordinary boilers such as are used in residences. the total surface of the steam radiators installed would make five gigantic stoves feet square and as high as the woolworth building in new york. besides the camps and cantonments used by the line troops, the construction division also built various special camps required by the mobilization, training, and transportation of the army. these included the quartermaster training camp at jacksonville, fla., accommodating approximately , men; and the camps for the engineering corps, camps for heavy and light artillery training schools, and for other special units. camp joseph f. johnston at blackpoint, the quartermaster camp near jacksonville, is a good example of one of these special training camps. this consisted of quarters for officers, barracks to house men each, together with barracks for wagon companies, pack companies, truck companies, and a bakery company, as well as stables for , animals and riding horses, together with storeroom buildings and truck and auto garages. camp holabird, near baltimore, used for teaching men to repair and crate motor trucks and vehicles, had accommodations for about , men. another special camp was camp humphreys, for the training of men in the corps of engineers, located a few miles down the potomac river from washington. this camp could accommodate , men in , buildings located on a camp area of , acres. every foot of this site had to be cleared of timber and underbrush during one of the severest winters of recent years. all material had to be hauled in trucks over fearful roads pending the construction of a -mile spur of railroad track, yet the job was completed approximately on time. other special camps included camp bragg for training field artillery, located at fayetteville, n. c., with quarters for , men; camp knox at stithon, ky., for , men, having an area of nearly , acres for training troops in the use of field artillery; and camp franklin, located on part of the camp meade cantonment reservation, a special camp for signal corps instruction, with accommodations for , men. then there was the coast artillery training cantonment, camp eustis at lee hall, va., which had accommodations for , men; camp meigs at washington, d. c., a quartermaster camp, providing accommodations for , men; and camp benning, at columbus, ga., an infantry school of arms, to accommodate , men, on a camp area of , acres. at camp raritan, at raritan river, n. j., the ordnance department established a training school for , men. _camps and cantonments built by construction division._ key: (a) - maximum capacity. ----------------+------------------+------+-----------+---------------------- | | |approximate| name. | location. | (a) | cost. | contractors. ----------------+------------------+------+-----------+---------------------- camp beauregard |alexandria, la. | , | $ , , |stewart mcgehee, | | | | hudson construction | | | | co., j. w. snyder. | | | | camp bowie |fort worth, tex. | , | , , |j. w. thompson, | | | | h. g. bush. | | | | camp bragg |fayetteville, n.c.| , | , , |james stewart co. | | | | camp cody |deming, n. mex. | , | , , |j. w. thompson co., | | | | h. g. bush. | | | | camp custer |battle creek, mich| , | , , |porter bros., r. g. | | | |phelps, w. e. wood co. | | | | camp devens |ayer, mass. | , | , , |fred t. ley co., | | | | coleman bros. | | | | camp dix |wrightstown, n. j.| , | , , |irwin & leighton co., | | | | j. s. rogers co., | | | | j. w. ferguson & co. | | | | camp dodge |des moines, iowa | , | , , |charles weltz sons. | | | | camp doniphan |lawton, okla. | , | , , |selden-breck | | | | construction co., | | | | trope & carney. | | | | camp abraham |lee hall, va. | , | , , |winston & co. eustis | | | | | | | | camp fremont |palo alto, calif. | , | , , |lindgren co., | | | | e. a. hettinger. | | | | camp funston |fort riley, kans. | , | , , |george a. fuller | | | | construction co., | | | | henry bennet & son, | | | | gray construction co. | | | | camp gordon |atlanta, ga. | , | , , |arthur tufts co., | | | | mackie construction | | | | co., southern-ferro | | | | construction co. | | | | camp meade |odenton, md. | , | , , |claiborne johnson co., | | | | smith, houser & | | | | mcisaacs. | | | | camp meigs |washington, d. c. | , | , |philip f. gormley, | | | | frank l. wagner. | | | | camp merritt |dumont, n. j. | , | , , |mcarthur bros. co., | | | | w. h. fissell & co. | | | | camp mills |garden city, l. i.| , | , , |clough-bourne co. | | | | | | | |{westinghouse-church- | | | |{ kerr co., hampton camp hill |newport news, va. | , |} , , |{ roads engineering camp stuart | do. | , |} |{ construction co., | | | |{ boyle-robertson | | | |{ construction co. camp oglethorpe |} | | |{ fort greenleaf|} | , | $ , , |{park-grimes co. forrest |} | | |{ | | | | camp pike |little rock, ark. | , | , , |james stewart & co. | | | | (inc.), | | | | stewart mcgehee co. | | | | camp polk |raleigh, n. c. | [ ] | |holliday-krouse co. | | | | camp sevier |greenville, s. c. | , | , , |gallivan building co. | | | | camp shelby |hattiesburg, miss.| , | , , |t. s. moudy co., | | | | richard mccarthy co. | | | | camp sheridan |montgomery, ala. | , | , , |algernon blair, | | | | paschen bros. | | | | camp sherman |chillicothe, ohio | , | , , |thomas a. bently & | | | | sons, d. w. | | | | mcgrath & sons. | | | | camp taylor |louisville, ky. | , | , , |mason & hanger, | | | | alfred struck co. | | | | camp travis |san antonio, tex. | , | , , |stone & webster, | | | | mckenzie construction | | | | co. | | | | camp upton |yaphank, l. i. | , | , , |thompson-starrett co., | | | | mark c. tredennick | | | | co., c. h. & r. c. | | | | peckworth (inc.). | | | | camp grant |rockford, ill. | , | , , |bates & rogers | | | | construction co., | | | | ross t. beckstrom | | | | co., henry erickson | | | | co. | | | | camp green |charlotte, n. c. | , | , , |consolidated | | | | engineering co., | | | | j. a. jones co. | | | | camp hancock |augusta, ga. | , | , , |t. o. brown co., | | | | william crawford. | | | | camp humphreys |belvoir, va. | , | , , |phillip f. gormley co. | | | | camp jackson |columbia, s. c. | , | , , |hardaway construction | | | | co., columbia lumber | | | | & manufacturing co., | | | | h. b. hann. | | | | camp jackson, | do. | [ ] | |hardaway construction no. | | | | co. | | | | camp johnston |jacksonville, fla.| , | |t. a. bentley & sons., | | | | j. y. wilson. | | | | camp kearney |san diego, calif. | , | , , |w. e. hampton co., | | | | john roberts co. | | | | camp knox |stithton, ky. | , | , , |john w. griffith & | | | | sons. | | | | camp las casas |san juan, | , | , , |purdy & henderson co. | porto rico | | | | | | | camp lee |petersburg, va. | , | , , |rhinehart & dennis | | | | (inc.), harrison | | | | construction co., | | | | john t. wilson & co. | | | | (inc.). | | | | camp lewis |american lake | , | , , |hurley mason co., | (tacoma), wash. | | | the construction co. | | | | camp logan |houston, tex. | , | , , |american construction | | | | co., horton & horton. | | | | camp mcarthur |waco, tex. | , | , , |fred a. jones | | | | construction co., | | | | blome & sinek co., | | | | edgar h. bruyere. | | | | camp mcclellan |anniston, ala. | , | , , |john o. chisholm & | | | | co., labarre & erwin, | | | | a. w. stoolman. | | | | camp wadsworth |spartanburg, s. c.| , | , , |fiske carter co. | | | | camp wheeler |macon, ga. | , | , , |w. z. williams. ----------------+------------------+------+-----------+---------------------- [ ] abandoned. chapter ii. miscellaneous construction. great as was the job of building the army camps and cantonments, it was nevertheless only a part of the work which fell to the construction division, and much the smaller part at that. on november , , the construction division was conducting building operations in localities in the united states. these involved an aggregate expenditure of more than $ , , , . including the various camps and cantonments, these activities were being conducted or had been conducted in every state of the union but one. an average of more than , workmen, principally of the building trades, had been engaged continuously for months. in the executive administration of the work the organization required , officers and , civilian government employees, of whom , were located at the offices of the division in washington. merely for the maintenance and the operation of the various completed projects a force of , enlisted men was required. in a little more than a year the organization had grown from a handful of clerks and executives to one of this size. the brigadier general who headed the construction division had been a captain when war was declared. in this period the organization had housed a population equal to that of the city of philadelphia in large camps, each in number of inhabitants comparing in size to such cities as racine, wis., cedar rapids, iowa, or wheeling, w. va. it had constructed storage depots and warehouses that would cover acres. it had built hospitals with beds for , patients. it had purchased and nailed up , , , board feet of lumber, enough to stretch around the equator twenty times in boards inches wide and inch thick. loaded on freight cars to their capacity this lumber would require a train reaching from washington, d. c., to kansas city. it had used enough brick to build an -foot road from kansas city to chicago. it had constructed miles of railroads and made , miles of wagon roads, mostly of concrete. these are only a few of the high points in this building record. there are few undertakings of mankind in all history which can be compared with this enterprise. the price paid for the panama canal and the canal of suez, the cost of damming the nile and tunneling the alps, and the money spent on building the government railway into the heart of alaska might be lumped together and still the aggregate would not equal the cost of providing the buildings, exclusive of those of the training camps, which the american army had to have in the united states after it went to war. we can gain a picture of the size of this construction by considering the building records of the united states. in this country there are about cities large enough and ambitious enough to keep annual building statistics as the indices of their prosperity. in these cities, whose populations range in size from that of new york down to those of communities of , or , inhabitants, dwell nearly a quarter of all the americans. they are metropolitans, the people who demand most of the builder for their comfort and luxury. yet in no one year had the building construction in these largest american cities combined approached in amount within $ , , of the cost of our military construction undertaken during the war. the government became not only the greatest of customers for the building industry but almost the sole customer. this whole great industry, one of the largest in the country, which had been busy in its interminable task of providing the mansions of peace, was suddenly converted under military direction into a machine for building a titantic war plant. before the nation could mobilize its material resources or train its human ones for war it must have buildings--headquarters for its executives, barracks for its men, structures for its various arsenals for the manufacture of explosives and chemicals, warehouses for the storage of reserves of material, terminals for the transfer of overseas shipments, schools, laboratories, proving grounds for testing its weapons, hospitals, embarkation depots, and a vast number of structures for less conspicuous activities. it was the work of the construction division to provide these facilities. exclusive of the cantonments themselves, this work fell into projects ranging in size from small building groups costing a few thousand dollars to enormous powder plants, huge terminal docks, vast warehouses and other great undertakings costing $ , , , $ , , , $ , , , $ , , , and as high as $ , , for a single project. ordnance construction. perhaps the most striking of these undertakings were the various construction jobs called for by the ordnance program. there were more than of these, and they ranged in cost from $ , up to $ , , . one of the larger of these projects was that of the aberdeen proving grounds on chesapeake bay, not far distant from baltimore. this reservation, with its area of , acres and its magnificent testing and observation ranges, miles in length, over the waters of the bay, will undoubtedly be retained permanently by the government. as the plant exists to-day it has a capacity of testing , shell between daylight and dark. at aberdeen the construction division built barracks to house , men, quarters for officers, and all the accessories of convenience and amusement which a community of that size should have. guns came to the proving grounds unassembled, so that it was necessary to build an assembly plant. this building is feet wide and feet long and cost $ , , . as an adjunct to the assembly plant there is a machine shop which is one of the largest in the united states. mention should be made of the miles of standard railway trackage which the construction division put down at aberdeen. this was exclusive of the spur tracks for the heavy guns mounted on railway carriages. these tracks approached the firing range on apparently outlandish curves and at every variety of angle. the guns were fired at these various angles to determine if the recoil would push the carriages from the track or would spread the rails. the development of aerial bombing and the necessity for testing our own aerial bombs required the construction at aberdeen of hangars and quarters for an aviation squadron. in addition to these facilities, the project involved the construction of powder magazines, shell-loading plants, and warehouses. there were built miles of concrete roads and miles of roads of other types. garage accommodations were provided for trucks and automobiles. the firing ranges required observation towers of various sorts. the observation dugouts had to be of special strength, because certain of the tests at aberdeen involved the actual bursting of gun barrels, making necessary specially heavy protection for the observers. aberdeen is equipped with a complete waterworks system and with a hospital for patients. an interesting laboratory constructed on the grounds is that in which the so-called "dud" shell, or those which fail to explode, are analyzed for their defects. the aberdeen project was started in december, , and first tests were made within a month. the entire project cost over $ , , . one section of the aberdeen reservation, about , acres of it, was set apart for the uses of the gas-warfare organization of the army and was later known as the edgewood arsenal. the progress at edgewood is indicative of the manner in which chemical warfare increased in importance during our period of belligerency. it was originally estimated that $ , would provide a plant at edgewood sufficient for our chemical-warfare needs. the actual cost of the edgewood arsenal at the date of the armistice, so great had been the expansion of chemical warfare, was about $ , , . at that time there had been constructed or were in process of construction filling plants that could turn out , loaded gas shell per day. the equipment at edgewood includes a cantonment for , men, some of it of permanent construction. there were built miles of macadam road at edgewood and miles of railway, in addition to large warehouses and a dock where loaded shell could be freighted upon lighters to deep water. another project made necessary by the expansion of chemical warfare was the gas proving grounds at lakehurst, n. j., the entire project costing $ , , . the site of , acres provided space for two target ranges, each miles long. extensive laboratories were built at lakehurst, and the proving ground was operated by a force of , men. in addition to this there was located at lakehurst a camp for , troops in training. all buildings for these facilities were provided by the construction division. in addition to aberdeen and lakehurst the construction division built a proving ground at clear springs, md., used for testing out -millimeter guns; another such institution at port clinton, ohio, for testing -millimeter and -millimeter howitzers; and others at scituate, mass., and savanna, ill. the combined cost of these last four projects was $ , , . one important undertaking of the construction division was that of providing warehouse depots for ordnance materials. these supplies differ from ordinary army supplies in the important particular that they must be treated gently and handled with care. a quartermaster storehouse can be of emergency construction type, that is, more or less built of wood, but an ordnance storehouse, since it usually contains high explosives, must be strictly fireproof. in undertaking the creation in record time of a number of ordnance depots the construction division faced not only the problem of the type of building required but also the location of these buildings. it was necessary to locate them at deep water in order to avoid frequent handling of the high explosives, yet no depot could be situated in any thickly settled center because of the danger to the civilian population. at most deep-water points on the atlantic coast which had railway connections the available sites were already occupied. the result was that the ordnance depots had to be built on marshes and meadows, on land which for construction purposes had always been regarded as impossible. yet they had to be completed in as much of a rush as any buildings which the army demanded. there are now five of these great ordnance depots on the atlantic coast built by the construction division: at metuchen, n. j.; curtis bay, md.; pig point, va.; charleston, s. c.; and pedricktown, del. the largest of these is the one at metuchen, known as the raritan arsenal. the raritan site contains about , acres of salt marsh. high tides used to submerge the whole area almost completely. before any building could be started the construction division had to build a dike miles long around the whole reservation. the entire project was perched on piles, and these piles, by the tens of thousands, were driven into the frozen ground during the severe winter of - . labor was hard to get and hard to keep. after the laborers' quarters had been built and a few powder magazines had been erected, it became almost impossible to keep men on the job because of the danger of working in a powder arsenal. most of the raritan buildings are of terra-cotta construction. there are completed magazines, each feet wide and feet long, for the storage of shell, black powder, and miscellaneous items, this number not including magazines of sheet-metal construction, each by feet, for the storage of high explosives. when the armistice was signed the construction division was building similar magazines intended for the storage of smokeless powder. at raritan was also located a school of instruction for ordnance troops, with a cantonment to accommodate , men. a -bed hospital was part of the equipment, as was also an assembly shop and a motor-instruction school. along the river a dock was built , feet long. on the dock were constructed several huge warehouses for the storage of material. fifty miles of railway were constructed. the project on the armistice date was probably the best equipped ordnance depot in the world. it cost about $ , , . the next largest ordnance depot is that at curtis bay near baltimore. it is half the size of the raritan project and cost about $ , , . the pig point ordnance depot is located at hampton roads, about miles from portsmouth, va. in order to obtain berthing facilities for trans-atlantic ships it was necessary to build a dock more than a mile long out to deep water. the dock is said to be the longest wharf in the united states south of philadelphia. the pig point job cost about $ , , . the charleston arsenal cost $ , , ; while $ , , was the amount provided for the arsenal at pedricktown. the pedricktown job, however, was started late, and not over $ , , had been spent when the armistice was signed. in addition to these five terminal depots the construction division provided two other ordnance warehouses for the storage of miscellaneous supplies--one at middletown, pa., costing $ , , , and the other at augusta, ga., costing $ , . the description of the powder bag-loading plants, which were built by the construction division, is contained in the chapter of this report relating to the production of powder and other explosives. there were three of these plants, one located at woodbury, n. j., another at tullytown, pa., and the third on the historic battle ground at seven pines, va. since these plants were perforce located at isolated places it was necessary in each case to provide housing accommodations for the workers, many of whom were women. the construction division built the houses at tullytown and woodbury while those at seven pines were provided by the united states industrial housing corporation. these bag-loading plants cost from $ , , to $ , , apiece, and they were erected in a remarkably short time. work was started on the woodbury project on march , , and the plant was ready for operation on may , although the plant did not actually start operating until june . the spade was first struck into the ground at tullytown on march , , and on july the buildings of the project were ready. the work at seven pines began april , and the plant was ready for operation on august , . aviation schools and testing fields. the signal corps, needing a special type of construction, undertook the work itself at the start of war, but by october, , the construction division had proved itself so efficient that all army building work in the united states, including that of the signal corps, was turned over to it. the work for the signal corps entailed the construction of the necessary buildings for flying fields, testing fields, aerial photography, and gunnery schools, balloon observation schools, repair and testing shops, and tremendous storage depots that had to be of special fireproof construction because of the inflammable nature of the oil and other materials used by the signal corps. at the aviation fields a special type of portable hangar built of steel, by feet, was adopted. for the big bombing planes larger hangars were required but of the same-type of construction. at each aviation field were barracks for a large number of men, together with water and sanitary conveniences. there were of these fields located principally in the west or southwest. in addition to these there were four testing fields for the aircraft service, located in the eastern half of the united states where the flying machines and the engines were being produced. one of these was at dayton, another at buffalo, a third at detroit, and a fourth at elizabeth, n. j. the aerial gunnery school at miami, fla., was one of the largest of the aviation-construction projects. this plant included buildings, target ranges, steel hangars, photographic laboratories and other equipment--all built at a cost of $ , , . the balloon school at lee hall, va., cost $ , , , and that at arcadia, calif., $ , . at each of these schools there were barracks for the men, quarters for the laborers, and experimental buildings, not to speak of the huge sheds, or more feet in length, in which the balloons were housed. quartermaster bases and warehouses. construction for the quartermaster department involved the building of warehouses on a scale hitherto unknown in the united states. the warehouse plan was carefully worked out as part of the strategy of conducting the war, the council of national defense making the first investigations of the proper locations of supply depots, and these early findings being later amended by the general staff. several important considerations determined the locations of these depots and warehouses. in the first place we would require great storage and shipping facilities at tidewater; yet, if these were all to be located in one spot or in one general region, there was a possibility that a submarine blockade off the atlantic coast could stop the shipment of supplies to the american expeditionary forces. thus the first project was to locate the great supply bases at new york, boston, philadelphia, and norfolk. but it was evident that a relatively small number of enemy submarines operating in a comparatively restricted area could block shipment from these four ports. therefore charleston, s. c., and new orleans were added to the supply-base project. there was another thing to be taken into consideration, namely, the providing of sufficient warehouse space, so that, if there should be any blockade of ocean transportation, the manufacture of supplies could continue at its war rate and still find places to which to ship its important products. yet if the storage were all provided at the tidewater bases, there would be danger of railroad congestion at the ports. consequently, as auxiliary to the terminal warehouses, there was provided a system of enormous warehouses built in the interior of the united states. the system eventually worked out to give seven expeditionary supply bases located, six of them, at the cities just named, in addition to one that had been built at port newark, n. j., during the winter of , and nine interior depots located respectively at baltimore, chicago, columbus, ohio, jeffersonville, ind., new cumberland, pa., philadelphia, pittsburgh, schenectady, n. y., and st. louis. these latter were central in various producing districts. the terminal projects alone involved construction on a scale that was without precedent. the interior depots and the huge terminal bases provided acres of storage space, all inclosed in reinforced concrete of the most modern type. they were all built in a little over months. into them went construction enough to build a concrete building feet wide from new york to philadelphia and a wharf nearly miles long, with berthing accommodations for ships at once. the facilities included miles of railroad and , miles of concrete roadway. [illustration: new orleans army supply base.] [illustration: brooklyn army supply base.] [illustration: brooklyn army supply base.] [illustration: boston army supply base.] the army supply bases at brooklyn and at boston are examples of the immensity of the expeditionary depots built along the atlantic seacoast. the base at brooklyn has approximately , , square feet of storage space in its two huge -story reinforced concrete warehouses. one of these warehouses is feet long by feet wide and the other is feet long by feet wide. in addition to these, the installation at the base consists of three double-deck piers, each feet wide and , feet long, and one open pier feet wide and , feet long. in its railroad yards there is storage space for , cars at one time. the capacity of the base is , tons of supplies, or the equivalent of about shiploads. twelve ships of , tons, dead weight each, can be loaded at one time, and the loading of these vessels can be completed within hours, so vast and complete are the facilities at this project. construction started at the site on may , . more than , workmen were engaged on this job at one time, and the entire project was to be completed before july , , while it was to be in partial operation by january . when the armistice was signed, , , square feet of floor space had been completed and , cubic yards of concrete had been poured. the base at boston is stories high, built of concrete, and gives , , feet of storage room. its wharves are , feet long. the work on it was started may , , and ended october . in that time , cubic yards of concrete had been poured, , tons of reinforcing and structural steel put into position, , , brick laid, , piles driven, , , cubic yards dredged, and miles of track laid. in all, , carloads of material were handled in this building. the norfolk base is located at bush bluff, miles from the city. the chief feature of this project is a group of eight -story concrete buildings providing , , square feet of storage space. the pier sheds are built of concrete blown by compressed air upon steel lath. the docks total a mile in length. the base can handle cars of supplies in a day. in addition to the storage and shipping buildings themselves, the construction division provided quarters for a regiment of stevedores and a battalion of guards. a -bed hospital was erected at the project. the wharfage front was made of concrete piles weighing tons apiece, and acres of land were made by dredging outside of the piles and filling in behind them. the work was started in may and was nearly finished when the armistice was signed. the norfolk and hampton roads district has the distinction of being the center of more war construction than was conducted at any other point in the united states. there were located here the navy arsenal, the navy yard, the navy training station, and the great norfolk naval base. the largest construction project of all at norfolk was the quartermaster terminal which the construction division built there. but in addition to these there was the pig point ordnance depot, described above, camp stuart and camp hill, both embarkation camps, the artillery school at fortress monroe, camp eustis, and the langley aviation field of the army. with so many construction undertakings going on at once, the labor problem proved to be an early embarrassment at the norfolk quartermaster terminal job. however, good quarters and good food for the construction gangs at the terminal largely solved this problem. at one time in the development on the shores of this part of chesapeake bay, the street car and electric lighting system of norfolk broke down under the strain. the government thereupon took the power house and operated it thereafter for the duration of the emergency. the interior storage depots of the quartermaster department provide , , square feet of storage. they are all of permanent construction. they range in size from the one at pittsburgh, with , square feet, to that at schenectady with , , square feet. the depot at chicago was built by the central manufacturing district as contractor on a site sold by its trustees to the government. this structure, costing $ , , and giving acres of storage, was built completely in the period between march and september , . motor transport construction. there was extensive construction for the motor transport corps. few civilians perhaps realize the size attained by this branch of the army, with its more than , officers and , men in the united states and abroad. the construction division designed a standardized repair shop to be used in this country or to be transported overseas as desired. there were three centers of repair, shipment, and the training of men for the motor transport service, the largest being camp holabird at baltimore and the others, camp jesup at atlanta, and camp normoyle at san antonio, tex. when the armistice was signed the army had in this country thousands of motor trucks, motorcycles, and ambulances. perhaps per cent of these were located in the districts subsidiary to camp holabird. consequently, there were constructed at holabird an enormous repair shop and a shop for the taking down and shipping of motor vehicles. the machine shops at these camps were of permanent construction. large storage facilities were also furnished. the experiences of the army in mexico taught that to be effective motor transport must have adequate facilities for repair. the standardized army repair shop is of glass, steel, and concrete construction. it is operated by officers and , men. [illustration: quartermaster storage depot built by construction division at st. louis.] [illustration: chicago permanent quartermaster depot warehouses.] one of the most interesting buildings provided for the motor transport corps was the crating shop at camp holabird. the first motor trucks sent overseas were shipped completely assembled. in addition to taking up unnecessarily much-needed cargo space on the transports, they frequently arrived in poor condition, due to the effects of the salt air upon their metal parts. consequently, it was decided to ship trucks disassembled in crates. one of these huge vehicles could be taken apart and, except for its truck body, wrapped up in a parcel feet long, inches wide and inches deep. the truck body could be packed in a crate feet long and feet wide and foot thick. these crates were moisture proof. the crating of trucks saved per cent of the ship space formerly required. the crating crews became so facile that they could take down and pack in a single day from a mile and a half to two miles of trucks. this unique shop cost $ , . the construction at camp holabird started february , . the camp now occupies acres and has a cantonment for , men. the buildings of an abandoned distillery on the ground were remodeled to serve as permanent storehouses for the millions of dollars' worth of tools and motor-vehicle parts which the government acquired in the war. army hospitals. for the surgeon general's department the construction division constructed hospitals in this country providing accommodations for a total of , patients, , nurses, , doctors, and , hospital operation and maintenance troops. there were of these hospitals in all, built at a total cost of $ , , and divided into three types: base hospitals located at the various training camps, departmental hospitals located at various other army posts, and general hospitals for the reception of sick and wounded men returning from france. the construction of general hospitals did not cease with the signing of the armistice, and at a recent date it had provided , beds for patients. the builders adopted a standardized type of hospital construction. the unit in this type was a single-story ward building of frame construction lined in the interior with gypsum board or some similar material. an open porch along the entire length of one side of the ward building provided opportunity for convalescents to be wheeled outdoors. each ward had room for beds and also had a diet kitchen, a nurses' room, a doctors' room, lavatories, and an inclosed solarium at the end. these buildings were connected with each other by inclosed corridors running through the clear. at the fox hills hospital, staten island, n. y., there was a mile and a quarter of this corridor construction. the corridors in each case fed in toward the central administration group of buildings in which were located the operating rooms and the various laboratories. as crews developed their teamwork some marvelous instances of speed were shown in putting up the buildings. one crew of men at fox hills erected a complete hospital wing in one working day. at o'clock in the morning the ground of the site was untouched. that night at o'clock a -bed ward was standing finished on the site--painted, equipped with heating and ventilating apparatus, all plumbing installed, the last electric bulb screwed in, and in every respect ready for occupancy. it was like magic; yet soon thereafter the construction division had set the period of hours as the standard time for building one of these wings. general hospital no. located at otisville, n. y., has a capacity of beds and is a complete military hospital plant designed for the treatment of tubercular cases. a short summary of the work done upon it will give an idea of the general nature of the construction problems incident to the building of the military hospitals during the winter and spring of . on february , , the constructing quartermaster with a few officers and clerks arrived at the site of the hospital, about acres of land, near the village of otisville, orange county, n. y., on the southern slope of shawangunk mountain. the contractor and his organization came on the same day. they found the site covered with snow and with no accommodations even for the office force of the constructing quartermaster or the contractor, except an old creamery building, which was promptly rented and into which the two organizations moved the next day. actual work was started february and continued through every severity of weather until the project was completed in the early part of july. the work was interrupted, hindered, and hampered by snow and mud, by transportation congestion preventing the delivery of materials on time, by the absence of local labor and the necessity for importing labor from near-by markets wherever it could be procured, and by the consequent necessity for running special trains to transport laborers to and from the job. no local facilities existed for housing any of the workmen, and temporary accommodations had to be built to accommodate italian laborers both in the matter of shelter and food. the average height above sea level of the site of this hospital is a little over , feet. it was found after construction began that the site was full of springs, which caused further trouble and difficulty in developing the building operations. the cost of the project was $ , , . about carloads of material were used, including approximately , , feet of lumber. the largest number of laborers employed at any one time was , , with a working day, as a rule, of nine hours, union and nonunion labor being employed without discrimination. water supply, sewer construction, roads, feet of railway siding, sewage disposal plant, electrical installation, and boiler houses, all had to be built. the work was all completed early in july, . in addition to the bed capacity of the hospital, accommodations were provided for a hospital personnel of . one of the largest hospitals involving entirely new construction is general hospital no. , denver, colo. this is also a hospital for the treatment of tuberculosis cases. the construction is permanent, hollow tile and stucco, and the hospital facilities are sufficient to accommodate , beds for recuperative and curative work. the plant consists of hospital wards, tuberculosis wards, officers' quarters, nurses' quarters, mess halls, storehouses, laundry, schoolhouse, power house, water and sewer installation, and all of the necessary utilities for the adequate operation of a completely self-contained unit. the original authorization covered only , beds. subsequently there was authorized an addition equally as large, and the entire project was completed on march , . the actual capacity of the hospital is in excess of the capacity estimated when the work was begun, and it is estimated that , patients can be cared for, the cost per bed running less than $ , . in view of the nature and character of the permanent construction involved, and the fact that this is a military hospital with the usual numerous construction details not found in civilian hospitals, the construction at this figure is regarded as exceptional. incidents of the work. when the government undertook the whole enormous military construction program, it was found that there were few builders in the united states who had equipment enough to handle the bigger jobs. consequently the construction division adopted the policy of acquiring equipment of various sorts, usually paying rent for it. such equipment included locomotive cranes, concrete mixers, locomotives for trench machines, road machinery, and other heavy apparatus. this equipment was rented under an agreement that whenever the rent paid had aggregated the cost of the article rented, the latter should become the property of the government. in this way the government has acquired property of this sort worth about $ , , . the construction division at all times procured raw materials for the contractors engaged upon the projects. during the summer of the division was procuring material at an average rate of nearly $ , , per day. there were many interesting incidents in connection with this activity. in the summer of , when the cantonments were going up, it became necessary to provide some , stoves and heaters, yet there were not that many stoves for sale in the country including all existing stocks, nor was the capacity of the various stove works sufficient to make up the number in the three months' period before the soldiers would be going to the camps. accordingly, officers of the division were sent out to make addresses to the workmen at the stove factories, and as a result of such efforts the companies speeded up their output until they were able to supply all of the camps with heating facilities by october , . in this effort the government went into the market and procured the pig iron, coke, and other supplies for the stove foundries. the construction division was also able to obtain , army kitchen ranges in three months, although that number is a normal year's output of the entire manufacturing facilities of the country. when the project for the expeditionary supply base at port newark was taken up--in the late fall of --the construction division set about it to get , piles for the foundations of this construction. there were pile drivers on the job, driving in a total of , piles in a day; and to supply these the woodsmen of maryland, virginia, north carolina, and new jersey were called upon for their best efforts. due to the unforeseen severity of the winter, the rivers were frozen and the railroads choked with freight. near by was the hog island shipbuilding project at philadelphia, needing more piles than the railroads could deliver. the trees in the woods were frozen and often broke to pieces when they fell. in the southern logging districts the negro woodsmen refused to stay on the job because of the cold. the construction division then took hold, sent soldiers into the woods, felled the trees, and then put guards on the cars of piling, to see that they were not lost in transit. as a result, the piles for the port newark job were delivered on time. in addition to procuring materials for its own contractors, the construction division also procured building materials for the shipping board and for the bureau of industrial housing. the peak load of labor on the army construction jobs came in the summer of , when , men were on the pay roll, drawing $ , , a week in pay, and still the jobs were short , unskilled men. in general, the union scale of wages and hours of labor were adopted, but the open shop was maintained. labor troubles were infrequent and not serious. to prevent strikes the government formed the cantonment adjustment commission, consisting of three members, the army representative being col. j. h. alexander, of the construction division. of all the strikes that hampered our war activities, less than per cent were strikes of the building trades. when the labor shortage of was most acute the construction division turned to porto rico and the bahamas for unskilled labor, importing , bahamans and , porto ricans. this imported labor was exclusively used on southern building projects and was sent back home when the armistice was signed. the construction division had charge of the operation and maintenance of the utilities of the various training camps, a work requiring a force of officers and , men. in all there were , buildings at these camps to be kept in repair. this was done at the cost of $ . a year for each man housed. the government supplied electricity to the camps at an average cost of $ . ½ per kilowatt hour. in a single year of operation, the camps burned about , , tons of coal for heating. this was at a cost of approximately $ per man. the utilities of the camps were under the management of men who could qualify to be city managers. they had the operation of water systems, fire departments, and other common conveniences of cities. water was supplied at the rate of gallons daily per man. the purity of the water and the adequacy of the sanitation may be gauged from the fact that in july and august, , the annual death rate at the camps was . per thousand. in our mexican war the annual death rate of american troops from disease was per thousand; in the civil war it was per thousand; in the spanish war per thousand; and among japanese troops in the russo-japanese war it was per thousand. the death rate in civil life for men of the draft age is . per thousand. each camp and cantonment was adequately protected by fire companies equipped with the most modern apparatus, nearly all of it motorized. each camp fire company had men. a low annual fire loss in civil life is $ per capita. in , american cities of about , population each showed an annual fire loss of $ . per capita. the average for the united states is $ . per capita. at the training camps, in spite of their inflammable construction, the average annual loss from fire per capita was only cents. table .--_army supply bases and interior depots built by construction division between april, , and january, ._ +-----------------------------+--------------+-------------+----------------- project. | square feet | approximate | general |of floor area.| cost. | contractor. ------------------------------+--------------+-------------+----------------- port newark terminal |{ , , |}$ , , |mason & hanger- |{ [ ] , |} | mcarthur bros. | | | norfolk army supply base |{ , , |} , , |porter bros. |{ [ ] , |} | | | | philadelphia army supply base | , | , , |snare & triest | | | co. charleston quartermaster |{ , , |} | terminal |{ [ ] , |} , , |mason & hanger. |{ [ ] , |} | | | | boston army supply base |{ , , |} , , |w. f. kearns co. |{ , |} | | | | brooklyn army supply base |{ , , |} , , |turner con- |{[ ] , , |} | struction co. | | | new orleans army supply base |{ , , |} , , |george w. fuller |{ , |} | co. | | | _interior storage depots._ | | | | | | baltimore interior depot | , | , , |sanford & brooks. | | | boston temporary warehouses | , | , , |w. f. kearns co. | | | chicago interior depot | , | , |central | | | manufacturing | | | district. | | | chicago permanent warehouse | , , | , , | do. | | | columbus interior storage |{ , , |} , , |hunkin-conkey co. depot |{ [ ] , |} | | | | jeffersonville quartermaster | , | , , |caldwell & interior depot | | | marshall co. | | | hoboken quartermaster | , | , |barney-hooks- expeditionary depot | | | ahlers. | | | new cumberland interior |{ , , |} | storage depot |{ [ ] , |} , , |bates-rogers con- | | | struction co. | | | philadelphia interior storage | , | , , |william steele & | | | sons. | | | philadelphia quartermaster |{ , |} , , | do. expeditionary depot |{ [ ] , |} | | | | pittsburgh interior storage | , | , |the austin co. depot | | | | | | schenectady interior storage |{ , , |} , , |feeney & sheehan. depot |{ [ ] , |} | | | | st. louis interior depot | , | , , |westly con- | | | struction co. ------------------------------+--------------+-------------+----------------- [ ] sheds. [ ] pier sheds. table .--_hospitals built by construction division between june, , and january, ._ ------------------+------------------+--------+-----------+------------------ name. |location. |capacity|approximate|contractor. | | (in| cost.| | | beds).| | ------------------+------------------+--------+-----------+------------------ azalea t. b. |azalea, n. c. | , | $ , , |gude & co. | | | | boston city, west |west roxbury, | [ ]| , |chas. logue department |mass. | | |building co. | | | | cape may general |cape may, n. j. | | , |cauldwell-wingate hospital no. | | | |co. | | | | carlisle general |carlisle, pa. | | , |warren moore & co, hospital no. | | | | | | | | colonia general |colonia, n. j. | , | , , |cauldwell-wingate hospital no. | | | |co. | | | | cooper-monitah |chicago, ill. | - | , |chas. logue no. | | | |building co. | | | | denver general |denver, colo. | , | , , |c. s. lambie co. hospital no. | | | | | | | | eastfield general |westchester, n. y.| , | , |frank h. goble. hospital no | | | | | | | | elks and robt. |boston, mass. | | , |chas. logue bringham | | | |building | | | | general hospital | | | |co. no. | | | | | | | | ford hospital, |detroit, mich. | , | , |albert a. general hospital | | | |albreacht. no. | | | | | | | | fort bayard |fort bayard, n. | , | , |v. e. vare. general hospital |mex. | | | | | | | fort des moines |des moines, iowa | , | , |chas. welts sons. hospital | | | | | | | | fort douglas |fort douglas, utah| | , |lynch-cannon eng. hospital | | | |co. | | | | fort mchenry |baltimore, md. | , | , , |j. henry miller general hospital | | | |co. no. | | | | | | | | fort mcpherson |fort mcpherson, | , | , |gude-krebs & co. hospital |ga. | | | | | | | fort oglethorpe |fort oglethorpe, | , | , |park-grimes co. general hospital |ga. | | | no. | | | | | | | | fort ontario |fort ontario, n. | | , |j. j. turner & hospital no. |y. | | |sons. | | | | fort root general |little rock, ark. | | , | hospital no. | | | | | | | | fort sheridan |fort sheridan, | , | , , |summer-sollitt co. general hospital |ill. | | | no. | | | | | | | | fort snelling |fort snelling, | , | $ , |h. n. leighton co. hospital |minn. | | | | | | | fox hills |fox hills, staten | , | , , |thompson-starrett debarkation | | | |co. hospital no. |island | | | | | | | general hospital |new haven, conn. | | , |sperry no. | | | |engineering co. | | | | grand central |new york city | , | , |day labor. palace | | | | debarkation | | | | hospital no. | | | | | | | | greenhut building |new york city | , | , |do. debarkation | | | | hospital no. | | | | | | | | infirmary |st. louis, mo. | , | , |march construction | | | |co. | | | | lakewood general |lakewood, n. j. | , | , |geo. d. morrow. hospital | | | | no. | | | | | | | | letterman general |presidio, calif. | , | , | hospital | | | | | | | | madison barracks |madison, wis. | | , |j. j. turner & hospital | | | |sons. | | | | markelton general |markelton, pa. | | , |dawson hospital | | | |construction no. | | | |co. | | | | nassau general |long beach, | , | , |day labor. hospital no. |long island, n. y.| | | | | | | norfolk state |norfolk, mass. | | , |chas. logue general | | | |building no. | | | |co. | | | | otisville general |otisville, n. y. | , | , , |r. h. howes hospital | | | |construction no. | | | |co. | | | | park view general |pittsburgh, pa. | , | , |day labor. hospital | | | | no. | | | | | | | | plattsburg |plattsburg, n. y. | , | , |d. callahan. general hospital | | | | | | | | richmond college |richmond, va. | | , |john t. wilson co. debarkation | | | | hospital no. | | | | | | | | roland park |baltimore, md. | | , |j. henry miller general hospital | | | |co. no. | | | | | | | | general hospital |west baden, ind. | , | , |chas. w. gindle no. | | | |co. | | | | united states |biltmore, n. c. | | , |gude & co. army general | | | | hospital no. | | | | | | | | united states |waynesville, n. c.| | , |gude-krebs & co. army general | | | | hospital no. | | | | | | | | united states |hot springs, n. c.| | , |do. army general | | | | hospital no. | | | | | | | | walter reed |takoma park, | , | , , |skinker & garrett. general hospital |washington, d. c. | | | | | | | whipple barracks |prescott, ariz. | , | , , |james e. morgan. general | | | | hospital no. | | | | ------------------+------------------+--------+-----------+------------------ [ ] part of general hospital no. , boston, mass. table .--_approximate quantities of materials purchased by materials branch, construction division, june , , to dec. , ._ -----------+--------------+-----------+---------------------------------- item. | quantity. | cost. | remarks. -----------+--------------+-----------+---------------------------------- brick | , , | $ , , | would build a road feet wide | | | approximately miles long, | | | or equal to the distance from | | | indianapolis to pittsburgh; | | | loaded in cars having a | | | capacity of , brick, | | | would require , cars to | | | load. | | | lumber | , , , | , , | if considered -inch pieces | [ ] | | inches wide and placed end to | | | end, would reach , miles, | | | or times the circumference | | | of the earth. it would take | | | , cars to haul this | | | material, figuring , feet | | | board measure material to each | | | car. figuring each car feet | | | long, would make a train | | | , miles long, or the | | | distance from washington, | | | d. c., to kansas city. total | | | weight, , , tons. | | | wood stave | [ ] , , | , , | if placed in one single line, pipe | | | would extend miles. this | | | is approximately the same | | | miles of pipe as all of the | | | water and gas lines in the | | | city of new orleans, la., | | | which supplies a population | | | between , and , | | | people. | | | structural | [ ] , | , , | this would require , cars steel | | | having a capacity of , | | | pounds each. it would require | | | structural-steel shops | | | employing men fabricating | | | , tons per month three | | | years to complete the | | | fabrication. this is | | | sufficient material to erect | | | twenty -story buildings | | | feet square. | | | roofing | [ ] , , | $ , , | sufficient to roof square | | | miles, or would roof , | | | ordinary houses of squares | | | to each house. | | | cable | [ ] , , | , | approximately miles. | | | copper |[ ] , , | , , | , miles. wire | | | | | | cement | [ ] , , | , , | , car loads, approximately, | | | of barrels to car load. | | | loaded on cars feet total | | | length, would make one train | | | miles long, or greater than | | | the distance from boston to | | | new york. -----------+--------------+-----------+---------------------------------- [ ] feet. [ ] tons. [ ] squares of square feet. [ ] feet. [ ] barrels. procurement branch during period of months, june , , to december , , purchased and allocated materials to the amount of $ , , . book vii. the signal corps. chapter i. signal corps material. the spent runner who hurled himself through the gate of ancient athens and with his dying breath gasped out the news of the brilliant success of the athenian troops against the persian at marathon in the year b. c. was the first famous soldier of a signal corps; but since then the exploits of the bearers of military tidings have filled the pages of legend and story. just as other branches of military science have been brought to a high perfection in modern times, so in equal degree has the art of military signaling progressed in efficiency. where the ancient athlete once exhausted his strength in bearing military messages long distances in the field, the modern mercury uses the wireless phone. in civil war days the pony express rider brought from some desperate stand the story of the lack of ammunition; to-day the ammunition-supply organization is in constant touch with the front by means of telegraph or the long-distance telephone. in the indian campaigns in our own west messages from beleaguered parties were sometimes conveyed by signal smokes; the "lost battalion" in the argonne sent news of its plight by carrier pigeon. modern warfare has indeed retained the old, but it has also developed the new, in transmitting military tidings. so important is this branch of fighting that it is put in the hands of a specialized organization, which in the american army is known as the signal corps. the signal corps not only had charge of the operation of the various communicating devices in and in the field of operations (except latterly in the air), but it also had charge of the manufacture of the equipment for this work. the production of signaling equipment was far greater than the uninformed person would imagine. as an instance, there was one special type of telephone wire, a form unknown to commercial use before the war, which, before november , , was being produced at the rate of , miles a month, at a cost of $ , , per month, requiring the complete capacity of the day and night operation of all fine wire machinery in the united states, except that which was working on navy contracts. many other production activities of the signal corps were carried through on a similar scale. until after the civil war, the operation of large units of troops was greatly handicapped by the limitations of military signaling as then known. a force could not be effective in combat that could not be readily reached in all quarters by runners or riders or by visual signals. the development of the telegraph and telephone and the invention of radio changed all this, so that in the great war armies stretched out on fronts miles or more in length with every part of them in immediate touch with every other part through the exact and complete systems of signaling on the field. military signals to-day include the telephone, the telegraph, radio telegraphy and telephony, the buzzer, the buzzerphone, panels, pyrotechnics, flags, smoke signals, pigeons, dogs, mounted orderlies, and runners. each of these means of signaling is an adjunct to the others; when one fails, another is employed to get the message through. some have special uses for branches of the service with peculiar requirements. the radiophone is especially suited for communicating from airplanes. artillery fire is directed by wire and wireless communication. trained pigeons are sometimes able to get messages through when all other means of communication have failed. the army did not have a great quantity of signaling equipment when it went to war with germany, but what it did have was good. the american punitive expedition in mexico, where long lines of communication over rugged country were required, had given opportunity for testing modern signal apparatus in the field. many of the signaling devices used by the american expeditionary forces were, at least in type, in common use by the civilian population; yet the procurement of this equipment offered heavy difficulties. this was because the army was much more exacting than was commercial demand as to the quality of material used. for instance, a telephone instrument for use in the field hardly can be compared with the telephone in a business man's private office. the field set demands stronger connections, better insulation against the dampness of outdoor work, and more rugged construction to withstand rough usage by an army on the march. one of the larger tasks of the signal corps in france was that of providing facilities for communication for the service of supply. the first signal corps officers sent to france soon realized that the forthcoming american army could not depend upon the french telegraph and telephone systems in the various zones of operation, because those systems were already overburdened by the uses of the french government. consequently, it became necessary to set up our own telegraph and telephone systems, extending them from the ports of debarkation through the various bases and zones up to the battle regions. the magnitude of the system which finally was constructed is shown in the fact that on november , the date of the armistice, there were in france , miles of american telegraph and long-distance telephone circuits. this wire was all used by the service of supply and by the various army bases behind the front. yet in the field of fighting the requirements for wire were even greater. at one time during the height of the operations it was evident that the time was not far distant when the signal corps would need , miles a month of what was known as outpost wire, for use simply in connecting up the telephone and telegraph systems carried along by the troops in their advances. outpost wire was entirely a development of the war against germany. the original telephone system used at the front had been the single telephone wire grounded to complete the circuit. but all the armies in france perfected their listening instruments to such a degree that they could hear conversations conducted on the grounded telephone circuits, the sounds being detected in the earth itself. consequently, it became necessary to carry forward with troops two-wire telephone circuits, thus doing away with ground connections. even then care had to be taken that the insulation of this double wire was perfected, lest the impulses enter the ground through gaps in the insulation. wireless for outpost communication was equally impracticable, since the enemy could easily listen in and hear radio phone messages. outpost wire insured secret communication at the front. outpost wire was a twist of two wires, each single wire being made up of seven fine wires, four of them of bronze, and three of them of hard carbon steel. these were stranded together, coated, first with rubber and then with cotton yarn, and finally paraffined. the wire was produced in six colors--red, yellow, green, brown, black, and gray--for easy identification in the field, each unit employing its own color. the wastage of outpost wire was enormous. in an advancing movement it was folly to undertake to pick up the wire. the abandoned miles of it had to be left in the field to be salvaged later by the clean-up parties. the proposition of producing , miles of outpost wire every month staggered the wire manufacturers of the country. there were not enough braiding machines to complete such an order, and new ones had to be built before such a quantity of outpost wire could be attained. in addition to the various means of communication, the signal corps was also called upon to supply in large quantities such other articles as wire reel carts, flag staffs, field glasses, photographic equipment, chests, tools, meteorological apparatus, and wrist watches. in the production of its supplies, the signal corps was confronted with the same obstacles of inadequate industrial capacity, dearth of raw materials, and congestion of railroad transportation, that embarrassed almost every line of military production. to meet these difficulties the signal corps organized an elaborate inspection force which not only checked the work at the various factories for quality and rate of production, but was also constantly on hand to help the harassed manufacturer out of his difficulties as they arose. the signal corps never slept. at night and on holidays there was at least one officer on the job in washington to receive telegrams or long-distance telephone messages and to be ready to act quickly in any emergency. from the production standpoint, signal equipment was divided into several general classifications: ( ) telephone and telegraph apparatus; ( ) radio apparatus; ( ) line-construction materials; ( ) batteries; ( ) wire and cables; ( ) field glasses; ( ) wire carts; ( ) photographic supplies, pigeons, and pigeon supplies; and ( ) chests, kits, and tools, mechanical signals, electric signals, meteorological apparatus, and wrist watches. telephones and telegraphs. in the early days of the conflict the construction of signal materials in the united states was devoted to such basic supplies as wire, cable, tools, and the standard types of telephone equipment, such as telephone sets and switchboards. the first great task in france was to install the lines of communication for the service of supply, a system that required american equipment because it was planned to operate it with american-trained telegraph and telephone operators. now, there were numerous styles of commercial telephone equipment manufactured in the united states. the plan, therefore, was adopted of allowing the various manufacturing concerns to bid on a tentative production schedule, giving an exclusive contract to the lowest bidder in each type of apparatus. this exceptional policy was adopted in order to avoid multiplicity of types of equipment to be used abroad. if many makes were adopted in each type they would necessitate the procurement of many types of spare parts and replacement materials. the concerns which produced the telephone equipment for the american expeditionary forces were the western electric co., of kansas city; the kellogg switchboard & supply co., of chicago; the stromberg-carlson telephone manufacturing co., of rochester; the frank black co., of chicago; and the reliable electric co., of chicago. at the signing of the armistice there were american telephone exchanges in france, with , telephone lines reaching , stations. the exchanges ranged from the small four-line monocord unit, such as may be seen in any business office, to the standard american multiple board of the city telephone exchange. of these latter there were over in use by the american expeditionary forces when the armistice was signed. [illustration: multiplex printing telegraph. school of radio and multiplex telegraphy.] [illustration: signal corps school for telephone electricians, university of michigan, instrument and switchboard repair class.] [illustration: field work with undamped wave transmitter and trench antenna.] [illustration: signal corps equipment installed in a dugout. left to right--s. c. field telephone, type "ee- ;" field service buzzer; signal lamp (projector), type "ee- "; s. c. radio set, scr- and s. c. radio set, scr- a.] the special telephones adopted for use in the field were different from any in commercial use in america. the signal corps had developed certain special instruments combining both telephone and telegraphic principles. the field telephone, model , for instance, was a telephone which included a telegraph buzzer on its telephone circuit. this instrument was used when great secrecy in communication was required. the messages were sent in telegraphic code, the buzzers being heard by the receiver. another instrument was known simply as the buzzer. this was an instrument which utilized the telephone receiver for telegraphic messages. it was a supreme development for use over defective lines. an instrument closely related to the buzzer, but which gave even greater secrecy, was known as the buzzerphone. the buzzerphone was put into production just before the close of hostilities. the mobile switchboard in most general use by our troops at the front was developed originally by the french and was known as the monotype. it was designed in units and could be extended to accommodate up to trunk lines leading away from the board. this apparatus was the "central" of the front-line dugouts. it could be put into operation in a few minutes and was easily carried by a soldier. the switchboard of the dugouts was the only telephone equipment not of american design used by the american expeditionary forces. it was put into production in the autumn of in three american plants, under the general policy of the signal corps to contract with more than one factory for the production of any important device. another type of field switchboard when packed for transit resembled a salesman's trunk. it was used in the camps and provided for lines. this board was being constantly redesigned as field needs developed. a new type of camp switchboard was coming into heavy production at the end of hostilities. still a third type of portable switchboard was built in units resembling the units of a sectional bookcase and was set up in the same way. the telegraph apparatus of the lines of communication in the s. o. s. was designed along purely commercial lines. it included the latest type of printing telegraph equipment, the apparatus first adopted being the multiplex printing telegraph as used by the western union telegraph co. later, the morkrum printing telegraph was also adopted. at the close of hostilities complete telegraph stations with full equipment were in operation in the service of supply. the peak load of this service, just prior to the armistice, was , telegrams, averaging words each, sent from these stations in a single day. the daily average in the final weeks of the fighting was , telegrams. radio. at the outbreak of the war, the field radio equipment in active use by the army was limited to two sets, both of comparatively high power. on the other hand the allied forces had developed a complicated and extensive use of radio sets of small power, many of them operated from airplanes, and the signal corps found itself confronted with the task of developing an entire new line of complicated electrical apparatus, and putting it into large quantity production in the shortest possible time. the progress made is indicated by the fact that at the signing of the armistice the number of types of complete sets on which development work had been carried out was . of these approximately were in quantity production. when it is remembered that each of these sets consisted of hundreds of parts, many of which required careful study and experimentation as well as design, the magnitude of the problem is appreciated. the initial step in the reorganization of this branch of the signal corps' work consisted in the establishment of a radio section in washington and a corresponding section in france. the former was charged with the design of apparatus and the preparation of manufacturing drawings and specifications, while the latter served as the first hand observer of actual service requirements and approved all equipment before it was used in the field. an important auxiliary of the development organization in washington was the radio laboratories established at camp alfred vail, where all necessary technical facilities, such as model shops, drafting rooms, research laboratories, a completely equipped flying field, etc., were maintained. with this engineering organization and the production organization which handled all signal corps equipment, the work here detailed was carried out. shortly after the declaration of war, the french government sent to this country a distinguished commission which included the foremost radio experts, who were thoroughly familiar with the latest military developments. technical information and samples of radio apparatus were also obtained from british sources. with this beginning, the engineering work naturally divided itself into two general problems--first, to duplicate the approved foreign designs, and then to create designs for new types of apparatus which would be superior to any in service. work on these two groups of problems was prosecuted simultaneously with the result that there were soon in production american equivalents of a number of french and british sets, together with improved original types of american radio apparatus. [illustration: radio receiving set, scr- , using crystal detector.] [illustration: rear panel view, radio telephone ground set. type scr- .] [illustration: radio telegraph transmitting set in case.] [illustration: radio telegraph transmitting set with case removed.] probably the most noteworthy technical development during the war, in so far as radio communication is concerned, was the extensive use made of vacuum tubes. these "bottles," which make practical use of the electrons of the new physics and which are sometimes called audions or pliotrons, are literally marvels in the realms of engineering, and their applications are as yet hardly realized. one form was used for the reception of signals prior to the war; but the military developments, particularly in france, had so progressed that when this country entered the war they were used both for receiving and transmitting signals, and most of the more important sets depended on them. to meet this demand the services of the three foremost vacuum-tube engineering organizations of the country were enlisted, and under the direction of the signal corps radio engineers the progress toward satisfactory design and construction of the required types was rapid. within less than six months standardized tubes were turned out by the quantity production method at rates sufficient to insure the requisite supply. work was continued, however, on the development of still better types of tubes. the improvements that have been made from time to time have been incorporated in the tubes being produced on a large scale, so that tubes of recent manufacture are a great improvement over those made a year ago. as indicative of the extent and variety of the radio development work which was carried on, there is given below a partial list of the types of sets which were completely developed and placed in production during the war period: land radio equipment. spark sets, sending and receiving (three types). continuous-wave army radio telegraph sets (three types). radio telephone set (one type). tank radio telegraph set (one type). t. p. s. (earth telegraphy) (four types). wavemeters. battery-charging sets. radio operating and repair trucks. miscellaneous special equipment. airplane radio equipment. interphone sets (for use of two to five persons). radio telephone sets (three types). radio telegraph sets (three types). direction-finding radio-receiving set (one type). the magnitude of the production of special items involved may be gathered from such figures of expenditures as the following: for vacuum tubes $ , , for storage batteries , , for dry batteries , for battery charging sets , , these are, of course, only some of the items. the total production authorized was valued at approximately $ , , . the remarkable development and improvement of military radio equipment which has taken place under the direction of the signal corps during the last months will undoubtedly materially change the system of army communications and even the tactical use of military equipment and personnel. a typical example of this development is the airplane radio telephone, described elsewhere, the use of which has made possible the "voice-commanded air squadron." the military value of an air squadron has been enormously increased by virtue of this device, which enables the squadron commander to direct the movements of the individual airplanes in any manner which circumstances may require. certain other radio devices recently perfected, the nature of which can not be revealed, will undoubtedly affect the tactical use of troops to such an extent as to make certain kinds of radio equipment as indispensable to the operations of military units as the rifle or the machine gun. line equipment. the first requisition for line equipment for france called for the construction of miles of telephone and telegraph main pole lines, carrying copper telephone and telegraph wires. it was found that ship space could not be spared for poles in such quantity. consequently a forestry unit was sent to france to get these poles from the french woodlands. all of the other materials for the miles of line, together with materials for approximately miles of extensions, were procured in the united states and shipped to france within six months after the requisition was received. this material was secured in such short time only by the cooperation of the large commercial companies in the united states, who literally stripped their warehouses bare of their supplies. in the late summer of the american government began anticipating the advance of the allied forces into germany, and the signal corps put into production a reserve equipment for long distance line approximating miles. soon there was received from france a cablegram asking for the shipment of this material, and it was all floated before the armistice. however, as it turned out, this equipment was never required, since the terms of the armistice gave the american forces the german telephone and telegraph lines in the occupied territory. this line equipment was all of a type standard in the united states. for the fighting zone special line equipment was required. before the war with germany american signal troops had set up their emergency telephone and telegraph lines on the standard "lance poles." these poles served admirably in open warfare, but proved to be impracticable for the static conditions of fighting in france. after a considerable supply of lance poles had been shipped abroad their production was curtailed. thereafter the trench telephone and telegraph lines were supported on short stakes with special cross arms, in appearance the conventional telegraph poles in miniature. the enormous mileage of trench lines called for a great quantity of insulators and cross arms. the wastage of these fittings, due to their being exposed to artillery fire, became increasingly greater in the closing months of the war. in wire itself, the american production was enormous. this production included the commercial type of copper line wire and the drop wire for connecting up individual telephones to the pole lines. much commercial cable for connecting congested centers with branch switchboards was also required. yet all of this wire used in the system within the service of supply was but a small quantity compared with the requirements in the fighting zone. the production of double-conductor wire, or the so-called outpost wire of no man's land, which had relegated to the scrap heap the standard field wire of open warfare, necessitated an extraordinary effort. the wire had to be light enough for easy transportation and laying, strong enough to withstand the abrasions from traffic crossing it as it lay on the ground, and exceedingly well insulated. the first estimate was that an american army in the field might use , miles per month of outpost wire. when the first american force actually went into action, in the spring of , a reserve supply of , miles of outpost wire was in the american warehouses in france, with a vast quantity of cable in reserve. cable, at first used in large quantities at the front, was invariably buried several feet underground and abandoned at every change of headquarters. as the fighting grew more intense and covered a wider and wider area, the wastage of outpost wire became enormous. the demand of our forces for cable dropped to a negligible quantity, but wire requirements rose. outpost wire became the main dependence of ourselves and the allies for all communication in the active sectors. a higher quality of wire was specified. so great was the destruction of wire that by july, , the original estimate of , miles per month to be supplied by american factories had jumped to , miles. as a substitute for outpost wire to fill the immediate needs the familiar twisted drop wire, with which the ordinary telephone is connected with the main circuit, was adopted. our field officers liked drop wire, its only objectionable feature being its relative bulk. all available drop wire in the united states was shipped across, and its manufacture was pushed until the new type of outpost wire could be produced. the signal corps supplied the mounting needs of the american expeditionary forces through august and september, , with the available drop wire plus the growing production of the new outpost wire. in early august all the wire makers in america were summoned to a conference, in which the signal corps made known the necessity of pushing production. the result was an expansion which reached a total production of , miles of outpost wire in november. just before the armistice was signed, the american expeditionary forces indicated that they would require , miles of outpost wire every month, beginning in january, . this requirement had already been fully anticipated, since the american manufacturers had set for themselves a maximum production of , miles per month by august, . to secure this production every wire mill in the united states worked hours per day. when the production was at its height, inquiries came from the allied governments, indicating that they would call on american wire makers for a quantity of wire equal to what the latter were already producing for the american expeditionary forces. in other words, this proposition called for the doubling of a production which had already attained great size. yet, had the fighting continued, there is every reason to believe that the industry would have risen to the demand. the production of outpost wire was an intricate operation. to fill the demand for , miles of outpost wire a month called for , miles of steel strand and , miles of bronze strand every month. the steel strand had to be given repeated heat treatments before it had acquired the necessary tensile strength. electric batteries. the american expeditionary forces consumed great quantities of electric batteries, the familiar dry battery of commerce being most used. toward the end of the fighting arrangements were being made to establish in france a plant at which dry batteries would be assembled by french labor, utilizing parts made in america. the necessary apparatus and materials for the first operation had reached france prior to the armistice, but the plant was not in production at that time. storage-battery requirements of the american expeditionary forces were heavy and exacting. the storage battery was the only practicable source of electrical energy for the operation of small portable radio outfits. field conditions required a storage battery that would not spill its contents, with a jar not easily broken, the whole equipment being as light as possible. a rubber composition jar was finally adopted. the chief reliance of the american expeditionary forces was in storage batteries of european manufacture, which were to be used until american production got underway. when by the summer of america had perfected her own designs of radio equipment, the signal corps took up the matter of storage batteries for radio and decided upon types. this was in july, . a conference of battery manufacturers was called and the orders were allocated among practically all the storage-battery plants in the united states that were in a position to undertake quantity production. the end of hostilities stopped this production on the eve of heavy deliveries. field glasses. when the war began, the signal corps had the duty of providing field glasses for all branches of the army, issuing them to noncommissioned officers and selling them at cost to commissioned officers engaged in combat. the first estimates showed that these glasses would be needed by the tens of thousands, whereas the manufacturing facilities in the united states had turned them out merely by the hundreds. the optical-glass industry had never been developed in america, our field glasses being supplied with lenses of european glass, and principally german glass. in the imports of optical glass were $ , in value. the following year they were almost nothing. the advance of the german army toward paris encompassed the glass plants of belgium and many of those of france. england needed the entire output of her own glass factories. in the autumn of the american optical-instrument makers began to develop an optical-glass industry, largely stimulated by the possibility of obtaining heavy orders at high prices from the british, french, and russian governments. the most important work was done by the bausch & lomb optical co., of rochester, n. y.; the spencer lens co., of buffalo, and the pittsburgh plate glass co., of pittsburgh. they were aided by the united states bureau of standards and by the geophysical laboratory of the carnegie institution. the bureau of standards established a laboratory at pittsburgh where experiments were conducted with -pound pots of glass. optical glass differs greatly from ordinary glass. it must be clear, without striae, and there must be no strains in it, resulting from the final stirring and cooling. it must give a high transmission of light. about the time of america's declaration of war the american experiments had produced glass suitable for optical instruments. this glass, however, was being turned out in quantities quite insufficient to meet the demand during the first few months. in addition to the difficulties surrounding the glass supply, there was only a limited number of establishments capable of manufacturing field glasses after the glass was procured. these concerns were located principally in rochester, n. y., where they had been manufacturing a wide variety of optical instruments, including opera glasses, camera lenses, scientific and educational apparatus, battery commanders' telescopes, marine glasses, microscopes, and gun sights. in order to meet the war requirements of america for field glasses, these factories had to install large quantities of new equipment and to run day and night. the equipment consisted of lens-grinding apparatus, lathes, dies, and automatic screw machinery. in addition to the rochester factories there was a concern in denver, colo., the weiss electrical instruments co., which in a smaller way had been manufacturing surveyors' levels and other engineering apparatus. the talbot reel & manufacturing co., of kansas city, had been making fishing reels in a small plant about feet square. this factory was purchased in by mr. l. harris, who, after finishing a contract for gun sights for the ordnance department, built a factory especially for the production of army field glasses and reached the quantity manufacture of these instruments before the armistice came. the chief center of supply, however, continued to be rochester, where the plants of bausch & lomb, the gundlach-manhattan optical co., and the crown optical co. are located. these factories expanded many times, and the output of field glasses went beyond what the executives at the outset of the enterprise imagined could be possible. the bausch & lomb co. was started in rochester about years ago by j. j. bausch, who was born in germany. the plant developed gradually, making a full line of spectacle lenses and optical instruments. the carl zeiss works, of jena, germany, had a financial interest in the plant, and bausch & lomb had a financial interest in the zeiss plant. this connection, however, was dissolved in , when bausch & lomb took on contracts for the manufacture of field glasses for the british, french, and russian governments. before this concern had never manufactured more than , pairs of field glasses in a year. the output was speeded up until in november, , a total of , pairs was being produced each week, while the development was aiming toward an output of , pairs of glasses per week beginning in january, . at the date of the armistice the bausch & lomb factory had a floor space of acres and employed , men and women. the gundlach-manhattan co., which had made camera lenses chiefly, was eventually able to produce pairs of field glasses a week. the crown optical co. was not so rapid in its expansion; and in late the navy department commandeered it and thereafter operated it in charge of lieut. commander l. c. scheibla. under naval management the output of this factory increased so that the signal corps was able to obtain from it about , pairs of high quality field glasses each week, the plant continuing also to supply the needs of the navy. out of a situation that seemed impossible at the outset the signal corps built up an industry within a comparatively few months which provided all the field glasses that were necessary in the operations of the american expeditionary forces. often to keep the optical factories equipped with sufficient workmen the signal corps obtained the furlough of drafted men with experience in this line so that they might go to work making field glasses. all army organizations except artillery were supplied with a six-power glass having an angular field that took in a view yards wide at a distance of , yards. the glasses were of the prismatic type with individual focus for each eye. each glass was provided with a leather carrying case and shoulder strap. on the top of the case a compass was mounted. the artillery organizations were supplied with eight-power field glasses, all of which were purchased in france. the total requirements of the american expeditionary forces for field glasses of the six-power type during the period of hostilities were approximately , pairs. the total shipments from america were approximately , pairs. miscellaneous supplies. the signal corps took up with three concerns--the hampden watch co., the illinois watch co., and the elgin watch co.--the matter of providing wrist watches for the army. a -jewel movement was adopted as standard for issue to troops and a -jewel movement for sale to officers. a waterproof case was adopted, bearing the serial number of the movement on the outside, the case being so constructed as to require a special tool to gain access to the movement. the production of wire carts for the signal corps did not exceed per year prior to . the demand for these carts, which were hard to build, increased at such a rate that during the autumn of the matter of procuring them was one of the most serious production problems faced by the signal corps. the holmes automobile co., of canton, ohio, abandoned the production of automobiles and in september, , turned over its entire plant to the production of wire carts. other manufacturers were the george b. marx co., of brooklyn; the j. g. brill co., of philadelphia; the american instrument & tool co., of new york; and the wesel manufacturing co., of brooklyn. in all, wire carts were manufactured and shipped overseas. a total of , tool chests for the signal corps was produced during the war period. the plan eventually adopted was to split up the orders for tools among the various manufacturers and to give the manufacture of the empty chests to prison labor at fort leavenworth, where the tools were to be shipped and packed in the chests. this plan, however, required the construction of a special building at fort leavenworth, and in the meantime the assembling of tool chests was conducted at the signal corps supply depot at philadelphia and at the port of embarkation. the armistice stopped the construction of the assembling factory at fort leavenworth. the signal corps produced a suitable number of gas alarm signals known as strombos horns. this equipment consisted of an alarm horn operated by air pressure acting against a diaphragm and thereby producing a loud and distinct chatter. compressed air was supplied in small steel cylinders connected to each horn by hose. the air tanks were charged behind the lines from a portable air compressor which could pump into several cylinders at once. the horns were manufactured by the klaxon co., of newark, n. j., the cylinders by the harrisburg pipe & pipe bending co., harrisburg, pa., and the air compressors by the ingersoll-rand co., of new york. flag kits were not used to any great extent by the american expeditionary forces, although large quantities of these were produced in this country. the signal corps originally had jurisdiction over all war photography, either of land or air, except for a small amount conducted by the engineers in connection with their own operations; but later aerial photography became a branch of the military aeronautics and aircraft bureaus. after that the signal corps was charged with taking all photographs of historical nature or other interest. in connection with this work two types of cameras were necessary--still cameras and motion-picture cameras. later in the war there was being developed a new motion-picture camera which was expected to be the ideal type for use in the field. it was with great difficulty that a sufficient number of photographic lenses was obtained for the use of military cameras, since the large lens factories of america were tied up with other war orders. a campaign was conducted by the leading newspapers and magazines of the country which resulted in the government's securing from amateur photographers a large number of high-grade lenses, mostly of foreign manufacture. the signal corps scattered its camera operators broadcast over the country, photographing cantonments and other war activities to the most minute details. these photographs and films were then made public in newspapers, periodicals, and motion-picture theaters throughout the united states, with the result that the people saw with their own eyes how their soldiers were preparing themselves for the defense of the nation. an interesting development of war photography was the production of motion pictures showing the training of soldiers. many pictures were taken to show graphically on the screen the different chapters of the army drill regulations. these pictures will have a future use to the government in training soldiers efficiently in the shortest possible time. the signal corps photographers also developed a new kind of history of the war, a history written entirely in pictures for future generations to scan. pigeons. although nearly every european army for years has trained the carrier pigeon to be a field messenger, the american army never adopted the bird until . in a single year the signal corps established hundreds of pigeon lofts in this country and overseas and bought and trained more than , pigeons for service in france. in actual use on the field the pigeons delivered more than per cent of the messages intrusted to them, flying safely through the heaviest shell and gas barrages. the standard pigeon loft adopted by the signal corps had a unique trap arrangement which permitted the entry but not the exit of returning pigeons, and an electrical alarm which automatically notified the attendants of an arrival. such lofts, however, were of the stationary type and not practicable for use in france. for the american expeditionary forces the signal corps purchased mobile lofts. it was found that pigeons would come home as well to mobile lofts, which were constantly changing position, as they would to stationary lofts. the first mobile lofts built in the united states were top-heavy, but this defect was overcome by increasing their width and adding heavier wheels. they were all built by the trailmobile co., of cincinnati, ohio. civilian pigeon fanciers were appealed to and urged to breed young birds to stock the government lofts. the signal corps distributed small aluminum bands to be put on the legs of squeakers, as the newly-hatched pigeons are called, which were intended for sale to the government. the uniform price of $ per bird was paid, and over , youngsters were bought for stocking purposes. tons of pigeon feed were purchased and shipped to europe. some of this grain, such as millet, argentine corn, pop corn, hemp seed, and canada peas, was hard to obtain; but nevertheless the supply was well maintained. it was shipped in hermetically sealed containers to prevent it from becoming mildewed. the american army copied the french and english models of willow and reed baskets to hold the birds. one type of basket was carried on the back of the soldier and contained small corselets in which the pigeons were securely fastened. corselets were suspended from the sides of the basket by elastic contrivances permitting considerable joggling without injury to the birds. all of these baskets were made by the a. l. randell co., of chicago. message books were manufactured in accordance with a french model. after the message had been written, it was placed in an aluminum capsule which was fitted in a holder of aluminum. this holder was attached to the pigeon's leg by means of aluminum bands. these bands were found to break easily, and pure copper bands were later substituted. the message holders were manufactured by thomas a. gey, of norristown, pa. thousands of items of supply were included in the supply schedules of the signal corps. in the following lists some of the more important items are shown, the production indicated in each case being that between april , , and november , . _telephone equipment._ ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- | produced. | floated | | overseas. ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- batteries, dry | , | , bells: | | extension | | vibrating | , | , blocks, connecting | , | , cabinets, wire chief, testing | | coils: | | induction | | repeating | | condensers | , | , cords: | | for telephones | , | , for switchboards | , | , fuses, for monocord switchboard | , | , receiver diaphragms | , | , receivers, telephone | , | , repeaters, telephone | | staples, insulated | , | , switchboards: | | camp, -line | | commercial types | | switchboard, telephone, monotype | , | , telephones: | | artillery type (w. e. ) | , | , camp | , | , commercial types | , | , telephone offices, truck | | ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- _telegraph equipment._ ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- buzzers, service | , | , connectors, stud | , | , disks, cipher | , | , keys | , | , relays | , | , sounders | , | , switchboard, telegraph | , | telegraph office, truck | | typewriters | | vibroplex, transmitter | | ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- _radio equipment._ ----------------------------------------------+-----------+ | total | produced. ----------------------------------------------+-----------+ airplane interphone set | , airplane radio telegraph receiving set | , airplane radio telegraph transmitting set | , airplane radio telephone set | , amplifiers | , battery charging sets | ground radio telegraph receiving set | , ground radio telegraph transmitting set | , ground radio telephone set | storage batteries | , t. p. s. receiving sets | , t. p. s. transmitting sets | , t. p. s. two-way set | , vacuum tubes | , wavemeters | , ----------------------------------------------+-----------+ _photographic equipment._ ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- |production.| shipped | | overseas. ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- chemicals pounds | , | , cameras: | | by speed graphic | | by rb graflex | | ½ by ½ cycle graphic | | miscellaneous still | | motion-picture | | paper, photo, all sizes gross | , | , do. rolls | , | , lenses | , | tripods, m.p. | | plates dozen | , | , holders, plate | , | , film, m.p. feet | , , | , , film, still rolls | , | , ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- _line construction material._ ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- anchors, guy | , | , belts, lineman's | , | , bolts, lag screws, etc. | , , | , , braces, cross-arm | , | , brackets: | | oak | , | , pole, galvanized | , | , transposition | , | , cable: | | telephone, circular loom feet | , | , telephone, lead covered miles | , | , cable compound pounds | , | , carts, reel | | clamps, guy | , | , climbers, with straps pairs | , | , cross arms | , | , gloves, lineman's pairs | | hangers, cable | , | , insulators, for lance poles | , | , insulators, glass | , , | , , insulators, porcelain | , , | , , knives, electrician's | , | , knobs, wooden | , | , marlin pounds | , | , muslin, cable-splicers yards | , | , nails, for insulators pounds | , | , pikes, wire | , | , pins, cross-arm | , | , pliers, lineman's | , | , poles, lance | , | , reels, breast | , | , sleeves, copper, splicing | , | , solder pounds | , | , tape: | | friction do.| , | , rubber do.| , | , terminals, cable | , | , wire: | | stranded, messenger feet | , , | , , telephone-- | | copper, bare miles | , | , g.i. bare do.| , | , single, insulated do.| , | , twisted pair, insulated do.| , | , wire carts | | ----------------------------------------------+-----------+---------- conclusion. the reader who has come to this point has before him the picture of the nation's industry at war--the whole teeming effort in its main outlines, its myriad ramifications, its boundless activity, its ten thousand enterprises, its infinite toil, its hosts of workers, its wonders of scientific achievement, its attainments, even its failures--in short that humming complex of work, planning, ambition, disappointment, triumph, shortcomings, ability, and driving force which was a mighty people concentrated with all of its powers upon a single objective. it remains now to describe the place occupied by this effort in the whole strategic plan of the war against germany. we did not go into the struggle as if we expected to fight a single-handed war. whatever we did either with military personnel or with munitions we did with reference to what the nations associated with us were doing or could do in the same respects. the whole plan was coordinated more or less perfectly, and these international understandings and agreements touched and influenced even the most trivial of our enterprises. the reader who has in mind the record set down on the preceding pages is now prepared to comprehend the force and extent of the international cooperation in the war and to judge how well america played her part in the general scheme. let us go back, therefore, and review the history of these agreements. for many months before america came into the struggle, england, france, and italy had been engaged in grappling with the scientifically organized forces of german military autocracy. the world war had become a conflict of materials, almost as much as of men. all participants had mobilized their industrial resources in a manner and to an extent undreamed of in times of peace. the allies had marshaled all available raw materials and factory production in their own lands, and still faced colossal deficiencies in supplies for their military programs. they had been forced to reach out into the markets of the world to meet these deficiencies. they had come to america and placed huge orders for raw materials and finished products. the normal capacity of america's peace-time production had been insufficient to meet their overwhelming needs. in august, , the total factory capacity in the united states for the manufacture of powder was , , pounds a year. in april, , under the stimulation of orders placed by the allies, the capacity had been increased more than sixty-fold. england, france, and italy were taking this entire production and asking for more. they had absorbed our entire output. a huge stream of materials, supplies, and ammunition was flowing steadily from america to the front line trenches in france. the allied governments had moulded their military programs in reliance upon the continuation of this source of supply. their troops were on the front and in contact with the enemy. failure of supply meant disaster. the flow of materials from america to the armies in france could not, under any circumstances, be interfered with or curtailed. this fact was promptly recognized by the united states, and the allied governments were assured that america's military program would be formulated and performed without interference with the allied programs of supply from this country. america's industrial contribution to the war, as a nation, was to be over and above the industrial contribution to the allies then being made by our individual producers. this fundamental plank in the interallied platform of cooperation was laid down at the very commencement of america's preparation, and it was strictly adhered to until the end of hostilities. a comprehensive cooperative plan for america's industrial participation in the war remained to be worked out. a survey had to be conducted of the new partner's strength and weakness in supply. a determination had to be made of what the allies could give to the new partner, and what they must receive from her. this was done by the interallied munitions council sitting in paris, by the foreign missions in washington in conference with the war department, and by the allied war ministries and gen. pershing abroad. an analysis of the facts of the situation disclosed that: a. the world over-- ( ) there was a critical shortage of ocean tonnage which promised to become more critical as time passed on account of the success of german submarine operations. b. in france and england-- ( ) the output of factories was being seriously curtailed and limited by lack of raw materials and semifinished products. ( ) if an adequate supply of raw materials and semifinished products could be made available, the factories had a substantial surplus manufacturing capacity which could be placed at the disposal of the united states. c. in the united states-- ( ) a surplus of raw materials and semifinished products for transport to france and england could quickly be made available. ( ) it would be impossible, within less than a year, to build up additional manufacturing capacity in the united states sufficient to supply a large army. the lack of ocean tonnage was recognized by all as the vitals of the problem. france, italy, and the united states had comparatively little merchant tonnage. england's vast tonnage was suffering rapid depletion by submarine losses and was totally inadequate to meet allied needs. ships were the biggest single deficiency in the interallied program. the cooperative industrial program of the allies and the united states had to be geared into the shipping problem. to do this the determination of what materials should be shipped from the united states had to be decided first on the basis of what economies could be effected in shipping space. if raw materials for aircraft occupied less cargo space than the finished product, the maximum utilization of available tonnage demanded the shipment to france of these raw materials to be made into the finished product there. if, on the other hand, finished nitrocellulose powder for artillery shell propellants, or finished picric acid for artillery shell explosives, occupied less cargo space than the raw component materials used in their production, the shipping shortage demanded manufacture of these explosives and propellants in the united states. not a single ship could be freighted with an extra pound or cubic foot of cargo which by any effort could be saved. the french mission in the united states early recognized this fact and urged the manufacture in the united states of picric acid to be used as explosive in -millimeter and -millimeter shell, pointing out that the finished product occupied but one-nineteenth as much cargo space as the raw materials. gen. pershing recognized the point, and in august, , cabled as follows: a joint french-american commission has examined the question of the production in france of powders and explosives and reports as follows: france must import by december the greater part of the raw materials used in the manufacture of powders and explosives. the weight of raw materials required is to times the weight of the finished product. the shipping situation is such that by december the output of france will be limited by the amount of raw material produced in france or easily obtainable. * * * the present outlook is that in december the french output will not be more than half of the present output. to avoid calamity the united states must not only furnish powder and explosives for all of its own forces but must supply about half of the french requirements. it is therefore recommended: (a) that the united states government furnish all powders and explosives needed for present contracts with french government; (b) that the united states government prepare to furnish by december tons per month of explosives and tons per month of powder for french consumption; (c) that study be immediately commenced for the purpose of adapting american powders to french cannon of different types, this study to be made both in the united states and in france by competent experts; (d) that the french government put at the disposition of the american government competent experts both in the manufacture and use of these powders in the guns. * * * subsequent computations made on this side of the ocean indicated that in the case of picric acid and other explosives this ratio between raw materials and finished product in bulk was too great, yet in principle these computations did not affect the desirability of shipping the finished product rather than the raw materials. again, gen. pershing cabled to the chief of staff in the united states urging the purchase of completed artillery, artillery ammunition, and airplanes abroad, in order that "saving of tonnage" might be effected, and pointing out the saving of cargo space resulting from the shipment to france of raw materials instead of finished products, saying: following is comparison in tonnage of the principal manufactured articles of ordnance obtained in europe and the replacements in raw materials contracted for the same. all tonnage ratios shown are in favor of raw materials: field artillery guns to ½ millimeter howitzers and ammunition to ¼ millimeter ammunition to - / trench mortars to - / grenades to in airplane production: packed airplanes, in weight to packed airplanes, in cubic capacity to ½ packed airplanes in area covered by boxes on board ship to in the above comparison in the ammunition item, finished explosives are regarded as raw materials. the interallied munitions council, sitting in paris and containing among its membership the best military and industrial brains at the command of the allied cause, including gen. pershing, gen. robertson, chief of the imperial general staff of great britain, and gen. foch, then chief of the general staff of the french army, came to the same conclusion, and gen. bliss transmitted its findings in a memorable cable, a part of which was reproduced in the preface to this report. every mind was in accord. tonnage must be saved. it could be saved and in vast amounts by calling upon the united states to supply the raw and semifinished materials, and upon the french and british war factories to utilize these raw and semifinished materials in the manufacture of the finished products. but could this solution of the vital shipping question be dovetailed into the industrial situations of the various nations concerned? could the united states supply the essential raw and semifinished materials in quantities equivalent to the amounts consumed in the manufacture of the finished product? did the french and british factories, with these materials laid down in their yards, have available a sufficient manufacturing surplus to supply the needs of their own armies and also to produce in part for the armies of america? the foreign missions were in washington. they knew intimately the economic and industrial situations in their respective countries; they knew the military plans of their general staffs; they knew in what respects their programs of supply for their armies in the field needed assistance, and in what respects these programs could be met or exceeded. with this information available, they were prepared to furnish the answer as to the manufacturing capacities of allied europe. the british war mission in washington communicated to the war department a cable from the british minister of armament, setting out the position of the british government on reciprocal supply: the british government is willing as far as possible in matters of urgency to manufacture for use of the americans any products necessary to the more speedy equipment of the americans that the americans consider they can obtain in england more promptly or better than in the united states. furthermore, the situation as to manufacture of steel products is better than it has been. the british government will help to its utmost ability without making actual and immediate replacement of raw material an indispensable condition when any order is given. on the other hand the general principle of replacements of raw materials as soon as possible should be observed. it has become more a question of furnishing supplies promptly to the allies than a mere question of replacing what has been furnished american troops; in other words, the needs of the allies should be considered as one, and england should manufacture for the allies anything that is necessary or best got that way, and america should in the general interest of the allies furnish as soon as convenient raw material to replace that used. * * * writing to maj. gen. crozier, chief of ordnance, the french high commission urged the placement in france of orders for artillery and artillery ammunition and pointed out the existence of surplus factory capacity available for their production. the commission summarized the industrial situation in france in the following language: even in such remarkable technical conditions as yours, it takes time to realize such a program, to organize manufactures and to have men to direct them. you will take less time than we did in france, where the output of big guns was not adequate to our needs before the end of . but time--more or less--had to be an essential factor, so that after careful consideration, it has been found that the only plan to be carried out in order to supply the first american divisions with material on their landing in france was to avail ourselves of the surplus capacity of production of the french factories, which had been since the beginning of the war very powerfully equipped and were able to turn out greater quantities than those corresponding to our supply of raw material. the allies could deliver the artillery, artillery ammunition, and airplanes if america could deliver the raw and semifinished materials. america answered that she could and would produce and transport to europe raw materials and semifinished products in amounts equivalent to the amounts consumed by allied factories in manufacturing the completed guns, shell, and airplanes. the details remained to be worked out. the french high commission submitted statements showing the amounts of each component material consumed in french factories in the production of guns and ammunition of the various calibers. there were to be supplied by america tons of steel for each -millimeter gun, tons of steel for each -millimeter howitzer, and tons of steel for each -millimeter gun, and proper proportionate amounts of necessary materials used in the manufacture of artillery ammunition. the program of industrial and economic cooperation between the united states and the allies thus took form. it used in the most efficient manner every nook and cranny of every available ship. it utilized to the utmost the surplus manufacturing capacity of france and england. it brought into the war at the earliest moment the resources of america in raw and semifinished materials. it spanned the period during which america could go forward with her gigantic mobilization of manufacturing power and later convince the central empires of the futility of further struggle. with the program mapped out, reciprocal agreements for supply remained to be made. orders were promptly placed. the united states ordered from france a total of , pieces of field and trench artillery of various calibers, of which , were delivered to the american expeditionary forces prior to the armistice. by august, , more artillery ammunition was on order with the french government than was fired by the american expeditionary forces from january , , when the first complete american division entered the line, until november , , when the end of hostilities was announced to the world. of the amount ordered , , rounds were delivered before firing ceased. in aircraft equipment, the french factories also had a surplus capacity and delivered to gen. pershing up to november , , a total of , finished airplanes. by the terms of our agreement with the french government, america obligated herself to supply the raw materials and component parts of the finished products delivered to our forces in france. this agreement america performed twice over. for every ton of raw materials and semifinished products america agreed to furnish to france, she furnished two tons. according to french statements, our replacement obligation in raw materials was , tons. america furnished over , tons. in exchange for the artillery and artillery ammunition of french manufacture fired by pershing, america supplied to france in metals alone over , tons of steel, , tons of pig iron, , tons of brass and spelter, and , tons of copper. in addition, and for use in the artillery ammunition received from french factories, america manufactured and supplied to france in a finished state all the principal materials used in loading all shell delivered to the american army. these materials consisted of smokeless powder, used as a propellant to drive the shell from the guns, and of picric acid, used as a high-powered detonative to burst over the enemy lines. the french used , tons of smokeless powder in our shell. america delivered an equivalent amount of finished powder. the french consumed , tons of picric acid in loading shell for american use. america supplied , tons. in exchange for the finished airplanes, again america supplied the raw materials and component parts. for the framework of the french planes driven by american aviators, america furnished , , feet of spruce, fir, and cedar, enough to manufacture over , finished planes; for the propellors, america furnished , , feet of mahogany and walnut, enough for , propellors; , tons of aluminum, enough for thousands of planes; and dopes for painting airplane wings, and miscellaneous aircraft materials and supplies far in excess of the number of finished planes delivered to gen. pershing. under special contract made in august, , and in addition to the above, america furnished to france all materials for , finished planes and all parts for , finished airplane engines, which were to be assembled in france for the american expeditionary forces. the engine parts were in forgings and needed only to be machined. for the use of the french government in machining these engine parts, america built and delivered the necessary equipment and machinery. thousands of additional smaller items of all kinds were supplied by the various governments to each other from day to day. no deficiency in the military programs of any of them was permitted to exist, if it could be made good by any of the others. all of america's vast contribution to the allied program of supply was not only produced in america, but it was taken to france in army transports. from august, , to november , , an average of , tons of american materials for french factories left american ports every day aboard american army transports. through a submarine-infested ocean, in which the germans sank over , , tons of dead-weight shipping, these materials were carried in army transports manned by american crews, and laid down at the doors of french factories. by february, , gen. pershing estimated that , , tons of cargo space had been saved by the adoption of this program of international and reciprocal supply, a saving of more tonnage than was then available for the use of the american expeditionary forces. the franco-american commission on explosives estimated a reduction of per cent in cargo space in the shipment of explosives alone. so the silent drama of international cooperation was carried out. the story of british and american mutual aid during the war is the same story in substance as that of franco-american cooperation, with changes only in the figures. economy of shipping was effected. british and french factory capacity was utilized. the vast reservoir of american raw materials and explosives was thrown against the enemy. international cooperation on a scale and in a spirit of cordial, mutual helpfulness, such as the world had never dreamed of, helped to equip , , american soldiers in france. and it was done, all of it, without curtailment of the huge stream of material which was flowing from america to the allies when the united states entered the war. france and england received ever-increasing quantities to the last day. the more than , tons of replacement materials for artillery, artillery ammunition, and airplanes delivered to america was over and above the millions of tons secured by the allies for their own use directly from american producers. it was partly by reason of the adoption of this program and its complete performance that gen. pershing, after the armistice, could say: during active operations extending from january, , when our first division entered the line, until the close of hostilities on november , our troops were supplied with the equipment and ammunition necessary to carry their work to a successful conclusion. beyond all this, our government, as part of the interallied program, created vast faculties for the manufacture of supplies which england, france, and italy still required for their own needs and which a comprehensive consideration of the entire program, with particular reference to shipping, showed could be best produced in this country. factories for the production of immense additional quantities of picric acid, powder, and other materials were built by our war department to fill the deficiencies in the military programs of our associates in the war. and beyond and behind all this america went forward with her own gigantic preparations for the conquest of the dark forces which threatened world civilization. it was this mobilization of her might almost as much as the effect of her immediate force which helped to convince the german general staff of the futility of further resistance and assisted to bring the war to an early end. transcriber's notes: p. corrected table sum from , to , . p. corrected table sum from , , to , . p. corrected table sum total produced from , , to , , and total manufactured from , to , . p. corrected table sum from , , to , , and also , , to , , . p. swapped title captions "filling hand grenades with white phosphorus" and "filling mustard gas shell at edgewood arsenal" so the title agrees with the photo and the explanatory captions. p. corrected hard bread total value from , , to , , . p. corrected table grand total from , , to , , and , , to , , . p. corrected table sum from , to , . p. corrected table total from , , to , , and , , to , , . simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors were silently corrected. anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed. italics markup is enclosed in _underscores_. bold markup is enclosed in =equals=. [illustration: armour of philip ii. madrid. _photograph by hauser & menet._] armour & weapons by charles ffoulkes with a preface by viscount dillon, v.p.s.a. curator of the tower armouries oxford at the clarendon press henry frowde, m.a. publisher to the university of oxford london, edinburgh, new york toronto and melbourne preface writers on arms and armour have approached the subject from many points of view, but, as all students know, their works are generally so large in size, or, what is more essential, in price, that for many who do not have access to large libraries it is impossible to learn much that is required. then again, the papers of the proceedings of the various antiquarian and archaeological societies are in all cases very scattered and, in some cases, unattainable, owing to their being out of print. many writers on the subject have confined themselves to documentary evidence, while others have only written about such examples as have been spared by time and rust. these latter, it may be noted, are, in almost all cases, such as the brasses and effigies in our churches, quite exceptional, representing as they do the defences and weapons of the richer classes. what the ordinary man wore, how he wore it, and how it was made are all questions worthy of attention. the works of our greatest romancers have so little regarded the development of armour, and even to-day such anachronisms are seen in pictures and books, that though many comfortable and picturesque notions may be disturbed by the actual truth, yet the actual truth will be found to be no less interesting than fiction. a handy work, not excessive in size or price, and giving really correct information, seems therefore to be needed and should be popular. such a work is this which mr. ffoulkes has undertaken, and if we recognize what an immense amount of information has to be condensed within the limits of a handbook, i think we shall fully appreciate his endeavours to give an appetite for larger feasts. dillon. tower of london armouries. contents page author's note list of authorities introduction chapter i the age of mail ( - ) chapter ii the transition period ( - ) chapter iii the wearing of armour and its constructional details chapter iv plate armour ( -about ) chapter v horse armour chapter vi the decadence of armour chapter vii weapons index author's note at the request of many of those who attended my course of lectures, delivered before the university of oxford during the lent term, , i have collected and illustrated some of the more important notes dealing with the development of european defensive armour and weapons. these pages are not a mere reprint of those lectures, nor do they aspire to the dignity of a history of armour. they are simply intended as a handbook for use in studying history and a short guide to the somewhat intricate technicalities of the craft of the armourer. no work, even of the smallest dimensions, can be produced at the present day without laying its author under a deep sense of indebtedness to baron de cosson for his numerous notes on helms and helmets, and to viscount dillon for his minute and invaluable researches in every branch of this subject. to this must be added a personal indebtedness to the latter for much assistance, and for the use of many of the illustrations given in this work and also in my course of lectures. charles ffoulkes. oxford, . the following works should be consulted by those who wish to study the subject of armour and weapons more minutely:-- _a critical inquiry into ancient armour_, sir samuel meyrick; _a treatise on ancient armour_, f. grose; _ancient armour_, j. hewitt; _arms and armour_, lacombe (trans. by boutell); _arms and armour_, demmin (trans. by black); _armour in england_, starkie gardner; _waffenkunde_, wendelin boeheim; _guida del amatore di armi antiche_, j. gelli; _dictionnaire du mobilier français_ (vols. ii and vi), viollet-le-duc; _encyclopedia of costume_, planché; _a manual of monumental brasses_, haines; _engraved illustrations of antient armour_, meyrick and skelton; _monumental effigies_, stothard; _the art of war_, c. w. c. oman; _archaeologia_, _the archaeological journal_, _the proceedings of the society of antiquaries_; the catalogues of the armouries of vienna, madrid, paris, brussels, turin, dresden; the wallace collection, london and windsor castle. the author is indebted to the publishers of wendelin boeheim's _waffenkunde_ for the use of the illustrations and , and to messrs. parker, publishers of haines's _monumental brasses_, for the figures on plate iii. introduction as a subject for careful study and exhaustive investigation perhaps no detail of human existence can be examined with quite the same completeness as can the defensive armour and weapons of past ages. most departments of literature, science, and art are still living realities; each is still developing and is subject to evolution as occasion demands; and for this reason our knowledge of these subjects cannot be final, and our researches can only be brought, so to speak, up to date. the defensive armour of europe, however, has its definite limitations so surely set that we can surround our investigations with permanent boundaries, which, as far as human mind can judge, will never be enlarged. we can look at our subject as a whole and can see its whole length and breadth spread out before us. in other aspects of life we can only limit our studies from day to day as invention or discovery push farther their conquering march; but, in dealing with the armour of our ancestors, we know that although we may still indulge in theories as to ancient forms and usages, we have very definitely before us in the primitive beginnings, the gradual development, the perfection, and the decadence or passing away, an absolutely unique progression and evolution which we can find in no other condition of life. the survival of the fittest held good of defensive armour until that very fitness was found to be a source rather of weakness than of strength, owing to changed conditions of warfare; and then the mighty defences of steel, impervious to sword, lance, and arrow, passed away, to remain only as adjuncts of parade and pageant, or as examples in museums of a lost art in warfare and military history. as an aid to the study of history our interest in armour may be considered perhaps rather sentimental and romantic than practical or useful. but, if we consider the history of the art of war, we shall find that our subject will materially assist us, when we remember that the growth of nations and their fortunes, at any rate till recent times, have depended to a large extent on the sword and the strength of the arm that wielded it. there is another aspect of historical study which is of some importance, especially to those who stand on the outskirts of the subject. this aspect one may call the 'realistic view'. the late professors york powell and j. r. green both insisted on the importance of this side of the subject; and we cannot but feel that to be able to visualize the characters of history and to endow them with personal attributes and personal equipment must give additional interest to the printed page and other documentary evidences. when the study of defensive armour has been carefully followed we shall find that the black prince appears to us not merely as a name and a landmark on the long road of time; we shall be able to picture him to ourselves as a living individual dressed in a distinctive fashion and limited in his actions, to some extent, by that very dress and equipment. the cut of a surcoat, the hilt of a sword, the lines of a breastplate, will tell us, with some degree of accuracy, when a man lived and to what nation he belonged; and, at the same time, in the later years, we shall find that the suit of plate not only proclaims the individuality of the wearer, but also bears the signature and individuality of the maker; a combination of interests which few works of handicraft can offer us. from the eleventh to the end of the fourteenth century we have but a few scattered examples of actual defensive armour and arms; and the authenticity of many of these is open to doubt. the reason for this scarcity is twofold. firstly, because the material, in spite of its strength, is liable to destruction by rust and corrosion, especially when the armour is of the interlinked chain type which exposes a maximum surface to the atmosphere. a second reason, of equal if not greater importance, is the fact that, owing to the expense of manufacture and material, the various portions of the knightly equipment were remade and altered to suit new fashions and requirements. perhaps still another reason may be found in the carelessness and lack of antiquarian interest in our ancestors, who, as soon as a particular style had ceased to be in vogue, destroyed or sold as useless lumber objects which to-day would be of incalculable interest and value. for these reasons, therefore, we are dependent, for the earlier periods of our subject, upon those illuminated manuscripts and sculptured monuments which preserve examples of the accoutrements of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. of these, as far as reliability of date is concerned, the incised monumental brasses and sculptured effigies in our churches are the best guides, because they were produced shortly after the death of the persons they represent, and are therefore more likely to be correct in the details of dress and equipment; and, in addition, they are often portraits of the deceased. illuminated manuscripts present more difficulty. the miniature painter of the period was often fantastic in his ideas, and was certainly not an antiquary. even the giants of the renaissance, raphael, mantegna, titian, and the rest, saw nothing incongruous in arming st. george in a suit of milanese plate, or a roman soldier of the first years of the christian epoch in a fluted breastplate of nuremberg make. religious and historical legends were in those days present and living realities and, to the unlearned, details of antiquarian interest would have been useless for instructive purposes, whereas the garbing of mythical or historical characters in the dress of the period made their lives and actions seem a part of the everyday life of those who studied them. this being the case, we must use our judgement in researches among illustrated manuscripts, and must be prepared for anachronisms. for example, we find that in the illustrated froissart in the british museum, known as the 'philip de commines' copy,[ ] the barrier or 'tilt' which separated the knights when jousting is represented in the tournament of st. inglevert. now this tournament took place in the year ; but monstrelet tells us[ ] that the tilt was first used at arras in , that is, some forty years after. this illustrated edition of froissart was produced at the end of the fifteenth century, when the tilt was in common use; so we must, in this and in other like cases, use the illustrations not as examples of the periods which they record, but as delineations of the manners, customs, and dress of the period at which they were produced. the different methods of arming were much the same all over europe; but in england fashions were adopted only after they had been in vogue for some years in france, italy, and germany. we may pride ourselves, however, on the fact that our ancestors were not so prone to exaggeration in style or to the over-ornate so-called decoration which was in such favour on the continent during the latter part of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth centuries. for a fuller study of this subject sir samuel meyrick's great work on ancient armour is useful, if the student bears in mind that the author was but a pioneer, and that many of his statements have since been corrected in the light of recent investigations, and also that the meyrick collection which he so frequently uses to illustrate his remarks is now dispersed through all the museums of europe. of all the authorities the most trustworthy and most minute and careful in both text and illustrations is hewitt, whose three volumes on ancient armour have been the groundwork of all subsequent works in english. some of the more recent writers are prone to use hewitt's infinite care and research without acknowledging the fact; but they have very seldom improved upon his methods or added to his investigations. for the later periods, which hewitt has not covered so fully as he has the earlier portion of his subject, the _catalogues raisonnés_ of the various museums of england and europe will assist the student more than any history that could possibly be compiled. chapter i the age of mail ( - ) with the norman conquest we may be said, in england, to enter upon the iron period of defensive armour. the old, semi-barbaric methods were still in use, but were gradually superseded by the craft of the smith and the metal-worker. this use of iron for defensive purposes had been in vogue for some time on the continent, for we find the monk of st. gall writing bitterly on the subject in his _life of charlemagne_. he says: 'then could be seen the iron charles, helmed with an iron helm, his iron breast and his broad shoulders defended by an iron breastplate, an iron spear raised in his left hand, his right always rested on his unconquered iron falchion. the thighs, which with most men are uncovered that they may the more easily ride on horseback, were in his case clad with plates of iron: i need make no special mention of his greaves, for the greaves of all the army were of iron. his shield was of iron, his charger iron-coloured and iron-hearted. the fields and open places were filled with iron, a people stronger than iron paid universal homage to the strength of iron. the horror of the dungeon seemed less than the bright gleam of the iron. "oh the iron, woe for the iron," was the cry of the citizens. the strong walls shook at the sight of iron, the resolution of old and young fell before the iron.' the difficulty of obtaining and working metal, however, was such that it was only used by the wealthy, and that sparingly. the more common fashion of arming was a quilted fabric of either linen or cloth, a very serviceable protection, which was worn up to the end of the fifteenth century. another favourite material for defensive purposes was leather. we read of the shield of ajax being composed of seven tough ox-hides, and the word 'cuirass' itself suggests a leather garment. now, given either the leather or the quilted fabric, it is but natural, with the discovery and use of iron, that it should have been added in one form or another to reinforce the less rigid material. and it is this reinforcing by plates of metal, side by side with the use of the interlaced chain armour, which step by step brings us to the magnificent creations of the armourer's craft which distinguish the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. sir samuel meyrick[ ] leads us into endless intricacies with his theories of the various kinds of defensive armour in use at the time of the conquest; but these theories must of necessity be based only upon personal opinion, and can in no way be borne out by concrete examples. if we take the pictured representations of armour as our guide we find certain arrangements of lines which lead us to suppose that they indicate some peculiar arrangement of metal upon a fabric. the first and oldest of these varieties is generally called 'scale' or imbricate armour. we find this represented on the trajan column, to give only one of the many examples of its use in very early times. that it was a very pliant and serviceable defence we may judge from the fact that, with some alteration in its application, it formed the distinguishing feature of the brigandine of the fifteenth century. the scales were sewn upon a leather or quilted garment, the upper row overlapping the lower in such a manner that the attachment is covered and protected from injury (plate i, ). the scales were either formed with the lower edge rounded, like the scales of a fish, or were feather-shaped or square. another method of reinforcing the leather defence has been named the 'trellice' coat. it is always difficult to discover exactly what the primitive draughtsman intended to represent in the way of fabrics, and it is quite open to question whether these diagonal lines may not merely suggest a quilting of linen or cloth. if it is intended to represent leather the trellice lines would probably be formed of thongs applied on to the groundwork with metal studs riveted in the intervening spaces (plate i). this arrangement of lines is very common on the bayeux tapestry. [illustration: plate i . model of scale armour . from bib. nat. paris ms xiiith cent. . model of trellice . from bayeux tapestry . model of ringed armour . from harl. ms. brit. mus. , xith cent. . model of mail . from the album of wilars de honecort. xiiith cent. . model of banded mail . model of banded mail after meyrick. . model of banded mail after waller . romance of alexander bib. nat. paris. circ. . figure on buttress of s. mary's church, oxford.] another variety to be found in early illuminated manuscripts goes by the name of 'ringed' armour. it is quite probable that the circular discs may have been solid, but on the other hand, from the practical point of view, a ring gives equal protection against a cutting blow, and is of course much lighter. the illustration of this form of defensive armour is of rather earlier date than that at which we commence our investigations, but it appears with some frequency in manuscripts of the twelfth century. mr. j. g. waller, in his article on the hauberk of mail in _archaeologia_, vol. lix, is of opinion that all these arrangements of line represent interlinked chain armour. if this is the case chain-mail must have been much more common than we imagine. from the very nature of its construction and the labour expended on its intricate manufacture it would surely, at least in the earlier periods, have been only the defence of the wealthy. when we examine the protective armour of primitive races we find quilted and studded garments used, even at the present day, so it seems far more probable that our illustrations represent some similar forms of defensive garments than that they are all incompetent renderings of the fabric of chain-mail only. that the making of chain-mail must have been laborious in the extreme we may judge from the fact that the wire which formed the links had to be hammered out from the solid bar or ingot. as far as can be gathered, the art of wire-drawing was not practised till the fourteenth century, at which time rudolph of nuremberg is credited with its discovery. the roughly-hammered strips were probably twisted spirally round an iron or wood core and then cut off into rings of equal size (fig. ). the ends of the rings were flattened and pierced, and, when interlaced, the pierced ends were riveted together or sometimes, as is the case with oriental mail, welded with heat. links that are 'jumped', that is with the ends of the ring merely butted together and not joined, generally show either that the mail is an imitation, or that it was used for some ceremonial purpose; for this insecure method of fixing would be useless in the stress and strain of battle or active service. the most usual method of interlinking the rings is for each ring to join four others, as will be seen in the drawing on plate i, no. . no. on the same plate shows the mail as more generally depicted in illuminations. when we consider the inexperience of the scribes and illustrators of the middle ages we must admit that this representation of a very intricate fabric is not only very ingenious but follows quite the best modern impressionist doctrines. portions of chain-mail survive in most armouries and museums, but their provenance is generally unknown, and much that is of oriental origin is passed off as european. chain-mail itself comes in the first instance from the east, but when it was introduced into europe is difficult, if not impossible, to state. it is certainly represented as worn by the scythians and parthians on the trajan column, and is probably of greater antiquity still. [illustration: fig. . probable method of making links for mail.] from the beginning of the thirteenth century, for about sixty or seventy years, we find a curious arrangement of lines intended to represent a form of defensive armour, both in illuminated manuscripts and also on carved monuments (plate i, , ). mr. waller, in the article on the hauberk referred to above, gives it as his opinion that this 'banded mail', as it is called, was but a variety of the ordinary interlinked mail; but if we examine the illuminations of the period we shall find that it is shown side by side with the representation of what all authorities admit to be chain-mail. no. on plate i shows the arm and leg defences to be formed of this banded mail, while the head is protected with the ordinary chain-mail. we have then to try and discover how these horizontal bands dividing each row of links in the mail can be shown in a practical form. meyrick vaguely suggests a row of rings sewn edgeways on the body garment and threaded with a leather thong (plate i, ), with the under fabric caught up between the rows of rings and formed into a piping through which a cord was threaded. this theory has been quoted by viollet-le-duc in his _dictionnaire du mobilier français_, by dr. wendelin boeheim in his _waffenkunde_, and by more recent writers; but none of these authorities seems to have taken the trouble to test its practicability. the human body being rounded, the tendency of these edge-sewn rings would be to 'gape' and thus give an opening for the weapon. in addition to this, the number of rings so used would make the weight of the defence, hanging as it did from the shoulders alone, almost insupportable. a third and perhaps the most conclusive of all the arguments against meyrick's theory is that we frequently find the inside of a banded mail coif shown with the same markings as the outside, which aspect would be impossible if the rings were arranged as he suggests. from models specially made for this work we find that if leather was used at all it must be after the manner of no. on plate i. here the rings are covered with the leather on both sides, so that there is no possibility of their gaping, and, in addition, the leather being pressed against the rings, on the outside by wear and usage and on the inside from the pressure of the body, would show ring-markings on front and back which might be represented in the manner shown in the illustration. the drawback to this theory is not only the weight of such a defence, but also the heat from lack of ventilation. by far the most practical theory put forward is that of mr. waller,[ ] who gives an illustration of a piece of oriental mail with leather thongs threaded through each alternate row of rings. this gives a certain solidity to the net-like fabric and yet does not add appreciably to its weight. no. on plate i shows this arrangement drawn from a model, and when we compare it with the figures below, taking into consideration the difficulty of representing such a fabric, we are forced to admit that this last theory is the most practical. this is especially so in no. ; for the mail covering for the head is probably made in one piece with that of the arms and legs, but the leather thongs have been omitted on the head and hands to give greater ease of movement. before leaving the subject of fabrics it may be well to warn those who consult meyrick that this author is rather prone to enunciate theories of the different forms of mail which, like that of the banded mail, do not work well in practice. he mentions, among many other varieties, what he calls 'mascled' mail. he asserts that this was formed of lozenge-shaped plates cut out in the centre and applied to linen or leather. he says that it was so called from its likeness to the meshes of a net (lat. _macula_). now when we consider that the word 'mail' itself comes to us from the latin 'macula', through the french 'maille' and the italian 'maglia', we find that meyrick's 'mascled mail' is but a tautological expression which can best be applied to the net-like fabric of the interlinked chain defence, and so his 'mascled mail' would more correctly be styled a 'mascled coat', and this coat would probably be formed of the chain variety as resembling the meshes of a net more closely than any other fabric. double mail is sometimes to be met with on carved monuments, and this would be constructed in the same manner as the single mail; but two links would be used together in every case where one is used in the single mail. having briefly described the varieties of fabric and material which were in use at the time of the conquest for defensive armour, we may pass to the forms in which those materials were made up. the first garment put on by the man-at-arms was the tunic, which was a short linen shirt reaching usually to just above the knee; it is often shown in miniatures of the period beneath the edge of the coat of mail. at one period the tunic appears to have been worn inconveniently long, if we are to judge from the seals of richard i, in which it is shown reaching to the feet. this long under-garment was quite given up by the beginning of the thirteenth century, and those representations of joan of arc which show a long under-tunic falling from beneath the breastplate are based upon no reliable authority. next to the tunic was worn the gambeson, called also the wambais and aketon, a quilted garment, either used as the sole defence by the foot-soldier, or, by the knight, worn under the hauberk to prevent the chain-mail from bruising the body under the impact of a blow. the gambeson is shown on fig. , appearing beneath the edge of the hauberk just above the knee. the hauberk, which was worn over the gambeson, was the chief body defence. it is true that we read of a 'plastron de fer', which seems to have been a solid metal plate worn over the breast and sometimes at the back; but it was invariably put on either under the hauberk itself or over the hauberk, but always beneath the jupon or surcoat, which at this period was the outermost garment worn. in either case it was not exposed to view, so it is impossible to tell with any degree of accuracy what was its shape or how it was fixed to the wearer. hewitt[ ] gives two illustrations of carved wooden figures in bamberg cathedral, which show a plastron de fer worn over the jupon, which seems to be studded with metal. the figures were executed about the year . the form of the hauberk, as shown on the bayeux tapestry, was of the shirt order (plate i, , ). it was usually slit to the waist, front and back, for convenience on horseback, and the skirts reached to the knee, thus protecting the upper leg. it is perhaps needless to point out that the extreme weight of mail with its thick padded undergarment made the use of a horse a necessity, for the weight was all borne upon the shoulders, and was not, as is the case with suits of plate, distributed over the limbs and body of the wearer. the sleeves of the hauberk were sometimes short; sometimes they were long and ended in fingerless mittens of mail. the three varieties of sleeve are shown on plate i, while the mittens turned back to leave the hand bare appear on the setvans brass (plate iii, ). wace, the chronicler, seems to suggest different forms of defensive habiliments, for we find mention of a short form of the hauberk, called the haubergeon. in his _roman de rou_ he writes of duke william at the battle of senlac:-- sun boen haubert fist demander,[ ] while of bishop odo he says:-- un haubergeon aveit vestu de sor une chemise blanche. the fact that he mentions the tunic ('chemise blanche') seems to imply that it was seen beneath the hem of the haubergeon, which would not be the case with the long-skirted hauberk. occasionally in illuminated manuscripts the hauberk is shown slit at the sides; but for what purpose it is difficult to imagine, for it would impede the wearer when walking and would make riding an impossibility. the defences of the leg, made of mail like the hauberk, seem to have been used, at first, only by the nobles, if the bayeux tapestry is taken as a guide. the common soldiers wore linen or leather swathings, sometimes studded with metal, but in appearance closely resembling the modern puttee. the upper portion of the leg was protected at a later period with chaussons, while the defences from knee to foot were called chausses. wace mentions 'chauces de fer', but we must remember, as was noticed in the introduction, that wace wrote some seventy years after the conquest, and probably described the accoutrements worn at his own time. the bayeux tapestry is nearer the period, as far as we can date it with any correctness, but here we are hampered to some extent by the crude methods of the embroideress. the chaussons are not often shown in illuminations, for the long-skirted hauberk covers the leg to the knee; but the chausses appear in all pictorial and sculptured records of the period, made either of mail or of pourpointerie, that is fabric studded with metal. towards the end of the thirteenth century the chaussons and chausses were made in one stocking-like form covering the foot; this is shown on plate i, , . in the first of these illustrations only the front of the leg is covered, and the chausses are laced at the back. as the manufacture of mail progressed the whole of the wearer's person came to be protected by it. in addition to the coverings of the body we find continuations that protected arms and legs, and in course of time the neck and head were protected with a coif or hood of mail, which is shown in use in plate i, no. , and thrown back on the shoulders on no. . although of no protective use, the surcoat is so essentially part of the war equipment of the knight that it needs more than a passing notice. it first appears on royal seals at the beginning of the thirteenth century, in the reign of king john. some modern writers have suggested that it was first used in the crusades to keep the sun off the mail; however this may be, we have written proof that it was of use in protecting the intricate fabric of chain armour from the wet, which by rusting the metal played havoc with its serviceability. it will be seen in different lengths in the figures on plate i. in _the avowynge of king arthur_, stanza , we find-- with scharpe weppun and schene gay gowns of grene, to hold thayre armur clene and were[ ] hitte fro the wete. like the hauberk, the surcoat was slit to the waist in front and behind for convenience on horseback, and was usually girt at the waist with a cord or belt. it was frequently decorated with the armorial bearings of the wearer. when the barrel helm was worn, concealing the whole face, some such cognizance was necessary that the knight might be recognized. the setvans brass (plate iii) shows the armorial device powdered over the surcoat. the headpiece characteristic of the norman conquest is the conical nasal helm. we should draw a distinction between the helmet and the helm. the former is, of course, a diminutive of the latter. at the time of the norman conquest the head covering would rank rather as a helmet, as it did not entirely cover the face. the norman helmet was conical, usually formed of four triangular pieces of metal plate riveted in a ring and meeting at the apex. sometimes a nasal or nose-guard was added (plate i, , ). that this nasal must have been broad enough to conceal the face to a great extent we may judge from the story how the norman soldiers believed their leader to be killed, and how william, raising his helm, rode along the lines crying 'i am here, and by god's help i shall conquer'. the bayeux tapestry illustrates this incident. on some of the conqueror's seals we find the helmet tied on with laces. earflaps were sometimes added, as may be seen on the chessmen found in the isle of lewis, now in the british museum. [illustration: fig. . from the effigy of hugo fitz eudo, kirkstead, lincs., thirteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . from a figure in the cathedral at constance, thirteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . from the great seal of alexander ii of scotland, thirteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . brit. mus. roy. ms. . d. i, thirteenth century.] during the twelfth century the helmet gradually became the helm. the ear-flaps were fixed, becoming an integral part of the defence, and closed round to join the nasal, this arrangement forming at length the ventail or visor. this gives us what is known as the 'barrel helm' (fig. ), in which the whole head is enclosed and the only opening in the front is the 'ocularium' or vision slit. next we have the same kind of helm with the addition of holes for breathing in the lower portion (fig. ). in some varieties the back of the helm is shorter than the front, as on fig. , and in this kind also we sometimes find breathing holes added. the great seals of the kings are a most useful guide in discovering the accoutrements of each period, and especially so for the helms and helmets, which are easier to distinguish than the more minute details of dress and equipment. it will be understood that in time the flat-topped helm was given up in favour of the 'sugar-loaf' helm (fig. ), as it is generally called, when we consider the importance of a 'glancing surface' in armour. although thickness of material was of some importance in defensive armour, this providing of surfaces from which a weapon would slip was considered to be of supreme importance by the armour-smiths of later periods. in the conical helm, as indeed in nearly all great helms, the vision and breathing apertures were pierced in the plates of the helm itself and were not part of a movable visor, as was the case in the helmet. the weight of these helms must have been great; for they do not seem to have been bolted on to the shoulders, as were the fifteenth and sixteenth century tilting helms, but to have rested upon the crown of the head. the drawing on plate i, no. , shows a padded cap which was worn under the mail to protect the head from pressure. on no. of the same plate we see the helm being put on over the mail coif; the padded cap is worn under the mail. for tournaments the helm was sometimes made of toughened leather, which was called 'cuirbouilli' from the fact that it was prepared by being boiled in oil and then moulded to shape. this material was very strong and serviceable and was used, as we shall see later on, for reinforcing the chain armour and also for horse armour. it was generally decorated with gilding and painting. for the tournament held at windsor in we find mention of 'xxxviii galee de cor'.[ ] as we have shown, these great helms were not attached to the body armour and were thus liable to be struck off in battle. in order to recover them a chain was sometimes stapled to the helm and fastened to the waist or some portion of the body armour (fig. ). the usual form of helmet in the twelfth century is the cup-shaped headpiece of which the cervellière is a typical example (fig. ). it was either worn as the sole defence or was used in conjunction with the helm as an under-cap. the wide-rimmed hat of iron is found all through the period of defensive armour with which we deal. it appears in the thirteenth century (fig. ) and is also to be found in the fifteenth. there is an example of one of these war-hats (_eisenhut_) in the museum at nuremberg. [illustration: fig. . detail from the brass of sir roger de trumpington, trumpington, camb., .] [illustration: fig. . from the monument to johan le botiler, st. bride's, glamorganshire, .] [illustration: fig. . add. ms. . , f. , thirteenth century.] the shield at the time of the conquest was kite-shaped. it was long enough to cover the body and legs of the warrior when mounted, but it must have been a most inconvenient adjunct to his accoutrements. as we have seen in the monk of st. gall's records, the shield was sometimes made of iron; but the more usual material was wood covered with leather or the tough cuirbouilli. its broad flat surface was from the earliest times used by the painter to display his art, which at first was not systematized, but consisted of geometrical patterns and strange birds and beasts that had no special meaning. as time went on each knight retained the device which was borne upon his shield and came to be recognized by it, and from this sprung the complicated science of heraldry, which has survived, with all its intricate detail, to the present day. the surface of the shield was often bowed so that it embraced the body of the wearer. that some must have been flat we may suppose from the fact that the soldiers in the bayeux tapestry are represented as using them for trays to carry cups and plates at the 'prandium'. in st. lucy's chapel, at christ church cathedral in oxford, in the window depicting the martyrdom of st. thomas of canterbury, are to be seen two varieties of decorated shields. two of the knights bear shields painted with geometrical designs, while fitz urse carries a shield on which are three bears' heads erased, a punning cognizance from the name of the wearer. the date of the window is about the end of the thirteenth century. the shield was attached to the wearer by a thong passing round the neck, called the guige. when not in use it was slung by this thong on the back. when in use the arm and hand passed through the short loops called enarmes (fig. ). the royal blazon first appears on the shield in the reign of richard i. occasionally we find circular shields depicted in illuminations; but they were generally used by the foot-soldiers. as the development of defensive armour proceeds we shall find that the shield becomes smaller, and in time is discarded, the body defences being made sufficient protection in themselves. [illustration: fig. . from the _romance of alexander_, f. , bod. lib., fourteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . a, a. enarmes. b. guige.] chapter ii the transition period ( - ) it will be readily understood that the change from mail to plate armour was not brought about at once. difficulty of manufacture, expense, and conservatism in idea, all retarded the innovation. some progressive knight might adopt a new fashion which did not come into general use till many years after, in the same manner that, from force of circumstances, or from a clinging to old methods, we find an out-of-date detail of armour like the coif of mail, shown on the brass of sir w. molineux, appearing in , or the sleeved hauberk in the dresden museum which was worn without plate defences for the arms by herzog august at the battle of mühlberg in . acting on the method adopted in the preceding chapter, we may first consider the materials used during the beginning of the transition period, and afterwards we shall show how those materials were made up. during the fourteenth century iron, leather, whalebone, and quilted fabrics were all employed for defensive purposes. the illustration from the _romance of alexander_ (fig. ) shows the gambeson still worn under the mail, and the legs are covered in one instance with a metal-studded or pourpointed defence; a second figure wears what appears to be scale armour, while the third has no detail shown upon the legs, which may be an oversight on the part of the artist, or may suggest that plain hose were worn. iron was used for the mail and scale armour and was also employed in making a pliable defence called splinted armour, which at a later period became the brigandine (plate ii). there are several of these brigandines to be found in the armouries of england and europe, but the majority of them date about the middle of the fifteenth century. as will be seen in the illustration, the brigandine was made of small plates of iron or steel overlapping upwards and riveted on to a canvas-lined garment of silk or velvet. the plates were worn on the inside in most cases, and the rivet heads which showed on the silk or velvet face were often gilded, thus producing a very brilliant effect. [illustration: plate ii (outside.) (inside.) brigandine in the musée d'artillerie, paris.] we find many references to these splinted defences in the inventories of the period, which form a valuable source of information on the subject of details of armour. the inventory of humphrey de bohun,[ ] earl of hereford, taken in , gives:--'une peire de plates coverts de vert velvet.' again, in one of the inventories of the exchequer, ,[ ] is noted:--'une peire de plates covert de rouge samyt.' the inventory of piers gaveston, dated , a document full of interesting details, has[ ]:--'une peire de plates enclouez et garniz d'argent.' the 'pair of plates' mentioned in these records refers to the front and back defences. in the accounts of payments by sir john howard we find in the year , _s._ _d._ paid for , 'bregander nayles'.[ ] brass was employed for decorative purposes on the edges of the hauberk, or was fashioned into gauntlets, as may be seen in the gauntlets of the black prince, preserved at canterbury. chaucer writes in the 'rime of sir thopas':-- his swerdes shethe of yvory, his helm of laton bright. laton, or latten, was a mixed metal, much resembling brass, used at this period for decorative purposes. whalebone was employed for gauntlets and also for swords used in the tournament. froissart uses the words 'gands de baleine' in describing the equipment of the troops of philip von arteveld at the battle of rosbecque. quilted garments were still worn, either as the sole defence or as a gambeson under the mail. as late as the year we find regulations of louis xi of france ordering these coats of defence to be made of from to folds of linen.[ ] leather, either in its natural state or boiled and beaten till it could be moulded and then allowed to dry hard, was frequently used at this period for all kinds of defensive armour. in chaucer's 'rime of sir thopas', from which we have quoted before, occur the words, 'his jambeux were of quirboilly.' the jambeaux were coverings for the legs. this quirboilly, cuirbully, or cuirbouilli, when finished was an exceedingly hard substance, and was, on account of its lightness as compared to metal, much used for tournament armour and for the barding or defence for the horse. in the roll of purchases for the windsor park tournament, held in , mention is made of cuirasses supplied by milo the currier, who also furnished helms of the same material.[ ] in the inventory of sir simon burley, beheaded in , we find under 'armure de guerre':--'un palet (a headpiece) de quierboylle.' there is a light leather helmet of the 'morion' type, dated sixteenth century, in the zeughaus at berlin. banded mail still appears in drawings or on monuments up to the end of the fourteenth century. we may now turn to the making up of these varied materials, and will endeavour, step by step, to trace the gradual evolution of the full suit of plate from the first additions of plate defence to mail till we find that the mail practically disappears, or is only worn in small portions where plate cannot be used. [illustration: fig. . from roy. ms. . g. vi, f. , fourteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . bib. nat., paris, _lancelot du lac_, fourteenth century.] setting aside the plastron de fer, which, as has been noticed, is seldom shown in representations of armour, we find the first additional defence was the poleyne or knee-cop. we must suppose that there was good reason for thus reinforcing the mail defence on this part of the body. probably this was due to the fact that the shield became shorter at this period, and also because the position of the wearer when mounted exposed the knee, a very delicate piece of anatomy, to the attacks of the foot-soldier (fig. ). poleynes are mentioned in a wardrobe account of edward i in . they were frequently made of cuirbouilli, and this material is probably intended in the illustration (plate iii, ), as elaborately decorated metal is rarely met with at this period. at the end of the thirteenth century appear those curious appendages known as ailettes. on plate iii, , the figure is shown wearing the poleynes and also the ailettes. for practical purposes they are represented on recumbent figures as worn at the back, but in pictorial illustrations they are invariably shown on the outside of the shoulder. some writers consider that they were solely used for ornament, presumably because they are generally shown decorated with heraldic blazons. against this, however, we may place the fact that they are depicted in representations of battles, and in queen mary's psalter ( . b. vii in the british museum) the combatants wear plain ailettes. the german name for the ailettes (_tartschen_) suggests also that they were intended for shoulder-guards. fourteenth-century inventories abound with references to ailettes. in the roll of purchases for windsor park tournament are mentioned thirty-eight pair of ailettes to be fastened with silk laces supplied by one richard paternoster. in the piers gaveston inventory before quoted are: 'les alettes garnis et frettez de perles.' these, of course, would be only for ceremonial use. the illustration (fig. ) shows different forms of ailette, and occasionally we find the lozenge-shaped, and once (brit. mus. roy. ms. . a. xxii, fol. ) they assume a cruciform shape. the attachment of the ailettes with the laces referred to in the windsor park inventory is shown on fig. . in the _chroniques de charlemaine_, preserved in the bibliothèque royale at brussels, the ailettes appear to be laced to the side of the helmet. this occurs in so many of the miniatures that it must be taken as a correct presentment of this detail in arming. it may be, however, that, as this manuscript was produced in the year , it recorded a later method of using the ailette which, _per se_, disappears about the middle of the fourteenth century, as far as monumental records exist. the next addition of plate to the equipment of mail seems to have been on the legs. the only monumental brass that gives this fashion of arming is the northwode brass at minster, sheppey. as the legs are of later date than the rest of the brass, although most probably correct in design, it may be better to trust to a monument which is intact, as is the statue of gulielmus berardi, , which is carved in the cloister of the annunziata convent, florence (fig. ). here we find the front of the leg entirely protected by plates which may be intended for metal, but which, from their ornate decoration, seem rather to suggest cuirbouilli. these jambeaux, or, as they are sometimes called, bainbergs or beinbergs, of leather have been before referred to as mentioned by chaucer. returning to monumental brasses again, we find on the gorleston brass (plate iii, ) that the plate additions are still more increased. besides the poleynes and the ailettes there are traces of plate jambs on the legs, and the arms are protected by plates and circular discs on shoulder and elbow. [illustration: plate iii . sir john d'aubernoun, , stoke d'abernon, surrey . sir robt. de setvans, , chartham, kent . a member of the de bacon family, c. , gorleston, suffolk . sir john d'aubernoun, stoke d'abernon, surrey . william de aldeburgh, c. , aldborough, yorks . a knight, c. , laughton, lincolnshire.] after ailettes are rarely met with. on no. of plate iii these details seem to be advanced in some points, and are shown with the methods of attaching them to the wearer. the rerebrace is strapped over the mail, and the disc at the bend of the coude or elbow-piece is held in place by aiguillettes or laces--called at a later period arming-points. the poleynes overlap the jambs, and so cover the junction of the two pieces, and the latter are held to the leg with straps. the solerets are among the earliest examples of a defence of laminated plates, that is, of strips of metal riveted upon leather in order to give more ease of movement than would be possible with a solid plate. the vambrace is worn under the sleeve of the hauberk, and not, as in the preceding example, over the mail. this figure is especially interesting because it shows the different garments worn with the armour of this period. above the knees appears the tunic; over this comes the hauberk of mail, in this instance banded mail; over the hauberk are shown the upper pourpoint, a quilted garment, and, above this, the surcoat, or, as this variety is called, the cyclas. the difference between the surcoat proper and the cyclas is that the former is of even length all round, while the latter is shorter in front than behind (see also fig. ). the coif of mail has now given place to the camail, which does not cover the head, but is attached to the helmet, and is not joined to the hauberk, but hangs over the cyclas. [illustration: fig. . gulielmus berardi, florence, .] [illustration: fig. . bib. nat., paris, _tristan and iseult_, fourteenth century.] in the next example (plate iii, ) we find the mail still worn on the legs and arms, but on the latter the vambrace and the coude plate seem to be hinged in the manner adopted during the period of full armour. the upper part of the leg is protected by studded pourpointerie, which was frequently employed as being of more convenience on horseback. these thigh defences were called the cuisses. the bascinet is shown and also the short surcoat or jupon. the brass of an unknown knight (plate iii, ) is typical of what has come to be known as the 'camail' period. the arm-and leg-pieces completely enclose the limb and are fastened with hinges and straps as in the later periods. the gauntlets show the gadlings, or knuckle-knobs, which are a marked feature of this period, and the whole suit is richly decorated with engraved borders. some writers divide the transition period of armour into 'surcoat', 'cyclas', 'jupon', and 'tabard'. this, however, seems unnecessary if we are considering only the development of defensive armour, and not the whole question of costume. the camail is so marked a detail of the knightly equipment that it may reasonably be used to describe the fashion in armour from about to . in this example the figure is clad in complete plate, though the hauberk is worn beneath, as may be seen at the lower edge of the jupon and also in the '_vif de l'harnois_', or portion of the body at the armpit, which was unprotected by plate. in some instances this vital spot was protected by a circular, oval, crescent-shaped, or square plate attached by laces, which modern writers call the rondel, but which viscount dillon, in a most interesting article, proves to have been the moton or besague[ ] (fig. ). the effigy of the black prince at canterbury is a good example of the armour of this period, but it is interesting to note that, while the monumental brasses frequently give such details as straps, buckles, &c., this effigy shows no constructional detail whatever. we find that in spain there were minute regulations drawn up as to the manner in which a deceased warrior might be represented on his tomb. the details of sheathed or unsheathed sword, helm, spurs, &c., all had some significant reference to his life and achievements.[ ] it is almost superfluous to point out that those details which referred to the knight's captivity, or the fact that he had been vanquished, were more honoured in the breach than in the observance. [illustration: fig. . brass of sir t. de s. quentin, harpham, yorks, .] [illustration: fig. . knightly figure in ash church, kent, fourteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . bib. nat., paris, _tite-live_, .] the armour of this period was often richly decorated with engraving, as may be seen on the brass to an unknown knight at laughton, lincs., and also on the monument to sir hugh calverley at bunbury, cheshire. of the jupon, king rené, in his _livre des tournois_, about the year , writes that it ought to be without fold on the body, like that of a herald, so that the cognizance, or heraldic blazon, could be better recognized. the jupon of the black prince, preserved at canterbury and admirably figured in _monumenta vetusta_, vol. vii, is embroidered with the royal arms, and is quilted with cotton padding. so general is the use of the jupon at this period that it is a matter of some conjecture as to what form the body armour took that was worn under it. the effigy of a knight in ash church, kent (fig. ), elucidates this mystery and shows, through openings of the jupon, horizontal plates or splints riveted together. in fig. we see these plates worn without the jupon. the term jazeran is often applied to such armour. [illustration: fig. . _a._ the camail attached to the helm. _b._ the camail showing the staples.] [illustration: fig. . bib. nat., paris, _tite-live_, .] the camail, or hood of mail, which we have before referred to, was separate from the hauberk, and during the fourteenth century was worn over the jupon. it was attached to the bascinet by vervelles or staples which fitted into openings in the helmet. a lace was passed through these staples, as is shown on fig. . from a french manuscript of the early fifteenth century (fig. ) we see how the camail was kept from 'riding' over the shoulders. in the little wooden statuette of st. george of dijon, which is a most useful record of the armour of this period, we find that, in addition, the camail is fastened to the breast with aiguillettes. the great heaume, or helm, of the fourteenth century differs but little from those of the late thirteenth century which were noticed in a preceding chapter. the shape was either of the sugar-loaf order or a cylinder surmounted by a truncated cone (fig. ). notable examples of actual specimens in england at the present day are the helms of sir richard pembridge at hereford cathedral and the helm of the black prince, surmounted by a crest of wood and cuirbouilli, preserved at canterbury. in an inventory of louis hutin, made in , we find: 'ii heaummes d'acier, item v autres dans li uns est dorez.' this seems to suggest that the gilded helm was of some other material than steel, possibly leather. it is rare to come across constructional detail in illuminations, but the illustration (fig. ) from a french manuscript of about the year shows a method of attaching the helm to the wearer's body. in the preceding chapter we noticed the chain used for this purpose on the trumpington brass. [illustration: fig. . fourteenth-century helm, zeughaus, berlin.] [illustration: fig. . bib. nat., paris, _tite-live_, .] the most popular of the light helmets at this period was the bascinet. it appears on nearly every monumental brass that depicts a military figure, and is an essential part of that style of equipment known as the 'camail'. the later form of bascinet has a movable visor which is known among armour collectors as the 'pig-faced' bascinet (plate v). sometimes the hinge is at the top, and sometimes, as in no. of this plate, the visor is pivoted at the sides. froissart calls the visor 'carnet' and 'visière'. in the bohun inventory, before referred to, are given: 'ii bacynettes, lun covert de quir lautre bourni.' this shows that while some helmets were of polished metal, others were covered with leather, and indeed silk and velvet as fancy dictated. frequent references to these 'covers' for helmets occur in inventories and wills. the helmet and other portions of the suit of plate armour were sometimes tinned to prevent rust, as is shown in one of the dover castle inventories of :--'xiii basynetz tinez.' sometimes, in the case of royalty or princes of rank, the bascinet was encircled with a fillet or crown of gold and gems. among the payments of etienne de fontaine, in , are mentioned crowns for 'quarente grosses perles pour garnir le courroye du basinet de monsieur le dauphin'. the orle, or wreath worn turban-wise round the bascinet, is sometimes shown, as on fig. , of a decorative nature. it is supposed by some writers to have been devised to take the pressure of the great helm from the head, for the helm was often worn, as in the preceding century, over a lighter headpiece. from the usual position of the orle, however, and from the fact that it is invariably shown highly decorated and jewelled, this explanation can hardly hold good, for a padding worn as shown in the illustration would not be of much service in keeping off the pressure of the helm, and of course the jewelled decoration would be destroyed at once. another theory is that the orle was made by wrapping the lambrequin or mantling--which hung from the back of the helmet and which is still used in heraldic drawings--much in the same manner as the modern puggaree is worn in india. in this illustration appears also the gorget of plate that was worn over the throat and chin with the bascinet. [illustration: plate iv _photograph by hauser & menet_ jousting armour of charles v. madrid.] [illustration: fig. . the orle, from the monument of sir h. stafford, bromsgrove, kent, .] the shields of the fourteenth century present an infinite variety in shape and decoration. the heraldic blazoning has by this time been systematized into somewhat of a science, which in germany especially was carried to extravagant extremes. the long kite-shaped shield is to be found in records of the period, but the more common forms were the short pointed shield as shown on plate iii, and that which was rounded at the lower edge. frequently the shield is represented as 'bouché', or notched, at the top right-hand corner, to enable the wearer to point his lance through this opening without exposing his arm or body to attack. in the inventory of louis hutin are mentioned 'iii ecus pains des armes le roy, et un acier', which shows that the shield was sometimes made of steel, though usually it was fashioned of wood and faced with leather, or of cuirbouilli. in a transcript of vegecius (brit. mus. roy. ms. . a. xii) the young knight is advised to have 'a shelde of twigges sumewhat rounde'. the shield of the black prince at canterbury is pointed at the lower edge, and is made of wood faced with leather, on which are set out the royal arms in gesso-duro or plaster relief. chapter iii the wearing of armour and its constructional details before proceeding to examine the suit of full plate, with all its interesting details and differences as exemplified in the various armouries of england and europe, it will be well to make clear the main principles which governed the manufacture of such armour. we should remember that the whole history of our subject is one long struggle of defensive equipment against offensive weapons. this is brought out clearly at the present day in the navy, where the contest between gun and armour-plating is the dominant factor in naval construction. as the weapons of the middle ages became more serviceable, the armour was increased in weight. the longbow and the crossbow marked distinct periods in the development of defensive armour; for so important a factor did these weapons become, especially the latter, that they were used for testing the temper of the metal, large or small weapons being used as occasion demanded. those writers who are prone to generalize upon such subjects tell us that the invention of gunpowder sounded the knell of defensive armour, but this is by no means accurate, for guns were used in sieges as early as , and, as we shall find farther on in this chapter, the armour of the late sixteenth century was proved by pistol shot. the result of the improvement of firearms was that for many years armour became heavier and thicker till the musket was perfected, and then it was found that even highly-tempered steel would not resist the impact of a bullet. it is a safe assertion to make that a full suit of plate armour at its finest period--the fifteenth century--is the most perfect work of craftsmanship that exists. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. . maximilian breastplate and taces.] [illustration: fig. . coude or elbow-cop.] this assertion is not made without fully considering the real value of such work, which must fulfil all those essentials without which no true work of craftsmanship can have any merit. the first of these is that the work should fulfil its object in the best possible manner; secondly, that it should be convenient and simple in use; thirdly, that it should proclaim its material; and fourthly, and this is by no means the least important, that any decoration should be subservient to its purpose. to take our axioms in the order given, it may appear to the casual student that if armour were sufficiently thick it would naturally fulfil its primary reason for existence. but we find, on careful examination of plate armour, that there are other considerations which are of equal, if not greater importance. of these the most noticeable is the 'glancing surface'. it is somewhat difficult to exemplify this by a line-drawing, though it is easy to do so with an actual example. referring to the maximilian breastplate (fig. ), we find that a lance, the thrusting weapon much favoured in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, would, on striking the breast be deflected along the grooved channel nearest to the point of impact till it reached the raised edge either at the top or at the sides, when it would be conducted safely off the body of the wearer. the same surface is to be noticed on all helms and helmets after the twelfth century, the rounded surfaces giving no sure hold for cutting or thrusting weapons. the coude (fig. ) shows this same glancing surface used to protect the elbow, and, again, the fan-shaped plate on the outside of the knee effects the same result (see frontispiece).[ ] the great jousting helms are so constructed that the lance-point should glance off them when the wearer is in the proper jousting position, that is, bent forward at such an angle that the eyes come on a level with the ocularium or vision slit (plate v, ). these helms are also made of plates varying in thickness as the part may be more exposed to attack. the great helm in the possession of captain lindsay of sutton courtenay, near abingdon, has a skull-plate nearly a quarter of an inch thick, for, in the bending position adopted by the wearer, this portion of the helm would be most exposed to the lance. the back-plate is less than half that thickness. this helm is one of the heaviest in existence, for it weighs lb. oz. again, we may notice the overlapping lames or strips of steel that are so frequently used for pauldron, rerebrace, vambrace, soleret, and gauntlet; all present the same surface to the opposing weapon, and, except in the case of the taces, where the overlapping from necessity of form must be in an inverse direction, the chance of a weapon penetrating the joints is reduced to a minimum (fig. ). a portion of the pauldron which is designed for this glancing defence, and for this only, is the upstanding neck- or shoulder-guard which is so generally described as the passe-guard. it is curious, with the very definite information to hand (supplied by viscount dillon in the _archaeological journal_, vol. xlvi, p. ), that even the most recent writers fall into the same mistake about the name of this defence. space will not admit of quoting more fully viscount dillon's interesting paper; but two facts cited by him prove conclusively that the passe-guard is quite another portion of the armour. in the tower inventory of appears the entry, 'one armour cap-a-pe engraven with a ragged staffe, made for ye earle of leisester, a mainfere, passguard and maineguard and gantlett.' now it is hardly reasonable to suppose that this ridge on the pauldron should be specially mentioned as the passe-guard without any notice of the pauldron itself. in the additional notes to the above article viscount dillon gives, from a list of payments made in connexion with jousts held on october , , ' yards of cheshire cotton at _d._ for lining the king's pasguard.' that the neck-guard to which we refer should need lining on the inside, where it did not even touch the helmet, we may dismiss at once; and that the lining should be on the outside is of course absurd. as far as can be gathered from recent research the passe-guard is a reinforcing piece for the right elbow, used for jousting. it was lined to protect the ordinary arm defence underneath from being scratched, and also to lessen the shock to the wearer if it were struck. it is to be hoped, from this reiteration of viscount dillon's researches, that at any rate one of the many errors of nomenclature in armour may be corrected. [illustration: plate v . bascinet from the tomb of the black prince, canterbury, xivth. cent. . visored bascinet from the statuette of s. george, dijon, xivth. cent. . salade, royal armoury, turin, xvth. cent. . salade with visor and beavor, musee de la porte de hal, brussels, xvth. cent. . the brocas helm, rotunda woolwich xvth.-xvith. cent. . armet, royal armoury, turin . burgonet, brit. mus. xvith. cent. . burgonet and buffe, royal armoury, turin xvith. cent. . morion, brussels, xvith. cent. . cabasset, turin, xvith. cent. . lobster-tailed pot helmet, turin, xviith. cent.] with regard to the thickness of plate armour, we should remember that it was forged from the solid ingot, and was not rolled in sheets as is the material of to-day from which so many forgeries are manufactured. the armourer was therefore able to graduate the thickness of his material, increasing it where it was most needed, and lessening it in those parts which were less exposed. with regard to the proving of armour an article in _archaeologia_, vol. li, also by viscount dillon, is of great interest as showing the indifferent skill of the english ironsmiths of the sixteenth century. in a discussion arose as to the quality of the english iron found in shropshire as compared to the 'hungere' iron which came from innsbruck. after some delay sir henry lee, master of the tower armouries, arranged a test, and two breastplates were prepared, of equal make and weight. two pistol charges of equal power were fired at the test breastplates, with the result that the foreign armour was only slightly dented, while the english plate was pierced completely, and the beam on which it rested was torn by the bullet. a bascinet in the tower, which belonged to henry viii, bears two indented marks, signifying that it was proof against the large crossbow. in the musée d'artillerie in paris, a suit made for louis xiv bears proof marks which are treated as the centres for floriated designs (plate viii). no excuse need be offered for thus borrowing from papers by viscount dillon and other writers in _archaeologia_ and the _archaeological journal_, for these publications are not always at hand to those interested in the subject of armour and equipments. they are, however, indispensable for careful study; for they contain reports of the most recent discoveries and investigations of the subject, and are written, for the most part, by men whose expert knowledge is at once extensive and precise. [illustration: plate vi _photograph by viscount dillon._ engraved suit of armour given to henry viii by the emperor maximilian. tower.] another detail of importance in connexion with the protective power of armour occurs in the great jousting helms, which invariably present a smooth surface on the left side, even when there may be some opening, for ventilation or other purposes, on the right. the reason for this was that the jouster always passed left arm to left arm with the lance pointed across the horse's neck. it was therefore important that there should be no projection or opening on the left side of the helm in which the lance-point could possibly be caught. we next turn our attention to convenience in use. under this head the armourer had to consider that the human body makes certain movements of the limbs for walking and riding, or fighting with arm and hand. he had so to construct the different portions of the suit that they should allow of all these movements without hindrance; and at the same time he had to endeavour to protect the body and limbs while the movements were taking place. the arrangements for pivoting elbow- and knee-joints need scarcely be detailed; for it will be seen by a glance at any suit of plate armour how the cuisse and jamb are pivoted on to the genouillière, and move with the leg to a straight or bent position without allowing these plates to escape from under the genouillière. the coude is sometimes pivoted in the same manner, but more often it is rigid and of such circumference that the arm can bend within it and yet be very adequately protected. in the overlapping lames or strips of metal which give ease of movement to the upper arm, the hands, the waist, and the foot, we find that much careful work and calculation was needed to ensure comfort to the wearer. on the foot, the toepiece and four or more arches of metal overlap upwards on to a broader arch, while above this three or more arches overlap downwards, thus allowing the toe-joint and ankle to be bent at the same time (fig. ). in a suit in the tower, made for prince henry, son of james i, all the arches of the soleret overlap downwards. this points to a certain decadence in the craftsmanship of the armourer of the period, though the excuse might be offered for him that the suit was intended only for use on horseback. there are generally one, two, or more of these movable lames joining the genouillière to the jamb, and above this the cuisse to the genouillière to give greater flexibility to the knee fastenings. the separate arm- and leg-pieces are, when made in two halves to encircle the limb, hinged on the outside and closed with strap and buckle, or with locking hook or bolt on the inside. this, of course, is to ensure greater protection to these fastenings, especially on horseback. higher up again we get the tuilles or taces, which, from the fact that to adapt themselves to the human form they must narrow at the waist and spread out below, overlap upwards. from the taces are hung the tassets, with strap and buckle, which give increased protection to the upper leg, and yet are not in any way rigid. when the tassets are made of more than one plate they are attached to each other by a most ingenious arrangement of straps and sliding rivets. on the inner edge of each plate the rivets are attached to a strap on the under side; but the outer edge, requiring more compression of the lames together, is furnished with rivets fixed firmly in the uppermost plate and working loose in a slot in the back plate, thus allowing an expansion or contraction of half an inch or more to each lame. it is somewhat difficult to explain this ingenious arrangement in words, but fig. will show how the straps and rivets are set. when the tassets were discarded about the end of the sixteenth century the cuisses were laminated in this way from waist to knee. [illustration: plate vii . passe-guard . grand-guard . tilting cuisse . half suit for the stechzeug, nuremberg - a. polder mitton b. lance rest c. queue] [illustration: fig. . soleret.] [illustration: fig. . method of using sliding rivets.] the gauntlet is generally found with a stiff cuff, and from wrist to knuckles the plates in narrow arches overlap towards the arm, where they join a wider plate which underlaps the cuff. the knuckle-plate is usually ridged with a rope-shaped crest or with bosses imitating the knuckles. the fingers are protected by small plates, from four on the fourth finger to six on the second finger (in some examples there are more or less), which overlap from knuckle to finger-tip. the thumb is covered in like manner, but has a lozenge-shaped plate to connect it to the cuff. this metal hand-covering was sewn on to a leather glove or attached to it with leather loops (fig. ). the vambrace is generally rigid, either a solid tube or hinged on the outside and fastened on the inside by straps or hooks. it is held to the lower edge of the coude by a rivet. the lower portion of the rerebrace is also tubular, while the upper portion, where it joins the pauldron, is often laminated, with the plates overlapping, downwards as a rule, though there are instances of these plates overlapping upwards. they are joined in the same way as the laminated tassets by a riveted strap on the inner side, and by sliding rivets at the back, thus giving the arm freedom of movement forwards in the direction most needed, but less freedom towards the back. these sliding rivets working in slots have come to be called 'almain' rivets from the fact that the almain rivet, a light half suit of armour, was put together to a great extent by this method. these suits will be referred to later in the chapter. [illustration: fig. . gauntlet.] [illustration: fig. . turning 'lock-pins'.] [illustration: fig. . gorget.] the pauldron is hung on the shoulder by a strap from the gorget or the breastplate, or it is pierced with a hole which fits over a pin fixed in one of these portions of the armour. in most suits of plate of the fifteenth and early sixteenth century that portion of the pauldron which covers the breastplate is larger on the left side than on the right. the reason for this is that the position of the lance when held 'in rest', that is couched for the charge, necessitates a certain curtailment of the front plate of the pauldron, and, at the same time, the left arm being held rigid at the bridle, and being exposed to the attacking weapon, requires more protection than does the right, which, when using the lance, was guarded by the vamplate or metal disc fixed to the lance above the grip. breast- and back-pieces are held together on the shoulders and sides by straps, but the lames of the taces, and in some cases the breast and back themselves, are fastened with turning pins which play an important part in holding the suit together (fig. ). the gorget (fig. ) is made in two halves, each composed of a single plate or, sometimes, of two or three horizontal lames. the two portions are united by a loose-working rivet on the left side and are joined by a turning pin on the right. the gorget was worn either over or under the breast- and backplates. perhaps the most ingeniously contrived suit in existence, which completely protects the wearer and at the same time follows the anatomical construction of the human body, is that made for henry viii for fighting on foot in the lists. it is numbered xxviii in the armoury of the tower. there are no parts of the body or limbs left uncovered by plate, and every separate portion fits closely to its neighbour with sliding rivets and turning pins to give the necessary play for the limbs. it is composed of pieces and weighs lb. the wearing of the bascinet, salade, burgonet, and like helmets needs no detailed description. in the preceding chapter we noticed the method of attaching the camail to the bascinet. when the great helm was made a fixture in the fifteenth century, as distinct from the loose or chained helms of preceding periods, it was either bolted to the breast and back, as on plate vii, or it was fastened by an adjustable plate which shut over a locking pin, as shown on plate v, , and a somewhat similar arrangement at the back, or a strap and buckle, held it firmly in place, while if extra rigidity was needed it was supplied by straps from the shoulders to the lugs shown in the drawing of the brocas helm on plate v. the armet, or close helmet, fits the shape of the head to such an extent that it must be opened to be put on. this is arranged by hingeing the side plates to the centre, and, when fixed, fastening them with a screw at the back to which a circular disc is added as a protection to this fastening (fig. ). the armet shown on plate v opens in the front and when closed is fastened with a spring hook. the different parts of the armet are the ventail, a, and vue, b, which together make the visor; the skull, c; and the beavor, d (plate v, ). having now arrived at some understanding of the construction of the suit of armour we will pass on to the wearing of the suit. a man could not wear his ordinary clothes under his armour; the friction of the metal was too great. in spite of the excellence of workmanship of the armourer any thin substance was bound to be torn, so a strong fabric was chosen which is called in contemporary records fustian. whether it at all resembled the modern fabric of that name it is difficult to determine, but certainly the wearing powers of this material or of corduroy would be admirably adapted for the purpose. chaucer writes in the prologue to the _canterbury tales_, line : of fustyan he wered a gepoun aile bysmoterud with his haburgeoun. this would refer to the rust-stains that penetrated through the interstices of the mail. in hall's _chronicles_ (p. ) is mentioned a levy of troops ordered for the wars in france in , for which it was enjoined: 'item every man to hav an armyng doublet of ffustyean or canvas', and also 'a capp to put his scull or sallet in'. these last were coverings for the helmets which we have noted on page . the helmets had linings, either riveted to the metal or worn separately as a cap. the tilting helm was provided with a thick padded cap with straps to keep it in its place. some of these caps exist in the museum at vienna. [illustration: fig. . armet.] king rené, in his _livre des tournois_, advises a pourpoint or padded undergarment to be put on under the body armour, 'stuffed to the thickness of three fingers on the shoulders for there the blows fall heaviest.' it seems that in brabant and the low countries the blows fell heavier, or that the combatants were less hardy, for he advises for them a thickness of four fingers, filled with cotton. viscount dillon mentions in his armour notes[ ] the fact that a 'stuffer of bacynetts' accompanied henry v to agincourt. he also quotes a letter from james croft to cecil on july , , which states that a man cannot keep his corselet and pay for the wear and tear of his clothes due to the rubbing of the body armour, under _d._ per day. sir john smith, in his _animadversions_ ( ), writes: 'no man should wear any cut doublets, as well in respect that the wearing of armour doth quickly fret them out, and also by reason that the corners and edges of the lames and joints of the armour do take such hold upon such cuttes as they do hinder the quick and sudden arming of men.' an interesting description of the arming of a man, entitled, '_howe a manne schall be armed at hys ese when he schall fighte on foote_,' is preserved in the _life of sir john astley_ (a manuscript in the possession of lord hastings).[ ] the knight is first dressed in a doublet of fustian, lined with satin, which is cut with holes for ventilation. this satin was to keep the roughness of the fustian from the wearer's body; for he wore no shirt under it. the doublet was provided with gussets of mail, or vuyders, attached under the armpit and at the bend of the elbow by arming points or laces. these mail gussets were to protect the parts not covered by the plate armour. the 'portrait of an italian nobleman' by moroni, in the national gallery, shows the figure dressed in this arming doublet. a pair of thick worsted hose were worn, and shoes of stout leather. it must be noticed here that the soleret, or sabaton as it is sometimes called, covered only the top of the foot, and had understraps which kept it to the sole of the shoe. first the sabatons were put on, then the jambs, genouillière and cuisses, then the skirt or breech of mail round the waist. this is sometimes known as the brayette. then the breast-and backplates were buckled on with the accompanying taces, tassets, and garde-rein or plates to protect the loins. after this the arm defences, and, if worn over the breastpiece, the gorget; and, finally, the helmet completed the equipment. the sword was buckled on the left side and the dagger on the right. the armour for jousts and tourneys was much heavier than the hosting or war harness. from the fact, which has been previously noticed, that the combatants passed each other on the left, this side of the armour was reinforced to such a degree that in time it presented a totally different appearance from the right side (see plate vii). the weight of jousting armour was so great that it was impossible for the wearer to mount without assistance. de pluvinel, in his _maneige royal_ ( ), gives an imaginary conversation between himself and the king (louis xiv) as follows:-- _the king._ 'it seems to me that such a man would have difficulty in getting on his horse, and being on to help himself.' _de pluvinel._ 'it would be very difficult, but with this arming the matter has been provided for. in this manner at triumphs and tourneys there ought to be at the two ends of the lists a small scaffold, the height of a stirrup, on which two or three persons can stand, that is to say, the knight, an armourer to arm him, and one other to help him. the knight being armed and the horse brought close to the stand, he easily mounts him.' reference has been made to the fact that modern writers call the sliding rivet the 'almain' rivet. whenever mentioned in inventories and such-like documents, the almain rivet stands for a suit of light armour. garrard, in his _art of warre_ ( ), distinctly says, 'the fore part of a corselet and a head peece and tasses is the almayne rivet.' among the purchases made on the continent by henry viii in may be noted , almain rivets, each consisting of a salet, a gorget, a breastplate, a backplate, and a pair of splints (short taces). in the inventory of the goods of dame agnes huntingdon, executed at tyburn for murdering her husband in , we find 'sex score pare of harness of alman rivets'. the 'pare', of course, refers to the breast- and backplates. the word alman, almaine, or almain, shows that the invention of this light armour and the sliding rivets which were used in its construction came from germany. that the wearing of armour caused grave inconvenience to some, while to others it seems to have been no hindrance at all, we may gather from the following historical incidents. in king louis of hungary, fleeing from the battle of mohacz, was drowned while crossing the danube because of the weight of his armour. on the other hand we find that robert de vere, earl of oxford, when forced to fly at the battle of radcot bridge, escaped easily by swimming the river to safety in full armour. we should remember that the weight of plate armour was less felt than that of mail, because the former was distributed over the whole body and limbs, while the latter hung from the shoulders and waist alone. king henry v, in courting queen katharine, says:--'if i could win a lady at leapfrog, or by vaulting into my saddle with my armour on my back,' which seems to imply that this feat was at any rate a possibility. oliver de la marche describes galliot de balthasin in as leaping clear out of his saddle 'armé de toute'. we may safely consign sir walter scott's description of the feasting knights to the realms of poetic licence, for he writes:-- they carved at the meal with gloves of steel and drank the red wine through their helmets barred. now if there were two portions of the knight's equipment which would be put off at the first opportunity, and which could be assumed the most rapidly, they were the helmet and gauntlets. to drink through a visored helmet is a practical impossibility. the word beavor, which is generally derived from the italian _bevere_, to drink, has been considered by baron de cosson, with far more probability, to be derived from the old french _bavière_ (originally = a child's bib, from _bave_, saliva). the cleaning of armour is frequently alluded to in inventories. in the dover castle inventory of is mentioned 'i barrelle pro armaturis rollandis'. chain-mail was rolled in barrels with sand and vinegar to clean it, just as, inversely, barrels are cleaned in the country at the present day by rolling chains in them. the mending and cleaning of armour was of the first importance, and the travelling knight took with him an armourer who was provided with such things as 'oil for dressing my lord's harness, a thousand armyng nayles (rivets) a payre of pynsores, pomyshe (pumice stone), fylles, a hammer and all other stuffe and tools belonginge to an armorer'.[ ] we can gather but little of the methods of the armourers in their work. it was so important a craft that its operations were most jealously guarded, and the term 'mystery', which was applied to the trade gilds of the middle ages, can be most fittingly given to that of the armour-smith. in the _weisskunig_ of hans burgkmair, the noted german engraver, appears an interesting woodcut of the young maximilian in the workshop of conrad seusenhofer, the famous armourer. in the text the master-smith is described as being anxious to make use of the 'forbidden art', but the young king replies, 'arm me according to my own taste, for it is i, not you, who have to take part in the tournament.' what this forbidden art may have been we have no suggestion given us. it seems, from this account, to be more than likely that seusenhofer possessed some mechanical means for stamping out armour plate; for it goes on to say, 'so this young king invented a new art for warriors' armour, so that in the workshop front pieces and hinder pieces were made at once. how wonderful and skilful was this king!' a most interesting album of designs by one 'jacobe', who has been identified by the late herr wendelin boeheim as jacobe topf, is now, after many vicissitudes, in the art library of the victoria and albert museum, south kensington. from the somewhat naïve treatment of the designs they can hardly be considered to be working drawings, but were more probably sketches submitted to the different patrons of the armourer and kept for reference. the album has been reproduced in facsimile, with a preface giving its history and verifying the suits drawn on its pages, by viscount dillon, curator of the tower armouries. space will not admit of more notice of this unique volume. its author seems to have worked almost entirely for the nobles of the court of queen elizabeth; only two of the designs were made for foreigners. of the famous armourers of italy, the missaglias, negrolis, and campi; and of the great colman family, seusenhofer and wolf, the master-craftsmen of germany, we can do no more than mention the names. experts in armour, like baron de cosson and herr boeheim, have in the various archaeological journals of england and germany brought to light many interesting facts about these armourers, but the confines of this handbook do not admit of detailed quotation, nor, indeed, is it necessary to study these details till the primary interest in defensive armour has been aroused. when this has been achieved the student will certainly leave no records unexamined in following to its farthest extremes this most fascinating study.[ ] [illustration: fig. . archer wearing jack. from the beauchamp pageants, fifteenth century.] it is almost superfluous to discuss the third of our axioms, namely, that which concerns the confession of material. all armour of the best periods does this to the full. it is only under the blighting influence of the renaissance that we find metal so worked that it resembles woven fabrics, or, worse still, the human form and features. the limited space at our disposal precludes us from investigating the various coats of fence, or body protections of quilted fabrics with metal, horn, and other materials added. mention has been made in the chapter on the transition of the brigandine, which formed a very serviceable defence without being so unwieldy as the suit of plate. there are several of these brigandines in english and european armouries. these defences weigh as much as lb., and are made of many small pieces of metal. an example in the tower contains , .[ ] fig. , from the beauchamp pageants (cotton ms., julius e. iv), shows an archer of the year wearing the jack over a shirt of mail. the jack was used by the rank and file, and was stuffed and wadded or composed of plates of metal or horn laced together with string between layers of leather or linen. chapter iv plate armour ( -about ) it is so very rare to be able to fix the date of a suit of armour at a particular year that we are forced, in dividing our periods of defensive armour with any degree of minuteness, to have recourse to the records existing in monumental effigies. the earliest brasses which show the whole suit of plate without camail or jupon are those of one of the d'eresby family at spilsby, lincolnshire, and of sir john wylcotes at great tew, oxon., both dated . in these brasses we find that the camail has become the standard of mail, or collarette, worn under the gorget of plate. the hauberk is seen beneath the taces and, in the former brass, in the '_défaut de la cuirasse_', or unprotected part at the junction of arm and body. in the great tew brass this part is protected by oval plates which, as we have noticed in a preceding chapter, are called motons or besagues. hewitt does not seem to have come across these terms in the course of his very minute investigations, but calls them croissants or gouchets. he quotes a passage from mathieu de coucy's _history of charles vii_ (p. ) which runs:--'au-dessous du bras at au vif de son harnois, par faute et manque d'y avoir un croissant ou gouchet.' haines, in his _monumental brasses_, mentions the moton, but assigns this name to a piece of plate rarely met with, shaped to fit under the right armpit only. with the disappearance of the jupon we see the body defence exposed to view. the breastplate is globular in form, and below the waist we see the taces or laminated strips of plate overlapping each other, which at this early period were attached to a leather lining. as we have seen in the chapter on the construction of armour, at a later period these taces were held together by sliding rivets, which allowed a certain amount of vertical play. plate armour, during the earlier years of the fifteenth century, was naturally in a somewhat experimental state, and we find frequent examples of the old forms and fashions in contemporary representations. about the year appears a distinct style, called 'gothic', which, of all types of defensive armour, is perhaps the most graceful. this term, 'gothic,' is as inappropriate, in the relation which it bore, to armour as to architecture; but its use is so general that we must perforce adopt it for want of a better. the salient points of gothic armour are the sweeping lines embossed on its surfaces (plate viii). the cuirass is generally made in two pieces, an upper and a lower, which allows more freedom for the body. from the taces are hung tassets, ending in a point towards the lower edge. the later form of gothic breastplate is longer, and the taces fewer in number. armour was so frequently remade to suit later fashions, or, from lack of antiquarian interest, so often destroyed, that there is little of this gothic armour existing in england, except those suits which have been acquired from the continent by private collectors or public museums. almost all of them are incomplete, or, if complete, have been restored--particularly the leg armour--at a recent date. perhaps the finest example of this style is to be found on the 'beauchamp' effigy in st. mary's church, warwick. space will not allow of a full account of the documents connected with the making of this magnificent figure, which was executed by will. austin, a bronze-founder, and bartholomew lambespring, a goldsmith, in , fifteen years after the death of the earl. all these interesting details are given very fully in blore's _monumental remains_. to students of the constructional side of armour this monument is particularly valuable because all the fastenings, rivets, and straps are conscientiously portrayed, not only on the front, but also at the back. charles stothard, the antiquary, when making drawings of the figure for his work on _monumental effigies_, turned it over and discovered this example of the care and technical ability of the makers. the breastplate is short, and consequently the taces are more numerous than when the breastplate is longer. they consist of five lames. from the taces hang four tassets, two bluntly pointed in front, and two much shorter, and more sharply pointed, over the hip-bones. the taces are hinged at the side for convenience in putting on and off. the coudes are large and of the butterfly-wing type, and the sollerets are of normal length. in many of the gothic suits these sollerets, following the custom in civil dress, were extravagantly long and pointed. this form is called 'à la poulaine', while the shorter kind are known as 'demi-poulaine'. some writers are apt to confuse this term 'poulaine' with 'poleyne', the knee-cop used in the earlier days of the transition period; it is needless to point out that they are quite distinct. baron de cosson has put forward a most interesting theory in connexion with this effigy. he finds a close resemblance between the armour here portrayed and that shown in the picture of st. george, by mantegna, in the accademia at venice. the earl of warwick, who is represented on this monument, is known to have been at milan in his youth, and to have taken part in tournaments at verona; so it is more than probable that he ordered his armour from the milanese armourers, of whom the famous missaglia family were the chief craftsmen, and who made some fine suits of this gothic style. [illustration: plate viii armour of ( ) archduke sigismond of tyrol, , ( ) louis xiv of france, .] the next distinctive style to be noticed is called the 'maximilian'. it can hardly be said that this new design was evolved from the gothic, though of necessity there must be a certain similarity between them, at least in constructional detail. it is more likely, when we consider the individuality of the young maximilian, especially as recorded in hans burgkmair's _weisskunig_, and his interest in every art, craft, and trade, that it was a fashion made, so to speak, to order. the maximilian period of armour may be said to last from about to . it is distinguished by the radiating fluted channels that spread from a central point in the breastpiece, closely resembling the flutings of the scallop-shell (fig. ). the main lines of the suit are heavier and more clumsy than those of the gothic variety. the breastplate is shorter, globose in form, and made in one piece as distinct from the gothic breastplate, which was generally composed of an upper and lower portion. the pauldrons are larger and the upstanding neck-guards more pronounced. the coude and genouillière are both smaller than in the gothic suit, and fit more closely to the limbs. in imitation of the civilian dress the solleret becomes shorter and broader in the toe. this variety is known as the 'bec de cane' or 'bear-paw' soleret. some writers use the term sabaton for the foot-defence of this period. this term is found (sabataynes) in the hastings manuscript referred to in the preceding chapter. the pauldrons of the maximilian suit are generally of unequal size; that for the right arm being smaller, to admit of the couching of the lance under the armpit (fig. ). the tassets are made in two or more pieces, connected with the strap and sliding rivet described in the preceding chapter. the fluting on the maximilian armour is not without practical purpose, for, besides presenting the 'glancing' surface, which has been before referred to, it gives increased strength and rigidity without much extra weight. a modern example of this is to be found in the corrugated iron used for roofing, which will stand far greater pressure than will the same thickness of metal used flat. [illustration: fig. . gothic suit. turin armoury.] [illustration: fig. . maximilian suit. vienna armoury, .] it is at this period of the history of defensive armour that we first find traces of that decadence which later on permeated every art and craft with its pernicious poison. it is to be found in the imitating of fabrics and also of the human face in metal. there exist suits of plate in many museums, both in england and on the continent, in which the puffings and slashings of the civilian attire are closely copied in embossed metal, entirely destroying the important glancing surfaces on which we have laid such stress. it is alleged that this fashion in civilian dress was intended to suggest, by the cutting of the material to show an undergarment beneath, that the wearer was a fighting man who had seen rough service. if this be the case it is the more reprehensible that metal should be treated in a similar manner; for hard usage would dent, but it would not tear. a portion of one of these debased suits is drawn on fig. . it must not be supposed that all armour at this period was fluted. there was still a good deal which had a plain surface, and this plain armour continued to be used after the maximilian armour had been given up. it may have been that the evil genius of the renaissance pointed to the plain surfaces as excellent fields for the skill of the decorator, a field which the strongly-marked flutings of the maximilian armour could not offer. at first this decoration was confined to engraved borders, or, if the design covered the whole suit, it was so lightly engraved that the smooth surface was in no way impaired, though perhaps some of the dignified simplicity of the plain metal was lost. an instance of this proper application of ornament to armour is to be found in the 'seusenhofer' suit in the tower (plate vi), made to the order of the emperor maximilian for henry viii. it is one of the finest suits of this period in existence. the ornament is lightly engraved all over it, and includes representations of the legends of st. george and st. barbara. instead of taces and tassets the lower part of the body and the thighs are protected by steel bases made in folds to imitate the skirts worn in civilian dress. it will be remembered that in the preceding chapter a conversation between seusenhofer and the young maximilian was quoted, and when we study this suit carefully we feel that the young king did wisely in the choice of his master-armourer. the craftsman's poinçon or mark is to be found at the back of the helmet. if space but permitted we might devote many pages to the work of the great armour-smiths as exemplified in the armouries of madrid and vienna. it is difficult, at this period of history, to generalize at all satisfactorily. each suit is, in many ways, distinct from its neighbour, just as the character and personality of the wearers differed. the young maximilian's words to seusenhofer, 'arm me according to my own taste,' is true of every suit that we examine, for it is evident that each man had his own favourite fashion or, from physical necessity, was provided with some special variation from the usual form. an instance of this may be noted in the barendyne helm at haseley church, near thame, in which an extra plate has been added at the lower edge of the helm to suit the length of neck of the last wearer. as the experience of the armourer increased, and as the science of war developed, the armed man trusted more to the fixed defences of his person than to the more primitive protection of the movable shield. in the tilt-yard and also in war the mounted man endeavoured to present his left side to his adversary. on consideration the reason for this will be plain, for the right arm was required to be free and, as far as possible, unhampered by heavy armour, but the left arm, held at rest at the bridle, could be covered with as heavy defences as the wearer might choose. this form of unequal arming is well shown on the frontispiece. the left shoulder wears a large pauldron with a high neck-guard, and the elbow wears the passe-guard which we have noticed in detail in the preceding chapter. the leg armour in this suit should be noticed, for it is extremely fine and graceful in line, and yet proclaims its material. the suit of henry viii (plate vi) is a good specimen of armour of the maximilian period, but without the flutings which generally distinguish this style of plate. the neck-guards are high and the large coudes show the glancing surface plainly. this detail also is shown on the fan plates at the genouillières, which in the tower inventories are called by the more english term 'knee-cops'. the bridle-hand of the rider wears the manifer (main-de-fer). those writers who still follow blindly the incorrect nomenclature of meyrick give the name mainfaire or manefer to the crinet or neck defence of the horse. how this absurd play upon words can ever have been taken seriously passes understanding. the manifer is solely the rigid iron gauntlet for the bridle-hand, where no sudden or complicated movement of the wrist or fingers was needed; another instance of the difference in arming the two sides of the body. this difference of arming is more noticeable in the jousting armour, for in military sports, especially during the sixteenth century, the object of the contestants was to score points rather than to injure each other. we find, therefore, such pieces as the grand-guard, and with it the volant piece, the passe-guard, the poldermitton--so called from its likeness to the 'épaule de mouton', and worn over the bend of the right arm--and the various reinforcing breastplates which were screwed on to the left side of the tilting suit to offer a more rigid defence and also to present additional glancing surface to the lance-point. in some varieties of joust a small wooden shield was fastened to the left breast, and when this was the case the heavy pauldron was dispensed with. the large vamplate (plate xi) sufficiently protected the right arm from injury. the nuremberg suit (plate vii) shows this form of arming for the joust. the great helm is firmly screwed to the back and breast, the two holes on the left side of the breastplate are for the attachment of the shield, the rigid bridle-cuff, covers the left hand, and the curved elbow-guard--this is not the passe-guard--protects the bend of the left arm as the poldermitton protects the right. the large circular disc defends the _vif de l'harnois_, and is _bouché_ or notched at its lower end to allow the lance to be couched, resting on the curved lance-rest in front and lodged under the queue at the back. the legs, in this variety of joust, were not armed; for the object of the jousters was to unhorse each other, and it was necessary to have perfect freedom in gripping the horse's sides. sometimes a great plate of metal, curved to cover the leg, was worn to protect the wearer from the shock of impact. this was called the dilge, or tilting cuisse, which is shown on plate viii behind the figure of count sigismond, and also on plate vii. the large-bowed saddle also was used for this end. there is one of these saddles in the tower which measures nearly feet in height. behind the saddle-bow are two rings which encircled the rider's legs. it is needless to point out that in this form of joust the object was to break lances and not to unhorse; for, if the latter were intended, the rider stood a good chance of breaking his legs owing to his rigid position in the saddle. the tonlet suit (fig. ) was used solely for fighting on foot. the bell-shaped skirt of plate was so constructed with the sliding rivets or straps which have been before referred to, that it could be pulled up and down. sometimes the lower lame could be taken off altogether. when fighting with axes or swords in the lists this plate skirt presented a glancing surface to the weapon and protected the legs. the tonlet is variously called by writers upon armour, bases, lamboys, or jamboys; of the two latter terms jamboys is the more correct. the bases were originally the cloth skirts in vogue in civilian dress at the time of henry viii, and when defensive armour followed civilian fashion the name came to be applied to the steel imitation. [illustration: fig. . tonlet suit. madrid.] [illustration: fig. . war suit, . vienna armoury.] towards the end of the sixteenth century we find the weight of the war harness gradually decrease. the richly-ornamented suits which mark this period were in no way suited for any practical purpose and were used only for parades. extended campaigns and long marches necessitated lighter equipment, and we find in contemporary records instances, not only of the men-at-arms discarding their armour owing to its inconvenience, but also of commanders ordering them to lighten their equipment for greater rapidity of movement. sir richard hawkins, in his _observations_ on his voyage into the south sea ( ), writes: 'i had great preparation of armours as well of proofe as of light corsletts, yet not a man would use them, but esteemed a pott of wine a better defence than an armour of proofe.' again, sir john smythe, in his _instructions, observations and orders militarie_ ( ), writes: ... 'i saw but very few of that army (at the camp at tilbury) that had any convenience of apparrell to arme withal.' edward davies, in , mentions the fact that men armed 'with a heavie shirt of mail and a burganet, by that time they have marched in the heat of summer or deepe of winter ten or twelve english miles, they are apt more to rest than readie to fight'. as early as the year we find that at the battle of auray sir hugh calverley ordered his men to take off their cuisses that they might move more rapidly. in the armour of the late sixteenth century one of the chief points of difference from the former fashions is to be found in the cuisses. whereas these defences were formerly made of one, or possibly two plates, we now find them laminated from waist to knee and joined by the strap and sliding rivet arrangement which we have noted in the arm defences and tassets. the tassets are now no longer used (fig. ). very soon the jambs were given up in favour of buff boots, and when once this was established the next step was the half suit which will be noticed in a succeeding chapter. [illustration: plate ix design for a suit of armour for sir henry lee, from the _almain armourer's album_.] after the fourteenth century the great helm was but seldom used for war, but for jousting it was still retained, and, as this form of military sport was practised more scientifically, so the weight and shape of the helm were made to suit the necessary conditions. the brocas helm (plate v) is the finest example of english helm of this period; it weighs lb. the other known examples of home manufacture are the westminster helm, which was discovered in the triforium of westminster abbey in , and weighs lb. oz.; the dawtray helm at petworth ( lb. oz.); the barendyne helm at haseley, near thame ( - / lb.); the fogge helm at ashford, sussex ( lb.); the wallace helm, in the collection at hertford house ( lb.); and the great headpiece in the possession of captain lindsay of sutton courtenay, abingdon, which turns the scale at lb. oz. it will be seen from the weight of these helms that they could only be used for the jousting course and were put off on the first opportunity. the details of their construction have been noticed in chapter iii. on referring to plate v it will be seen that the bascinet was the precursor of the salade, which may be considered the typical headpiece of the fifteenth century. the rear peak of the bascinet is prolonged over the neck, and in a later form of german origin the peak is hinged to allow the wearer to throw back his head with ease. the ocularium, or vision slit, is sometimes cut in the front of the salade, but more often it is found in a pivoted visor which could be thrown back. the beavor is generally a separate piece strapped round the neck or, in tilting, bolted to the breastplate. some writers call this the mentonière, but this name should rather be applied to the tilting breastplate which also protected the lower portion of the face. shakespeare uses the term beavor very loosely, and frequently means by it the whole helmet. the german 'schallern', or salade, so called from its shell-like form, seems to have been evolved from the chapel-de-fer or war-hat by contracting the brim at the sides and prolonging it at the back. in fact, in chastelain's account of the fight between jacques de lalain and gérard de roussillon the salade worn by messire jacques is described as 'un chapeau de fer d'ancienne façon'.[ ] the salade was often richly decorated. baron de cosson, in the preface to the catalogue of helmets exhibited at the archaeological institute in june, [ ], instances a salade made for the duke of burgundy in , which was valued at , crowns of gold. more modest decoration was obtained by covering the salade with velvet and fixing ornaments over this of gilded iron or brass. there are several of these covered salades in the various collections in england and on the continent. sometimes the salade was painted, as we see in an example in the tower. the armet, or close helmet, followed the salade, and is mentioned by oliver de la marche as early as .[ ] the name is supposed to be a corruption of 'heaumet', the diminutive of 'heaume', the great helm of the fourteenth century.[ ] whereas the salade is in form a hat-like defence, the armet fits the head closely and can only be put on by opening the helmet, as is shown on plate v and fig. . the various parts of the armet have been already described in chapter iii. the armet does not appear in monumental effigies in england before the reign of henry viii. the english were never in a hurry to take up new fashions in armour; being to a large extent dependent on the work of foreign craftsmen, they seem to have waited to prove the utility of an innovation before adopting it. against this, however, we must place the fact that in the picture at hampton court of the meeting of henry viii and maximilian, the english are all shown wearing armets, while the germans still wear the salade. the armet on the seusenhofer suit in the tower, which has been noticed in this chapter, is a very perfect example of this style of headpiece. the burgonet is an open helmet, and, as the name implies, of burgundian origin. to those students who consult meyrick it is advisable to give a word of warning as to this author's theory of the burgonet. he assumes that it is a variety of the armet, but with a grooved collar which fitted over the gorget. his authority for this assertion is a single reference in the _origines des chevaliers armoriés et heraux_, by fauchet.[ ] space will not allow of the investigation of this authority, but baron de cosson in the catalogue above quoted effectively disposes of meyrick's theory.[ ] the salient points of the burgonet, as may be seen on plate v, are the umbril or brim projecting over the eyes, and the upstanding comb or (in some cases) three combs that appear on the skull-piece. in the best examples these combs are forged with the skull out of one piece of metal, a _tour de force_ in craftsmanship that could hardly be surpassed. the ear-flaps are hinged at the sides, and at the base of the skull is fixed the panache, or plume-holder. the faceguard, when used with the burgonet, is called the buffe,[ ] and, like the beavor worn with the salade, is held in place by a strap round the neck. this form of helmet was chiefly used by light cavalry. the morion and the cabasset are both helmets worn by foot-soldiers, and appear about the middle of the sixteenth century. the cabasset is generally to be distinguished by the curious little point projecting from the apex. often the comb and upturned brim of the morion are extravagant in form and tend to make the helmet exceedingly heavy and inconvenient. [illustration: fig. . pavis. cotton ms. julius e. iv, .] the shields of the fifteenth and sixteenth century were more for display than for use, except in the tilt-yard. as we have seen, the development of plate armour, especially on the left side, made the shield not only unnecessary, but also inconvenient. in the joust, however, where it was important that the lance should find no hold on a vital part of the body, such as the juncture of the arm, the shield was used to glance the weapon off, or, where unhorsing was the object, it was ribbed with diagonally crossing ridges to give the lance-point a surer hold. the pavis or pavoise (fig. ) was more generally used by archers and crossbowmen as a cover. a good specimen of the pavis exists in the ashmolean museum at oxford, and there are two large examples of heavier make with peepholes for the archer, and wooden props as shown in our illustration, at brussels and berlin. [illustration: plate x _photograph by viscount dillon._ horse armour of the emperor maximilian. tower.] chapter v horse armour the fully-equipped knight, whether in the cumbrous garments of mail or in the more adaptable suit of plate, was so entirely dependent on his horse, both in active warfare and in the tilt-yard, that some notice of the defences of the destrier or war-horse is necessary in this short examination of the history of defensive armour. on the bayeux tapestry there is no suggestion of armour of any kind upon the horses, but wace writes in the _roman de rou_ (line , )-- vint williame li filz osber son cheval tot covert de fer. we should remember, however, that wace wrote in the second half of the twelfth century and, like the other chroniclers of the middle ages, both in picture and text, portrayed his characters in the dress of his own time. the trapper of mail shown on fig. is taken from stothard's drawing of one of the paintings in the painted chamber at westminster, now destroyed.[ ] these decorations are supposed to have been executed about the year . here the horse is shown covered with a most inconvenient housing of mail, which can hardly have been in very general use, in this particular form at any rate; for it would be almost impossible for a horse to walk, let alone to trot or gallop, with such a defence. the textile trapper was, of course, lighter, and was used merely for ornament and display, though it may have been designed, as the surcoat was, to protect the mail defence beneath from wet. jean chartier, in his _histoire de charles vi_ (p. ), states that sometimes these rich trappings or housings were, after the death of their owner, bequeathed to churches, where they were used for altar hangings, or inversely, when trappings were needed, the churches were despoiled of their embroideries to provide them. [illustration: fig. . trapper of mail, from the painted chamber, westminster, thirteenth century.] [illustration: fig. . ivory chessman, from hewitt's _ancient armour_, fourteenth century.] the mailed horse appears as early as the roman period, and is shown on the column of trajan, but in europe he does not seem to have been commonly in use much before the thirteenth century. as the man was sometimes defended entirely by garments of quilted fabrics, so the horse also wore pourpointed housings. we can only surmise, from the folds and lines shown on seals or drawings, which variety is intended; but the stiff lines of the housing on the seal of roger de quinci, earl of winchester ( - ), and its raised lozenges, seem to suggest a thicker substance than does the more flowing drapery on fig. . matthew paris, in describing the battle of nuova croce in , writes that 'a credible italian asserted that milan with its dependencies raised an army of six thousand men-at-arms with iron-clad horses'. an ordinance of philip the fair, in , provides that every holder of an estate of livres rental should furnish a man at-arms well mounted on a horse 'couvert de couvertures de fer ou de couverture pourpointe'. the caparisoned horse first appears on royal seals in the reign of edward i. in the roll of purchases of windsor park tournament ( ), the horses are provided with parchment crests, and the clavones or rivets used for fixing these crests are mentioned in the wardrobe accounts of edward i in : 'cum clavis argenti pro eodem capello.' the earliest note we have of a rigid defence for the horse is in the windsor roll, which contains the following item:--'d milon le cuireur xxxviij copita cor de similitud' capit equoz.' this headpiece was of leather, either used in its natural state or as cuirbouilli, and seems to be the material suggested in the ivory chessman (fig. ) illustrated in hewitt (vol. ii, p. ). in the will of the earl of surrey ( ) is mentioned a breastpiece of leather for a horse. in the fifteenth century we find the horse protected with plate like his rider, and usually the lines of the barding or horse armour follow those of the man. fig. shows the armed horse with the various portions of his defence named. [illustration: fig. . horse armour. a, chamfron; b, crinet; c, peytral; d, flanchards; e, arçon; f, cantel; g, crupper; h, tail-guard; j, metal rein-guard; k, glancing-knob.] the chamfron is sometimes provided with hinged cheek-plates and usually has a holder for a plume. on the forehead are often shown the arms of the owner or a tapered spike. angellucci, in his preface to the catalogue of the turin armoury, differentiates between the chamfron (tesera) and the frontale or plate protecting the front of the head alone. there are fine suits of gothic horse armour both in the musée d'artillerie in paris and also in the wallace collection at hertford house. the latter is one of the best-arranged mounted suits in existence. the different pieces of the horse armour bear the delicate sweeping lines embossed on the surface in the same way that the armour of the man is treated. the restored linings of leather and skin show how the horse was protected from the chafing of the metal. the peytral or poitrel is hung from the neck and withers, and is frequently provided with large bosses, called _bossoirs_, _pezoneras_, or _glancing-knobs_, to direct the lance-thrust away from the horse. it is often hinged in three pieces. the flanchards hang from the saddle on either side, and are sometimes, as on plate iv and the frontispiece, curved upwards in the centre to admit of the use of the spur. the back of the horse is protected by the croupière or crupper, which is made up of several pieces riveted or hinged together. the root of the tail is covered by a tubular plate called the gardequeue, which is often moulded into the form of a dragon or dolphin. all these plates were lined with leather or wadded with cotton to prevent chafing. often, however, cuirbouilli was used instead of metal and was richly decorated with painting and gilding. a picture of the battle of pavia in the ashmolean museum, oxford, shows many of these painted bards, and the same material is doubtless intended in the relief of the battle of brescia on the visconti monument at pavia. these leather bards have entirely disappeared and are not to be found in any collections except for a portion of a crupper of this material in the tower. the saddle, with its high arciones or peaks, back and front, was in itself an efficacious protection for the waist and loins. the term cantle is sometimes used for either plate, but it is generally accepted as the name for the rear peak. both this part and the front plate are often covered with metal. the great jousting saddles have been noticed in the preceding chapter. the reins are protected from being cut by hinged plates, as shown on plate x.[ ] these pieces constitute the armour of the horse as usually found in museums and in painting and sculpture. there is, however, in the zeughaus in vienna a curious portrait of harnischmeister albrecht, dated . the horse on which he rides is armed completely with plate except for an aperture in the flanchards for using the spur. the legs are covered with hinged and bolted defences very similar to those of the armour for men. it might be supposed that this was but a fantastic idea of the painter, if viscount dillon had not discovered a cuissard, or thigh-piece, which much resembles those shown on the picture, in the musée de la porte de hal, brussels. in the days of the decadence, when the craft of the armourer was to a great extent overwhelmed by the riotous fancy of the decorator, the horse shared with his rider in this display. the armour shown on plate x, known as the burgundian armour from the badges of the emperor maximilian which adorn it, does not offend in this respect, because the embossing serves to give rigidity to the metal without interfering with its defensive qualities. the same may be said of the barding shown on the frontispiece, but on plate iv the loss of dignity in line, and the embossed hemisphere--which, for its purpose, should be smooth--show the beginning of the decay in constructional skill. the highly ornamented pageant armour made for the elector christian ii, now in the dresden museum, though extraordinarily perfect in workmanship, should be classed rather as the work of goldsmith or sculptor than as that of the armourer. chapter vi the decadence of armour [illustration: fig. . grotesque helmet, sixteenth century. nuremberg.] in the practice of any of the crafts, or applied arts as they are now called, the surest and most manifest signs of decadence are to be found in two aspects of that craft. the first of these is that which refers to the material used. with regard to armour this consideration is faithfully adhered to in most examples of the armourer's work up to the end of the fifteenth century; but by the beginning of the sixteenth century we find the craftsman becoming wearied of his technical perfection and the simplicity and constructional dignity which invariably accompanies such perfection. his efforts are now directed to fashioning his metal into such forms as in no way suggest his material, but only show a certain meretricious skill in workmanship. fig. shows a very favourite form of this artistic incoherence. the defensive properties of the helmet are in no way increased, but rather are annulled by presenting hollows and projections where before a smooth surface existed. it is superfluous to point out the grotesque and bizarre effect of this human face in metal.[ ] another instance of this wilful disregard of material is to be noticed in those suits which imitate the puffed and slashed dress in fashion for civilian wear during the sixteenth century. many of these suits exist in english and european armouries, which proves that they were popular, but to the true craftsman there is something degrading in the efforts of the expert ironworker, expending his energies, not to produce a finely constructed piece of work, but rather to imitate the seams and pipings of the work of a tailor or dressmaker; and, however much we may admire his technical skill, we must, perforce, place his artistic aspirations side by side with the 'grainer and marbler' who was so conspicuous a factor in domestic decoration in the middle of the nineteenth century. fig. shows this decadence carried to its furthest pitch. by the middle of the sixteenth century the renaissance, which had been, in the first instance, the birth of all that is best in european art and craftsmanship, became a baneful influence. the expert painter, having mastered the intricacies of his art, turned them into extravagant channels and exaggerated action; foreshortened figures and optical illusions took the place of the dignified compositions of the earlier period. nor could the crafts escape this deadly poison. to the credit of the craftsmen we may hope that the luxurious indulgence and ostentatious display of the princely patron was the cause of decadence in the crafts, rather than the inclination of the workers themselves. still the fact remains that, as soon as the plain and constructionally sound work began to be overspread with ornament, architecture, metal-work, wood-carving, and all the allied arts began to be debased from their former high position. with the decoration of armour its practical utility began to decline. it must be admitted, however, that one reason for the decoration was that armour was, by degrees, less and less used for war and only retained for pageant, joust, and parade in which personal display and magnificence were demanded. [illustration: fig. . puffed suit, sixteenth century. vienna.[ ]] [illustration: fig. . casque after negroli, sixteenth century. paris.] the engraved and inlaid suits of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, although they offend the craftsman's eye as does the decorated bicycle of the oriental potentate to-day, do not transgress that important law, on which so much stress has been laid, of offering a glancing surface to the opposing weapon. it is when we come to the embossed suits with their hollows and projections that we find the true character of armour lost and the metal used only as a material for exhibiting the dexterity of the workman without any consideration for its use or construction. this interference with the glancing surface is noticeable in the suit illustrated in fig. , but even here there is some excuse, in that the designer had reason for his embossing of the metal--if the imitation of the puffed suit was to be carefully portrayed. the same, however, cannot be urged for those suits which are simply covered with ornament with no purpose, little meaning, and less composition or design. if we set aside our opinions as to the suitability of the ornament, we are compelled to admire the wonderful technical skill which produced such pieces as the suit made for king sebastian of portugal by anton pfeffenhauser of augsburg, and now in the madrid armoury. here every deity of olympus, the allegorical figures of justice, strength, and the cardinal virtues, crowd together with navigation, peace, and victory; roman warriors fighting with elephants are found among amorini, satyrs, and tritons; while every inch of the metal not devoted to this encyclopaedia of history and legend is crowded with foliage and scroll-work of that debased and unnatural form which has become the branding mark of this period of the renaissance. [illustration: fig. . pageant shield, sixteenth century. vienna.] it will be sufficient to give one example of this prostitution of art and craftsmanship. this helmet after negroli (fig. ), and a similar example, signed by negroli, at madrid, show how the canons of the armourer's craft were ignored at this period. it is true that the casque still provides a metal covering for the head, and that the comb gives an additional protection to the skull, but when we examine the embossed figures at the side--and marvellously good the embossing is--we find lodgements for the sword or spear which would most certainly help to detach the helmet from its wearer. as to the comb, it may fairly be cited as an example of all that is artistically worst in the late renaissance. its technical merits only emphasize this. the warrior is laid on his back to suit the required shape of the helmet, and to give point to his position his hair is held by two figures whose attributes seem to suggest that intercrossing of birds, beasts, and fishes which delighted the decadent mind of the period. the figures are human to the waist and end in a dolphin's tail. angels' wings spring from their shoulders and leopards' claws from the junction of tail and waist. not content with this outrage to the dignity of art, the craftsman ends his warrior in an architectural base which has not even the slight merit of probability which the tail of the merman might offer. in short it is an example of technical skill at its highest, and artistic perception at its lowest point. the shield from the vienna collection (fig. ) is another example, like king sebastian's suit, of meaningless decoration. the strap work does not in any way follow the lines of the shield, and the female figures seem to be introduced only to show that the craftsman could portray the human form in steel as easily as he could the more conventional ornament. as the armourer, weary of constructional skill, turned to ornament as a means of showing to what further extent his powers could expand, so, with this change in his point of view, his constructional skill itself declined. the headpiece, which in the golden age of the armourer was forged in as few pieces as possible, is in the late seventeenth century made of many pieces, as the art of skilful forging declines. the ingenious articulations of the soleret are changed, and the foot is cased in plates which, overlapping only in one direction, preclude the easy movement of the wearer. the fine lines of leg and arm defences, which in the fifteenth and sixteenth century follow the shape of the limbs, give place to straight tubular plates which can only be likened to the modern stove-pipe. the grace and symmetry of the gothic suit shown on plate viii, especially the leg armour, exemplify this merit of the best period of armour, while the suit made for louis xiv, and the gilt suit of charles i in the tower, offend in the opposite direction. another sure indication of the decadence of the craftsman is to be found in the imitation of constructional detail with no practical purpose. examples of this may be seen in late seventeenth-century armour, where a single plate is embossed to represent several overlapping plates or lames, and also in the plentiful use of '_clous perdus_' or false rivets which are scattered broadcast on some suits in places where no rivets are needed. to turn from the degradation of the simplicity and constructional perfection of armour to the reasons which led to its gradual disuse, we find that, after the gothic period, armour became heavier, partly because of the shock tactics in vogue on active service and partly because, in the case of jousting armour, strength and great weight were needed to protect the wearer from vital injury, and partly because the improvement of firearms necessitated extra defence. the temper of the metal used was such that it would resist a pistol shot, as we have noticed in chapter iii; and on examining the surface of the metal we find, as in the pembridge helm, that it is of so fine a texture that a modern knife will not leave a scratch when testing it. therefore we must regard the weight of armour as one of the chief reasons for its disuse. again, military tactics necessitated forced marches and longer expeditions than before; or at any rate it was discovered that when engaging in long expeditions the troops were chafed and hindered by their armour. it is somewhat curious to note that as the leg was the first part of the body to be armed with plate, so the leg armour was the first to be discarded. the jambs were the first pieces to go, and were replaced, in the case of the mounted man, by thick buff leather boots. the tassets were prolonged to the knee or--to describe this portion of the armour in a different way--the cuisses themselves were formed of riveted lames and the tassets discarded. the helmet at the latter end of the seventeenth century is generally open and of the burgonet type. the breastplate is usually short and projects downwards at the lower portion after the fashion of the 'peascod' doublet of civilian wear. as early as , at the siege of zutphen, we find officers discarding their armour and keeping only the cuirass. from the hatfield mss. we learn that a penny a day was allowed to each soldier in , over and above his pay, for the wearing and carriage of his armour, because it had become the custom for the troops to give their accoutrements to the baggage-carriers when on the march: 'a matter both unseemly for soldiers and also very hurtful unto the armour by bruising and breaking thereof, whereby it becometh unserviceable.' in cruso's _militarie instructions for the cavallrie_ ( ), we find that the arquebusiers had wholly left off their armour in favour of buff coats. turner's _pallas armata_ ( ) mentions the armour of officers as 'a headpiece, a corslet and a gorget, the captain having a plume of feathers in his helmet, the lieutenant not'. further on we read, 'now the feathers you may peradventure find, but the headpiece for the most part is laid aside.' fig. shows that half armour was still worn during the commonwealth, but by the restoration very little was retained except for ceremonial use. as far as can be gleaned from contemporary letters and histories, charles i never wore either the somewhat cumbrous gilt suit which is shown at the tower or the more graceful half suit of blued steel in which vandyke represented him in his equestrian portrait. all the metal defence we can be sure he actually wore is a steel broad-brimmed hat covered with velvet. the headpiece used by the cavalry during the civil war is of the same type as no. on plate iv, a variety of the burgonet with a movable nasal. the breastplate continued to be worn during the wars of marlborough, but that, too, was discarded when the efficacy of the musket proved its uselessness. the last survival of plate armour is to be found in the gorget. this became smaller as the uniform was changed, and in the end was simply a small crescent of brass hung at the neck. it was worn by infantry officers up to the year , at which date it was given up in england. [illustration: fig. . cromwellian pikeman. tower.] the last official use of full plate armour was at the coronation of george iv, when the king's champion, dymoke, entered westminster hall and threw down the gauntlet to challenge those who disputed the king's right to the crown. the suit worn on this occasion belonged originally to sir christopher hatton, captain of the guard to queen elizabeth, and was made by jacobe,[ ] whose designs for armour have been referred to in chapter iii. the suit is now in the guard room at windsor. the guardia nobile of the pope still wear the picturesque half armour of the sixteenth century. the cuirass and helmet of the household cavalry of the present day are not survivals, for they were introduced at the time of the coronation of george iv. the study of defensive armour and weapons must of necessity need much careful comparison of examples and investigation of documentary evidence, but, even when undertaken only superficially, it will add greatly to the interest of modern history and of the arts of war. costume can only be studied from pictorial and sculptured records, but in the case of armour we have, after a certain period, actual examples not only of historical but also of personal interest. with modern methods of arrangement and with the expert care of those most learned in this subject these examples will be an ever-present record which may be examined with more interest than might be bestowed upon many branches of the applied arts; because, in addition to the interest centred in the personality of the wearers, we have the sure signs of the master-craftsman which are always evident in good craftsmanship, and, not infrequently, the sign-manual of the worker himself. chapter vii weapons the sword. at the time of the conquest the sword was straight, broad in blade, two-edged and pointed. the quillons were straight and the grip ended in a pommel which, as far as we can judge from illustrated records, was square, round, lozenge-shaped or trefoiled (fig. ). there is not much change in the general lines of the sword during the twelfth century except in the form of the pommel. [illustration: fig. . sword-hilts.] in the thirteenth century the point, instead of starting abruptly at the extreme end of the blade, is of a more gradual form, showing that the use of the sword for thrusting was more general than in the previous centuries. the grip seems to be very short for the proper balance of the weapon, if we may judge from those shown on plate iii, , , . [illustration: fig. . a, pommel; b, grip; c, knuckle-bow; d, d, quillons; e, counter-guard; f, pas d'âne; g, ricasso; h, blade.] [illustration: fig. . schiavona.] the quillons curve upwards towards the point and the pommel is frequently decorated with the badge or arms of the owner. the symbol of the cross is frequently found on the sword-pommel. at this period the handle and scabbard are frequently enriched with ornamental metal-work set with gems, as we find on the monument of king john in worcester cathedral. the cruciform shape of the sword-hilt continues through the fourteenth century without much radical change in its construction, but in the fifteenth century we find the 'pas d'âne', which is formed of two rings curving above the quillons on each side of the ricasso, or squared part of the blade above the hilt (fig. ). it is usual to describe the sword as it is held for use in hand; that is with the point as the highest part and the pommel as the lowest. after the fifteenth century sword-play began to be studied as a science, and we find that, besides being used for offensive purposes, the sword-hilt was so designed as to be a defence in itself. from this we get all the guards and counterguards, which are so varied and intricate that it would require more space than is at our disposal to treat of them with any degree of completeness. [illustration: fig. . two-hand sword.] the type of sword that was thus developed by practice in its use was purely for thrusting purposes. the sword for cutting alone is generally simpler in form. the cutilax, falchion, dussack, and cutlas are all weapons of this order and generally have a simple hilt. the modern claymore is really an adaptation of the italian schiavona (fig. ), and is in no way derived from the claymore proper, the two-hand sword of the middle ages. this great weapon, often as much as feet in length from point to pommel, was used by foot-soldiers, and special military arrangements were made for the space given to its users, who required a good sweeping distance between each man (fig. ). the hand-and-half sword is a variety of cross-hilted sword, in which the grip is sufficiently long for two or three fingers of the left hand to be used to assist the right hand in delivering a swinging cut. the early dagger is of much the same form as the sword; it was worn on the right side with the sword on the left. one variety of the dagger was called the miséricorde. it was finely pointed and, as its name grimly implies, was intended to penetrate the joints of the armour to give the _coup de grâce_ to the fallen knight. the main-gauche is also of the dagger order, but has a broad knuckle-guard and long straight quillons. it was used in conjunction with the rapier in duels with the point upwards, more as a means of warding off the sword-thrust than for actual stabbing. the anelace and cinquedea are broad-bladed short weapons used for stabbing only. the baselard was the short sword carried by civilians in the fifteenth century. of staff weapons the principal is, of course, the lance. at the time of the conquest and up to the fourteenth century the shaft of the lance was of even thickness with lozenge- or leaf-shaped point. during the fourteenth century we find the shaft swelling just above the grip and then tapering below it. plate xi, , shows the lance provided with a vamplate or shield, which protected the hand and made the right gauntlet unnecessary. tilting lances are sometimes as much as feet in length, and one specimen in the tower weighs lb. an engraving by lucas cranach ( - ), which depicts a tourney or mêlée of knights, shows the combatants preceded by squires on horseback who support these weighty lances till the moment of impact, when, it is presumed, they moved aside out of danger. the lance-point was sharp for active service, but for tournaments it was supposed to be blunted. this practice, however, was so often neglected that ordinances were framed enjoining the use of the coronal or trefoiled button, which is shown on plate xi, . the other long-shafted staff weapons may be divided into those for stabbing and those for cutting. the gisarme is a long-handled weapon which some writers consider to have been much the same as the pole-axe. from wace we learn that it was sharp, long, and broad.[ ] it was in all probability a primitive form of the bill. this was also a broad-bladed weapon and was used only by foot-soldiers. it seems to have been evolved from the agricultural scythe. the godendag was the name given by the flemings to the halbard. it had an axe-blade with curved or straight spikes at the back and a long point to terminate the shaft. in this detail it differed from the pole-axe. the halbard proper was used as early as the thirteenth century and appears in the designs from the painted chamber at westminster figured by stothard.[ ] from the seventeenth century onwards it was used only for ceremonial purposes and was richly decorated. it was carried on parade by infantry drum-majors in england as late as . it was much favoured by the swiss, who armed the front rank of the footmen with this weapon. those used for parade purposes are elaborately engraved on the blades, while the shafts are often covered with velvet and studded with gilded nails. these ornate weapons are used still by the gentlemen-at-arms on state occasions. the voulge is a primitive weapon evolved from an agricultural implement of the same class as the hedging bill in use at the present day. the lochaber axe is of much the same form; its distinguishing feature being the hook at the top of the shaft, which was used in scaling walls. the glaive is also a broad-bladed weapon, but where the bill and gisarme are more or less straight towards the edge, the glaive curves backwards. it is often to be found richly engraved for show purposes. in french writings the word glaive is sometimes loosely used for lance or sword. the stabbing or thrusting long-shafted weapons include the lance, spear, and javelin. after these the most important is the pike. this is very similar to the spear, but was used exclusively by foot-soldiers. in the seventeenth century it was carried by infantry interspersed among the arquebusiers. there are several works on pike-drill and treatises on its management. lord orrery, in his _art of war_, comments on the differences in length and recommends that all should be - / feet long. the shaft was made of seasoned ash and the head was fastened with two cheeks of iron, often feet long, which ran down the shaft to prevent the head being cut off by cavalry. at the butt-end was a spike for sticking into the ground when resisting cavalry. in a treatise entitled _the art of training_ ( ) directions are given that the 'grip' of the shaft should be covered with velvet to afford a sure hold for the hand. this grip was called the armin. there are also suggestions that a tassel should be fixed midway to prevent the rain running down the shaft and so causing the hand to slip. when we consider that the pikeman had to keep the cavalry at bay while the arquebusier was reloading--a lengthy process--we can understand the importance of these regulations. the pike was carried by the colour-sergeants in the british army at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and was last used in the french army in . the spontoon is a species of half-pike, which was carried by the colour-sergeants in the british army up to the end of the eighteenth century, if not longer. the spetum and the ranseur are often confused. the names are usually given to those weapons which have sharp lateral projections fixed at a more or less acute angle to the point. they could not be used for cutting, but used for thrusting they inflicted terrible wounds. the partizan is somewhat of the same order, but is known best in museums in its decorated form as used in ceremonial parades. these show-weapons were used by the judge's guard in oxford up to , and are still carried by the yeomen of the guard on state occasions. [illustration: plate xi . voulge . halbard . glaive . ranseur or spetum . partizan . spontoon . gisarme . pike . mace . lochaber axe . pole axe . holy water sprinkler . bill . lance and vamplate . lance points for war and joust, madrid . sections of lance shafts, tower] [illustration: fig. . morning star.] the bayonet, although introduced in france in , is so essentially a part of the firearm that we need do no more than mention it among the thrusting weapons. the scope of this work will not allow of any notice of firearms; that subject, owing to modern developments, is too wide to be treated in a few sentences. of short-handled weapons the club or mace is to be found on the bayeux tapestry, and is generally quatrefoil or heart-shaped at the head. the mace was the weapon of militant ecclesiastics, who thus escaped the denunciation against 'those who fight with the sword'. it is generally supposed that the gibet was of the same order. wace, in the _roman de rou_ (line ), writes:-- et il le gibet seisi ki a sun destre bras pendi. the mace was usually carried slung by a loop to the saddle-bow or on the right wrist, so that, when sword or lance were lost, it could be used at once. a less ornamental weapon is the holy-water sprinkler. this is formed of a ball of iron studded with sharp projecting spikes, and fixed upon a long or short handle. the morning star is akin to the military flail, a weapon derived from the agricultural implement of that name. it is much the same as the holy-water sprinkler, except that the spiked ball is not socketed on the handle but hangs from a chain (fig. ). the names of these two weapons are often transposed, but we propose to adhere to the nomenclature used in the tower armouries as being more likely to be correct. the war-hammer and battle-axe need but little description. they were generally used by horsemen, and their general form only varies in detail from implements in use at the present day. the pole-axe was a weapon in great request for jousting on foot, in the 'champ clos'. the blade is much like the halbard, but at the back is a hammer-shaped projection with a roughened surface. the longbow may be said to have gained the battles of senlac, crecy, and agincourt, and so ranks as one of the most important of english weapons. it was from - / to feet in length and was made of yew, or, when this wood was scarce, of witch hazel. it is a popular tradition in the country that the yew-trees which were so important for the manufacture of this weapon were grown in churchyards because they were poisonous to cattle, and the churchyards were the only fenced-in spaces. there is, however, no documentary evidence to support this. the string was of hemp or silk. the archer carried twenty-four 'clothyard' shafts in his belt and wore a wrist-guard called a bracer to protect his wrist from the recoil of the string. these bracers were of ivory or leather and were often decorated. the arrows were tipped with the goose-quill, but roger ascham, in his _toxophilus_, writes that peacock arrows were used 'for gayness'. so notable were the english bow-makers for their productions that in we find the pope sending to this country for bows. the crossbow or arbalest is first heard of in the twelfth century, and at this date was considered so 'unfair' a weapon that the popes forbade its use. innocent ii in fulminated against this barbarous weapon, but allowed of its use by christians against infidels. by the end of the thirteenth century, however, it was in general use. at first the crossbow was strung by hand; but when it was made more powerful, mechanical means had to be resorted to to bend the bow, which was often of steel. there are two varieties of war crossbows: that strung with the 'goat's-foot' lever, which is shown on fig. , and a heavier kind called the arbalest '_à tour_', which was strung with a cog-wheel and ratchet arrangement called the moulinet or windlass (fig. ). the arbalest '_à cric_' is a larger form of this variety. the archer using these heavy weapons was entrenched behind a pavis or shield fixed in the ground as shown on fig. . the quarel or bolt used for the crossbow is shorter and thicker than that used for the longbow. [illustration: fig. . crossbow and goat's-foot lever.] [illustration: fig. . crossbow and windlass.] of the other projectile-hurling weapons, such as the fustibal or sling, the different forms of catapult used in siege operations, and the innumerable varieties of firearm, we have no space to write. the former, being mostly fashioned of wood and cordage, are seldom to be met with in museums, and we can only judge of their design and use from illuminated miniatures and paintings. the firearm, being, as it is, subject to further development, cannot be taken into full consideration in this work except so far as it affected the defensive armour and in time ousted the staff-weapon. with this bare enumeration of the principal weapons in use from the twelfth to the eighteenth century we draw our all too meagre notes to a conclusion. the subject is so vast, because each example is distinct in itself and because no general rule holds absolutely good for all, that many volumes might be produced with advantage on each epoch of the defences and weapons of europe. no better advice to the would-be student can be given than that of baron de cosson in the introduction to the catalogue of helmets and mail (_arch. journ._, vol. xxxvii). he writes: 'for the study of ancient armour to be successfully pursued it is of primary importance that a careful examination be made of every existing specimen within our reach.... every rivet-hole and rivet in a piece must be studied and its use and object thought out. the reasons for the varied forms, thicknesses, and structure of the different parts must have special attention.... this alone will enable us to derive full profit from our researches into ancient authors and our examination of ancient monuments. this preliminary study will alone enable us to form a sound opinion on two important points. first, the authority to be accorded to any given representation of armour in ancient art ... whether it was copied from real armour or whether it was the outcome of the artist's imagination; and also whether a piece of existing armour is genuine or false, and whether or no it is in its primitive condition.' to this may be added that in studying armour at its best epoch, that is during the fifteenth century, we find the dignity of true craftsmanship proclaimed, and utility and grace attained without the addition of that so-called decoration which with the advent of the renaissance was the bane of all the crafts. index a aiguillettes, , . ailettes, , . aketon, . albrecht, harnischmeister, horse-armour of, . almain rivets, ; suits of, . anelace, . angellucci, on horse armour, . arbalest, _à cric_, ; _à tour_, ib. arciones, . armet, earliest use in england, ; parts of, , . armin, . arming-doublet, . arming-points, . armour: allowance for wear and tear, ; convenience in use of, ; details of construction of, ; engraved, ; essential points in its manufacture, ; fastenings of, ; for tournaments reinforced on left side, ; heavier on left side, ; inconvenience of, , ; last official use of, ; making of, ; method of putting on, ; puffed, ; reason for increased weight, ; testing of, ; wearing of, . armourers, names of, ; workshop, . ascham, roger, _toxophilus_, . ashmolean museum, pavis at, . _astley, life of sir j._, . august, herzog, armour of, . auray, battle of, . austin, will., . b bainbergs or beinbergs, . balthasin, galliot de, . bamberg, wooden figures at, . banded mail, . barding, . barrel helm, , . bascinet, ; of henry viii, proof marks on, ; 'pig-faced,' ; precursor of salade, . baselard, . bases, ; of steel, . battle-axe, . bayeux tapestry, , , , , , . bayonet, . beauchamp effigy, ; pageants, . beavor, ; derivation of, . berardi, gulielmus, monument of at florence, . berlin zeughaus, . besague, , . bill, . black prince, effigy of, ; gauntlets of, ; helm of, ; jupon of, ; shield of, . blore, _monumental remains_, . boeheim, wendelin, _waffenkunde_, , . bossoirs, . bracer, . brayette, , (_note_). breast- and back-pieces, fastenings of, ; discarded, . breech of mail, . bregander nayles, . brescia, battle of, on visconti monument at pavia, . brigandine, , , . brussels, horse cuissard at, . buffe, . burgkmair, hans, _weisskunig_, , . burgonet, , . burgundian horse armour in tower, . burgundy, enriched salade of duke of, . c cabasset, . calverley, sir h., at battle of auray, ; monument of, . camail, , . cantle, . cap worn under helm, . carnet, . cervellière, . chain-mail harmed by rain, . chamfron, . chapel-de-fer, . charlemagne, armour of, . charles i, armour of, , . chartier, jean, describes horse trappings, . chaucer, , , , . chausses, . chaussons, . christ church, oxford, window at, . christian ii, enriched armour of elector, at dresden, . _chroniques de charlemaine_, . cinquedea, . clavones, . claymore, . 'cloth-yard' arrow, . 'clous perdus,' . coat of defence, . coif of mail, . coronal, . coronation of george iv, , . corrugated iron similar to maximilian armour, . cosson, baron de, , , , ; advice to students of armour, ; disputes meyrick's theory of burgonet, . coucy, mathieu de, . coude, , . covers to helmets, . cranach, lucas, tilting lances drawn by, . croissants, . crossbow, used for proving armour, ; varieties of, . crossbows forbidden by the popes, . crupper or croupière, . crusades, . cruso on the discarding of armour, . cuirass of leather, . cuirbouilli, ; crest of, ; helms of, ; horse armour of, ; leg armour of, ; poleynes of, ; shields of, . cuissard, ; for horse, . cuisses, , ; laminated, , ; taken off in battle, ; for tilting, . cutilax, . cutlas, . cyclas, . d dagger, . davies, edward, . 'defaut de la cuirasse,' . destrier, . dilge, . dillon, viscount, , , , , , , . dussack, . dymoke, . e edward i, wardrobe account of, , . eisenhut, . elbow-cop, . enarmes, . eresby, d', brass of, . f falchion, . fauchet, reference to burgonet, . fitz urse, shield of, . flanchards, . fontaine, etienne de, helmet of, . froissart, , , . frontale, as distinct from chamfron, . fustian worn under armour, . fustibal, . g gadlings, . gambeson, , , . gardequeue, . garde-rein, . garrard, _art of warre_, . gauntlet, ; of black prince, ; construction of, . genouillière, . gibet, . gisarme, . glaive, . glancing-knobs, . glancing surface, ; on helm, . godendag, . gorget, ; survival of, . gorleston brass, . gothic armour, ; horse armour in wallace collection, ; symmetry of, . gouchets, . grand-guard, . grip of lance, ; sword, . guardia nobile of the pope, . guige, . guns first used, . h haines, rev. h., _monumental brasses_, . halbard, . hall, _chronicles_, . hand-and-half sword, . hatfield ms. as to wear and tear of armour, . hatton, suit of sir c., . haubergeon, . hauberk, ; sleeves of, ; worn under plate, . hawkins, sir r., _observations_, . helm, great, or heaume, , ; barendyne, at haseley, , ; brocas, at woolwich, , ; caps worn under, , ; chained to body, ; construction of jousting, - ; dawtray, at petworth, ; decorated, ; fogge, at ashford, ; method of fixing, ; pembridge, ; 'sugar-loaf,' ; at sutton courtenay, , ; wallace collection, ; westminster, . helmet, covers for, ; grotesque, ; jewelled, ; norman, ; tied with laces, ; tinned to prevent rust, . henry v, . henry viii and maximilian, helmets worn at the meeting of, ; suit for fighting on foot, ; suit made by seusenhofer, . heraldic devices on shields, . hewitt, john, , , ; ivory chessman illustrated by, . holy-water sprinkler, . horse armour, complete suit of, . horse trappings and church embroideries, ; first shown on english seals, . hosting harness, . household cavalry, . 'hungere' iron, . i imbricate armouries, . inventory of humphrey de bohun, , ; sir simon burley, ; dover castle, ; louis hutin, , ; piers gaveston, , ; tower armouries, . j jack, . jacobe, , . jambeaux, . jamboys, . jambs, ; discarded, . jazeran armour, . joan of arc, . john, king, . jupon, ; of black prince, . k knee-cop, . l lalain, jacques de, . lambespring, bartholomew, . lamboys. _see_ jamboys. lambrequin, . lames, . lance, . laton, or latten, used for armour, . leather, used for armour, ; horse armour, ; morion at berlin, . lee, sir henry, tests armour, . leg armour, of horse at brussels, ; of plate, introduced and discarded, . lewis, isle of, ivory chessmen found at, . lochaber axe, . longbow, . louis, king of hungary, death by drowning of, . louis xiv, armour of, ; proof marks on armour of, . m mace, . madrid, . mail, banded, ; chain, ; cleaning of, ; 'mascled,' ; method of making, . main-guard, . mainfaire, wrong use of, . manifer or mainfere, , . main-gauche, . mantegna, st. george by, . mantling, . marche, oliver de la, . maximilian i, ; armour, ; horse armour of, in the tower, . mentonière, . meyrick, sir samuel, , ; theory of banded mail, , ; theory of mascled mail, , ; theory of burgonet, . miséricorde, . missaglias, . mohacz, battle of, . molineux, sir w., brass of, . monstrelet, . morion, ; of leather at berlin, . morning star, . moroni, portrait by, . moton, , . moulinet, . mühlberg, armour worn at the battle of, . n nasal, . negroli, helmet by, . northwode brass, . nuova croce, battle of, . nuremberg, tilting suit at, . o ocularium, , . odo, bishop, . orle, . orrery, lord, _art of warre_, . p painted chamber, designs in the, , . palette, . _pallas armata._ _see_ turner. panache, . paris, matthew, . partizan, . pas d'âne, . passe-guard, , , . pauldron, , , . pavia, picture of battle of, at oxford, . pavis or pavoise, , . peascod doublet, . pezoneras, . pfeffenhauser, suit by, . philip the fair, ordinance of, . pike, ; last use of, . plastron-de-fer, , . plates, pair of, . pluvinel, de, _maneige royal_, . poitrel or peytral, . poldermitton, . pole-axe, ; used in 'champs clos', . poleynes, , , , . pommel of sword, . pourpointerie, ; for tourneys, . puffed armour, . q quarel, . queue, . quillons, , . r radcot bridge, battle of, . ranseur, . rein-guards of metal, . renaissance, decadence of the armour of the, . rené, king, , . rerebrace, , ; construction of, . ricasso, . richard i, ; shield of, . ringed armour, . rivets, sliding, . _roman de rou._ _see_ wace. rondel, , . rosbecque, battle of, . roussillon, gerard de, . s sabatons or sabataynes, , . saddle for jousting, in the tower, . st. gall, monk of, , . st. george, statuette of, at dijon, . salade, evolved from bascinet, ; decorated and painted, . scale armour, , . schiavona, . scott, poetic licence of sir walter, . sebastian, parade suit of king, . senlac, battle of, . setvans brass, . seusenhofer, ; suit by, in the tower, , . shield, temp. norman conquest, ; fourteenth century, ; faced with gesso, ; of twigs, . sigismund, armour of count, . smythe, sir john, _animadversions_, , . solerets, , ; construction of, ; 'à la poulaine,' ; 'bear-paw,' ; 'bec de cane,' ; 'demi-poulaine,' . spain, regulations as to monuments in, . spetum, . splinted armour, ; on ash monument, . spontoon, . standard of mail, . stothard, charles, , . surcoat, , . surrey, earl of, horse armour in will of, . swords, ; and dagger play, , . t taces, ; construction of, . tassets, ; and cuisses combined, ; discarded, . tonlet, . topf, , . tournament, of st. inglevert, ; armour, ; helms, ; and swords, ; at windsor park, , , , ; crests used at, . trapper, of mail, ; textile, . trellice coat, . trumpington brass, , . tuilles, . tunic, , . turner, _pallas armata_, . turning pins, . two-hand sword, . u umbril, . upper pourpoint, . v vambrace, , ; construction of, . vamplate, , . vegecius, . ventail, . vere, escape of robert de, . vervelles, . vienna, painting of horse armour at, ; pageant shield at, . vif de l'harnois, . viollet-le-duc, _dictionnaire du mobilier français_, . visière, . visor, . volant piece, . voulge, . vuyders, . w wace, _roman de rou_, , , , , . waller, j. g., , . wambais, . war-hammer, . war-hat, . warwick, earl of, . whalebone, used for gauntlets and swords, . william the conqueror, , . windsor park. _see_ tournament. wylcotes, sir john, brass of, . z zutphen, armour discarded at siege of, . oxford: printed at the clarendon press by horace hart, m.a. footnotes: [ ] harl. ms. , brit. mus. [ ] vi. , trans. johnes, . [ ] _archaeologia_, xix. - . [ ] _archaeologia_, lix. [ ] _ancient armour_, ii. . [ ] _roman de rou_, . et seq. [ ] protect. [ ] _archaeologia_, xvii. [ ] _arch. journ._, ii. . [ ] vol. iii. p. . [ ] _new foedera_, ii. . [ ] _arch. journ._, lx. - . [ ] _arch. journ._, lx. - . [ ] _archaeologia_, xvii. [ ] _arch. journ._, lxiv. - . [ ] carderera, _iconografia_. [ ] the terms 'coude' and 'genouillière', 'palette', and such-like words of french origin, are open to some objection in an english work when 'elbow-cop', 'knee-cop', or 'poleyne' and 'rondel' can be substituted. they are only employed here because of their general use in armouries at the present day, and because the english words are of rarer occurrence and are less likely to be met with by those beginning the study of armour. 'cuisse' and 'cuissard', however, are always used for the thigh-pieces, and no anglicized term is found in contemporary writings unless it be 'quysshews.' [ ] _arch. journ._, lx. [ ] _archaeologia_, vol. lvii; _arch. journ._, vol. iv. [ ] _arch. journ._, vol. lx. [ ] boeheim, _meister der waffenschmiedkunst_; de cosson, _arch. journ._, vol. xlviii. [ ] _arch. journ._, lx. [ ] g. chastelain, p. . [ ] _arch. journ._, xxxvii. [ ] oliver de la marche, p. . [ ] n.e. dict, gives armette, a diminutive of arme. armez is also found. [ ] paris, , fol. . see cat. of helmets, _arch. journ._, xxxvii. [ ] _arch. journ._, xxxvii. [ ] the term _bufe_ is sometimes wrongly used for the upright shoulder-guards on the pauldron. [ ] _monumenta vetusta_, vol. vi. [ ] this is _not_ the 'garde-rein'. see p. . [ ] that this fashion in helmets was a general one we may judge from the fact that most armouries possess examples of these human-faced helmets. [ ] this suit is shown with the brayette attached; which for obvious reasons is exhibited in most armouries separate from the suit. [ ] considered to be the same as topf. [ ] '... granz gisarmes esmolues' (_roman de rou_, l. ). '... gisarmes lunges è lées' (ib., l. ). [ ] _monumenta vetusta_, vol. vi. third planet by murray leinster [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from worlds of tomorrow april . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] the aliens had lost their lives to nuclear war--but their loss might be the salvation of earth! i it was, as usual, a decision on which the question of peace or atomic war depended. the council of the western defense alliance, as usual, had made the decision. and, as usual, the wda coordinator had to tell the com ambassador that the coms had won again. the wda would not risk atomic war over a thirty-mile shift of a national border in southeast asia. "perhaps," said the com ambassador politely, "it will be easier for you personally if i admit that our intelligence service has reported the decision of your council." he paused, and added, "in detail." the coordinator asked wearily, "how much detail?" "first," said the ambassador, "you are to insist that no decision has been reached. you are to play for time. if i do not agree, you are to offer to compromise. if i do not agree, you are to accept the settlement we suggested. but you are to ask urgently for time in which to remove the citizens we might feel ought to be shot. this is not an absolute condition, but you are to use every possible means to persuade me to grant it." the coordinator ground his teeth. but the council wouldn't go to war for a few thousand citizens of an asiatic country--who would probably be killed in the war anyhow. there would be millions killed in western countries if the war did come. "i have much respect for you," said the ambassador politely, "so i agree to three days of delay during which you may evacuate disloyal citizens by helicopter. on the fourth day our troops will move up to the new border. it would be unfortunate if there were clashes on the way." "we can't get them out in three days!" protested the coordinator. "it's impossible! we haven't enough copters!" "with warning to flee," said the ambassador, "many can reach the new border on foot." the coordinator ground his teeth again. that would be a public disgrace--and not the first one--for the wda for not protecting its friends. but the public in the western nations did not want war. it would not allow its governments to fight over trivial matters. its alliance could not make threats. on the other hand, the public in the com nations had no opinions its governments had not decreed. the com nations could threaten. they could even carry out threats, though made for trivialities. so the wda found itself yielding upon one point after another. eventually it would fight, and fight bravely, but too late. the coordinator said heavily, "you will excuse me, mr. ambassador. i have to see about getting as many copters as possible to southeast asia." * * * * * some hundreds of light-years away, the survey ship _lotus_ floated in space, a discreet number of millions of miles from the local sun. it was on a strictly scientific mission, so it would not be subject to com suspicion of having undesirable political intentions. at least they hadn't demanded to have an observer on board. com intelligence reports were notoriously sound, however, and possibly spies had assured their employers that the _lotus's_ mission was bona fide. her errand was the mapping and first-examination of a series of sol-type solar systems. this was the ninth such system on the list. the third planet out from the sun, here, lay off to starboard. it was near enough to have a visible disk to the naked eye, and moderate magnification showed ice-caps and permanent surface markings that could be seas and continents. as was to be expected, it was very much like a more familiar third planet out--earth. the skipper gave nolan the job of remote inspection while the gross examination of the system went on. nolan had a knack for such work, and much of it naturally fell to him. "okay!" he said resignedly, "another day, another world!" "my private nightmare," said the skipper, with humor, "is bug-eyed monsters. try not to find 'em here, nolan. eh?" he'd said that eight times before on this voyage. nolan said, "my private nightmare is getting home and finding out that while we've been finding new worlds for men to live on, they've started a war and made earth a place to die on. try to arrange that it doesn't happen before we get home. eh?" he'd said that eight times before on this voyage, too. "i wish us both luck. nolan," said the skipper. "but that ball out yonder looks plausible as a nest for bug-eyed monsters!" he shook his head and went out. he was still being humorous. nolan set up his instruments and went to work. as he worked, he tried to thrust away the thoughts that came to everybody on earth every day. they were as haunting, some light-centuries from earth, as back at home. there was the base the coms were building on the moon. the wda had an observatory there, but the coms were believed to be mounting many more rockets than telescopes. and there was that unsatisfying agreement made between the coms and wda just before the _lotus_ took off. each promised solemnly to notify the other of all space take-offs before they happened. the idea was to prevent a mistake by which a pearl-harbor-style attack might be inferred when it wasn't really happening. the fact that it could be prepared against was evidence of the kind of tension back on earth. but the _lotus_ was far from home. she lay some seventy-odd millions of miles out from the sol-type star fanuel alpha, whose third planet nolan was to look over. he sent off a distance-pulse and took angular measurements of the planet's disk. the ratio of polar to equatorial diameters was informative. the polar flattening said that the day lasted about thirty hours. almost like earth's. the equatorial diameter of miles was much like earth's. the inclination of the axis of rotation indicated seasons--not exaggerated, but much like the seasons on the third planet of sol. the size of the ice-caps indicated the overall planetary temperature. there were clouds. in fact, there was a cloudmass in the southern hemisphere that looked just like an earthly tropic storm undergoing the usual changes as it went away from the equator. this was very much like earth! and the dark masses which were seas.... * * * * * nolan frowned. those mud-colored patches were water. undoubtedly. a narrow-band light filter proved it. but the areas which were neither sea nor cloud mass? there were three levels of brightness to be seen on the disk outside the polar areas. one was sea-bottom. one was cloud. the other.... nolan fretted a little. there was something wrong. the solid ground surface of the planet was too light in color. it was such items that a person with a knack for it would notice sooner than a man without the knack. vegetation should be more nearly midway between sea-bottom and cloud mass in color. nolan fitted in the chlorophyll filter. on the planet of a sol-type sun, vegetation had to use chlorophyll or else. through this filter the clouds would show, of course. they were white and reflected all colors of light. but no color that chlorophyll didn't reflect could pass through the filter. the cloud masses showed clearly. nothing else appeared. the filters would have shown vegetation. it didn't. it said there wasn't any. nolan stepped up the magnification. he saw other things. he didn't like them. he got some maximum-magnification pictures and interpreted them with increasing grimness. he went to make his report just as the system constants began to reach the skipper. the local sun's mass was . sols. the solar rotation period was thirty-four days. there were sunspots of perfectly familiar kinds. the lauriac laws about the size and distribution of planets in a sol-type system were borne out. one was small, and its sunward side was probably at a low red heat. this was like mercury. planet two, like its analogue venus in the home system, would be resolutely unoccupiable by man. planet four--analogous to mars--was smaller than three and had a very thin atmosphere. there were gas-giants in orbits six and seven. then a novelty lauriac's laws predicted things about fifth planets, too, but they'd never been verified because fifth planets were unstable. they blew up. only fragments--asteroids--had so far been noted where fifth planets of sol-type suns ought to be. but there was a fifth planet here, rolling magnificently through emptiness. it matched the lauriac predictions. it had an atmosphere, which should contain oxygen. it was the first sol-system fifth planet ever observed. there was a babble in the skipper's office as the discoverers of the fifth planet told him about it. nolan said curtly, "i've something more urgent to report. planet three ought to be like earth. it was. it isn't, any longer. it's dead!" nobody paid attention. there was a fifth planet! it was unparalleled! all the theories about the absence of fifth planets could now be checked! "i'm telling you," said nolan sharply, "that the third planet's dead! it was alive, and something happened to it! it has seas and clouds and ice-caps, and they're water! but its land surface is pure desert! where life can exist, it does. always! life did exist here. now it doesn't." he turned to the skipper, "maybe bug-eyed monsters killed it, skipper. it looks to me like murder!" then they stared at him. he spread out his pictures. he pointed out this item and that. they were conclusive. nobody else might have realized the facts behind them quite so soon, but when put together they fitted. "familiar, eh?" asked nolan sardonically. "you recognize the pictures like them before. they weren't made with cameras, like these, but artists drew them from descriptions of what would happen. here it's happened! i think," he added, looking at the skipper, "that this is more important than fifth planets. i think we'd better go over and get what information we can and take it home. death like this implies life a lot like men. if non-human creatures can do something as human as this, we'd better get the word back home so something can be done to get ready before we find them--or they find us." the skipper went carefully over the pictures. on one he put his finger on a feature nolan hadn't mentioned. he seemed to wince. "i think you win, nolan," he said painfully. "we'll send a drone down. i doubt we can land, but this ought to be checked. immediately. maybe i should add--inconspicuously." * * * * * "confidentially," said the com ambassador to the coordinator of the wda, "confidentially i agree that it is a trivial matter. but we are a new nation. our people lack perspective. they rejoice in the strength and vigor of the nation of which they are citizens. they will not allow that nation to display what they consider weakness in any matter. one has to allow for a certain exuberance in the people of a nation newly freed from the tyranny of capitalists and warmongers such as still enslave the people of your countries. we cannot yield in this matter." the coordinator said: "to be confidential in my turn, we both know that what you just said simply isn't true. your government decides what its public shall think. it makes sure they don't think anything it doesn't want them to." the com ambassador shrugged his shoulders. he was very polite. he did not even pretend to resent being called a liar. "now, my country intends to move forward in this matter in ten days," he observed. "and it would be deplorable if our soldiers were fired on." ii it turned out that it wouldn't have mattered if the _lotus_ had sent screaming notifications of its presence throughout all nearby space. there were detectors out, of course, but they reported absolutely nothing as the _lotus_ moved on toward planet three. there was static from storms upon the planet. it grew louder as the survey ship approached. but there was no sign of anything alive. the _lotus_ cruised some two hundred miles above seas and cloud masses and desert, photographing as she followed a search pattern that covered all the sunlit hemisphere. there were mountains in the tropics which by all the rules of meteorology should have had rain forests at their feet. they didn't. there was a river system which ran like the nile for a thousand miles or more, through deserts like those of egypt. there should have been at least a ribbon of vegetation along its banks. there wasn't. where it reached the sea was an enormous delta. a drone went down and reported temperatures and humidity and the composition of the atmosphere, and the radiation background count. one would have thought the records those of earth. the background count was a trifle high-- . instead of . --but there was eighteen per cent of oxygen in the atmosphere. the only oddity, there, was nearly a full per cent of helium. when the drone came up it brought samples of soil and sea water. there was no life in either. the soil was mostly mineral dust, but an electron microscope disclosed abraded fractions of pollen grains and the like. the sea water sample had evidently been picked up by the drone's dredge from some shallow. there were tiny, silicious shells in it. plankton. they had been alive, but were so no longer. "i think," said nolan, "that i make a landing. right?" the skipper said crossly, "yes. you're the best man for it. you notice things. but i doubt you'll learn very much." he tapped the written report that the radiation background count was . . "it happened a long time ago. a long, long time ago!" then he said with a totally unsuccessful attempt at humor, "try and find out that it was bug-eyed monsters, eh? it looks too much like earth! i'd rather blame monsters than men!" nolan growled and went to prepare for the landing. two other men would go with him, of course. the _lotus_ wouldn't descend. it cost fuel to make landings. unless there was some remarkable specimen that a drone couldn't handle the ship would stay aloft. so a drone took three of them down to ground, a second drone following with equipment. they had weapons, of course. men never land anywhere without weapons. they had the material for a foam-house camp. they had a roller-jeep, running on huge inflated bags. it would run efficiently on anything from sand to swamp mud, and float itself across bogs or rivers. they had cameras and communicators. nolan had picked crawford for geology and kelley for communications. they could get other specialists from the ship, if desirable. the ground where they landed was desert: nothing more. there were enormous dunes like gigantic frozen swells of sand. sometimes there were miles between crests. they landed close to the mud banks northern ice-cap to avoid the deep gorges in which rivers ran farther south. on the first day they set up their camp. mountains reared to the north of them, covered almost to their bases with ice. these they need not explore. instruments would do most of the landing-party work, in any case. but they inflated small balloons and sent them skyward, to learn about currents of the upper air, and crawford took painstaking photographs of dune formations, and they set up a weather radar. they checked the water recovery from the camp's air-conditioner. it would supply their needs. when night drew near, with all instruments recording, they watched the sunset. * * * * * it was amazing how splendid and how magnificent a sunset could be. not many men see sunsets these days. the three of them, aground at the ice-cap's edge, saw enormous mile-long dunes reaching away as far as it was possible to see. they cast black shadows. then glories of crimson and gold rose from the western horizon of this dead and empty world. there was ice and snow upon the mountains, and unbelievable tints and blends of colors appeared there. after a long, long time the light faded away. then there was nothing to see but the stars, and nothing to listen to at all. this world was dead. they went in their camp-house and shut out the dark and the silence. on the second day, nolan went in search of permafrost. their instruments faithfully recorded everything they needed except such items as this. nolan found permanent ice in a valley of the northern mountains. it was perpetually frozen ground which might not have thawed in a thousand thousand years. he dug down through surface ice to the permanently frozen soil beneath it. that soil was not desert sand. and preserved in it nolan found the blackened roots of plants, and the blackened blades of something like grass, and even some small, indefinite objects which had been seeds or fruit. they hadn't died with the planet. they were far older than that catastrophe. but they were proof that once this world lived and throve. during what was left of the day-light, nolan and kelley went south to a river gorge and photographed it for the record. the river had cut a gorge a full two hundred feet deep in the wind-deposited dust which was everywhere. there were now-dry gullies which undercut the dune-sides and at times dumped mud into the slowly flowing liquid of the river. there were no colorings save dust and mud. the river itself was mud. it flowed very, very slowly and without elation. they came back depressed. an airless planet holds no life, but it defies life to establish itself. a methane-ammonia planet fights the intrusion of men with monstrous frigid storms. but this world was designed for life. that it was dead was tragedy. its rivers flowed sullen, syrupy mud which moved reluctantly toward the lifeless seas. kelley wouldn't look at the sunset this second night. he went into the camp and turned on music. crawford watched for a little while only. there were clouds. there were breezes. one knew that here and there rain fell in gentle showers which should have nourished grasses and flowers and filled the air with fragrance. but instead it fell upon impalpable dust and turned it to mud which flowed slowly into gullies and into rivers which were also mud and moved onward, until perhaps after years the soil would become part of a mud-bank in the ocean. nolan came into the foam-walled house and said shortly, "we'll finish up tomorrow and leave." kelley said abruptly. "nobody's made any guess about why everything died, here. but we all know!" crawford said reflectively, "it must've taken a lot of intelligence to murder this planet. when d'you suppose it happened?" "ten thousand--twenty thousand years ago," said nolan. "the whole place must have been radioactive, air and all. but if they used cobalt the background count could be down to . in ten or twenty thousand years." "we haven't," said kelley, "seen any craters. even the pictures from out in space didn't show bomb-craters." "when everything died and turned to dust," said nolan, "there'd be dust storms. there still must be. they'd cover anything! there was a terrific civilization in part of what's now the sahara, back on earth. by pure accident they've found a patch of highway and a post-house. everything else is covered up. cities, highways, dams, canals.... and that's heavy sand instead of fine dust! the _lotus_ found some shadows on a photo. they want us to look and see what cast them. we'll look at it tomorrow and then leave." crawford said deliberately: "we three have had a preview of what earth will be like before too long! i wonder if it would do any good on earth to show them what we've found?" "it's being argued on the ship," said nolan. "some say we'd better suppress the whole business." crawford considered. "the coms aren't a very believing people," he said slowly. "but our people are. if we report this, our people will believe it. but the coms can tell their people it is lies. our people will want peace more than ever if they see what a war will mean. but the big-shot coms will just take that as a reason to demand some more concessions, and more, and more. like demanding to build a base on the moon...." "i'm going to bed," said nolan. he added ironically, "i hope you have pleasant dreams!" * * * * * he did go to bed, but he slept very badly. the others slept no better. all three of them were up before sunrise. they saw it. and to nolan the coming of the light seemed somehow like an eager arrival of the new day, anxious to see if some tiny thread of green somewhere lifted proudly from brown earth to greet it. but none ever did. or would. "we should be through by noon," said nolan. they set out in the jeep. they abandoned the camp. they would abandon the jeep, too, presently, when they went up the ship that waited in orbit. they headed west, and kelley took over the microwave set that sent a wide-fanning beacon skyward. the _lotus_ was in orbit now. every ninety minutes she was overhead. she'd completed the mapping of the planet. every square foot of its surface had been photographed from aloft. they drove. the ungainly inflated bags which took the place of wheels rolled unweariedly, at first over dew-wetted dust and then over the minor gullies which, so near the ice-cap, were not yet gorges. they went on for twenty miles, and the abomination of desolation was all about them. "we shouldn't tell about this back home," said kelley abruptly. "if the com people saw it, they'd know that no--" his tone was ironic--"national aspiration justified the risk of this. but they wouldn't see it. and our people might look at it and decide that anything was better than this. but it isn't." nolan said nothing. he didn't believe that the discovery of this dead planet could be kept a secret for very long. the mountains drew back to northward and the desert took their place. the _lotus_ went by overhead, unseen. but it gave a message to kelley. "we're on course," he reported. "the ship just said so. ten miles more." in ten miles they came upon a city, or what had been one. it was partly buried in the omnipresent dust. that is, they saw part of a city's remnants showing in the mile wide trough between dunes hundreds of feet high. there were other remnants between two other dunes, and still more in yet other troughs beyond. structures of stone had existed, and portions of them remained. they had cast shadows the _lotus_ had discovered from aloft. the stone remains were abraded by the dust-carrying winds of a hundred centuries. their roofs had been crushed when monster dunes formed over them. they had been reexposed to the sunshine when winds moved the dunes away. there was no metal left. no glass. no artifacts. they had been buried tens or hundreds of times, and uncovered as many. there was nothing left but skeletons of stone which cast angular shadows, though their fragments were rounded by centuries of patient wind erosion. it had been a very great city, but nolan made the only observation that could tell anything about its occupants. "the builders of this city," he said tonelessly, "used doors about the same size we do." and that was all they could find out. presently: "new york will be like this eventually," said crawford. "and chicago. and everywhere else." kelley spoke suddenly into the microwave transmitter. he said sharply to the ship, invisibly overhead: "yes! send down the drone! we've had it!" * * * * * the council-member from brazil made an impassioned speech in the supposedly secret meeting of the western defense alliance. he pointed out with bitter factuality that no past yielding to com demands had gained anything. further yielding would be suicidal. he made a fierce demand that the wda present a united front against this fresh diplomatic pressure. that it refuse, flatly and firmly and with finality, to make a single concession on a single point. it was a good speech. it was an excellent speech. it and others like it should have been made a long time before. the coordinator of the western defensive alliance nodded at its end. "i agree," he said, "with every word the representative from brazil has spoken. i think we all agree. the practical thing to do, of course, is to send a combined expeditionary force to maintain the independence of sierra leone. this force should be formed of contingents from every western defense alliance nation, and it should have orders to prevent the entry of com troops into sierra leone territory. i do not think that anything less will prevent the extinction of another member nation of the western defense alliance. will any council member propose such action for a vote?" there was a pause. then babblings. it would mean war! it would mean atomic war! tens or hundreds of millions of human beings would die over a matter affecting less than two hundred thousand! it was ridiculous! public opinion-- the council meeting ended with no vote upon the matter. without even a proposal on which a vote could be taken. two days later, com troops from one of the african com nations moved in and occupied sierra leone. a great many of its citizens were shot, some for opposing the new state of affairs, but some seemingly just on general principles. iii the _lotus_ went on toward planet five, leaving a world which should have been alive and wasn't, to go to a world which should not exist, but did. on the way there was argument which became embittered. in theory, the discoveries made by a survey ship became automatically available to all the world. but the discovery of three in the state it was in would have political results on earth. it was--and is--a fact that nobody really believes in death until he sees a dead man. and nobody can believe in the destruction of a planet unless he's seen the corpse or color photographs of it. but that was precisely what the _lotus_ had to carry back to earth. the wda nations would see those pictures and read the facts. they would believe in atomic war and the complete sterilization of a world. the com nations would not see the pictures. they would continue to believe that the west--the wda--was decadent and enslaved to tyrannical warmongers, and obviously could not resist the splendid armed forces of the com association. and they wouldn't really believe there could be more than isolated, crazy resistance to their valiant troops. so they'd back their leaders with enthusiasm, and the western peoples at most would be merely desperate. the _lotus_ arrived at planet four--which by the lauriac laws should have been similar to mars. it was almost its twin. it had ice-caps of hoarfrost and its atmosphere was thin and barely contaminated by oxygen. a base could be maintained here, of course, provided one had a source of supply. a base here, incidentally, would have much the value of the com base on luna. the _lotus_ did not find that base. it found no cities or signs of settlement. but it did find a bombcrater, miles across and it seemed miles deep. there was an accumulation of reddish dust at its bottom, trapped from the thin winds that blew over this half-frozen world. the _lotus_ went on to planet five. the sun, so far out, was very small and its warmth was barely perceptible. but there was vegetation. the surface temperature was above freezing. the lauriac laws had predicted that the central metallic core would be small, and the greater part of its mass should be stony. the radioactives in earth's thin rocky crust produce a constant flow of heat from the interior to the surface. it is considered that it is enough heat to melt a fraction of an inch of ice in a year. on this planet, with a crust many hundreds instead of mere scores of miles thickness, the internal heat was greater. the world was not frozen, and life existed here. it was a pallid, unnatural sort of life which had developed to live in starlight with a feeble assist from a very bright nearby star which happened to be its sun. there was a base here, too. kelley located it when he found a resonant return of certain frequencies from the ground. it was not a reflection, but resonance. and so they found the base. it had been built by engineers the humans on the _lotus_ could only admire. there were gigantic doors which could admit the _lotus_ herself. they were rusted shut and had to be opened with explosives. there were galleries and tunnels and laboratories. there were missile launchers and missile-storage chambers. there was a giant dome housing a telescope men had not even dreamed of equalling. it was not an optical telescope. ultimately they found a mortuary, where the members of the garrison were placed when they died. the _lotus_ was not equipped for the archeological and technological studies the base called for. its function was to scout out things for especially qualified expeditions to study. and, of course, there was the political situation back on earth.... * * * * * on the fourth day after landing, the skipper sent for nolan. the skipper sweated a little. "nolan," he said querulously, "we've found something." "a bug-eyed monster?" asked nolan dourly. "no." the skipper mopped his forehead. "back yonder, on three, you took a few looks from twenty million miles and figured out what had happened there. we'd have worked it out eventually, but you saw it at once. you're lucky that way. now we've found something. it's an--instrument. we're short on time. come with me and make some guesses." he led the way, explaining jerkily as he went. the thing was in a room by itself, with its own air system and apparently its own food store. it was inside four successive systems of locked doors--all of them inches-thick stainless steel. it was intended that the last door could be opened from inside. it was evidently the very heart of the armed base on planet five. anything sealed up like that would have to be either incredibly valuable or incredibly dangerous. nolan followed through the shattered doors, and presently the skipper made a helpless gesture. there was the discovery. it looked more like an old-fashioned telescope than anything else. it had a brass barrel, and it was very solidly mounted, and there were micro-micro adjustments to point it with almost infinite exactitude. it had been sealed in a completely air-tight environment, and what moisture was present had combined with other metals. it wasn't rusted. there was an eyepiece, placed in an improbable position, and there was a trigger. it wasn't like a gun-trigger, but it couldn't have any other purpose. there was no porthole for it to fire through. the compartment in which it had been sealed was deep underground. nolan said uneasily: "it's a weapon, of course." "of course!" said the skipper. he mopped his forehead. "i--i think we should take it home. it might make a difference to wda. but we don't know what it does! it could be a mistake...." nolan walked around it. he saw that it could be aimed in almost any direction. but not quite. there was a direction that stops prevented it from pointing to. nolan said: "what's in that direction?" the skipper jumped. when nolan asked the question he began to suspect many answers. he said in a stricken voice, "that's where the missiles were launched--and where the others are stored." nolan stared at the thing. it looked hateful. it had the savage feel of a frozen snarl. "the power-pile?" the skipper nodded. he mopped his face again. "right alongside. we figured they wanted to shield the rest of the base from radioactives." nolan said carefully: "it could be that they wanted to shield the radioactives from something in the base. maybe something that would act on radioactives is involved." he said painfully, "men can't change the rate of fission except by building up a critical mass. but maybe--possibly bug-eyed monsters could." the skipper perspired. he'd have worked out the same thing in the long run, but nolan saw it right away. he went away and got the ship's engineers. they brought an x-ray for finding flaws in metal. they took pictures of the inwards of the brass-barreled instrument in its place. they traced two separate, incomprehensible circuits. but they were separate. * * * * * at long last the skipper nodded permission for nolan to try the eyepiece, to see what it showed with heavy metal and much soil and vegetation atop it. they taped the trigger so it could not be moved. the controls affecting the eyepiece they left free. the skipper almost dripped sweat as nolan turned on the eyepiece circuit, peering in. for a long time he saw nothing whatever. then a tiny disk moved slowly into the eyepiece's field. it was barely larger than a point. nolan moved one of the eyepiece controls. the disk enlarged. it enlarged again. a tiny red dot appeared in the center of the field of vision. as the disk enlarged, the red dot grew larger and became a tiny red circle. nolan fumbled. he shifted the position of the instrument with a micro-control. he moved the faintly glowing disk until it was enclosed in the red circle. he enlarged.... presently the disk was very large, and the red circle ceased to enlarge. it enclosed only a part of the disk. nolan felt cold chills down his spine. he swallowed and asked for the angular relationship of planet four to three. the skipper sent someone to find it out. but nolan had found planet four before the answer came. the first disk was in some fashion a representation of planet three--the earthlike world which was dead. the second was a representation of four. there was a bright spot near the equator of four--the equator being located by the flattening of the poles. it would be just about where a gigantic atom-bomb crater still existed. nolan drew back and took a deep breath. "apparently," he said unsteadily, "this eyepiece detects radioactives, converting something that i can't imagine into visible light after it's passed through a few feet of metal and a good many more of dirt. there's a red ring which makes me think of a gun-sight. and there's a trigger. skipper, would you send half an ounce or so of ship-fuel out to space in a drone? i think we're going to have to pull this trigger." the skipper wrung his hands. he went away. and nolan stood staring at nothing in particular, appalled and sickened by the thoughts that came to him. presently the skipper came back and mumbled that a drone was on the way up. nolan searched for it with the eyepiece. he found it. the sensitivity of the eyepiece was practically beyond belief. what it worked on--what it transmuted and amplified to light--was wholly beyond his imagination. the drone went four thousand miles out. nolan absently asked for somebody to be posted out of doors, watching the sky. he got the vivid spark that was the half ounce of ship-fuel in the center of the red luminous ring. he turned his eyes away and pulled the trigger. there was no sound. there was no vibration. there was no indication in the underground room that anything at all had happened. there was only a violent flare in the eyepiece, from which nolan had just drawn back. someone came shouting from out of doors that there had been an intolerable flash of brilliance in the sky. a few moments later the word came that the drone control board indicated that the drone had ceased to exist. * * * * * the com ambassador sighed a little when he saw the expression on the coordinator's face. interviews with the titular head of the alliance of all western nations became increasingly a strain on his politeness. but the coordinator said grimly: "i think i can guess what you're here to tell me!" the com ambassador said politely: "it is painful to--ah--beat around the bush. may i speak plainly?" "do," said the coordinator. "our base on the moon," said the ambassador with a fine air of frankness, "some time ago reported military preparations on earth, among the wda nations. those preparations could have no purpose other than an unwarned attack upon us. we felt it necessary, then, to take countermeasures of preparation only. we modified the plans for our moon base to have it contain not only the telescopes and such observational equipment, but to have an adequate armament of missiles. it is now so armed." the coordinator whitened a little, but he did not look surprised. "well?" "i have to inform you," said the com ambassador, "that any military action directed against any com nation, or its troops, or the union of com republics, will be met by atomic bombardment from the moon as well as--ah--our standard military establishments. this, of course, does not mean war. to the contrary, we hope that it will end the possibility of war. we trust that all causes of tension between our nations will one by one be removed, and that an era of perpetual peace and prosperity will follow." the coordinator's lips twisted in an entirely mirthless smile. "military action against com troops," he observed, "means resistance to invasion or occupation, doesn't it?" "it would be wiser," said the ambassador carefully, "to protest than to resist. at least, so it seems to me." the coordinator of the western defense alliance said: "tell me something confidentially, mr. ambassador. how long before you expect--no. you wouldn't answer that. ah! how long do you think it will be before i am shot?" the com ambassador said politely: "i would hesitate to guess." * * * * * the _lotus_ started back to earth with the enigmatic weapon fastened firmly in its cargo hold. great pains had been taken to keep it from being knocked or shocked or battered in its transfer to the ship. firmly anchored, nolan had insisted that the stops, which prevented it from being aimed below the horizon or toward the radioactives in the base, be adjusted so it could not be aimed at the _lotus's_ own engines or fuel-stores. there were no missiles to worry about, of course. even this precaution, however, roused doubt and uneasiness, especially among the scientific staff. it was highly probable that when the _lotus_ reported in from space, the coms would ask to examine such specimens as she brought back. the request would be expressed as scientific interest, but a refusal would be treated as a concealment of dire designs. there were those on the ship who felt that the weapon should be dismantled and made to seem meaningless, to avoid any chance of a humiliating squabble with the coms. the skipper roared at them. it was the only time on the voyage when he displayed anger. but he glared at those who proposed the act of discretion. he drove them out of the cabin in which the suggestion was made. he turned to nolan, who definitely was not a party to it. his manner changed. he said querulously: "nolan, why do you want that thing mounted so it could be used if necessary?" "that's the way it was mounted on planet five. to box it or case it might injure it. to take it apart might mean that it could never be got together in working order again." "is that the real reason?" demanded the skipper. "it's a good reason, but is it the real one?" "no," admitted nolan. "it isn't." the skipper fumed to himself. "we might get home," he said fretfully, "and find things just as we left them. then there'd be no harm in the mounting. we'd at least try to diddle the coms and get it ashore without their knowing it was important. we might get home and find that war'd broken out and earth was dead like the third planet back yonder, only not all yet turned to desert. then the mounting wouldn't matter. nothing would! or we could find that the coms had smashed the west and were all cockahoop about what they'd managed to do in a sneak attack. so it had better stay mounted. i covered everything, didn't i?" nolan wasn't feeling any better than anybody else on the _lotus_. the jitters that affected everybody but conditioned coms had been bad when the _lotus_ went about its business. but when the ship headed for home, nerves got visibly worse. they didn't know what they'd find there. with the third planet of fanuel alpha in mind, it was all too easy to believe in disaster. "there's one thing," said nolan painfully, "that bothers me. i've been trying to think like a com top brass. the wda is a well meaning organization, and it's gained time, no doubt. but aside from the com missiles, ninety-five per cent of the atomic warheads on earth are in the hands of just one wda nation. it happens to be ours. it's been bearing most of the load of defense costs for the west. it's the richest country in the world. there's practically no poverty in it." "what has poverty to do with a possible war?" demanded the skipper. "everything," nolan said uncomfortably. "the coms take over a country. they march in. there are rich people and poor people. the coms start to humiliate and destroy the rich. the poor people hated them. so the coms are popular long enough to get things going right. but if they tried that in our country--" "it wouldn't work," said the skipper. "not for a minute." "it wouldn't," agreed nolan. "most of our people think of themselves as well to do, and the rest can hope to become so. so the coms would have to try to govern two hundred million indignant and subversive underground resisters. they couldn't hold down such a country. they wouldn't try!" the skipper blinked. "if you mean they'd leave our country alone--" "i don't," said nolan. "they'd destroy it. they'd have to. so they might as well destroy it out of hand and destroy most of the fighting potential and a lot of resolution in the west. a well handled atomic-missile bombardment and some luck, and they could take over the rest of the world without trouble. i think that's the practical thing for them to do. i think they'll do it if they can." the skipper grimaced. then he said, almost ashamedly: "maybe we're talking nonsense, nolan. maybe we've just got bad cases of nerves. maybe things have gotten better since we left. we could arrive back home and find nobody even dreaming of war any more!" "that," said nolan, "would scare me to death. that would be the time to make a sneak attack!" which was pessimism. but nothing else seemed justified. it was not even easy to be hopeful about the value of the fifth-planet weapon to the western defensive alliance. the wda couldn't use it in a preventive war. their people wouldn't allow it. the initiative would always remain with the coms. the _lotus_ moved earthward. she carried a more deadly instrument for war than men had ever dreamed of. but the ship's company daily jittered a little more violently. the war might have been fought and be over by now. if it had, the coms would have won it. * * * * * the coordinator for the wda handed the com ambassador his passport. "i'm sorry you've been recalled," he said heavily, "because i think i see the meaning of the move." "i am only called home for conference and instructions," said the ambassador politely. "i shall miss our friendly chats. we have had a very fine personal relationship, though we have disagreed so often." the coordinator absently shifted objects on his desk. he said suddenly: "mr. ambassador, have i ever lied to you?" the ambassador raised his eyebrows. then he smiled. "never!" he said pleasantly. "i have marveled!" the coordinator took a quick, sharp breath. "i shall not lie now," he said abruptly. "i hope you will believe me, mr. ambassador, when i tell you one of our best-kept military secrets." the ambassador blinked and then shrugged politely. "you always astonish me," he said mildly. "your high command," said the coordinator grimly, "has decided not to try to take over the nation around us. it is considered impractical. so this nation is to be destroyed, to shatter the backbone of the wda and make resistance anywhere else unthinkable." the ambassador said reproachfully: "ah, but you begin to believe your own propaganda!" "no," said the coordinator. "i have simply told you the facts you undoubtedly already know. now i tell you our best-kept military secret. we know that we cannot deal with you. we know that you might be successful in an overwhelming, unwarned attack. we know that if you decide upon war, it will be directed primarily at this nation. so we have set up some very special atomic bombs where it is extremely unlikely that you will find them. they are 'dirty' bombs. they are designed to make the maximum possible amount of radioactive dust--of fallout. timing mechanisms are set to detonate them. every day a man goes and sets back the timing mechanism in each place where a bomb is established. on the day that a man fails to do so the bombs will certainly explode." the coordinator said almost briskly: "we calculate that the bombs will make the atmosphere of the whole earth lethally radioactive. they will raise the background count on earth to the point where nothing can live: no plant, no animal, no fish in any sea. this will only happen if this nation is destroyed. it will fight if it is attacked, of course, but your chances of substantial success are good. but if you are successful the earth will die. i may add that the people of the com nations will die also, to the last individual." the ambassador started to his feet. "but you could not do that!" he protested white-lipped. "you cannot!" the coordinator shrugged and shook his head. "i have not lied to you before, mr. ambassador. i do not lie to you now." then he said formally: "i hope you have a pleasant journey home." iv the _lotus_ came out of the usual sequence of arrival-hops no more than six light-seconds from earth. a million miles, more or less; perhaps four times the distance of the moon. nolan examined the planet's sunlit face and said steadily: "nothing's happened yet." there was almost agonized relief. only the skipper did not seem to relax. he went stolidly to the control-room and got out the scrambler card that matched just one other scrambler card in the world. he put it in the communicator. to speak to earth by scrambler would be an offense. it would be protested by the coms. they would insist that a survey ship should have nothing secret to report and that anything secret must be inimical to the com association of nations. the skipper formally reported in, in the clear, and then insisted on completing his report by scrambler. he did complete it, over the agitated protest of the ground. then there was silence. he mopped his forehead. "nolan, better get down to the eyepiece. the coms could send something up to blast us. i'll get the detectors out. you be ready! you're sure you can handle things?" "this is a little bit late to raise the question," said nolan. "i think i can do it, though." he went down into the hold. he turned on the eyepiece. he saw the distinct, luminous disk which was earth in the not-at-all-believable field of the impossible instrument. he saw points--not dots--of extremely vivid light. obviously the size of a radioactive object did not determine the brightness of its report to the weapon from planet five of fanuel alpha. something else controlled the brilliance. he saw the groupings of many dimensionless points of light. there were the patterns which meant the silos holding the monster atomic missiles of the west. he could distinguish them from the much more concentrated firing-points of the com nations. the oceans had few or no bright points at all. there were only so many atomic-powered ocean-going vessels. nolan could tell well enough which were the western accumulations of radioactives for defense purposes, and which were the com stores of warheads. his throat went dry as he realized the power in his hands. neither he or anyone else could make one blade of grass grow, but he could turn the third planet of this sun into a desert and a dreariness like the third planet of another sun far, far away. the skipper came into the hold. he locked the entrance door behind him. "i got to the coordinator," he said in a shaking voice. "i started enough trouble by reporting by scrambler. he talked to me. i showed him pictures. he's telling the coms most of what i reported, saying that if they like they can try to blast us. if they try, and don't succeed, we can try to figure out what to do next." * * * * * the com premiership was in some ways the equivalent of the office of coordinator of the western defense alliance. but the men who held the two posts were quite unlike and the amount of authority they could exercise was vastly different. the com premier read, again, the newly arrived message from the coordinator. the high officials he'd sent for came streaming into the room. most of them had flimsies of the message in their hands. the premier beamed at them. "you have the news," he said humorously. "the wda coordinator first threatened to make all earth's air radioactive if we attacked the--ah--leading member of the wda and destroyed it. he has evidently decided that this threat is not strong enough. so he assures us that a western survey ship has come back from an exploring voyage with a cargo of artifacts from a non-human civilization. among the artifacts there is what he says is the absolute weapon. he says that the skipper who has brought it back claims that it can end the tension between the wda and us--by ending us!" the premier chuckled. "he invites us to verify the skipper's claim by attempting to blast the survey ship, whose coordinates of position he gives us. i think he has made a rather substantial error of judgment." his eyes twinkled as he looked from one to another of the high officials he had summoned. "we accepted the invitation," said the premier. "naturally! general?" he looked at a tall general officer with twin silver rockets in his lapels. the general said proudly: "yes, excellency! our space-radar located an object at the survey ship's stated position. we sent six rockets with atomic warheads at it. we used satellite-placing rockets for maximum acceleration. they are well on their way now. of course they can be disarmed or destroyed as well as maneuvered to intercept this survey ship if it attempts to flee. they will reach the target area in just under three hours." the premier nodded, very humorously. "since we accepted their invitation, naturally the western staff concludes that we are disturbed. that we will wait to see what our rockets learn. it would be interesting, but our scientists tell me that the alleged weapon is impossible. utterly impossible! so it is merely a trick.... and we will not wait for our rockets to arrive. we might be late for our dinners, and we would not like that!" the high officials made sounds of amusement. "so we put our own ending to the comedy," said the premier blandly. "the circuits are joined?" he asked the question of a craggy-faced service-of-supply colonel. the colonel managed to nod, and was stricken numb by the importance of the gesture. "then," said the premier humorously, "we will destroy our enemy." he waddled across the room. he put a pudgy forefinger on a button. he pushed it. even here, deep underground, there were roaring sounds as rockets took off for the west. all over the com nations, carefully distributed rocket-firing sites received signals from the one pushbutton. they sent bellowing monsters up into the sky. * * * * * three com rockets reached their targets, and nolan never quite forgave himself for it. they were murderous. they wiped out cities. but that was all. the rest of the rockets went off prematurely. a spread of half a hundred, crossing the north pole, detonated just out of atmosphere. others went off over the atlantic. not a few made temporary suns above the pacific. nolan brought moving specks within the thin red circle of his instrument, and pulled the trigger. the points flamed momentarily and left patches of luminosity behind them. and that was that. but they continued to rise. on earth they made noises like dragons. there was panic from their starting points. those first out had not reached their targets! so the com launching-sites flung more and more missiles skyward. one of them reached a city of the west. a second. a third. the only possible answer was to blast them as they rose. then to blast them before they rose. nolan's task became the terribly necessary one of preventing radioactives from moving away from com territory and into wda nations--specifically one wda nation. he did not think of the consequences of his actions except in terms of preventing excessively bright mathematical points of light from getting to the areas where there were so many fewer points of similar light which did not move at all. he tried to stop only those that moved. but three got by him, and he could do nothing but detonate all the radioactives in com territory. he had to! when that was done, there were six warheads coming up from earth. he detonated them. there were massed warheads moving toward earth from the moon. it seemed that they practically tore space apart that they went off together. then the moon base began to fire rockets, hysterically, at the _lotus_, and it was necessary to detonate the radioactives in the moon base. it had been estimated that an atomic war might be over in three hours. but prophecies are usually underestimates. between the first and last explosions on earth, in space and on the moon--there was a truly gigantic crater where the com base had been--some thirty-seven minutes elapsed. then the war was over. there were some survivors in com territory, of course. but they couldn't retaliate for the destruction of their nations. their own bombs had done the destruction. they couldn't even gloat that the rest of earth shared their catastrophe. it didn't. most of the bombs exploded high, and over ocean. no less than three-fifths of all fallout landed in the sea and sank immediately. for the rest, the background count on earth nowhere went above . , and people could be protected against that. the survey ship _lotus_ came gingerly down to ground. there was no longer any reason for tension. its crew reported in and scattered to the various places they called home. they were very glad to be back. in the course of time they were all suitably bemedalled and admired and told that their names would live forever. of course, it was not true. nolan didn't pay much attention to this. he left the survey. he went to live in a small town. he married a small-town girl. and he never, never, never took any one of the excursions so many wda people took to see the result of atomic explosions in com territory, when their attempt to murder one western nation backfired. nolan had caused that backfiring. he very passionately did not want to see its results. he'd seen all he wanted of that sort of thing on the third planet of a sol-type sun, some light-centuries from earth. revolt on io by nelson bond death stalked the _libra_. the io-plunging space liner freighted a secret weapon, and the rebel kreuther had vowed it should not arrive. [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from planet stories spring . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] the ship's clock bonged drowsily three times. bud chandler, the junior watch, glared at it languidly. "thus," he yawned, "endeth the lobster patrol. three bells, my fine bucko--and the soft, warm hay for you. or--" there was a hopeful note in his voice. "or would you like to finish out my trick for me? i'll stand double for _you_ some night." dan mallory said, "comets to you, sailor!" and he rose, stretching the kinks out of weary muscles. his collar was open at the throat, his back ached from five solid hours in the bucket-shaped control chair. his eyes were strained. that was from peering alternately at glowing panels, through a _perilens_ plate into the murky, blue-black space before the void-hurtling _libra_, and back to the panels again. "there's a little thing called sleep which i'm going to grab some of. as soon as norton shows up. where the pink cepheids--?" "tell you what. finish my trick tonight, dan, and i'll double for you _twice_. that's fair enough, isn't it?" "fair enough," said mallory, "but not sufficiently enticing. like an albino on a desert planetoid. ah, here's our hero now! welcome, sir relief! dump it into the basket and let poppa go seek the arms of morpheus." "who's she?" growled rick norton, third mate. his eyes were puffy; he squinted and glared at the bright lights of the control turret. "hell's howling acres, i'm tired! i just about got to sleep when--oh, well. log in order?" "directly." mallory shot a curious glance at norton. "just got to sleep? how come? what were you doing up so late?" "it wasn't official business," answered the junior officer curtly, "so it's none of yours. let's have your log sheet." he slumped into the control chair, squinted through the _perilens_ and made a few tiny course corrections. across the room, bud chandler's shoulders shrugged a reply to dan's swift lift of the eyebrows. the second mate's lips formed a word. "sore-head!" mallory nodded. norton _was_ a surly son-of-a-spacewrangler. but that wasn't any skin off his nose. he went to the chart table. footsteps clattered up the jacob's ladder, the door flew open and the old man stomped onto the bridge. he snapped, "'zuwere!" and glowered over mallory's shoulder, shrewd, space-faded eyes reading sense into the senior lieutenant's neat, precise columns. he jabbed a horny finger at one line of figures. "sure o' that, mallory? velocity that high?" mallory said respectfully, "yes, sir. all figures have been checked and double checked. we're point oh-oh-one on course. forced speed, point thirty-nine above normal." "checked and double checked," said captain algase, "is good enough most of the time. but this trip is special. and vitally important. forty thousand innocent lives depend on our reaching io damn soon! remember that, mallory. all of you remember that." the stern lines of his face eased a trifle. "it's been a hard shuttle, i know. a brutal, punishing trip. and we've all been under a terrific strain. but our difficulties are nothing compared to those of the garrison and the honest colonists of new fresno. they're looking to us for aid, and we're bringing them aid. "that is, someone aboard this ship is. i honestly don't know who that person is. no one knows except the man himself, the commander of the ssp intelligence department on earth, and maybe someone at new fresno. but he _is_ on board, either an officer, sailor or passenger, and he _is_ carrying to io the plans for the new ray weapon recently perfected by the ssp ordnance bureau. "those plans will enable our new fresno garrison to subdue this mysterious uprising on io. that's why the _libra_ is traveling at forced speed. that's why we must redouble every normal precaution to insure our reaching the io colony. that's why, too, we must keep our eyes open; watch even each other. what's the matter with you, norton?" * * * * * norton had started suddenly. now he muttered, red-faced, "sorry, sir. sudden light in the visiplate. it looked like a meteoride." "there's nothing there now," said the skipper. but chandler repeated, "watch each other, captain? i don't get it. we're all pledged and trusted members of the solar space patrol, aren't we? we all live by the ssp motto. i don't see--" he fingered his breast insignia, that tiny, golden rocket emblazoned with the words, _order out of chaos_. "i don't see why we should--" "because," explained the skipper grimly, "wherever there's an uprising there are converts to the new cause, traitors to the old. where there are plans, there are spies to steal them. that's not a warning from h.q.; that's plain, old-fashioned horse-sense. i fought through the rollie rebellion, you know. after the grantland massacre i discovered that one of my own messmates was in the pay of the mercurians. "i won't say for sure that there is a spy aboard the _libra_. but if there is, we must give him no opportunity to learn anything. weary or not, we must remain on the alert at all times. but i needn't say any more. finished, mallory?" "yes, sir. log in order, sir." "very good. you may retire. chandler, you seem to be fagged." bud said, "one more yawn and i'll be a zombie." "a gabby zombie?" sniffed the old man. "i'll finish your trick for you. go get some rest." still glowering, he plumped himself into the seat vacated by chandler, cut in the intercommunications board, audioed the radio turret. "is that you, sparks? wake up, you lazy scut! any news from the earth? or mars central?" the radioman's voice clacked metallically, "no, sir. i can't get through to any station. the rebel forces at new fresno are still jamming the ether with static interference on all wave bands." "well, keep trying. let me know if you get through. well?" the skipper glanced back over his shoulder. "well, i thought you two were tired? what are you waiting for? want to stand another trick apiece?" "no, sir!" said both men hastily. "we're leaving, sir!" they fled. "ain't he a whipper, though?" asked chandler affectionately. "he growls like a terrier pup, but he's got no more bite than a cup custard. 'scuse me!" a gigantic yawn split his grin in two. "must have been something i et!" "the hell of it is," said mallory ruefully, "now i'm off duty, i'm not a bit tired. i wasn't tired at all, really. just had hardening of the panties from squatting in that seat so long. got a cigarette?" chandler tossed him a package. "and don't swipe the coupon, either. six thousand more and i get an electronic microscope. well, you can do what you like. i'm going bye-bye and try to forget the waffles that bucket-seat has pressed into my hip pockets. 'night, pal!" his footsteps rang sharp little echoes on the metal flooring, echoes that hollowed as he disappeared down a corridor leading to the sleeping quarters and mallory turned toward the observation deck. * * * * * the tall first mate leaned against the heavy quartzite pane staring into the depths of space through which the _libra_ scudded. the sight was no novelty to him, but as ever it wakened in his heart a sense of awe, a feeling of weird instability, a sort of pride in man that he, of all the many, strange life-forms experimenting nature had devised, should so far be the only one whose imagination was so great, whose curiosity was so strong, that he had found a way to fling himself at blinding speed across the broad, unfathomable reaches of the void. it was disheartening to realize that even though he had attained the stars, man had not yet sloughed off the instincts and habits of the ape from which he sprang. man's genius had blazed a path across the spaceways, man's bravery had established new colonies from scorching mercury to frozen uranus. ssp lightships bridged the chasms between and beyond; even now the concentrated rays of faraway sol were steaming the rimy crust off pluto that earth's miners might extract the valuable ores revealed by the spectroscope. but with the growth of the colonies, man's ever latent cupidity had come into play. this past half century, thought dan mallory with a sort of savage anger, had been nothing but one long, bloody era of warfare between the forces of law and the outlawry of the greedy. now there was this uprising on the first satellite of jupiter; io. a charming little world. a pleasant earth-like orb, spinning quietly about its gigantic parent. up to this time, its natives had never been troublesome. squat, muscular creatures, more or less anthropoid, except for the fact that their complexions had a pale, greenish cast and their eyes were double-lidded like those of snakes. they had an intelligence of . on the solar constant scale. within a century or so the control board meant to award them autonomy; toward this end educators had been working ever since io had been removed from the british imperial protectorate in . trouble had sprung, both literally and figuratively, like a bolt from the blue. a cosmic _blitzkrieg_. one moment there had been peace and sweet content on io; the next came a frantic, garbled message about "a rebel army ... natives ... led by...." the rest had been drowned in an ear-drum blasting burst of electronic static that had rendered all further communication impossible. "kreuther!" said mallory thoughtfully. the affair sounded like one of kreuther's moves. that power-mad genius, exiled from earth after the thwarted lunar campaign of , was accustomed to strike in just this fashion. he alone, of all avowed ssp enemies, had the persuasive ability to win to his cause a horde of normally contented ionians, the wealth with which to set into motion war's red machinery, the genius with which to disrupt interplanetary communications. "but if it is kreuther," thought mallory consolingly, "this time he's bitten off more than he can chew. that new weapon--" he wondered, briefly, which officer, sailor, passenger, had been entrusted with the secret of the new ray gun's construction. then he cast the thought from his mind. it was none of his business. it were better he didn't know. it was at that stage of his reverie that a sudden byplay of movement captured his attention. in an instant he had cupped his cigarette into his palm, stepped into a dark patch of shadow. a figure had glided from the passageway that led to the sleeping quarters, was now peering uncertainly into the observation deck. it was david wilmot, one of the six passengers aboard the _libra_. wilmot's thin face was pinched with nervousness; he coughed, a thin little hacking sound in the muted quiet, then put the back of his hand to his mouth. dan stood motionless, his dark uniform blending perfectly with the drapes that concealed him. as he waited, watching, the door at the far end of the deck opened, a short, plump man in night-robe entered. wilmot sprang forward eagerly. his whisper carried to dan's keen ears. "have you got them, doctor?" "quiet, you fool!" dr. bonetti's forehead creased angrily; his eyeglasses reflected a subdued light owlishly. he fumbled in his pocket, passed something white to the other man. "here! but not a word, about this, mind you!" "i know. i know." wilmot seized the papers avidly, turned and fled down the corridor whence he had emerged. the doctor stared after him for a moment, shook his head regretfully, then disappeared. the door closed behind him softly. "_that's why, too, we must keep our eyes open--._" the skipper's words echoed in dan mallory's memory as he stepped from his hiding place, brow furrowed. what the devil was going on here? could bonetti have been the bearer of the secret plans; could wilmot have been the spy? had he just witnessed the sell-out of a traitor? but before he could get his jumbled thoughts into order, a voice addressed him from behind, gravely, quietly. "rather confusing, eh, lieutenant?" dan whirled to look into the face of garland smith, another of the _libra's_ passengers. he said, half pettishly, "you, captain? what are _you_ doing up at this time of night?" * * * * * the one-time officer of the ssp, now on the retired list, shot a swift glance at the glittering panorama visible through the quartzite plates. "night, lieutenant? night and day are nothing but quirks of speech out here, sleep a matter of habit. when you have lifted gravs as many years as _i_ have--" he sighed. "i was restless. and perhaps it is just as well. i witnessed the same thing you did. and strange things are going on aboard the _libra_." mallory said cautiously, "perhaps you're too apprehensive, captain. just because two passengers are sleepless like yourself, meet in the observation chamber--" "they're not the only two who are still awake. the whole slumbering ship stirs with movement, my boy. a moment or so before you arrived i saw albert lemming stealing down the no. corridor--and 'stealing' is the only word that describes his progress. before that, mrs. wilmot had a secret rendezvous with some one in the smoking room; i don't know who her companion was. and lady alice has not been in her cabin all night." the older man's eyes sought mallory's, his gaze was piercing. "my boy, i realize that i no longer rank you. but not so long ago, i was your senior. once a patrolman, always a patrolman, you know. i feel we are in the midst of an intrigue too weighty for one man to solve. perhaps the experience of an old officer may help. tell me, is it true what i have heard? that someone aboard this vessel is carrying to the new fresno garrison the secret of earth's new ray weapon? if so, the mysterious actions we've witnessed may be espionage, agents of the kreuther forces--" mallory said respectfully, "i'm very sorry, sir. i am not permitted to say anything. but i would suggest that in the morning you speak to captain algase. i'm sure he'll welcome your offer of assistance." his face clouded. slowly he said, "lady alice. where did you see her last?" "in the reading room." mallory saluted, turned and went to the ship's library. as he walked he found himself hoping, why, he did not try to explain to himself, that he would find the room empty. but it was not. a single lamp was lighted inside. as mallory pressed open the door, shadows danced on the farther wall; the wavering, unidimensional symbol of an upright figure spun and made swift, jabbing motions, dropped. there was a sound of paper rustling, the rough scrape of calfskin on buckram. then he was in the room, and lady alice was seated beside the refectory table, ostensibly reading a book. she glanced up with a little movement of surprise. "why, lieutenant, what a pleasant surprise!" mallory stifled the impulse to say, "pleasant?" he stared at the girl curiously, reminding himself for the hundredth time since she had come aboard this ship, six days ago, that as man and woman they had no common meeting ground, they lived on planes inordinately diverse. he was dan mallory, a lieutenant of the solar space patrol, a respectable, if underpaid, watchdog of law and order in man's widening circle of influence. moreover, he was a _young_ lieutenant. it would be years before he earned a major brevet, became an acceptable social figure. even if a miracle were to happen, if he were to be selected into the envied corps of lensmen, he would only be a super-cop. while she.... she was lady alice charwell, possessor of a name and title respected for more than eight hundred years. of course the title was now one of courtesy only; there was no duchy of io since the cession of that satellite to the world council. but once her father had been manor lord of the entire globe; in the _almanach de gotha_ her family name and crest still figured prominently. all of which had little to do with the fact that her eyes were blue as the morning mists of venus, that her limbs were white and straight and supple, softly feminine despite the mannish slack and shirt ensemble she affected, that her hair was a seine of sunlight gold that snared dan mallory's heart and quickened his breath. he forced his voice to calmness. he said, "lady alice, don't you think it would be better if you were to go to bed? this--this staying up at night--" her laughter was warm and delicious. "but, lieutenant! surely there's no harm in my reading myself to sleep?" "not a bit," agreed mallory. he bit his lip. "i might suggest, though, that unless you're reading a book in the lower venusian language, it would be easier to read if the book were right side up. and--" he walked past her, swiftly, stared at the book which, hastily thrust back into the bookcase, still jutted out beyond its fellows. "and you might find more interesting reading matter than a tactical survey of ionian military resources." the girl's face was scarlet. she came to her feet indignantly. "really, lieutenant, you go too far! i don't see that it is any of your business." "lady alice," said mallory pleadingly, "a state of war exists on io. strange things are happening aboard the _libra_, things the exact nature of which i am not at liberty to explain. if you will try to forget, for a moment, that i am a space officer--just think of me as a man--will you allow me to make the suggestion that you do absolutely nothing to lay your actions, your motives, open to any sort of suspicion? "i realize that as one who inherited a claim to the title, 'duchess of io,' you are deeply interested in current affairs on that colony. others may read another meaning into your actions, though. at least one person has already hinted that you--" lady alice's breathing was swift. "who?" she demanded. "who is this person?" "i'm sorry. i can't say. but will you do as i suggest?" there was a moment of silence. then the girl shut the book on her lap, laid it on the table, rose. "very well, lieutenant. i'm a rather poor deceiver, aren't i? nevertheless, i thank you for your well-meant advice." she moved toward the doorway, grace and poise in her every stride. and she turned there to smile back at him, her voice soft and unamused. "lieutenant," she said, "you should lay aside your shoulder-straps more often. the man beneath is most--interesting." then she was gone, leaving behind her a red-faced, speechless, utterly chaotic dan mallory. * * * * * at breakfast, mallory presided at the head of the table. bud chandler, arriving a few minutes late, stared at his comrade surprisedly. "why, skipper!" he said, "what this trip is doing for your complexion! you look thirty years younger. where did you get them pretty pink cheeks?" mallory growled, "sit down, pal, and shut up. the old man's grabbing forty, and he deserves 'em. he and norton ran into a loft-bound vacuole last night, had a hell of a time pulling out. didn't you hear the commotion?" "all i heard," complained bud, "was somebody in my room snoring. it woke me up once, and what made me maddest was when i found out it was me." he nodded to the assembled passengers, sat down and made wry faces over his grapefruit juice. albert lemming, the swarthy-skinned jewel merchant en route to his company's headquarters in new fresno, stared at the acting-captain curiously. "a vacuole, lieutenant? what's that?" "a hole in space. something like an air-pocket in the ether. they aren't particularly dangerous, but the one we ran into was whirling in the wrong direction; if captain algase hadn't pulled us out, we'd have lost time on our trip to io." mrs. wilmot looked up. she was not, thought mallory, a bad looking dame--if you went for that sharp, peaked sort of beauty. but there was a touch of cruelty to the cut of her lips, a pinched look about the nostrils, he didn't go for. and her eyes were too close together. she said, "that would be unfortunate, wouldn't it, lieutenant? losing time, i mean?" there was a touch of some subtler meaning behind her words; mallory couldn't decide just what it was. maybe it was sarcasm, maybe it was fear, maybe it was mockery. he said, "i think we all share the desire to reach new fresno as soon as possible, don't we?" her answer was unexpectedly sharp. "i don't care if we never reach there. i'd rather die peacefully in space than--" "_susan!_" her husband's voice sheared the end of the sentence into silence. her eyes glared defiance at him for a moment, then she returned to the business of eating. lemming looked embarrassed. dr. bonetti shook his head. captain smith coughed, suggested mildly, "captain algase must be an excellent astronavigator, lieutenant. i didn't notice a single jarring motion. in _my_ day, escape from a vacuole was a tedious, ship-wracking process. of course--" his eyes wandered about the table querulously, "of course there are so many new inventions nowadays. improvements in all lines. spacecraft, air-modifiers, armament--" mallory rose suddenly. he was half angry with the ex-space officer. smith wasn't being very subtle in his effort to help matters. no doubt the old duck meant well, but-- he said, "if you'll excuse me, ladies and gentlemen, i must go to the bridge. ready, bud?" bud chandler gulped, "ssswllwmcffy! ulp!" "what?" "i said, 'as soon as i swallow my coffee!'" repeated the second mate aggrievedly. "can't you understand english? let's go." lemming intercepted them as they passed his end of the table. he asked, "lieutenant, i've been wanting to ask for several days--might i be permitted to visit the bridge? this is my first spaceflight, you know. i've always wanted to see how the controls are operated." "speak to captain algase," suggested dan. "that's not within my power--yes, billy?" the mess-boy had just raced in from the outer deck, trayless, almost breathless. "y're wanted on the bridge immejitely, lootenant! cap'n orders!" his eyes were as big as saucers. "sparks just got a message through. a message from new fresno!" dan had just time to notice, out of the corner of one eye, how this bald pronouncement affected the passengers. he saw the concerted motion that dragged them all to their feet as if they were puppets on a single string; saw the sudden gleam in wilmot's eye, the worried frown that creased bonetti's forehead, heard the swift, startled gasp from lady alice and intercepted captain smith's darting glances from one to another of the listeners. lemming's voice quavered, "a--a message from new fresno!" and susan wilmot laughed, a short, strident, triumphant burst of sound. then dan mallory saw no more. for with chandler at his heels, he was pounding through the corridors to the jacob's ladder that fed the control turret. * * * * * captain algase was no beauty even when garbed in his officer's blues; in pajamas and slippers he was something out of a nightmare. his bare legs were like cylindrical hair mattresses, his pajama slacks bulged at the equator as if he were concealing there a half watermelon. his eyes were red and gummy, his temper like something that could be poured out of a cruet. as dan and bud entered the control turret he was battering the bewildered radioman's defenses into oblivion with a salvo of verbal thermite. "message!" he was howling. "you call this thing a message! i'll have you stewed in slow gravy for waking me up like this, sparks! of all the damn, dumb--" he saw his two lieutenants. "never mind, you two. go back and finish your breakfast. false alarm." "we've finished, skipper," said dan. "what's all the commotion?" "this _&![oe])$$[oe] _!--" began algase. sparks said miserably, "but it was marlowe's hand on the keys, cap'n! i swear it was. i know the message don't make sense, but you can't fool a bug-pounder. every radioman has a distinctive sending style. ask anybody. even one of them wise-cracking donovan boys. they'll tell you. and this was marlowe's hand--" "let's see," said mallory. he took the flimsy from his senior's fingers, frowned as he ran an eye over the cryptic symbols. "numerals! all numerals. sparks--?" "it was like this. the static interference is still going on. the audio wouldn't bring in voice at all. but as i was twisting the dials, i got this power wave from lunar iii, joe marlowe's station. it had a--a sort of cadence. i began putting down the things it sounded like, and--and that's what come out." chandler, peering over his comrade's shoulder, said, "well, hell's bells, are you all nuts? it must be a code of some sort. sparks, we use several numerical codes, don't we?" "yes." meekly. "but that ain't one of them, lieutenant. that don't fit no code in the reg book." mallory continued to stare at the message. it was long, and undeniably confusing. it read: . - - . - . - . - - - . - . - - . - . - . - . - - - . - - . - . - . - . - . - - - . - . - . - - - . - . - . - . - . - . - - - . - . - - - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - - - . - - . - .- . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - - - - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - - . - . - - . - - . - - . - - - . - - . - . - . - . - . -- "--and there it began all over again," said sparks. "the same sequence. i agree, it's a code. but what good is a code when we ain't got the key to it. it ain't a simple word substitution cryptogram or a five-by-five. i studied them in the academy, and tried them all before i brought this to the captain. in other words, it ain't no good to us unless we've got the clue--and we ain't got the clue!" * * * * * mallory said, "billy said this was a message from new fresno?" "well, he was wrong, as usual." determinedly. "it come from earth's moon. i know joe marlowe's fingers when i hear 'em. damn, we was classmates for three years. before i got crazy and gave up chemistry for key-pushing--" "chemistry!" mallory started. "did you say chemistry? did you and marlowe study chemistry together?" "yeah. why?" "why! because that's the answer. marlowe is nobody's fool. he knew you were the radioman aboard the _libra_, prepared a special code, the key to which would lie in your brain as the 'memory of auld lang syne'--bud, look at these figures again. you notice the number ' ' appearing over and over? even in that thick skull of yours, ' ' suggests--?" "oxygen," declared chandler promptly. "the atomic weight of oxygen." "and eighty-three point seven? forty-seven, nine?" "krypton. and--let's see--titanium?" "right! grab a pencil, pal! i think we've got a solution here. jot these down--krypton, europium, thorium, erbium--hold it!" he looked at his companion disgustedly. "just the symbols, you dope! don't you see? the symbols of the various elements employ every letter in the english language except 'j' and 'q'--and those are the two least commonly used, anyway. start over. krypton--" "kr," said bud. "europium--" "eu." "thorium. erbium--" "'kreuther'!" howled bud. "that's it, dan! keep going!" * * * * * the message slowly scrawled its way onto paper. a word appeared, another, another. then: "ten point twenty-five!" said mallory. "followed by . ! what the hell are they?" bud said, "maybe he made a mistake? boron's . . lithium's . --" "no. that's not it," said mallory. he frowned. captain algase had long since wakened completely, was listening to his two juniors with glowing pride. now he cut the gordian knot. "chromium," he suggested, "is fifty-two point one, dan. the reverse of the number that stumps you." "right! that's it, skipper! and the meaning must be that the symbol is to be written in reverse. 'rc' instead of 'cr.' there aren't enough combinations to spell every word in the language unless you use some subterfuges like that." "which makes the word," said bud, "'forces.' go on, pal...." mallory plunged into the heart of the coded letter. " . --" "argon," said bud, "'a.'" " . . indium. . --" "samarium. 'sa.' next?" "iodine." "'i.'" the message was finished. bud handed it to captain algase. mallory's curiosity was at fever pitch. he had not been able to piece the letters together as he went along; he had gained but a smattering here and there. he waited. the skipper read slowly, breaking the message up into coherent sentences. "'kreuther power behind revolution. heavy forces now threatening new fresno--'" "kreuther, huh?" growled bud. "i thought so." "'hasten assistance. lane warns--'" the captain stopped, stared a moment, glanced swiftly at mallory. there was a tight note in his voice. "'lane warns lady alice, cabal spy, now in _libra_--'" "lady alice!" blurted mallory. the warmth of the control turret suddenly weighed down upon him; his brow felt hot, oppressed, as if some gigantic hand had descended upon his temples. "'captain saith,'" continued algase, "'intensify protection of new secret ray.'" he crumpled the paper. "and that is all, gentlemen. mallory--" "yes, sir?" "our fears were justified. there _is_ a spy on the _libra_. we must take no chances. you will arrest lady alice charwell, place her under lock and key for the duration of the voyage." bud chandler muttered, "where does marlowe get that old english stuff? 'saith!' why didn't he say, 'says'?" "because," mallory answered mechanically, "there is no 'ys' combination in the elemental vocabulary. he had to say it that way." the recollection of his unpleasant duty flooded back on him; with it came protest. "but it can't be true, captain! there must be some mistake. surely lady alice wouldn't be--" "on the contrary, daniel," algase's voice was unusually gentle, "she would be. once her family owned all of io. it is more than likely that she should want to see the globe freed of board control; regain her lost property. she could well be in league with kreuther to overthrow the present government. according to this, she _is_." "yes, sir," acknowledged dan dully. he was thinking of captain smith's warning. of the book lady alice had been reading, the book on military tactics. "shall i make the--the arrest now, sir?" "yes, lieutenant." "very good, sir!" he turned and left the room. his jaw was white and rigid; a dull hurt was behind his eyes.... * * * * * a strained assemblage awaited his return to the mess hall. as he entered the room all conversation ended abruptly; an almost audible silence fell upon the group of passengers. lemming half rose from his seat, opened his mouth as though to say something, closed it again, his lips a white slit against the green pallor of his cheeks. lady alice's eyes were tense, expectant. captain smith moved forward to meet him. the ex-space officer's heavy frame was poised and ready; there was a note of subdued eagerness in his voice. he said stridently, "well, lieutenant--?" dan mallory's patience with the older man was quite exhausted. he said curtly, but in a voice that did not reach the ears of the others, "captain, i must remind you that you have no authority whatsoever on this ship! i appreciate your willingness to help, but--" angrily. "for god's sake, man, stop acting like the hero of a twenty-second century dime novel! stop fingering your needle-gun, and--" smith looked embarrassed. his heavy shoulders sagged, and swift contrition swept over mallory as the one-time officer said, "i--i'm sorry, lieutenant." lemming had found words at last. he asked, shakily, "the--the message, lieutenant? was it--?" he had to arrest lady alice, thought dan mallory. but he didn't have to humiliate her. to brand her eternally as a traitor in the eyes of her associates. and he still held doggedly to the hope that somehow, somewhere, had been made a dreadful mistake. he said, "the message was a routine transmission, mr. lemming. of no great importance. now, will you all be kind enough to disband, quietly?" no one moved. mallory, glancing at the faces about him, felt again that conviction that an interwoven webbing of intrigue entangled these passengers. he said, firmly, "that is not a request, but a command! you will all retire to the observation deck at once!" the little group stirred. mallory sought the side of lady alice, said, "i've been wanting to show you the ship, lady alice. wouldn't you like to see it now?" her look of pleased surprise burned him. she said, "why, lieutenant, how nice! i would enjoy it." they moved in a direction opposite that of the rest of the passengers. even so, they did not escape unnoticed. from the corner of his eye dan mallory caught the glitter of dr. bonetti's spectacles, realized that the dumpy man was watching them shrewdly. and for a moment his eye met that of captain garland smith; the old officer's head was nodding in mused speculation. he, too, had guessed mallory's concealed purpose. only the girl herself seemed unaware that this was not merely a pleasantry. her shoulder brushed that of mallory as they pressed through a narrow doorway; the soft, feminine warmth of her heaped reproach on the young lieutenant, as did her words. "lieutenant, i see you can take advice as well as give it. i had no idea, last night, when i suggested that you reveal the man beneath the uniform more often, that you would actually--" they were alone now. and mallory turned to face her, his voice purposely hard and impersonal. "if you please, lady alice! it is my painful duty to inform you that you are under arrest!" "under ar--!" her gasp ended in a burst of light laughter. she brought her hand to her forehead in mock salute. "aye, lieutenant! brig, ho! but if i'm not too inquisitive, what charges are preferred against me? murder? of course, i _do_ kill time most horribly, but these long trips--or could it be theft? i'm sure i've stolen nothing. unless you mean--" she paused in sudden confusion; her eyes lifted to his; there was something written there, something breathtaking. mallory had to hold tight. "the charge," he said tersely, "is--treason! that message was from lunar iii, lady alice. it bore a warning from the commander of the intelligence division there, advising us that you had been discovered to be a member of igor kreuther's organization!" * * * * * the light died from the girl's eyes, the smile on her lips turned to ice. her slim body stiffened, straightened. and for an instant dan mallory saw, with swift prescience, that this girl was not all charm and allure; that beneath her tempting softness there was a core, steel-strong, of strength and daring. "treason! treason, you--you blind fool!" she spat. "you dare accuse _me_, lady alice charwell, grand duchess of io, lady of the rocket and globe, maid of the golden crest, of--of treason! sir! my family ruled io when that dominion was first discovered. for almost three hundred years the charwell crest has--" "please, lady alice!" pleaded mallory. "i know how you feel about it. to your mind, your actions were not treasonable. but io is no longer yours; it is under the guardianship of the control board. and you mustn't talk this way. i will be called to testify against you; anything you say will be convicting evidence--" he touched her shoulder as though the warmth of his hand might melt its icy stiffness. she shrugged herself loose disdainfully. "i think we can dispense with the amenities, lieutenant. the smile on the lips ... the gracious invitation to 'see the ship' ... the friendly hand of comfort...." there was scorn, anger, pain in her eyes. "it is my right to demand the privilege of communicating with my accusers, is it not? those on earth who--?" "i'm sorry. no audio transmission is possible because of the blanket-static. the message came through in a code." "i see. i must wait, then, until we reach new fresno. never mind, lieutenant mallory. you have said enough. i presume you are placing me under guard? where--in my own quarters? very well. if you will be kind enough to escort me there!" she laughed brittlely. "but, of course, you will. you couldn't let a traitor out of your sight, could you?" in throbbing, bitter silence they moved down the corridors to lady alice's stateroom. there she spoke for the last time. "the message that accused me, lieutenant. might i be permitted to hear the damning evidence? what did it say?" there was no harm, thought mallory miserably, in telling her that. the words were like acid, etched into his brain. he repeated them. she listened intently, frowned--and then a new, curious look stole into her eyes. she said, "but--" "yes?" said mallory. "yes?" the look faded. she laughed scornfully. "hoping to hear more 'convicting evidence,' lieutenant? i'm so sorry to disappoint you. now, will you lock the door after me, please?" dan mallory made a last try. it would cost him his rocket if anyone heard his words, but-- "lady alice," he pleaded, "i'm honestly sorry about this. i don't believe you are guilty. if you'll trust me, tell me your side of the story, i'll do everything in my power to--" "you have done," said the girl tightly, "more than enough right now. guard me well, lieutenant!" with a short, mocking laugh she slipped through the door, mallory waited a long minute, then turned the key in the lock. its grate was a taunting sneer. he returned to the bridge.... * * * * * he couldn't help overhearing the end of that conversation. the runway that fed the control turret was narrow and metal-walled; it formed a perfect soundbox. moreover, the door was ajar. the voice was captain algase reached his ears perfectly as he approached the room. "--don't want to have to remind you again, norton, that it is highly unethical for a space officer to become involved with a woman passenger. especially with a married woman." and the surly voice of third mate rick norton saying, "very well, sir!" then footsteps approaching the door, a figure confronting his squarely, norton flushing, snarling, "getting an earful, mallory?" dan was in no mood for bickering. he said, "don't mind me, norton. i've known for months you were a skirt-chaser. i don't consider it any of my business." norton's cheeks flamed. he said insultingly, "and i suppose you stand behind your stripes as you say that?" "forget the stripes." mallory looked at his fists. "i stand behind these." "good!" norton swung. he was a well-built man, a strong man. his blow packed dynamite--but it needed a target to set off the percussion cap. it found no target but a moving one. mallory ducked, rolled with the punch, came up inside the third mate's guard to land a short, jabbing left to the midsection, a blasting right to the point of norton's jaw. norton gasped and collapsed soggily. arms behind him reached out to support his falling weight; other lips behind mallory whistled softly as bud chandler, coming up to serve his trick, witnessed the swift, decisive exchange of blows. and captain algase, releasing norton's inert form, glared at mallory. "well! well, lieutenant, i think you know we have rules against brawling?" "aye, sir!" "but--" captain algase stroked his jaw speculatively, "in this case--chandler, get him below! it served him right. maybe he'll spend this rest period sleeping, instead of stirring up trouble amongst the passengers. dan, my boy--" he led the way back into the turret, completed the log record for the previous trick, handed it to mallory, who had slipped into the control bucket. "twenty-four more earth hours and we'll be there," he said. "and, believe me, i'll be glad when this trip ends. trouble. nothing but trouble from beginning to end. long tricks and short tempers. norton getting mixed up with that wilmot dame--a damn' hussy if i ever saw one, and her husband a neurotic wreck. smith bothering the blistering hades out of me, wanting to 'help' catch spies and a thousand other--" he glanced at mallory, who had stiffened at the word. his glance was sympathetic. "i'm sorry i had to ask you to arrest her, daniel. but it's experiences like that that make strong men out of space officers. "you have to be hard in this business. crime hides beneath strange disguises. the sweetest smiles, the friendliest hand-shakes, the most honeyed words, may conceal--" "if you please, sir!" said dan mallory, white-lipped. "i know, lad. i've seen the way you looked at her. but remember--forty thousand innocent lives! had she learned the secret of that new weapon, our voyage might have been disastrous. from this distance she could have made a flight to io in one of the auxiliary safety rockets, given the plans to kreuther's forces. the very weapon we look to for salvation would have been used against us. io might have become a nest of rebellion, instead of a peaceful member of the solar family. now that we've snared our spy, the messenger--whoever he is--will be safe." on the visiplate it was a glowing red spark, but in the _perilens_ before him it was a gigantic orb dominating the heavens through which the _libra_ hurtled. jupiter; monster of sol's scattered brood, untamed sphere of writhing gases and vague mystery, itself a pseudo-parent emanating enough heat to make its far-flung satellites livable worlds. soon they would fling themselves, they aboard the _libra_, halfway around that gigantic orb, settle to the small body now wanly visible as a silver crescent. * * * * * dan mallory punched a control-key savagely, felt the _libra_ shake itself into a slightly changed curve, turned to his superior. "i'm not so sure of that, sir. oh, i'm not trying to defend lady alice. earth's intelligence officers don't make mistakes--not mistakes of that magnitude, anyway. but there are other passengers i don't trust. lemming. wilmot. dr. bonetti. why are they aboard the _libra_? why were they so excited when they heard we'd received a message from lunar iii? suppose one of them is also a spy?" "or suppose," said the skipper, "one of them bears the secret of the new ray weapon. wouldn't that one naturally be excited?" "but the others?" mallory inquired. "i don't know. you may have something there, daniel. i'm still taking no chances. i've put aiken on guard at lady alice's door. if anyone tries to liberate her--what _is_ it, sparks?" he snapped the query at the intercommunications box which was spluttering and growling. the radioman's tone was weary. "it's mr. wilmot again, sir. he insists on talking to you." "tell mr. wilmot i will see him at midday mess." sparks was stubborn about it. "but he insists his message is important, sir. he demands to see you at once. says--" "_demands!_" the skipper's jowls reddened. "please tell mr. wilmot passengers do not _demand_ favors of spaceship officers. i will see him at mess. that is all!" and he cut the communications board; turned to mallory angrily. "that's why i didn't put you on report for slugging norton. wilmot's mad as a hornet and i don't blame him. norton catting around after his wife--" chandler appeared, grinning. he said to mallory, "what a sock, pal, what a sock! if that guy counts sheep in his sleep, he's going to wake up allergic to mutton. wish i had done it. he's a grouchy son-of-a-- what's biting you?" mallory said, "that's just it, damn it! i don't quite know. it just came upon me like a flash that someone said something funny ... something that didn't ring true ... but i can't remember what it was. if i could--" "see, skipper? it's got him, too. we're all going to be candidates for the straitjacket squad when we finish this trip." algase smiled sourly. "well, don't lift gravs for the next twenty-four hours, that's all i ask. see you later, boys." he turned to leave; was interrupted by the buzz of the intercommunications box. "what, again! yes, sparks--what is it this time? if it's wilmot again, tell him to go beat his brains out with a rusty bar! i'll see him at--" sparks' voice was harsh with excitement. "it is wilmot, sir! but i can't tell him anything. he's dead, sir! murdered!" * * * * * chandler said, "murdered? mi-god!" captain algase said a more effective and less printable thing which ended in, "come on!" and he and chandler pounded down the runway, their footsteps ringing on the jacob's-ladder, disappearing in the distance. dan mallory, his thoughts chaotic, sat chained to his bucket seat by the obligation of guiding the spaceship through the treacherous void. his fingers played over the control keys automatically; slowly the chaos left his brain and cold, clear, reasoning thought took its place. wilmot dead. why? the first thought that suggested itself was norton. motive--jealousy. the desire to get susan wilmot's husband out of the way so-- but that was illogical. norton was a skirt-chaser and a quixotic fool, but he wasn't a criminal. murder was not in his line. why else, then? because wilmot had been the bearer of the formula? had he been slain by a spy? and if so, by whom? lady alice was in her cabin, or at least--with a swift constriction of the throat--dan hoped she was. he pressed the intercommunications button hurriedly; sparks' face appeared before him on the visiplate. "get me the m- plate, sparks! the one in the stateroom passageway!" the scene shifted. aiken, a space gob, looked up as the audio before him glowed into life, touched his forelock respectfully. "lieutenant mallory?" "the prisoner is in her stateroom?" "aye, sir." "she hasn't been out?" "not for a moment, sir." the sailor added, "might i ask the lootenant what the h--i mean, what's going on?" "plenty!" snapped dan. "that's all, sailor. carry on!" the glow faded. mallory shook his head. no dice on that hunch. then what else--? the thought came so suddenly, so breathtakingly, that it literally lifted him out of his chair. there was but one possible answer! the reverse of his former theory. wilmot was neither the bearer of the precious secret nor a spy. he was the "innocent bystander"; the traditional victim who, from time immemorial, has always been the one to get bopped. somehow the nervous, jittery little man had learned _who_ the spy was. he had attempted to communicate his knowledge to captain algase; the petulance of his own nature had rendered this impossible. and the spy, knowing that wilmot had learned his secret, had-- again he pressed the button. this time sparks said, "lieutenant mallory? have you seen mr. lemming? the captain wants to question him, but he can't be found anywhere--" "never mind that!" rapped mallory. "sparks, i want to know this. how was wilmot killed?" "rayed, sir. needled." "i thought as much. and who was the first to find him?" "dr. bonetti, sir. he's being held under suspicion. he confesses to having supplied wilmot with drugs, sir. _teklin-root_, sir. (that would be, thought mallory swiftly, the package surreptitiously exchanged in the observation room.) but he claims he didn't kill wilmot--" "quick, man! was captain smith anywhere around the radio turret when this happened?" "why--why, he _had_ been, sir. but he left before mr. wilmot did--" captain algase's face appeared in the visiplate beside that of sparks. "daniel, my boy, keep your eye peeled for lemming. he's disappeared. susan wilmot has told us he isn't a jewel merchant at all; he's a jewel thief! fleeing earth to gain settler's amnesty on io. wilmot knew his secret, tried to blackmail him. lemming threatened--" "you're after the wrong man!" screamed dan mallory. "captain, i see it all, now! the whole story. these other things have confused us. sparks, swiftly--get me that m- plate again!" * * * * * the scene spun, changed dizzily. once again mallory was gazing down the corridor where aiken had stood guard. but aiken no longer stood before lady alice charwell's door. he lay there, limp, still forever. a smoking hole charred his broad chest, crimson stirred sluggishly from the needle-ray's telltale trail. the door of the stateroom was open. a hoarse bellow told dan that the captain was seeing the same scene. "_she_ did it! she killed him and escaped!" "no!" roared mallory. "_smith_ did it! the man we should have suspected all the time; the man who _admitted_ his guilt, but i was too blind to see it. kreuther's spy. the renegade space officer--captain, did you feel that?" his space-trained senses had felt the swift, tiny moment of jarring repercussion that meant only one thing--that from one of the escape ports a life-skiff, an auxiliary safety rocket, had slipped from its base on the _libra_, taken off into space! "he's escaping! he's kidnaped her and taken off in a life-skiff. bud! take over! i'm lifting gravs!" and for the first time in his career as an officer of the ssp, lieutenant daniel mallory violated, deliberately, a rule of the space patrol handbook. he rammed the _libra's_ controls into the robot hands of the iron mike, and abandoned his post in mid-flight! * * * * * it was not that he considered himself more capable than his captain or the second mate. his move was dominated by only one thing, the urgent need for haste. safety rockets are, as everyone knows, blindingly fast. much faster than the heavier, sturdier, cruising vessels that bear them like so many unfledged wallabies in a pouch. give smith a flying start and he would never be apprehended. and _he_, dan mallory, was much nearer a life-skiff port than the other officers up in the loft of the radio turret. slipping, skidding, stumbling in his haste, he raced to the nearest port, flung open the control-bar, threw himself into the small, tear-shaped vehicle lying there. there were regulations demanding that air, food, water supplies be ascertained before flight in one of these was attempted. but there was no time for such nonsense now. each second seemed an hour as mallory warmed the hypatomic motors of the skiff, rammed the button that opened the _libra's_ outer shell, struck another that catapulted the safety-rocket away from its parent craft. then the dark of the womblike casing was gone, and he was blasting, under his own power, through space illumined with the candle-gleams of a trillion galactic motes. he set his range-finder and attractor--but even as their needles found their objective, his searching eyes located it. a tiny, silvery gleam against the tawny night ahead--a gleam from the stern of which flared burst upon flaming burst of superheated light. the rockets of smith's skiff, hell-bent for io! minutes _had_ been precious! vitally so. already the little craft was countless thousands of miles before him. it was a wide margin that separated him; and in that margin lay the difference between freedom and peonage for forty thousand earth-men, millions of ionians, the difference between life and death for the girl smith had kidnaped, the difference between victory and defeat for the solar patrolmen. there was only one way to catch smith. recognizing the fact, dan mallory bit his lip, set his jaw stubbornly. acceleration! acceleration great enough to fling him across the yawning void, enable him to snare his quarry in tensiles.... and he was not strapped! no safety corset to hold tight the straining cords of his viscera, no yards of gauze padding to keep his wracked body from literally flinging itself to shreds. no-- he glanced about him hurriedly. there were piles of cushions, soft, plump, airy, scattered about the metallic cockpit. he jammed a dozen of these behind him, under him, about him. there was an oxy-helmet in its container beside him; he thrust this over his head. its rubberoid halter settled about his chest, his shoulders. at least his straining eyes would not bulge from their sockets; by adjustment--if he could raise a hand--he could compensate accelerative force with pressure. he drew a deep breath. then, recklessly, wrenched the dial of the motor to full acceleration! * * * * * it was as though ten thousand fiery demons tore at his body with claws of flame. a weight, massive, imponderable, kicked the breath out of his lungs, forced it from his gaping mouth and flared nostrils into the helmet he wore. he gulped and strangled, fighting to draw into a shrunken chest a breach of fleeing life. one hand moved--or tried to--to his throat in an instinctive gesture of distress. the hand moved a half inch from his knee, flung itself back into his stomach like a leaden weight. the quick burst of nausea saved his life, because tortured ductless glands released a stream of adrenalin into his churning blood-stream, the miraculously adaptable body of man rose once again above its normal limitations. air crept into his lungs, his heart's tumultuous pounding no longer throbbed a threnody in his eardrums. still he could move with only the greatest of effort--but he could move! and his eyes, no longer blinded by the red mist that had drowned their sockets, saw the rocket-flares before him seem to literally stop in mid-flight, race back toward him! a great exultation seized him. he was hardly aware that bright blood had burst from his nostrils, and that as he opened his lips to shout hoarsely the corners of his mouth drooled red. the craft he pursued whirled fiercely toward him; like flame-riding charioteers they jockeyed across the cosmic wastes. smith knew he was there. must know. but--mallory's grin was the grimace of a gargoyle--he didn't have the guts to duplicate the young lieutenant's mad burst of speed. he was depending on other weapons. even as mallory experienced the thought, a stabbing beam spat backward from the other rocket, a coruscating ray of silver that bore sudden death. but mallory had anticipated the move; his slow hand had been straining for seconds to forestall it. he pressed a lever--the ship slid into a dive. another and the terrible pressure lifted from his limbs, his body felt suddenly light and buoyant, strength surged back to him with singing sweetness. again that stabbing ray searched for him. but dan mallory was no novice at the art of space warfare. he spun his craft into a cycloid laegland arc, the lethal ray spent itself on indestructible space, and when mallory came out of his maneuver he was within scant miles of his objective. grinning savagely, his hand sought the button that would smash smith's ship into oblivion--then stayed! lady alice! he could not destroy her with smith. because now he knew, certainly and surely, two things. one of which was that she must be the bearer of the secret ray formula to io. in no other way could you account for the fact that smith had dared everything to kidnap her. she carried the secret, not in papers, but in her mind. were she to die--and might the gods of space forbid that his hand should destroy her loveliness!--kreuther would still be the victor. for with her would perish the final hope of the besieged new fresno garrison. the other thing he realized was-- but there was no time for that now. his fingers spurned the ray button; found another. a jolt shivered the space-skiff from fore-quartz to rocket as his tensile beam reached across the closing miles, fastened its grip on smith's craft. mallory's grin tightened. he cut motors. his tensile beam would contract like a rubber band, drawing the two ships together. smith, feeling that beam upon him, unable to sheer it off, would not be able to turn a lethal radiation upon him now. for the tensile beam was a perfect conduction ray. to destroy one ship meant to destroy both. there was a groan behind him. shocked, he turned. from the storage bin, bleeding from nose, ears, mouth, body twisted as though wrung through some gigantic mangler, crawled the missing jewel thief--albert lemming! * * * * * mallory choked, sickened. "lord, man! how did you get aboard here? why--" liquid breath gurgled in lemming's throat. glaze filmed his eyeballs. "tried to--" he panted, "--stow away. wilmot dead--knew suspect me--hid--" his head fell forward to the floor. dan fingered his pulse, found there not the feeblest stir of life. lemming, fleeing the dreaded breath of suspicion, had lost the more important breath of life. the miracle was that he had survived, even so long, the tremendous acceleration that had taxed all mallory's space-trained, protected faculties. and the two space-skiffs closed inexorably the gap between them. mallory's quick brain leaped to the final problem. but before he could solve it, the small skiff audio burst into speech. "well done, whoever you are!" said the voice from the other skiff. "but you realize it won't do you any good?" mallory rasped, "i'm coming alongside in a minute, smith. stand by to surrender peaceably, or--" "or?" mocked the ex-space officer. "so it's you, lieutenant? i might have guessed it. your valor is exceeded only by your lack of foresight. i repeat, your hectic pursuit has done you no good." "never mind the talk. stand by. this is the end," said mallory. "this is checkmate, smith." "not checkmate, my gallant young friend," corrected smith. "_stalemate._ true, you hold me captive in your beam. but to what end? you can't hope to take me alive. whenever i choose, i can blast you and myself into atoms. and with us goes--" he paused significantly--"lady alice! ah, you are silent, lieutenant? i thought you would be. of course, i'm an old man. these youthful romancings no longer interest me. but--bless us, she's much too beautiful to die, isn't she, lieutenant?" lady alice's voice interrupted. "take him, dan! don't think about me. i'm not afraid to--" "you hear, lieutenant? the girl's gallantry is a fit match for your own. but by this time, surely, you have realized that if she dies, the secret of the new ray weapon dies with her. i think my leader's forces will have taken new fresno before a second messenger reaches io." it was the truth. knowing that, dan mallory groaned. this was a deadlock; one that neither force could break. he said slowly, "well, captain? what is your price for lady alice's safety?" "my own," replied the renegade spaceman promptly, "and the secret she bears. i'm not an unreasonable man, lieutenant. even though--" bitterness edged his words--"even though the solar space patrol did take the best years of my life, squeeze the heart out of me, throw my aging body into the discard like a dried pulp. no, i'm not unreasonable--" so that was it. the self-pity of an aging man, perhaps a man gone off his gravs from the letdown after active years. that was why smith had renounced his ssp pledge, gone over to the other side. captain algase's words rang in dan's memory. "where there are new causes, there are traitors to the old--" even a spaceman was not exempt from human weakness. "if lady alice will surrender her secret to me," the renegade captain was continuing, "with convincing proof that the formula she gives me is no lie, i will permit you both to live. i will allow you to keep one of these ships, return to safety--" mallory thought feverishly. it was against his every scruple to parley thus with the other man. but he could gain nothing by destroying himself and lady alice. alive, there was always a chance they might win through to the new fresno fort, carry their message, howsoever belated. if they died, kreuther and his hirelings would surely win. he said, "very well, smith. i accept. give him the formula, lady alice." her answer was tense, vivid. "no! no, dan, don't trust him! he won't keep his promise. i know he won't!" "we must take that chance." grimly. "tell him!" * * * * * the audio went dead. mallory waited impatiently. somewhere, lost in the immensity that engulfed them, the _libra_ surged through space on a mission now in the hands of the deadlocked three. so near that it was more sunlike than sol, jupiter swung in its titanic orbit about man's luminary. the endless night was spangled with an infinitude of stars. the stars toward which man, yearning, groped--while man's feet still stumbled through the muck and mire of deceit.... and the audio woke to life again. smith's voice was triumphant. "very well, lieutenant. i am satisfied. i have finished the demolition of power and arms units in this ship. its radio, however, still operates. i think it will sustain life for you until your friends arrive. i am ready to board your ship." lady alice's cry broke in, "be careful, dan! he'll kill you! he--" there was the sound of flesh upon flesh, a silence. then, "well, lieutenant?" dan said, "come ahead." "you will take your place," said smith, "in the pilot's seat where i can see you from the moment i enter the lock. put your hands above your head. do not move or turn as i enter. if you do--" "come ahead," repeated dan. the audio disconnected. dan sprang into motion. he believed lady alice's warning. and he was prepared to meet subtlety with subtlety; deceit with deceit. not yet had smith won. he bent and lifted the broken body of albert lemming. hurriedly he jammed the oxy-helmet down over the dead man's bloody features. he grunted, "sorry, pal!" as he hoisted lemming into the pilot's chair, forced stiffening arms back and up in token of surrender. the high back of the chair, the padded cushions made the form hold its position. he finished just in time. there was a scraping at the airlock. the two ships had drifted side to side now, and entry was a simple matter. mallory ducked back into the compartment from which lemming had emerged. his needle gun was in his hand, poised, ready.... smith entered quietly. he glanced once at the figure in the pilot's chair, said, "don't move, lieutenant--" and his arm raised. the girl's warning had been all too true. there was rankest treachery in the leveling of that gun, in the fiery needle dart that hurled across the chamber, burying itself in lemming's defenseless head. the stench of charred flesh filled the room. the dead body wobbled, lurched to the floor. and-- "now, _you_ stand still, smith!" gritted mallory. smith whirled, his jaw dropping open. in his eyes dawned horror, disappointment, rage. he cried out once, raised his gun. that was how he died. with his traitorous fingers lifted for the last time against a man who wore the uniform he had once worn ... and had disgraced.... * * * * * afterward, as they stood in the control turret of the _libra_, watching a sober-faced rick norton plot the landing that would bring new life to the ionian colonists, swift retribution to the fomenters of the uprising, bud chandler whaled his comrade's back enthusiastically. "guy," he said, "in words of one syllable, you're terrific!" "that's not one syllable," grinned mallory. "all right, then, you're a lallapalooza! but how the blue asteroids did you get onto the fact smith was the guy?" dan said, "it came to me almost too late. it had been worrying me subconsciously ever since i had to--" here he flushed--"had to arrest lady alice. i knew that someone had, in conversation with me, said something that didn't ring true. and when wilmot was killed for having discovered the truth about smith, i suddenly remembered what it was. "the night before we got the message from lunar iii, assuring us that kreuther was behind the revolution, smith had mentioned to me, quite casually, that he suspected there were on the _libra_ 'espionage agents of the kreuther forces.' what he was attempting to do, of course, was ally himself with us in order to divert suspicion. but he tipped his hand by that little slip of the tongue." lady alice smiled. she said, "well, you're not awfully smart. any of you. i knew he was the spy as soon as i heard the message from earth." captain algase interrupted, "yeah, that message! i'm going to raise an assortment of hell about that. causing us to arrest the one person on board we could really trust." "and all," smiled the girl, "because of one, small, chemical symbol that you misread. oh, yes, i understand now. i've seen the original. bud--you went to the academy, didn't you?" "why--why, yes." "your professor there must have been quite an old man. i mean your chemistry prof." "he was. ancient. but what has that got to do with it?" "everything. he taught you the old, the original chemical symbol for the element samarium. 'sa.' the more common symbol, the generally accepted one, is 'sm.' now you see what a great difference that one little error makes in the meaning of the message. you read it: "'lane warns lady alice, cabal spy, now on _libra_. captain saith intensify protection of new secret ray.'" "and it should have been read," broke in dan mallory, understanding at last, "'lane warns lady alice cabal spy now on _libra_--captain smith! intensify protection--' and so on. it was a warning _to_ you, not about you!" "exactly. naturally, i was--well, indignant when i was placed under arrest. afterward, i began to think it a good idea. confined to my quarters, guarded, i would be completely safe. but unfortunately captain smith guessed, when i was arrested, that _i_ was the bearer of the formula. so he killed my guard, seized the skiff, and kidnaped me. "saith!" grunted bud chandler disgustedly. "i told you that word was phony. joe marlowe never used good english in his life when a cuss-word would do just as well. hey! where are you two going?" it is doubtful whether dan mallory heard the question. there was one other little matter that needed clearing up--but soon! that was the way lady alice charwell, in the moment of their mutual peril, had hurdled the amenities of speech, addressed him not as "lieutenant," or even as plain "mallory," but as-- "dan," he said. "you called me 'dan.' it's not right, lady alice. you shouldn't do things like that unless you mean them. and i--" "suppose," she asked, "i like that part of your name best. it is a nice name, you know." dan mallory's big hands pawed futilely at the blue of his uniform. "so," he croaked, "is mallory. and--and i guess i'm completely crazy. i couldn't ask you to share a name like that. i'm just a space cop. and you're a lady. a titled lady." she said softly, "a lady, dan? there is no duchy of io any more. that's a thing of the past, and my title is only a courtesy. and, oh--i'm so tired of courtesies. i'm a space cop, too, now. there's nothing in the rules to keep two cops from teaming up, is there? oh, you big, damn, dumb idiot--!" her face, smiling up at his, was inclined at just the right angle. they told him afterward that rick norton made a swell landing. he didn't believe it. for it seemed to dan mallory that the whole cosmos was swirling and dancing and twisting upside down in a delirium of delight.... the hermit of mars by stephen bartholomew [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from worlds of tomorrow october extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] he was the oldest man on mars ... in fact, the only one! when martin devere was and still working on his master's, he was hurt by a woman. it was then that he decided that the only things that were worthwhile in life were pure art and pure science. that, of course, is another story, but it may explain why he chose to become an archeologist in the first place. now he was the oldest human being on mars. he was . for many years, in fact, he had been the _only_ human being on mars. up until today. he looked through the transparent wall of his pressurized igloo at the puff of dust in the desert where the second rocket had come down. earth and mars were just past conjunction, and the regular automatic supply rocket had landed two days ago. as usual, martin devere, taking his own good time about it, had unloaded the supplies, keeping the things he really needed and throwing away the useless stuff like the latest microfilmed newspapers and magazines, the taped tv shows and concerts. as payment for his groceries he had then reloaded the rocket with the written reports he had accumulated since the last conjunction, plus a few artifacts. then he had pushed a button and sent the rocket on its way again, back to earth. he didn't mind writing the reports. most of them were rubbish anyway, but they seemed to keep the people back at the institute happy. he did mind the artifacts. it seemed wrong to remove them, though he sent only the less valuable ones back. but perhaps it couldn't be helped. one time, the supply rocket had failed to return when he pushed its red button--the thing was still sitting out there in the desert, slowly rusting. martin devere had happily unloaded the artifacts and put them back where they belonged. it wasn't his fault. the puff of dust on the horizon was beginning to settle. this second rocket had descended with a shrill scream through the thin air, its voice more highly pitched than it would have been in denser atmosphere. martin devere had looked up from his work in time to see its braking jets vanish behind the low martian hills a few kilometers distant. it was much too large to be an automatic supply rocket, even if there had been reason to expect another one. martin devere knew it could mean only one thing--someone was paying him an unannounced visit. he waited, watching through the igloo wall to see who had come to poke around and bother him after all these years. at first he was annoyed that the people at the institute hadn't let him know visitors were coming. then he reminded himself that it had been years since he'd taken the trouble to listen to his radio receiver, or to read the messages they sent him along with supplies. after a long time, he made out a smaller dust-puff, and then a little sandcat advancing slowly across the desert. riding on top of it were two men in space suits. * * * * * everyone on earth who reads popular magazines or watches tv knows the story of martin devere, "the hermit of mars." over the years, now that he is dead, he has become a sort of culture hero, as dr. livingston or albert schweitzer once were. though martin devere could not be called a humanitarian in any sense of the word. after his divorce from his first and only wife, at the age of , he never gave much thought again either to women or any other kind of people--except for his long-dead martians. but everyone should know by now how martin devere first came to mars at the age of . even then he was the oldest man on the planet, and mars sustained quite a large research colony at the time. only martin devere's unchallenged scientific reputation, together with his apparent good health, enabled him to leave earth as head of a five-man archeological team. this turned up the first fossil ruins far beneath the desert sand. then there came a day when the space institute of the united governments decided to abandon project mars. it was getting too expensive to maintain. everything of value to space research had already been learned about the planet, and the archeological site, though yet barely scratched, did not properly come under space research. closing project mars would mean more funds for solar research, on mercury, for the lunar colony and for work on the interstellar drive. so the hundred-odd inhabitants of the project received orders to leave the igloos and other equipment behind and come back to earth. martin devere, however, had been on mars for three years now. when the project physician gave him his routine exam, it was discovered that a valve in martin devere's aorta had developed a faint flutter. nothing too serious, really. but enough to greatly reduce his chances of surviving another rocket lift-off. martin devere smiled at the news and volunteered to remain behind, alone on mars. under the circumstances, the institute was forced to agree. on the day that the strange rocket came down behind the desert hills, martin devere had been on mars for a total of years. for the past of them he had been the hermit--and quite happy about it.... the little sandcat was getting closer. martin devere smiled to himself, watching the two men in their clumsy space gear. it was high noon, and a nice comfortable ten degrees centigrade outside. if the two newcomers thought they needed full spacesuits to get around out there, martin devere wasn't going to tell them any different. actually, though the atmospheric pressure was about the same as at the top of mount everest, on a beautiful day like this a man could get along easily outdoors with nothing more than an oxygen mask. but let them clomp around in their rubberized long-johns if they wanted to. in a few minutes they would be coming in through the igloo's airlock. martin devere turned away, scowling now. he hoped the institute hadn't decided to reopen mars project. there was plenty of room in all these igloos and connecting tunnels that had been left behind, but with a new expedition here it might get pretty crowded. mainly, devere didn't want a bunch of amateurs poking around his diggings, breaking things. his thumb rubbed slowly across the long stubble on his chin. he wondered if he had made some slip in that last report, or in some of the pictures of the ruins he'd sent back. he'd rather the institute didn't find out about those fossilized machines he'd dug up. he didn't understand the gadgets himself, but some of the people at the institute just might decide they were interesting enough to be worth sending up an expert. the institute, devere knew, was interested in machinery, not art objects. * * * * * one of the men held an automatic pistol pointed at martin devere while the other was stripping off his space gear. then the pistol changed hands while the first man removed his own suit. martin devere could have told them that he wasn't afraid of the gun. he didn't actually care much, one way or the other: let them point it if it made them happy. martin devere figured that he had already lived a lot longer, here in this feeble gravity and germ-free, oxygen-rich air, than his tricky heart would have allowed him on earth. let them point the gun if they wanted to. "if you make one move toward the radio transmitter i'll blow your head off," the taller man said. he had black wavy hair that hung over his brow. the other man was completely bald. "i don't even know if the radio works," martin devere answered. "i haven't turned it on in years. i should warn you, though, that if you shoot that thing inside the igloo here, it will puncture the plastic wall and let all the air out. i always keep the pressure up high indoors so i can boil water for coffee." the tall man frowned in confusion and blinked at the weapon in his hand. then he stared at the transparent dome above him, as if realizing for the first time that only a thin bubble of plastic separated him from near-vacuum, now that he had removed his suit. "i was just making some coffee when you showed up," martin devere said, turning away. "have some? i'm afraid it's instant. i've given up trying to get the institute to send me a can of real coffee in the rocket. they think i need canned tv shows more." "he's harmless," the bald man said. "you can see he's just an old senile nut. leave him be, we've work to do." the tall man lowered his weapon, then let it fall into the holster at his hip. "no big hurry. i think i'd like some of that coffee first. say, pop, how about cooking us a meal in a couple of hours?" martin devere was spooning brown powder into three cups. "sure thing. what would you like--beans and franks, or franks and beans?" * * * * * "i suppose you wonder what we're doing, pop?" the tall man held the disassembled pieces of his gun in his lap. he was carefully polishing each part with a chemically treated cloth. it was three days since they had landed, and the tall metal skeleton was beginning to take shape out in the desert. at the moment, the bald man was out alone, testing circuits. usually the two went out together--they had apparently decided it was safe to leave martin devere unguarded, though they had smashed his radio transmitter just in case. the two men worked steadily during the daylight hours, came back at sunset to eat and sleep, then went out again at dawn. the towering lacework of steel was growing like an ugly flower. the tall man held the trigger assembly of his gun up to the light. he turned it slowly between his thumb and forefinger. it cast an odd crescent-shaped shadow over the muscles of his jaw. "no, i don't wonder what you're doing," martin devere answered. he was sitting at his workbench, crouched over an ancient metal plate as thin as paper. the tall man began to put his weapon back together again. he snapped the trigger assembly into the receiver. he pulled the hammer back and then released it; it made a sharp, hard click. "not even curious, pop? okay, then tell me what _you're_ doing. what's that piece of tinfoil you've been staring at the past two hours?" martin devere straightened and turned to look at the other. "it's an ancient martian scroll. it's nearly a million years old. i found it in a new pit i've been digging, five hundred meters down. it's the longest and perhaps most important bit of martian writing i've found so far." "yeah? what's it have to say?" martin devere shook his head. "their language, their whole frame of reference, was fundamentally different from ours. it's something like higher mathematics, you'd have to learn the language to understand it. but i suppose you might say that this is a poem.... yes, an epic poem." the tall man laughed. he shoved an ammunition clip into his weapon, pumped a round into the chamber, slipped the gun back into its holster. he got up and began pacing the floor of the igloo. the floor was cluttered with dozens of artifacts. he stopped and nudged one specimen with his toe. "what's this thing, pop? an ancient martian meatgrinder?" "i hardly think so. they were vegetarians." he squinted at the object. "i'm afraid i have no idea what it is. it's some sort of machine, but i'm no engineer, i can't imagine what its function was. they--don't build many machines, you know." the man with the gun turned to stare at martin devere. "you mean _didn't_ build, don't you?" "yes, of course.... past tense." and devere turned again to peer at the million-year-old poem before him. * * * * * "damn it to hell. this might hold us up a week." the bald man flung the shatterproof helmet of his suit against the igloo wall. his tone of voice was matter-of-fact emotionless. even the way he threw the helmet betrayed no real emotion. still wearing the rest of his suit he sat down at martin devere's work bench and clenched his fists. his face was smooth, blank. "what's the matter?" his partner put down some drawings and came over. "the modulator circuit doesn't check out. i'll have to take the whole works apart and start over again." the bald man spoke--when he did speak--with a faint accent that martin devere could not identify. "it doesn't matter." the other rubbed at his chin. "we're still ahead of our schedule." "hey. old man." the bald man pointed at devere. "you have anything to drink in this cave of yours?" martin devere frowned, thinking. he remembered a bottle he'd been saving for some special occasion--he couldn't recall what, just now. "i think i have some bourbon," he said at last. "if i can find it." "find it. mine straight, on the rocks." when martin devere returned awhile later, the bald man was still wearing his helmetless space suit. he and his friend were studying a complex wiring diagram spread out on the work bench. martin devere put two plastic cups down on the bench and poured them full. neither of the men looked up from their diagram until he had set the bottle down. "pour one for yourself, pop," the tall man said. "thanks. don't mind if i do." devere went to get another cup. over his shoulder he said, "hope you boys don't mind crushed ice instead of cubes. i just set a bucket of water in one of the unheated tunnels for a couple minutes. then i hit it with a hammer." it was four hours past sunset, the temperature outside was far below freezing. "one thing you don't need on mars is a refrigerator!" pouring himself a drink, the old man suddenly laughed. it was a brief, senile giggle, that made the tall man turn to stare at him. "could be uncomfortable, though, if you were ever stuck out there at night." martin devere's face was sober once more as he lifted his cup and looked deeply into it. all trace of senility had vanished as suddenly as it had appeared. "like, say, if you were out there long enough for your suit power to go dead. you'd freeze to a hunk of ice in a few minutes.... me, i never go outside at night." "shut up," the bald man said. * * * * * all day the bald man had been out alone, working on his electronic circuits. evidently this left his partner nothing to do except study schematics. now martin devere was aware that his guest had been staring at him for several minutes without speaking. martin devere went on polishing the green crystal vase he held in his hand. the vase looked ordinary at first glance, until you noticed that it wasn't quite symmetrical. there was a studied and careful asymmetry about its form, barely discernible, that would disturb you the more you looked at it--until you knew suddenly that no human brain could have created that shape. the polishing cloth moved rhythmically across the vase's curving surfaces. the green crystal reflected light in a way that made you begin to think about boundless seas of water. "i'll be glad when this job is over with," the tall man said, half aloud. "when it is, will you go away?" martin devere turned the vase slowly in his hands. "not for a while yet, pop." the man with the gun on his hip got to his feet and stretched. "i don't mind telling you what it's all about, pop. you're all right. it's simple. my partner and i were sent here by a certain national power that doesn't like being told how to run its own affairs by the united governments. we're striking the first blow for freedom. that thing we're putting together out there is a bomb. it could--disable--most of earth. it has a new kind of nuclear rocket engine behind it that could carry it across million miles in a few hours. "you get the idea, pop? here on mars, they won't even find it. and if they did, we could deliver the bomb before they got a missile halfway across.... so i hope you won't mind if my partner and i stay a while, pop." it was several seconds before martin devere answered. he set the crystal vase carefully inside a case and regarded it a moment. "as long as you don't go messing up my diggings or break any of the artifacts, it's no business of mine." "and what if i did, pop?" the tall man walked closer to martin devere. he stood over the old man, his shadow on him. his hand rested lightly on the butt of his gun. "what if i were to take all your vases and statues and pots and tablets and smash them to bits, one by one? what would you do then?" martin devere's eyes slowly closed and opened, he made no other move for a minute. then he got to his feet without looking at the other man. he turned and began to move away, toward a tunnel door that led to the diggings. probably the tall man thought that he had finally put the fear of god into martin devere. but as he turned back to his pile of schematics he heard the old man's whisper: "you might regret it." the man with the gun did not answer. * * * * * "tell us about it, pop." "yes, why don't you tell us about it." they meant martin devere's work. the two men had finished their own job. the assembled bomb rested in the desert, silent but alive, like some abnormal growth. because of sunspot activity they hadn't yet been able to radio their employers on earth. the bald man expected conditions to clear in two or three days. when they did clear, he would signal, "the bird is nesting." then the nation he had mentioned would be ready to deliver its ultimatum to the united governments. for the first time since landing on mars, the two men were idle. they were waiting. they looked as if they were willing to wait a long time if necessary. meanwhile, martin devere's artifacts were the only amusements available. perhaps the old man knew they were making fun of him. but he seemed to take their question seriously. when he began to speak, they found themselves listening. "we don't know exactly what happened." martin devere faced the two men across the cluttered workbench like a lecturer addressing his students. he held in his hand a small bronze statue that might have been a portrayal of one of the old martian people or, just as likely, some long-extinct animal. in the diffuse sunlight that came through the igloo wall, it cast a shadow on the work bench that was even more disturbingly alien in shape. "no, we don't know what happened to them," the old man said. "the last of them died nearly a million years ago, before the first homo sapiens walked the earth. from what we--i--have found we know a little about what they were like. but we don't know why they died. "we do know, for instance, that they never had much interest in technology. not that they lacked intelligence. they could build a machine when it suited their purposes, whatever those may have been. and i don't say they weren't interested in science. they had a highly developed theoretical science, as sophisticated as their art. you might say they were theoreticians. they were concerned with pure art and pure science--but not with applied technology, or commercialized art. "my own theory is that they had no need for technology. in the first place, they were vegetarians, not carnivorous. so that their earliest men had no need for hunting weapons--or other gadgets. probably they never developed the aggressive instincts which in humanity led to warfare with its subsequent impetus to applied technology. the martians never got around to making cars or airplanes or bombs. they dedicated themselves, gentlemen, to the contemplation of beauty. "then, nearly a million years ago, something happened to them. perhaps mars began to lose her atmosphere then. her oceans evaporated, the air could no longer retain her heat at night, the farmlands parched and froze. a few of the plant types were able to adapt and survive. but within a few years, all animal life died out. one day, there were suddenly no more martians left." martin devere's dry, withered hand caressed the small statue he held. "who knows? if they'd had time to develop space travel they might have saved themselves. then again, with a technology like yours, they might have blown themselves up long before the natural catastrophe ..." "what do you mean like _yours_?" the tall man said. "you mean like _ours_, don't you?" but martin devere turned away without answering. * * * * * "do you have another bottle of bourbon, old man?" "no, i'm afraid not," devere said. "there was only that one bottle." "too bad. we should have a little celebration." the bald man began sealing himself into his spacesuit. "i'll wait for you here," his partner said. "i'd better start burning those plans." martin devere looked up from the fragment of ceramic he was cleaning. "you're going to send the message now?" neither of the men bothered to reply, since the answer was self-evident. the bald man tested the air and power equipment of his suit, then turned to his partner a moment before sealing his helmet. "you checked the sandcat's power supply?" "yes, but you'd better take another look at it. i think the battery's leaking." the bald man nodded and went out the airlock. martin devere watched in silence as the other man began to gather up his diagrams and plans and tie them into a neat bundle. "i guess we can take it easy now, pop. as soon as that telegram's sent and i get this stuff burned, my partner and i are unemployed. of course we'll have to hang around a while longer in case they want us to shoot off baby out there, but there's nothing to that. in the meantime maybe i can help you dig up some more of those old pots and statues." martin devere seemed to be thinking. he watched as the tall man checked to make sure he hadn't forgotten anything, then carried the bundle of plans over to the electronic oven. "_baby._ you mean your bomb, out there. you think you might actually shoot it off then." "oh, maybe, maybe not." "couldn't they fire it from earth by radio?" devere asked. "nope. somebody might try jamming." "oh, i see...." martin devere was silent again until the tall man opened the oven and removed a bundle of gray ash. he dumped the ashes into a bucket and began stirring them with his hand. "something else i was wondering about," devere said. he began cleaning the fragment of ceramic again, his hands working in a slow circular motion. "supposing the united governments find out where it--the bomb is. they might send a missile to blow it up." "told you, pop. baby can out-run anything else that flies. wouldn't do them any good." "yes, yes.... still, the missile would hit mars, wouldn't it? i mean, it would destroy all this--the igloos, my diggings ..." the tall man gave a laugh. "don't worry so much, pop. we'd have plenty of time to get in the ship and clear out. we might even take you with us." "still ..." but the old man lapsed again into thought. * * * * * an hour later, the short-range radio gave a shrill beep. the tall man went over and flipped the _talk_ switch. "yeah?" "hello. listen, i did something stupid." martin devere looked up at the sound of the bald man's voice. devere's hands still held the piece of ceramic. he had polished it until a complex geometric design was visible, etched in reds and blues. it might have been equally a decoration or some mechanical diagram. "did you get the message sent?" the tall man asked. "yes, that part's all right. i got to the ship and contacted headquarters. i think they're going to deliver the ultimatum right away. now we just wait for orders. the only thing is, the sandcat's power went dead on me while i was halfway down a hill. it started to roll, and i forgot i was wearing a spacesuit. i jumped out. this low gravity fooled me too. i think i've broken my ankle, it hurts like hell." the tall man cursed in a low voice. "all right, all right," he said after a moment. "just take it easy. i'll have to come out and get you." "i think the sandcat is all right. stupid of me to jump like that, wasn't thinking. better bring a spare battery with you.... oh, and you'd better bring a light too. it will be getting dark in another half hour." "okay, just wait for me. i'll home in on your suit radio." the tall man switched off the receiver and went to his own suit locker. martin devere watched as he removed the holster and weapon from his hip. he pulled the heavy plastic trousers over his denim jumper and then buckled the gun back again before starting on the rest of the spacesuit. "nothing serious, i hope?" martin devere put the ceramic down carefully and picked up another object from a stack of artifacts. "you heard, didn't you? you any good at setting a broken ankle, pop?" "oh, i could manage, i guess. broke my arm down in the diggings once. had to set it myself. twenty years ago, i think it was. i've been more careful since then." he gave a laugh. it started as a normal laugh, then broke to a senile giggle. then his face was serious again. he carried the new artifact closer to the man with the gun. "you know, i was telling you.... the martians were vegetarians. they never made any weapons for hunting. they did know about explosives, though." "what's that thing?" the tall man, struggling with the buckles of his breathing equipment, glanced at the object in devere's hands. it looked like badly corroded bronze, and consisted of a long tube with a large bulb at one end. "this? oh, this is some kind of a tool i found. i think it was a digging tool, used for breaking up rocks. they _did_ build canals, you know.... as i was saying, they knew about explosives. this tool, for instance. it worked by means of a small, shaped charge inside this bulb here. the explosion was so well-focused that there was almost no recoil. a high-energy shock wave was emitted from the barrel--very effective at short range. but the most amazing thing about this tool is that the chemical explosive is still potent after lying underground for nearly a million years.... "oh, by the way. there's nothing wrong with your sandcat's battery. it was the motor i sabotaged." then martin devere pointed the ancient digging tool at the tall man and blew him into two neat pieces. * * * * * the hermit of mars never did get around to walking out to the space ship and using his visitor's radio to tell earth what had happened. he really intended to, but he forgot. the ultimatum that was delivered to the united governments failed, of course, but no one knew exactly why until the next earth-mars conjunction. the united governments was prevailed on by the world television service to send out someone to interview the hermit, if he were still alive. that interview was unfortunate. it might have established martin devere as the world hero that he was, and he might have been awarded some kind of medal. as it went, his rude and insulting answers to the young man's questions made him unpopular for years. his last answer in the interview was the worst. the young man, already sweating, looked in desperation at the green crystal vase that martin devere insisted on holding in front of the television lens. (back at the institute, a dozen faces were flushing red with indignation as their owners realized what the old man had been holding back.) "tell me, dr. devere," the young man asked. "you seem--er--a very modest man. doesn't it make you the least bit proud to know that you've saved the world?" martin devere lowered his vase and gave the young man a puzzled look. "you mean earth? tell me, why should i want to save _that_ world?" end the fastest gun dead by julian f. grow the skeleton had the fastest draw west of the pecos. too bad he was such a lousy shot. [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from worlds of if science fiction, march . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] he was a big man, broad of shoulder, slim of hip. his stetson was crimped texas-style, over slate-gray eyes that impassively had seen much good and more evil in their twenty-six years. he stood in the saloon door with the dust of the streets of dos cervezas pequenas still swirling about scuffed, range-rider's chaps. his left hand held open the weatherbeaten swinging door. the right hovered over the worn peachwood butt of the colt holstered on his right thigh. the slate-gray eyes, emotionless, swept the crowd bellied up to the bar, and stopped at one man. when he spoke it was flat, but with the ring of tempered steel, and every man but that one drew back out of range. "i want you, dirty jake," the big man said. "now." dirty jake shot him into doll rags, naturally. * * * * * dirty jake niedelmeier was, you might say, the most feared ribbon clerk in the territory. easily the most. i remember him from the early days, from the first day he came to town, in fact. i remember because he got off the stage just as i was leaning out the window nailing up my brand-new shingle, and my office was and still is upstairs next to the stage depot. i was down on the boardwalk admiring it, all shiny gold leaf on black like the correspondence school promised: hiram pertwee, m.d. his voice broke in on me, all squeaky. "beg your pardon," he said, "where's the ymca?" well, that isn't the usual sort of question for here. i turned around. there he was, a scrawny little runt about knee-high to short, wearing a panama hat, a wrinkled linen duster and congress gaiters. he wasn't especially dirty then, of course, only about average for a stage passenger. he kind of begrudged his face, with little squint eyes and a long thin nose, a mustache like a hank of spanish moss and just about chin enough to bother shaving. under his duster he wore a clawhammer coat, the only alpaca one i ever saw, and i never from that day out saw him wear any other. he stood there looking like he'd never been anyplace he really cottoned to, but this might just be the worst. i was just a young squirt then and not above funning a dude. i told him the ymca was around the corner, two doors down and up the back stairs at the owl hoot palace. he nodded and went the way i told him. that was, and still is, kate's four bit crib. the girls there wear candy-striped stockings and skirts halfway to the knee, and their shirtwaists are open at the neck. dirty jake didn't speak to me for three years. he wasn't dirty jake then, though, just jacob niedelmeier, fresh from selling ribbons and yard goods in perth amboy, new jersey and hot to find a fortune in the hills. he'd been a failure all his natural life. this was a new beginning, for a man who was already at the bitter end and looking for the path back. gold was the way, he figured. he was going to get it. but he didn't. he was back flat broke and starving in four months. he spent the next seventeen years behind the notions counter at martin's mercantile, selling ribbon and yard goods and growing old two years at a time. i think it tainted his mind. leastways, from the time i got to know him, some fourteen years gone, he's been what you might say, a queer actor. at first, when the store closed at sundown he'd take off for the near hills with a pick and a sack, still seeking for color somebody might have missed. after a while he didn't bother with the gear. he just moseyed around all that rock mostly, i suppose, to be away from people. truth to tell, people were beginning to avoid him anyway. he was getting kind of gamy over the years, and cantankerous generally. * * * * * maybe it's kind of funny we got more or less friendly but doctors and ribbon clerks aren't so all-fired far apart. they both have to do with people and their ways, and like to get shut of both now and then. every couple of months i'd go along with him up in the hills, to get the sick smell out of my nose. night air and a night sky can be pretty fine if you've been looking at tongues and such long enough. going out like that, we didn't say much. i preferred it that way since jake niedelmeier was a boob. a smart man can get on tolerably well with an idiot if both just have sense enough to keep their mouths shut. one time he didn't was when he brought along a bottle of rye. he got started and was going on to beat the band, yapping about how life was a cheat and someday everybody'd respect jacob niedelmeier, until finally i lost patience and told him that while i treasured our association beyond pearls i'd chuck him off a cliff if he didn't shut the hell up. i was nice about it, and after that it was like i said, tolerable. well, sir, about two years ago he came into my office while i was darning up some fool borax miner that'd got himself kicked square in the bottle on his hip. jake stood in the corner picking his teeth while i finished. after the borax miner limped out he spoke up. "comin'?" that was all the invitation he ever gave. "i guess," i said. i sloshed the suture needle in a basin, gave it a couple of swipes on the hone stone and threw it in my satchel. that miner had a tough rind. jake went out first. i closed the door behind us, not locking it, of course, because our night marshal was kind of my relief surgeon whenever i was on calls. he was a secesh hospital orderly during the rebellion. he was better with a saw than with sewing, but he could tie up most wounds well enough to do till i got back. jake and i set out south up the mountain trail, but pretty soon it hit me he was heading someplace considerable more directly than we usually did. sure enough, he took off at an angle from the trail after a bit. we struck up into some fairly woolly country. he wasn't following any sign i could see, at least not by moonlight, but he kept going faster until i was plumb out of wind. we were in the hills overlooking crater lake when we came to kind of an amphitheater in the rocks, some twenty feet across. he stopped at the edge of it and stood staring in, silent and breathing catchy. me, i just chased my own breath for a while, then looked too and saw what he was aiming at. right in the middle, shining pale in the moonshine like nothing else does, was a pile of old, old bones. jake, i saw, had seen it before. it was scaring him yet. * * * * * old bones, sir, are still bones. i've seen and set my fill. but after i got a good look at these they scared me too. there were four skeletons altogether, all nicely preserved, and only three of them were men. indians, i mean. you could tell that from the shreds of buckskin. two of them still had weapons near their right hands: one a stone knife, the other a lance. and the top of each of the three skulls had been shot clean away. at least, half of the top had, and the same half on all three. almost the entire os frontale and ossa parietalia on the left side was gone on each one. i hunkered down to see closer, while jake stood back and shook. i struck a sulphur match and saw something else about those three redskin skulls. the edges where the bone was gone weren't fractured clean like a bullet or a club would do. they were charred. the three were sprawled around the fourth skeleton and that was the one gave me the vapors. it was more or less man-shaped. but it wasn't a man, that i know. i don't believe i care to find out what it was. instead of ribs there was a cylinder of thin bone, and it had only one bone in the lower leg. what there was for a pelvis i've never seen the like, and the skull was straight out of a dore bible. there was a hatchet buried in that skull. the bones of the right arm were good and hefty, and it had two elbows. the left arm was about half the size--not crippled, but smaller scale. like it was good for delicate work and not much else. about ten inches from the widespread six fingers of its right hand was what you knew right off was a weapon even if it did look like an umbrella handle. i was just reaching down to touch it when that fool jake made his move. he'd been standing behind me, closer i bet than he'd ever got before, staring down at that fourth skeleton and making odd noises. i tell you, it was something for a medical man to see. suddenly he grunted like he was going to be sick. he snatched up a femur from one of the indians and swung it up to smash that fourth skeleton to smithereens. well, sir, quicker than the eye could see the umbrella handle smacked itself into the palm of that bony hand, sending fingers flying in six directions. it hung there in the air against what was left, trained dead on jake's head, and it hummed. the femur dropped from jake's right hand like he'd been shot. he hadn't, though, because he was still wearing his skull and by that time running. soon as he did, the umbrella handle flopped over and just lay there, the hum dying away. when it stopped the place was pretty quiet, because jake was off in the rocks and i was going over some things i wanted to say to him immediately i was able to talk again. that fourth skeleton had the fastest draw i'd ever seen. jake stuck his head up from behind a boulder. "doc," he said, "why didn't he shoot?" * * * * * the question wasn't as all-fired pip-witted as jake was capable of. it took me upwards of three weeks to work out why a weapon that could draw and aim itself didn't shoot too. i'd heard a little clink when the weapon flew into the skeleton's hand. it came from a metal disk that lay in its palm, toward the heel of the hand. the disk was thin and only about as big as a two-cent piece. a mate to it was set in the butt of the umbrella handle, convex where the other was concave. going at it kind of gingerly, i slid the disk in my vest behind my watch and put the umbrella handle in my right coat pocket. it was a key-wind repeater with a gold hunting case, that watch, and i worried about it every step down the mountain. i walked a good four hundred yards behind jake all the way back into town, just to be on the safe side. we didn't linger, either. we wanted lights. by the time i got the two objects locked in my rolltop my heartbeat in anybody else would have had me telling the sexton to start his hole. i prescribed bed for me, told jake, who hadn't hardly even drawn breath the whole time, to go to hell and retired. * * * * * next day a squabble came up over some borax rights upcountry. i didn't get to open that rolltop for a time. then one early morning coming back in the buggy from a house-call in pockmark, forty-odd miles north, i got to worrying again at the umbrella handle and those dead indians. seems like four, five times a week some chunkhead hunkers down hard with his spurs on. when i got to the office that night there was one waiting--a bad one, spanish rowels--and jake was sprawled in my chair, picking his teeth with my spare scalpel. i patched up the chunkhead, took the scalpel from jake and rinsed it off and watched him suck his teeth for a while. it began to look like he was going to be stubborn. so finally i said: "say, jake." he grunted. "jake," i said, "i think i've got that dingus figured." he snuck a glance over at the desk so i knew he knew what i meant, but he was busy pretending that wasn't what he came to talk about. "i think it's a gun that can read minds like a gypsy," i said. jake still looked bored, so i took the umbrella handle out of the rolltop and waved it at him. he dove off the chair and started rolling for the door. "you damn fool," i said, "it won't go off." i was reasonably certain it wouldn't, but i laid it back down by the disk gently anyhow and sat in the chair. i've only got the one chair, on the theory that anybody who isn't bad enough to lie on the table is well enough to stand. jake edged over and stood like a short-legged bird on a bobwire fence. "it kin whut?" he said. "it can read minds," i said. "you were going to bash those bones. the gun knew it and trained square on your head. you remember?" he remembered. "and those indians," i went on. "you remember them? the left side of the head on each of them was blown off." i hauled down a roller chart of the human skeleton, first time i'd done that since i don't know when. "this up here is the brain," i said. "we don't know a hell of a lot about it, but we do know it's like a whole roomful of telegraphers, sending messages to different parts of the body along the nerves. they're like the wires. this left hemisphere--right here--sends to the right side of the body. don't fret about why, the nerves twist going into the spinal cord. "okay. we know, too, that the part of the brain that sends to the arm is right here, in the parietal lobe. right under the chunk of skull that was shot off on those three indians." "shaw," jake said, perching on the table. the old billy-goat was beginning to get impressed, even if he didn't have any notion of what i was talking about. * * * * * i didn't have exactly much notion either, but i kept on. "the brain works by a kind of electricity, same kind as in the telegraph batteries at the depot. this gun," i tapped the umbrella handle and jake started off again, but caught himself, "has some sort of detector, a galvanic thermometer that senses electrical messages to the nerves." from here on in it was pure dark and wild hazard. "obviously," i said, "whenever one of those signals goes from this cerebral motor area here in the left hemisphere down to make the weapon hand move, it must be a special signal this gun was built to catch. just like a lock is made for one particular key. "and near as i can figure, the gun has to be able to tell when that move coming up is going to be dangerous to the man holding it. stands to reason if it can tell when a brain's signalling a hand, it can tell too if that brain is killing-mad. some people can do that, and most dogs. "so, if it senses murderous intent and a message to the weapon hand to move, it moves too, and faster. "it homes on this disk like a magnet right into the hand of the gent that owns it, and aims itself plumb at the place the signal is coming from." i tapped the chart. "right here." i poked the gunk out of a corncob, packed it and lit up before going on. jake stared at the umbrella handle like a stuffed owl. "now, that fourth skeleton we saw sure as hell isn't human. he isn't from anywhere on this green earth, or i miss my guess. might even have something to do with crater lake there, years ago. but we aren't likely to find out. "but we do know that he fought three indians that probably jumped him all at once. and he killed every one of them with this gun before he fell." that brought jake up short. the territory is kind of violent generally, and anybody or anything good along that line would be bound to have the sober respect of a ninny like jake. i dug up an old glove, and used spirit gum to stick in its palm the little disk from the skeleton's hand. i pulled the glove on my right hand, and stood up with my hand about a foot over the umbrella handle. "okay," i said, "kill me." * * * * * he was so orry-eyed by then he damn near did it just to be obliging. but then the recollection of the night on the mountain, and the three indians with their heads shot off, sifted through and he shied off. "hell no," he hollered, "i seen that thing go before! i ain't about to get my head blowed to bits!" and he went on. well, it took me the best of two hours. i showed him the two studs on the underside that most likely were a safety device. i explained how probably the gun wouldn't go off unless somebody was holding it with a finger between those studs, which was why it didn't shoot when it went into the skeleton's hand that night. i finally got him by telling him if i was right, we'd wire the fourth skeleton together, take it back east and earn a mint of money on the vaudeville stage showing the fastest cadaver in the west. "mr. bones: faster than billy the kid and twice as dead," i said we'd bill it. jake, he thought that was a lovely idea, and decided to go along. fourteen times that eternal jackass raised his right arm at me, while i held my own gloved right hand over the weapon. but he didn't have any real heart for it, and fourteen times the gun just lay there. then i got a mite impatient, and kicked him in the kneecap. that fifteenth time he was truly trying. skinny as he was he'd have driven me clear through the floor, except that umbrella handle jumped into my glove and aimed dead at his forehead, snarling like a cougar. more correctly, the left side of his forehead. if i hadn't braced my index finger out stiff, that fifteenth time would've had him a dead man. jake froze like a statue and hung in the air staring at the gun, snarling away in my hand. finally i pulled the glove off with the gun still stuck to it, and flung it on the desk. then jake gave me the sixteenth, and by the time i got up again he was gone and the gun and the glove with him. * * * * * next morning the borax squabble blew up again. what with miners getting stomped i didn't get to bed for a week, much less have a chance to find out where jake and that damned weapon had lit out for. by the time i did, it was too late. jacob niedelmeier, the ribbon clerk, after seventeen years was on his way to glory as the legendary dirty jake. i got the start of the story from a drifter, name of hubert comus. he'd got into kind of a heated discussion in a saloon south a ways that ended with him and this other man going for their hardware. hubert got his merwin & bray . out and, being a fool, tried fanning it. of course it jammed and he laid the heel of his hand open clear to the bone. twasn't the hand bothering hubert, though. like most, the other man missed him clean, but when the barkeep threw them both out hubert lit sitting on the boardwalk and took a six-inch splinter clear through his corduroys. while i was working on him he told me about jake. a man, it seems, had turned up in a little settlement called blister, about two days down the line. nobody noticed him come in, except that he was wearing one glove, a shiny clawhammer coat and congress gaiters. the general run in the mining camps doesn't wear congress gaiters. he got noticed, though, when he showed up in a barroom wearing a pearl-gray derby with an ostrich plume in the band, and carrying a rolled-up umbrella under his arm. the little devil had stuck the shaft of a regular umbrella in the muzzle of the skeleton's weapon. it turned out he'd bought the derby that the storekeeper there had planned to be buried in. where the ostrich plume came from i never did find out. "he come right in the swingin' door an' stood there," hubert said over his shoulder, "lookin' at the crowd. purty quick they was all lookin' right back, i kin tell you. that feather fetched 'em up sharp. take it easy back there, will you, doc? then homer cavanaugh, the one they called ham head, he bust out laughing. he laughed so hard he bent over double, and the rest of the boys was just beginnin' t'laugh too when the little feller picked up a spitoon and dumped it down ham head's neck. "the boys got mighty quiet then. hey, easy, doc, will you? ham head straightened up and his face went from red as flannels to white, just like that. he stood glarin' at the little feller for a couple of ticks, openin' and closin his fists, and then that big right hand went for the smith & wesson in his belt. "well, it was a double-action pistol and had a couple notches in the grip, but ham head never cleared it. i never even seen the little feller draw, but there was ham head fallin' with half his noggin shot away. gently, will you, doc, gently! "the little feller stood leaning on his umbrella, lookin' down at him. 'what was that man's name?' he says. 'ham head cavanaugh,' somebody says back. 'ham head cavanaugh,' the little feller says, 'he's the first.' then he shoves the umbreller back under his arm and goes out. we never saw him again. "some say it was a bootleg pistol he used, or a derringer in his sleeve. and some say he had a pardner with a rifle in the street, but there wasn't nobody there. i was standin' as close to him as i am to you, doc, and i swear--it--was--that--um--breller--ow!" * * * * * ham head cavanaugh was the first. i had kind of a personal interest in jake and his weapon, so i kept track. there was curly sam thompson, big john ballentine, redmeat carson, uriah singletree and twelve others known of, all dead within eighteen months. any man jake could hoorah into a fight. with never a chance to get his right hand on iron before his head gave the signal and got blown off. he took them all on. and he never lost--because he couldn't. jake was king-o'-the-hill now, all right. he had the success he yearned for. yet when he came back to see me last april it wasn't to brag. he was in trouble. i looked up from a customer, a damn fool that'd sat on a gila monster, and there he was, sneaking in the door bare-headed like a whipped hound, not the cock of the walk in the whole territory. he slid into the back room like a shadow, and the man i was working on never even knew he'd come. when i went in afterward the lamp was out, the shade was down and he was in a corner, nervous as a jackrabbit an eagle just dropped in a wolf den. "buried my derby under a pile of rock up in the mountains," he whispered. "look," and he held out his glove. it was plumb worn out. the little metal disc was hanging on by a strand of spirit gum, and the fabric of the palm was in shreds. i looked at him for a minute without saying anything. he was still wearing the clawhammer coat, over b.v.d. tops, but it looked like he'd been buried weeks in it and dug up clumsy. he had on greasy rawhide breeches and battered cowhand boots for shoes. he had a month's beard on his lip and he stunk. this here was legendary dirty jake, no question about it. "get a new glove," i said. "nope," he answered, "no good. last week in ojo rojizo i took the glove off to scratch and right then a man braced me. he threw me in a horse-trough when i wouldn't fight. i want you to fix me up good. "i want you to open my hand up and set the dingus just under the skin, and sew it up again. knew a feller did that with five-dollar gold pieces cuz he didn't like banks. worked fine till he got a counterfeit, and it killed him. "i'll lay low in the hills till the hand heals. no problems after that." no problems? maybe so, but i'd been doing some thinking. still, i kept my mouth shut and did what he wanted, and he slunk off with no thanks. don't guess i really had any coming. after he left i got out my tallybook and ticked off the men dirty jake had killed: one eye jack sundstrom, fat charlie ticknor, pilander quantrell, lobo stephens, alec the frenchman dubois, some jackass texas nobody even knew and the rest, all men whose brains had telegraphed a special signal to jake's gun before it reached their own right hand. well, there was a new pistolero in town. a month and a half later i was craned around, trying to lance a boil of my own, when out of the corner of my eye i saw dirty jake go by under my window. he'd dug that hat with the ostrich plume out from under the rocks, his hand was healed, he was swinging his umbrella and he didn't so much as look up. he was headed for the owl hoot palace. i decided the boil'd wait. less than five minutes later i heard the shots, two of them. a second later jubal bean, swamper at the owl hoot, came pounding up the boardwalk and hollered in the door: "doc, better come quick. dirty jake just took a couple slugs in the chest and he never even got to draw!" i took my time. "it was just a matter of odds," i said. "who got him?" "the new one," jubal said, "the man they call lefty." * * * * * well, a couple more weeks to bleach, a little wiring, and i'll be heading east. look for the billboards: mr. bones the fastest draw in the west "faster than billy the kid and twice as dead" presented by hiram pertwee, m.d. all i've got to do is figure how to keep getting mad at jake. prodigal weapon by vaseleos garson they were the pitiful remnants of a proud world, huddled into slave quarters on karrar, dying before the cold brutality of the kraks, seeking the achilles' heel in the armor of their masters. one man alone still fought them--even he knowing he battled with a lance of straw. [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from planet stories summer . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] nothing new ... this. the viewpoint, maybe, was different, this time. the script was the same, only there were new actors in the cast of characters. human historians had written the story over and over. even the _kraks_ probably had a parallel story in their world. sean mckenna flinched a little as the beam of the thin yellow light bit into his left shoulder, burning a crooked x into the tanned flesh. then with a shrug, sean nodded his red-thatched head slightly, moved into the rapidly growing queue of humans who watched the krak counters with varied expressions, most of them quietly despairing. sean accepted his destiny with a slanted smile. he, too, stared steadily at the impassive-faced _kraks_ whose naked torsos and hairless round heads glistened with sweat in the afternoon of earth's sun. he thought: they have two eyes, two ears, a nose, a mouth, one body, two arms and two legs just like us humans. but they are something apart from us, for they are the masters and we--his mind shrugged--are the slaves. sean fixed his green eyes on the scarlet-kilted krak whose light had so emotionlessly added him to the cargo of slaves for the krak's home planet somewhere out in the reaches of space. sean grew aware of the monotonous voice of a krak, tolling out what must be numbers as the yellow lights in the hands of other kraks flicked haphazardly among the other residents of sean's village. then the monotonous voice sharpened, and the yellow lights stopped flickering. there was silence then for a brief moment, while the eyes of those chosen and those left behind touched briefly, despairingly. in that silence, sean heard her voice and the quietness with which he had accepted the end of his earthly life almost vanished. "oh, sean," she cried. "they didn't take me!" sean's eyes darted to the edge of the crowd to where she stood, her arms stretched out supplicatingly to him; her soft red lips quivering; her blue eyes brimming; her soft black hair caressed by the afternoon wind. sean broke out of line then, almost running toward her. the scarlet-kilted krak who had marked him reached out a restraining hand. his fingers bit into sean's arm until the blood spurted; the shock of pain from his arm held in the krak's unbreakable hold halted him. he looked at her quietly then shrugged, and marched back to his place in the line. he was unmindful of the pain in his wrenched arm as he moved along with the rest up the slanted walk to the oval door of the space ship. at the top he turned, and his voice rose above the murmur of the crowd. "i'll come back, maureen," he said, and blew her a kiss from his fingertips. then he stepped into the darkness, following those others before him. in the gloom, someone said: "always the gallant one, eh, sean? you know damn well that you'll never see earth again. no one who ever left on these slave ships has ever come back." "i think i recognize michael o'hara, the village pessimist," sean replied and there was almost a lightness in his voice. they moved deeper into the bowels of the ship, aware of the curious scraping sound the krak guards made as they walked with them. * * * * * they were all quiet, these men, women and children whom the kraks had carelessly chosen, as they marched into the huge dark room that was to be their home for the journey to karrar. the scraping noise moved through the room, then to the door of the hole. the portal shut with the dull sound of heavy metal. the scraping noise grew fainter, then it was gone. not until then did the humans give vent to their emotions. the sound of despair was hesitant at first--in a far corner a child gasped, coughed and then sobbed. it was the signal--and the mingled sounds of hysterical laughter, weeping, groaning were ragged knives twisting in sean mckenna's heart. a rending cacophony of lost hope. "shut up," he shouted hoarsely. "this is no time for weeping and wailing; this is the time to think, to plan." for a moment the awful symphony subsided; then someone said wearily: "against the kraks? what did planning ever do against them? they are invulnerable. we used atomic power, guns, knives, bow and arrows, even our fists against them. and they crushed us like rats in a corner." the cacophony resumed, and sean's shouting voice could not stop it now--he could not even hear his own voice. a hand touched his arm gently: "easy, sean," michael o'hara whispered in his ear. "they are right. if we couldn't beat them as free men, how can we even think of it as slaves?" "the fools," sean said savagely. "no matter how weak they are, they can keep fighting, keep probing for a chink in their armor." "no, sean, for fifteen years we fought, seeking that chink, and failed to find it. deep down in your heart you know the kraks cannot be beaten. physically, they are to us as we are to new-born babes--no weapon of man can touch them, and did you ever hear of a krak dying of disease? "no, we met a better adversary. mother of erin, sean, we deserve to be slaves, we haven't the accoutrements to take on the universe champion." "there's nothing anywhere that hasn't a weakness, mike. i aim to find the weakness." mike o'hara grunted: "why this sudden fervor to destroy the kraks, anyway? until today, you were content to go fishing and hunting without thought of them. now you've done a right-about-face." "i know," said sean, and there was chagrin in his voice. "until today, they hadn't bothered me." "so you want to embroil the whole human race in your fight, eh?" "oh, hell, mike, it's not my fight--it's humanity's battle for self-preservation. you know that as well as i do. besides, wouldn't you like to see jane again?" "that hurt, sean," mike said softly. sean touched him lightly on the shoulder: "sorry, mike, but don't you see? all of us want to see the ones we love again. and we won't, if we let despair grab us." "all right," said mike. "i'll go along with you. but it's no go just the same." "pessimist," sean said and laughed softly. but he was glad the blocky, black-haired mike was with him. * * * * * the uprooting of these humans from their home of ages had been simple enough, sean decided. except for the nausea that held the stomach in noisome fingers when the krak ship broke loose from the earth. were there more captives this time than in the long years before? were there , krak ships--instead of --transplanting men and women and children to that scarlet land of karrar? sean said as much to mike, and mike said: "i heard before we left that this would be the biggest batch." mike looked harried in the yellow wall light. "sean," he said quickly, with a twist on his lips: "how's the search coming?" sean jerked his red-thatched head around, stared at him. "why the sudden earnestness?" mike licked his lips quickly. "i didn't know it before, but just now when i was looking over the people here, i found marcia, and she's sick." "marcia?" sean repeated. "i thought you and she had busted up that romance?" mike nodded: "she did," he said quietly. "but i'll never stop loving her." "mike, how about jane? you and she were to be married--tomorrow, wasn't it?" "i know, i know," mike said hurriedly. "but marcia's sick, and she looked at me so appealingly when i recognized her, it all came back. the least i can do is comfort her." "sure, sure ..." sean said. that curious scraping sound that marked the coming of a krak interrupted them. it was the scarlet-kilted krak who had marked sean for the trip. he stood inside the open prison door, his naked torso gleaming in the yellow light and his hairless round head turning. his round head stopped turning as his dark eyes above the wide flat nose fastened on sean's red hair. "you," he mouthed, "with the red hair. come!" sean moved forward cautiously, his nerves atingle, his strong hands doubled into fists. he followed the scarlet kilt out of the packed prison room, along an interminable series of passageways that led upward, and finally entered a room about twenty feet wide and thirty feet long. it was innocent of furniture or decoration. there were no windows. but standing in the middle of the room was an eight-foot krak, dwarfing even the seven-foot bulk of his guide. the scarlet-kilted krak turned to him. "find your answer," the scarlet-kilted krak said cryptically. he pointed to the krak, naked save for a kind of breechclout about his loins. "he is your subject." sean was staring at his guide, startled out of his usual acceptance of the bizarre and the trite. "our audios picked up your plotting," the scarlet-kilted one said. "we do not wish to kill you, you are much more valuable on karrar. but we cannot have restless humans fired by one like you who thinks we are vulnerable. "there is a krak. kill him if you can." the scarlet-kilted krak turned to the other standing in the center of the room. "you have understood my words, klash? you understand that you will allow this human to do all in his power to kill you. allow him all liberties until you are convinced that he has run out of ways in which to take your life." "yes, o, ralk." klash bent his huge bald head. ralk called aloud in his own tongue. another krak appeared pushing a plastic crate before him. he pushed the crate into the room. then he went out, followed by ralk. at the door ralk stopped and said: "human, there are many weapons there. use them, and see if you can kill one of us." then he went out. sean mckenna was alone with the brute called klash. he moved to the box, looked in. he looked up then at klash, and whistled. "you must be tough, brother." then he hauled the array of weapons from the crate. he laid them on the duralloy deck beneath his feet. a high-powered rifle, a meat ax, a sledge hammer, an acetylene torch, a sword, a rope, a crowbar. then a grenade. sean laid the last item gently aside, and remarked, "that'd kill _me_." then he dumped the whole mass of weapons out on the deck. * * * * * it was a very good collection of various earth and krak weapons. besides diverse types of guns, powder, electric and air operated, there were blowguns of all lengths, complete with quivers of poison-dipped arrows. there were many weapons made by the kraks, only one or two of which sean recognized. he picked up the little hand-gun that emitted the burning ray. he trained it on the krak's chest, nicked the little button wide open. such power exploded a human being, instantly converting the moisture in his system to steam. klash stood there, impassive. sean pumped a full round of bullets at the krak from the high-powered rifle, then hurled himself on the floor to dodge the richocheting bullets. he got up, a rueful grin on his thin lips, and shot assorted poisonous darts through the blowguns. the poison was sudden death to any earthly thing. klash was impassive. sean hefted a battle-ax that the kraks apparently had filched from some museum. he walked up slowly toward klash, the double-bitted ax swinging heavily in his hand. sean took a stance, spat on his palms, and swung the ax, unmindful that he ripped open the wound ralk had made when he stopped him from moving toward maureen. the bright blade gleamed in the yellow light, the muscles, lean and sinewy across sean's back rippled and tore his tunic across the back. the head of the ax hit klash waist-high and bounced, flipping sean to the deck. klash rocked a little on his feet from the shock. that was all. sean, a desperate grin tightening his lips, threw the book at klash--he tied the hemp rope about his neck and tried to strangle the krak; he put the crowbar in klash's mouth, tried to break the jaws; turned the blow torch against his chest. no response. at long last, after he exhausted almost the complete roster of weapons, sean looked thoughtfully at the grenade. then he shook his head. sean walked up to klash, stared up at his towering bulk. klash looked down at him, impassive. sean laughed then and hurled himself upward, lashing out with his bony fists at the krak's neck and shoulders. the impassivity vanished from klash's face. it twisted, almost as if in pain, sean thought, before the earthman's senses were washed out in a rocking shock as one big fist lashed against the side of his head. the echo of his own laughter was the last sound he heard. * * * * * sean still saw that strange look on klash's face when he opened his eyes into the glaring yellow light. but the picture vanished as pain shuddered through his body. mike's voice worked its way through his pain. "mother of erin, sean, what did they do to you?" "uh," grunted sean and moved to a sitting position against the wall and looked down at his body and legs. he was covered with bruises, yellow and red and blue and black, and each throbbed its own special melody of hurt. "i don't know, mike. i passed out when klash hit me." mike said: "old doc perkins said there isn't a square inch of your body that hasn't a bruise. what he can't figure is how you took such punishment without getting a bone broken." "hah," sean tried to laugh through bruised lips. "doc's wrong. they busted every bone in my body. then they glued me together again." he paused. "mike, i found it." "sure, sean," mike put in gently. "you found it. that nice little pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. only it blew up in your face." "no, mike, i found that chink." mike gasped once, then sat there very quietly staring at the red-headed sean. finally, he said, "give me the solution." "it's the bone from the shoulder to neck, mike. that's the vulnerable part." he launched into a description of his hopeless task of trying to destroy klash. "then at the end, mike, i jumped up and socked him in the neck and in that hollow in the shoulder. "he winced, mike, and i'll swear that he flinched in pain. then he knocked me out." "but how do you know it isn't the neck?" "i told you i had that rope around his neck." "maybe he had a stomach ache or something that brought that look to his face." "holy mother, mike, if he'd eaten something that didn't agree with him, do you think he'd wait until then to feel painful?" "maybe it was the poison, sean, just taking hold?" "no, mike, he grimaced just when my fist struck that bone. it was the first sign of pain during the whole time. that's got to be it, mike. kraks aren't invulnerable. they've just been careful not to let us find out." "why didn't they kill you then, when you found out?" sean shrugged the thought away. "maybe klash didn't tell them. maybe it's just luck. i don't know. but i do know this, mike, it's the first time that a krak ever departed from that poker face." mike sat there, pessimism fighting with this new thread of hope. "okay," he said finally. "i guess we can try it, anyway. though i don't think much of the idea. but it's a chance. and i sure would like to get marcia back on earth." "to meet jane?" sean asked quietly. mike looked at him, almost like a boy caught with his hand in the jam jar. it was some hours later, when sean slapped the sandal against the palm of his hand and muttered: "sandals aren't much good as weapons, but they'll have to do." he looked at mike and the other eleven men that the two of them had convinced, in whispers so that the audios would pick up only sounds and not the words of their plan. mike said: "he's due along here any minute now." sean nodded and slapped the sandal against the palm of his hand again. * * * * * afar off at first it was, that curious scraping sound the thighs of kraks make as they walk. the thirteen men tensed, their palms sweating against the leather soles of the sandals they gripped so tightly. the excitement had deadened the pain of sean's bruises and he was waiting just as tensely as the others. the other earth people packed into the huge cell were staring at them, some licking their lips, some with questions fighting through the despair in their eyes--all of them dejectedly looking. the cry was in sean's mind: oh, to destroy their despair that they might see once more with eyes of hope! the scrape-scrape came closer. it halted outside the heavy metal door. smaller bits of metal rattled; then the door opened inward. sean, being closest to the opening portal, swung his sandal first. it made a curious spatting sound. forgetful of the wrenching pain, he leaped, wrapped an arm around the krak's neck and lashed out with the sandal again and again. the krak reached up one powerful arm, ripped the red-headed earthman from his perch. the other dozen earthmen leaped on him then, their sandals flailing. sean, flung against the wall, tried to move, but his muscles were tar and wouldn't respond. he watched the battle, trying desperately to move. of a sudden then, he was biting his lips, and tears of chagrin were blinding his eyes. for the krak still towered there, impassive and invulnerable, smashing the earthmen down with his huge fists. one of the thirteen, bill hawkins, lay on the deck of the prison, his head split open like a ruptured muskmelon. another moaned on the floor, helplessly trying to move both his broken arms. mike fought to the last, but even his driving fists were stopped when the krak pounded him on the side of the head and drove him to the floor. the krak looked around the prison room impassively, his bald head moving slowly, effortlessly. then he went out. the tar that was his muscles finally set and sean could move. he crawled to where mike lay spread-eagled on the floor, took the black-topped head in his lap, rocked with it. "oh, mike, i'm sorry. i was so sure." tiny fists pounded on his bruised back. sean started to turn. then fingers were entwined in his red hair, yanking, bringing painful tears to his eyes. "get away from him, you beast." sean saw tiny, blonde marcia, her soft face twisted into harsh lines, pulling him away from mike. he let mike's head drop gently to the deck. then he stood up. instantly marcia was beside mike, touching him, talking to him softly. sean looked at bill hawkins lying dead there on the floor, the dark dead stuff smearing the polished surface. he looked at those others there. despair was still there in their eyes, but something else, too. they looked away from him, deliberately avoiding his eyes. the soft moaning of jack wilson turned him around. "i'm sorry, jack. it's my fault. i was so sure that was the vulnerable point." jack's pain-filled eyes looked down on his broken arms, then fastened on sean. "i wouldn't mind so much," jack said through tight lips, "if it had worked." then he looked away. sean turned to mike and marcia. mike was sitting up now, shaking his head dazedly. he saw sean. mike said just one word before he stood up and walked away with marcia. the word was: "satisfied?" for the rest of the trip, sean mckenna had plenty of room to stretch his body out. as if by pre-arranged signal, he was given a wide berth, and those earth people near him constantly tried to keep their backs to him. impassively, the kraks had come, and when they left, the body of bill hawkins went with them, leaving only that dark dried stain on the prison deck as a reminder. perhaps it hadn't been deliberate, but the prisoners had made a lane through so that each time sean mckenna lifted his harried green eyes he saw the spot where hawkins had died. hawkins' death twisted at sean's heart, but it was always overshadowed by his conviction that the kraks were vulnerable. sean's mind probed, trying to find the answer to why klash, the huge krak, had flinched when sean's fists had struck him. if ever he had seen pain, sean swore to himself, it had been on klash's face then. but what had caused it? what had made an invulnerable krak wince at the blows from an earthman's fist? * * * * * there were no earthly words to describe karrar, the home planet of the kraks. karrar was karrar--a stupendous planet, brooded over by a sullen sun, a land of harsh reds and blacks. impassive it was--as indestructible as its spawn of kraks. they'd known when the landing had been made, for the kraks, their blank faces rigid, had come into the prison room and roughly strapped a metal contrivance on the back of each earth person, man, woman and child. for such a sullen-looking planet, sean decided, the weather was exceedingly cold, striking at his flesh and bones like tiny needles. the kraks herded the long line of humans through the airlock out onto the huge expanse of the space port. there were thousands of ship cradles, it seemed, and they were packed with other ships unloading their cargo. as far as his green eyes could see, sean recognized only human beings--thousands of them moving single file out of the maws of the swollen krak ships. those files were converging at a huge gate at the far end of the port. they looked, sean thought, like long lines of ants moving toward their hill. then he, too, was moving toward the same gate. perhaps only he, of those thousands, was different. for he was not squeezed into the line. the human ahead of him and the human behind were a good four feet from him, as if keeping as far from a carrier of the plague as possible. sean grinned wryly. he kept his eyes fixed ahead where black buildings shoved their coarse heavy structures against the lowering scarlet sky. they moved through the mammoth portal at last, and finally sean was swept into the mass of humans who clogged the way. they stumbled through the black block-paved streets and the few kraks who were on the street gave those humans only cursory glances. nothing new to them, sean thought grimly. and the urgency of his conviction that these kraks could be destroyed put buoyancy in his step and set his mind to working frantically. he towered above the other humans around him, his flame-hair blazing like a torch. a krak saw that flame head. sean didn't know it then, but he learned shortly. finally those thousands of humans were herded into an open-air compound, surrounded by heavy, black stone walls that lifted breathtakingly above them. other humans were there, men bearded and filthy, women, even in their despair, trying to keep some semblance of beauty. the clothes of these older prisoners were almost gone, only that metal contrivance on their backs shone brightly. many of the children, even in the cold of karrar, moved about listlessly, naked. sean counted seven fist and kick fights going on in the compound as he entered. much of the decency of man had been destroyed by the kraks; there seemed no joy, no laughter, no comradeship, only an all-pervading air of despair. that light of intelligence had left many a human's eyes in that inclosure to be replaced by a blank stare. * * * * * sean shuddered a little, and the wry twist came to his mouth. somehow, he thought, and the coldness of the thought was like a knife of chilled steel, the kraks must be destroyed and punished for this terrible blow to the dignity of man. the cold hand of a krak on his shoulder roused him from his bitter thoughts. he followed the krak, wonderingly. the guide and he moved out of the compound, across the black street, pushing through the massed humans who were being poured into the compound, into what was apparently a barracks for warrior kraks. through the barracks to a large office at the end they went. ralk, the scarlet-kilted krak, who had engineered his little fiasco with klash was there. and another krak, not white-skinned like those on the space ship, but a pastel pink with features less coarse. this krak was bald, but he wore a long black robe. ralk said shortly: "red-headed one, you are blessed. shel lur has chosen you for her own. thank your hair, earthman, that shines like karrar's sun." there was no expression on shel lur's face, but her bald head, painted a darker pink than her skin, inclined. sean wondered if the woe-begone expression on his face was apparent to shel lur. this--this thing a woman of the krak race? sean's lips twisted--no wonder the kraks looked so gloomy. mother of erin, he would prefer being in the compound than in the company of this huge creature. he said so to ralk. ralk's voice was impassive. "do not be mistaken, earthman. shel lur does not want you for a husband; but as something to look at." he spoke quickly in his native tongue to shel lur. the female krak nodded, moved toward him. as shel lur's big cold hand seized his arm and steered him out of the door of the office, sean was, for the first time in twenty-five years of life, not smiling at the events facing him. * * * * * it wasn't so bad, sean reflected some weeks later, but it wasn't anything to laugh about--this being doll to a lady of the kraks. he was fed well, and he slept well, even if it were on the cold black floor. but he couldn't stand that impassive stare when shel lur gazed at him three times a day--once in the morning when she prodded him awake with her foot, once in the afternoon when she brought him down to the dinner table to stare and once in the evening just before she undressed for the night and lay down on her air pallet. he had stood it for a week, then he tried to teach her the english language only to find out that she knew enough of it as she wanted. he'd talked to her, trying to describe earth to her--telling her how different women there were. and she had just nodded and said, "_yess?_" why in the name of earth's sun had she picked him out--of every other human? there must have been hundreds of red-heads in the human procession. he looked up at shel lur's pink face and said very heatedly: "oh, hell...." shel lur looked at him impassively. he had plenty of time to think now and to watch. the picture of the giant klash ever was with him, that look of pain pricking and tickling at his mind. once he asked shel lur: "can't you be killed?" in her atrociously accented english she said: "no, i cannot be killed. no krak ever killed." "don't you ever die?" "oh, yess. we die." "how?" shel lur merely shrugged and repeated: "we die." and looked at him impassively. he liked those rare occasions when she sent him out with the laundry to the section laundry where the humans toiled day and night with the heavy garments. it was good to see your own kind, he thought, even if they are slaves. once he tried to lose himself in the city, but an unerring krak came straight to his hiding spot behind an eating place, lifted him out of his lair, and returned him to shel lur. shel lur had not even chided him on his long absence, but had merely looked at him impassively. this day began differently. shel lur woke him by prodding him with her big foot and when he sat up on the cold floor, she pointed, her face a blank: "see?" she said. he twisted his aching neck sharply, and almost gasped: "marcia! what--how did you get here?" "woman," shel lur said tonelessly. "your woman." tiny marcia, her blonde hair awry, her blue eyes frightened, her tiny hands twisting. her words stumbled out: "a krak came; took me from beside mike in the laundry." sean looked from marcia to shel lur. shel lur nodded: "your woman," she said again. "no," sean said, "my friend's woman." "yess?" said shel lur. "your woman, i say it." she took marcia by the arm, pushed her against sean. then she walked out and shut the door. sean stood in the center of the room, running his hands through his flame hair. "i'm damned if i know what she's driving at. oh, well," he said and shrugged. he looked at marcia, commented: "you look better than you did on the ship." marcia looked at him, her lips quivering, her eyes brimming with tears: "oh, sean," she said. "what kind of hellish world is this?" then she threw herself into sean's arms, her breasts heaving, sobs like tiny pin cushions tearing at her throat. awkwardly, sean patted her shoulder. "easy, marcia, easy." shel lur came back in again. without emotion, she looked at marcia clasped in sean's arms, said tonelessly: "good. you will not run away again." marcia turned her head to stare at the krak woman. sean's eyes were thoughtful. * * * * * sean mckenna awoke suddenly, jarred from sleep by an almost tangible thought. half-awake, the fingers of his mind reached into his dream and tried to form it into wakeful reality. almost, he thought bitterly. i almost had it. he'd been dreaming about his attempts to destroy a krak, living it over again, and for a single fleeting moment, he would have sworn he found the chink in the krak armor of invulnerability. then it was gone. over in the opposite corner, marcia stirred. nightmare, probably, but who wouldn't have a nightmare? but that dream, so real and in it he had been so sure of the krak's vulnerability. and now that was gone. he drifted off to sleep again. when he awakened, he was surprised. it had not been by shel lur's dainty hoof. rubbing the sleep from his eyes, he turned toward marcia's corner. instantly he was on his feet. she was gone! he darted from the bare room, through the door into shel lur's chamber. striding into the center of the krak's sleeping chamber, sean mckenna halted abruptly, almost as if he had bumped up against an unseen, immovable force. a woman's laughter, dancing on joyous toes, stopped him. marcia's laughter! then his heart froze into a lump of dry ice within his chest. only for fleeting moments had that laughter been joyous, now it was a mad, maudlin thing, twisted by the frightening fingers of hysteria. sean sprinted across the huge sleeping room, blasted through the door of the dressing chamber. marcia, her tiny body a limp blob lay on the cold floor, mad laughter dripping from her lips. shel lur sat impassively in the high-backed bench, a wig of human hair fixed on her head, her dark eyes staring at him. around her neck was a necklace of black triangular shaped stones that winked evilly in the sullen light of the sun. sean tried to comfort the sobbing, screaming marcia, but her soft face was twisted and torn with frightful agony and her tiny red mouth still burbled raucous laughter. sean turned coldly to shel lur. "what have you done?" he lipped, his green eyes stabbing flame. shel lur stared at him impassively, her wide-lipped mouth lax. it was then that sean felt that latent hope for the krak's vulnerability flare in his heart. shel lur was dead. his quick mind spun through a million queries. how had she died? was it a krak's ordinary death? what had happened to cast the life from her? sean looked down at marcia's contorted, writhing body. his answer lay there. with a cold mind, sean bent down, jerked marcia roughly to her feet. his strong palm lashed out, once, twice in snapping blows to marcia's soft cheeks. the girl whimpered at the first blow; at the second, her sobbing slowed; and at the third, a semblance of intelligence brought a spark to her blue eyes. * * * * * sean held her shoulders gripped tightly in his hands. he shook her gently. "marcia," he said softly. "marcia." marcia's eyes reached up to his. she said dully: "it was awful, sean." then she was in his arms sobbing. sean let the sobbing run its course, though his mind was champing to ask her what happened. the hysteria was gone from her voice finally when she said: "i killed her, sean, with the touch of my hand." she held up the tiny hand with the long tapering fingers and flexed it. "marcia." sean forced himself to speak slowly. "how did you kill her? what spot did you touch?" he was breathless. he'd been right after all, there was a vulnerable spot on the krak's invulnerable body. was it the same spot he'd thought from his battle with klash? marcia spoke quickly: "i don't know, sean. she woke me, gave me that wig, told me to fix her head like mine. i did it, only i drew two strands of the hair down under her chin and tied it in a bow. "it didn't look quite right, so i put my hands on her shoulders and drew the bow wider. but it looked so funny under her chin, i laughed and pushed against her to keep from falling." "where did you touch her?" "i don't remember, sean, i don't remember. anyway, right then her whole face twisted into awful knots and her throat worked as if she couldn't get enough air to breath. her face turned white and then blue and back to pink again. "her face, o-o-oh, it was terrible looking and frightened me so much," marcia pushed closer to sean, her tiny arms twisted tightly about him. sean was unaware of marcia's warm body pressing against him. for he was remembering. it was only a tickle at first, then it grew and bubbled and the laughter pushed sean's mouth open. the chink! his mind was shrieking. i've found it! he laughed until the tears ran down his cheeks. it was the first time in many weeks that sean mckenna had laughed like that--full-throated and joyous. abruptly, he sobered. "marcia," he said. "help me dump shel lur into a laundry hamper. we'll have to get her out of here. get her to where other earth people, mike and the rest of them, may see her--a dead krak. an unkillable, unburnable krak, dead violently. then they will listen to me." marcia raised puzzled eyes to him. "but what part of her did i touch to kill her?" "no time for explanations. only this much. it's you the earth should thank for finding the chink in the krak's armor. the answer was there, but me, i was the guy who couldn't see the trees for the forest." as he talked, sean was dragging the tall plastic clothes hamper to the side of the dead shel lur. it strained every muscle of sean's lean tough body to transfer shel lur's bulk from the high-backed bench to the hamper. marcia brought some soiled clothes that they arranged around shel lur's body, doubled up in the hamper. the thick plastic rollers squeaked under the weight as he worked it to the hallway outside shel lur's apartments, marcia trailing behind him. the two krak guards flicked their eyes at them, but remained impassive. it was nothing unusual to see an earthling delivering clothes to the laundry. sean masked the effort as he trundled the hamper by the guards. it might arouse suspicions if they thought he was disclosing undue stress. he was sweating as he worked the hamper step by step down the long stairway leading to the street. he was desperately afraid that the hamper would overbalance and topple shel lur's body out on the landing before the two guards near the main gate. but marcia strained her tiny body against the hamper, relieving some of the drag. the kraks did not even glance at them. outside with the door closed, sean straightened, blew a breath of relief through his tight lips. of a sudden, marcia pulled his head, kissed him firmly on the lips. sean jerked away abruptly. "don't you like me?" she asked petulantly. "i like you." "how about mike?" marcia shrugged. for a moment, sean wanted to take her tiny body and shake some sense into it; but then he remembered that it was she who had given him the key to the enigma of the krak's invulnerability. trust a woman to find a man's achilles heel! he grinned wryly, and asked: "which way to mike's laundry?" marcia pointed, still pouting a little. * * * * * mike saw them first as they pushed the hamper into the spraying room. his dark face, the dark hair crowning it like a thick cap, lighted at the sight of marcia, and harshened when he saw sean. mike moved quickly toward them, his eyes fixed on marcia's face. his arms were outstretched. sean was looking at marcia out of the corner of his green eyes. at mike's approach she moved closer to sean, tugged at his arm. "marcia!" mike said, and his voice carried his heart with it. "i was scared stiff when they took you. how...?" mike's dark eyes saw marcia's fingers flexing on sean's arm. he took a step forward, his bulging muscles rippling, his dark eyes snapping. sean, wordlessly, dumped over the hamper. shel lur's body spilling out on the damp floor stopped him instantly. mike o'hara stared at the body of the krak, then at sean's smiling lips. "dead." sean's voice was quiet. "dead?" their soft voices brought other earthlings crowding from the various parts of the spraying room. they, too, stared at the dead bulk of the pink-skinned krak. "how?" mike breathed the word like a prayer. sean jerked a thumb at marcia. "marcia did it, and showed me how." marcia broke in: "but i don't know how i did it, sean." sean shrugged as mike moved closer to marcia. "oh, marcia," mike said softly. "you found the way." his arms reached out as if to clasp her, but she ducked under them, put her arm around sean's waist. sean's fingers pushed her arm loose, but mike was a fury before him. "so," mike growled. "i must think of jane. i must forget marcia." he sniffed loudly. "well, friend, how about maureen? i suppose she'll greet marcia with open arms?" he paused a moment. "'i'll come back, maureen,'" mike mimicked sean's last words to his black-haired maureen when the earthlings had first been driven aboard the krak ship many weeks before. then mike's big fist lashed out. sean's strong hands reached out, caught the arm, pushed it to mike's side as he said quietly: "easy, mike, easy." he added: "there are more important things to consider now than jealousy." a movement from marcia turned sean's head quickly. then he smiled that slanted grin. "look, mike, she's just a feather, blown about by what takes her fancy." sean jerked his flame head at marcia. she was smiling up at a tall, slim blond--a stranger to sean who had been hovering in the background. mike looked, and the fire in his dark eyes died a little. muscles worked in the sides of his jaw. his barrel chest lifted in a deep breath. then he grinned a little shamefacedly. his voice was abrupt then. "how did the krak die, sean?" sean said enigmatically: "by an earthling's cruelest weapon. a weapon which has been lost to most humans since the kraks came. a sort of prodigal weapon. i used it once on klash, and didn't know it. i couldn't see it then. but marcia's killing shel lur gave me the answer." sean mckenna took mike's arm, led him to the door. they moved outside where two krak guardsmen stood. they paced out into the black paved street. "watch them," sean said softly, triumph in his voice. * * * * * sean mckenna began to laugh, the deep waves of it pouring up out of his chest, filling the sullen air with its joy. there it was, he thought humbly, the weapon. _laughter!_ the two kraks stood impassive. their dark eyes were quiet. they were unperturbed. sean stopped laughing. his bright green eyes were dull as he turned to mike o'hara. "it doesn't work," he said. they were just words. there was no emotion in them. he might have been talking about the weather. "i was sure this was it. laughter. david's sling against goliath." then sean mckenna shrugged. his voice was flippant now. his green eyes stared at mike's dark ones unblinkingly. he wondered: are my eyes as blank and dull as mike's? he said: "i could think of the worse places for mankind to die--" he swept his left arm encompassing the red sky and black city--"but not many." he laughed again. this time his voice was high-pitched, almost with a note of hysteria in it. "you were right, mike, we didn't have much chance against the universe champion." "wait!" mike said urgently. "look!" the two krak guardsmen were staggering drunkenly toward them. this sean saw as he turned. their faces were twisted, working convulsively. "stop it," the foremost one muttered hoarsely. "it hurts the ears." his figure towered over sean, clutching fingers reaching. sean darted aside. the second krak had fallen, huge spatulate fingers scrabbling at the black-paved blocks. the first one turned hesitantly as if he could no longer control his feet, stumbled after sean. he lunged at sean, succeeded only in tearing that metal contrivance from his back. a great weight suddenly pulled sean to the pavement, seemed to triple the weight of his own body. it was pain to move his head, but sean's red-thatch twisted so his green eyes could see. the pursuing krak toppled against the black bricks beside sean, his bald head making a dull sound. the usually impassive eyes were staring at sean's green orbs. there was pain and--was it defeat?--in them. every sinewy muscle in sean's body strained as he tried to get to his feet. so that was what the metal pack was for, he decided irrelevantly, an anti-gravity device. he threw his body toward it. before he reached it, however, mike had picked it up, was strapping it haphazardly on his back. the tremendous weight lifted and he crawled to his feet. "you were right after all," mike said, and there was a caress in it. "laughter." sean stood a long moment, looking at the fallen kraks. sean began to chuckle, the chuckle drifted into laughter. it was true! humanity had forgotten its greatest weapon. "god," said mike softly. "laughter did it. laughter." his dark eyes were staring at sean. then he, too, was laughing, joining his bass with sean's baritone. * * * * * earthlings moved out of the laundry, their eyes wide. they, too, fired by the infectious roarings began to laugh. on the wings of the wind, the laughter spread, working its way building by building, street by street, block by block through the city, as other humans picked it up, flung it on joyfully. and as the earthly laughter bubbled and rolled through the sullen city of karrar, kraks died--only a few at first, but more and more as the bursts of laughter swelled and swelled until even the black and red stone echoed with it. mike o'hara placed his big hand on sean mckenna's arm. "you found the chink, sean," he said. "was it the sound of the laughter? that doesn't sound right." he chuckled a little at the unexpected pun. sean grinned. "i know what you're driving at, mike. laughter is scaled so low on the vibration scale that the kraks must have encountered other vibrations of the same intensity at many times in the past. that it?" mike nodded. sean grinned impishly. "laugh once, mike, and listen to your laughter." mike laughed, his brow furrowed. "no idea bloomed," he said when he stopped laughing. "burlesque it," sean said. "do it in slow motion." he demonstrated. "like this. ha--ha--ha--ha." "got it!" mike exclaimed. "it's not a single sound. it's a series of them. it's the old story of the soldiers crossing the bridge. it's not each individual soldier; it's the cadence. not ha, but ha--ha--ha." "like kicking at the lock of a door instead of pushing on it steadily to get it open; like chipping at a rock instead of trying to smash it with one blow--there's a slough of analogies if we wanted to go on with it." "that one krak muttered something about his ears," mike put in. sean nodded. "that, i think, marks the spot of their achilles heel. they're like us in many ways--but one difference apparently lies in their ears. i'll get old doc perkins to dissect some of them. "my own idea is that their balance canals are constituted differently somehow than ours. those two kraks gave all the appearance of being unable to maintain their balance. in us, those ear canals are gyroscopes. that's why even blind persons are aware when they begin to deviate from an upright position. "both our canals of balance and those of the kraks probably function the same way, but the extra gravity of this planet may have wrought the chink which we found. with study and experimentation we should find out for sure just what happens." sean stopped talking, gazed at the people around him who were laughing. he felt his chest swelling with pride. man was on the road back--back to earth with its rolling green hills, its blue skies, its brown mountains, its myriad sounds and smells and sights. man was going home with a weapon to cast out the invader. he stood for a long time, mike's hand on his arm, watching these happy humans. even the black and red of karrar was softened by the joyous light in their clear unfilmed eyes. finally, sean mckenna said, "we have a new task, mike. we've got to take them home." the sullen red sun dipped behind the black hills. the black mist of night flowed over the lowering sky dimming it, finally enveloping it. the black mist thickened, formed silently into the night sky with its countless planets, its myriad suns. somewhere in that star-scattered vastness is earth, sean mckenna thought. earth. and maureen with the soft black hair and eyes that are blue flames. _earth!_ invader from infinity by george whittington "destroy the invader," the orders read--and captain mcpartland's expendable spacer flashed into suicidal battle. [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from planet stories winter . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] commander jon mcpartland stared with hard blue eyes into his view screen. he watched a tiny dot in one corner grow slowly, and heard the unnecessary words of his lieutenant-commander, clemens: "observation officer reports enemy craft sighted, sir." "very good," acknowledged mcpartland. "have lieutenant parek compute their speed and course." clemens spoke softly into the intra-ship phone, and commander jon mcpartland returned momentarily to his thoughts. his square jaw was set as though cast in bronze, with hard muscles machined into its contour. here was the enemy--the unknown, the alien, who spoke only with destruction! this was the ship that had destroyed system patrols; later a full battle fleet of the solar system's most powerful space fighters. the interceptors had been unable to establish communication of any sort; and they were blasted into fiery chunks of space debris before getting close enough to use their own guns. "well, here they are, clemens," the commander said aloud, "and getting uncomfortably close to the system. it looks like they're some other system's dominant intelligence, and we've got planets they want." "yes, sir," said the other, "and here we are, with the fastest, most heavily armed space fighter ever built--in the system." "in the universe," snapped mcpartland. his full lips curved into a grim smile. "under sealed orders which every citizen from pluto to mercury knows are: 'destroy this ship--or it conquers our system.'" lieutenant-commander clemens bent to his intra-phone, turned to relay. "navigation officer reports enemy ship has altered course to head on. speed fifty spatial units." "thank you," mcpartland stepped to the phone himself. "this is it, men. you know what it means!" his hands flicked levers swiftly, as he spoke to component units individually: "propulsion--full speed ahead. make every blast tell! "navigation--evasive course. swing wide to draw them away from the system so that if--if--" "i understand, sir," came the crisp reply from lieutenant parek. "all ray stations," went on mcpartland, "fire at maximum range. radio--any contact?" "none, sir." "magnetic screen interference?" asked the commander. "no, sir. no magnetic defense screens apparent on enemy." "put ours up full power." jon mcpartland was smiling now, but his eyes were flashing hatred of the alien. another ten seconds would find them in effective range. the enemy was looming in the view screen, a round glistening sphere--a ball of destruction pitted again his own slim, sleek avenger. "screens up, sir, full power," came the response. lieutenant-commander clemens had headphones clamped over his ears. he was standing by for reports from stations. he turned suddenly, face lined and taut, and reported almost in a whisper: "we're hit, sir, right through our screens at this range! partial disintegration in section four. bulkheads holding." the commander was standing wooden-faced, incredulous. but the hatred was building up in his eyes until clemens shuddered. "through our defense screens at this range!" mcpartland ground out savagely. he turned back to his view screen with a bitter oath. there was the sphere, gleaming, flashing against the bottomless black of space--catching starlight, and throwing it back as though the touch of that pure light was distasteful. what form of intelligence destroyed, killed without warning---without speech? * * * * * clemens' voice broke into the red haze that hovered over his commander: "hit again, sir, section . almost complete disintegration of hull. bulkheads holding." jon mcpartland spoke his thoughts aloud. "i saw the ray that time, just a faint glimmer across the black. it should have hit section ! and--and they have no magnetic screen!" his hand flicked a lever. "navigation--break away! straight course back toward the system." there was a long pause before lieutenant parek replied. it was easy to guess his thoughts; quitting, running away! then he answered; "yes, sir!" clemens' voice, speaking softly to the intra-ship, was suddenly the only sound in the control room above the muted whine of generators underneath. jon mcpartland, his battle-ending order acknowledged, glared silently into his screen. there the hateful silver sphere shrank slightly in size. once again mcpartland caught the faint flicker of a ray, the star-studded blackness. the commander looked a fierce question at clemens. "no further damage, sir," said the latter. he laid the headphones aside. "i believe we are out of range. lieutenant parek reports our speed sixty-five spatial units; we are drawing away from the enemy." there was no relief in the last words; and commander mcpartland felt a sudden surge of sympathy for the other break through his own bitter anger. clemens had been gloomy about their chances in the battle; now, the earth ship broke away from the fight, the lieutenant-commander was gloomier in the belief that they hadn't tried hard enough--that they'd turned in cowardly flight. his eyes avoided his superior's. the latter looked about the room, and no glance was raised to meet his own. reynolds, the ray control officer stared glumly at his calculators, and fingered the phone that had waited vainly for his range data and fire commands. clemens, stood quietly, awaiting orders. engineer mctavish sat in stony silence, gaze fixed on the desk before him, where sensitive indicators flashed red damage signals against a three dimensional scale projection of the ship. mcpartland felt his eyes misting, and ground his teeth, remembering the alien ship and using his hatred of it to fight back the weakness of his own pride in his men. they wanted to fight! they hated cowardice almost as much as they did the murderers they were running from; and these earthmen thought their own commander a coward. but discipline and training held them to his judgment. "hell!" barked mcpartland. "we're going back after them." his words shattered the silence and the gloom. reynolds' face was suddenly radiant; clemens relaxed into an expression of smug worry; mctavish grunted. "mister mctavish, what about that damage?" demanded the commander. engineer mctavish brought his lanky form up from the chair and into rigidity. "you gave no orders, sir," he reproached, his grey eyes eager. "have your men break out two space-suits, mister," said mcpartland. "you and i will go through the bulkheads and inspect the damaged hull." "yes, sir." mctavish turned eagerly to his phone. "mister clemens," snapped the commander, "hold our course. and you may tell the men we're not through fighting." * * * * * mcpartland and mctavish stepped carefully through the darkness of section four. behind them, the bulkhead door had been securely dogged shut against the vacuum of space; before them was a ragged jet patch from which distant stars sent faint light to outline the great rip in the hull. both men carried powerful flashlights, but preferred to step carefully among dim outlines rather than use lights until they reached the hull. there had been a ray gun here--and its crew; and men, suddenly exposed to cold and pressureless space, make grim corpses. at the thought, mcpartland's big hand gripped the hammer he carried, so that he almost felt the handle through his heavy gauntlet. he had an insane desire to leap out and wait for the other ship--to batter at its silver hull! as though sensing the thought, the engineer broke in, speaking through his suit-communicator: "here we are, sir." the flashlight blazed in his hand, its beam spreading along the twisted broken metal of the ship's side. instantly the big hammer flashed into the beam and against the metal near its broken edge, swung with every ounce of fury and strength in jon mcpartland's arm, shoulder and torso. "if i'm right," he muttered with the swing, "we'll know it now. we'll have a fighting--chance." he faltered on the last word, as his blow landed and sent some of its force smashing back up his arm and body. but the commander knew--as a smith knows--the feel of metal under his strength; and jon mcpartland knew his hunch had been right even before mctavish cried: "you--you _bent_ it!" "right, mister. i bent it. and i couldn't bend the steel that went into this ship's hull, could i, mctavish?" "blasting right you couldn't, begging your pardon, sir. no man could." "then it isn't steel any longer, mctavish--not near the edges of the spot their ray hit!" mcpartland twirled the hammer in his hand, eager as a small boy just learning how to whip the neighborhood bully. "where that ray hit there was disintegration at the center, transmutation at the edges." understanding was spreading over the engineer's face behind the transparent helmet of his space suit. "then, man, that ray has one magnetic charge; positive or negative, proton or electron." "and your technicians will tell us which," ordered the commander. "get them busy cutting out samples. we want to know quickly. but you and i have enough to do while we wait, mister." he led the way back to the bulkhead. inside, mctavish gave orders, while shedding his space-suit and starting down the corridor to the control room. mcpartland explained as they went. "our magnetic screens, having electrons and protons, bent their ray. i saw it. that made me think they used a mono-charged stream of particles. some of the particles in the screen attracted the ray charges, others repelled them. you know, of course," he went on, "how our screens diffuse our own type of duo-charge beam at long range and protect the ship against them." "yes, man!" his engineer agreed, excitedly now. "and beams from the screened ship go through on initial velocity. but they couldn't use a screen--the enemy: there'd be no balance of forces--they'd bend their own ray!" "the way we'll bend it, mister, when we go back after those murderers!" jon mcpartland took a deep, triumphant breath, and his face lit up with a battle smile that made the engineer's heart lift. "mister mctavish, we're going to string a space lifeboat out behind us on about two miles of cable. you are going to rig up our dynamos to make this ship and the lifeboat the poles of an electromagnet. when your technicians determine the polarity of the enemy ray, we'll make the ship the repelling pole." "then, man, begging your pardon, sir, we go back and let them blast," cried the engineer. "their ray curves away from us--toward the lifeboat. by the time they figure the trick out, we'll be close enough to blast them wide open." "we'd better be," his superior concluded grimly. "or the devils will blast away the lifeboat and the cable. leave us without an electromagnet--right back where we started from." * * * * * commander jon mcpartland stared with hard blue eyes into his screen. he watched a dot growing into a sphere, and, anticipating the words of lieutenant-commander clemens, ordered: "have lieutenant parek compute their speed and course." clemens, with a look of gloomy reproach at not having been allowed to report, bent to the intra-ship phone. before he could speak, he straightened, and turned to relay the information coming through his headphones: "navigation officer reports course head on, sir. speed fifty spatial units." "thank you." the commander looked at his engineer. "all in readiness, mister mctavish?" "all in readiness, sir," replied the lanky engineer, his grey eyes twinkling as he added: "they're using an electron ray, and our ship is negative--but this'll be a positive jolt to the enemy, begging your pardon, sir!" mcpartland smiled, the tense muscles along his jaw relaxing for the first time in hours. clemens coughed and turned aside, bringing a hand up over his mouth. this effort to preserve his reputation was needed only for a moment. he straightened, adjusting his headphones, and reported: "enemy ship changing course, sir, swinging aside." the commander glanced quickly at the screen, disbelief flicking momentarily over his square features. he leaped to the intra-phone, snatching the headphones from the lieutenant-commander. "mister parek," he ordered, "swing with that ship. we must get in close--quickly!" aside to mctavish, he added: "i hope the cable to that spaceboat holds when it snaps around on this turn." "it will hold, sir," the engineer assured him. "but we'll lose some speed by the drag--only until we re-accelerate, sir." mcpartland tossed the headphones back to clemens, left the intra-phone, and went back to his screen. for the next few minutes he watched the alien silver sphere, flashing and glinting in the starlight. jon mcpartland whispered, half to himself: "the cunning devils! they know something's up when a beaten ship comes back to fight again." "begging your pardon, sir," said reynolds, the ray control officer, in his quiet manner. "they must have seen the spaceboat strung behind and become suspicious." "you're right, mister," acknowledged the commander. "the killers are careful of their skins." he glared at the hateful beauty of the other ship, growing no larger in his screen. "come on," he challenged. but the enemy avoided every effort of the earth ship to close in, turning inside. at last, the space fighters were carving a great circle in space, the earthmen on the outside, traveling a greater distance so that superior speed was largely nullified. mcpartland glared into his screen. clemens stood by his intra-phone, relaying messages from parek. reynolds sat before his calculators, unmoving except for fingers caressing the mike that still waited for his words. mctavish sprawled before his three dimensional model, his grey eyes going over and over every line of it. at last the commander spoke the thought in the minds of all four: "we're six spatial units apart. maximum range of their ray is five units; ours is four. coming head on, we pass through the gap between their range and ours in seconds--we almost made it last time! but, if we overhaul them from behind, it might take minutes to close that gap with our speed advantage." "right, sir," mctavish agreed, "and minutes would be long enough for them to blast our spaceboat and cable away." "and then us," finished clemens. he drew himself up. "i am ready, sir, when you give the order." blazing anger faded from the commander's eyes and face. "thank you, mister clemens. i know you are, and so is every man of our crew. but we're here to save the system, and there's still hope. "these animals have come a long way," he said jabbing a fist toward the ship in the screen. "they think they can afford to wait us out. but maybe they can't. mister clemens, ask radio to try and contact earth." * * * * * it took long, anxious minutes to make the contact. meanwhile, lieutenant parek held the ship on the same course, with instructions to close at once if the enemy moved toward them. but the situation remained unchanged, the great circle being traced and retraced through space, ray guns trained, unused. at last, radio reported contact. jon mcpartland stepped to the visa-phone. before him, the faint image of marshal denton, supreme commander of all system forces, flickered uncertainly over the great distance. "mcpartland," came the marshal's voice, thin and wavering through the poor connection. "i knew you'd do it!" mcpartland saluted smartly. "we have met the enemy, sir, and stopped their advance toward the system, but--" he went on, reporting their first encounter, his decision and action, and concluded: "sir, we can hold them here until help reaches us. one more ship--rigged as we are--even the slowest old hulk in the fleet--and we can finish them!" there was a long pause. marshal denton drew himself up, his face, only a dim blob on the screen, gave no hint of his emotions as he answered. "commander mcpartland, i must refuse your request for reinforcements." there was no mistaking his feeling in the next words: "jon, i've got a system of confidence in you, but my hands are tied. the supreme system congress of specialists has met and made decisions for defense--decisions that are not subject to change. from here on, i can only carry their strategy into effect." mcpartland stood rigidly. he was stunned. he heard his own voice, as from far away; "and those decisions, sir?" "every ship we have is concentrated just beyond pluto's orbit." denton answered. "they are arranged in a defensive pattern of depths, that the specialists consider impenetrable." his voice was even. "sir," the commander groaned, "this attacker has the range and a ray that makes our magnetic screens useless. these fiends will go through that fleet like light through glass. and the planets--they've been disarmed for years! they'll be defenseless!" in the screen, the marshal's dim figure slumped. "jon, the specialists rule the system." "i understand, sir," mcpartland heard himself say. "what are your orders, sir?" "just your best, commander jon mcpartland. that will be the best any of us could give. good luck!" "thank you, sir." mcpartland turned from the visa-phone as marshal denton faded from view. lieutenant-commander clemens stood ready beside his intra-phone. engineer mctavish sprawled before his model, his grey eyes going lovingly over every line of it. ray control officer reynolds fingered his mike. jon mcpartland swept them with his blue eyes, turned to glare again at the taunting silver sphere in his view screen. he started to speak, stopped as reynolds raised his head. "beg your pardon, sir," said the ray officer. "may i give the men false range data when--when--you decide we're finished, sir? i'll feel better just using this stuff, and the gun crews--those that are left--will feel better thinking they're striking a blow for the system. "it can't do any harm, sir," he pleaded as the commander snapped his mouth shut, staring hard. * * * * * "reynolds," bellowed the commander, "ages ago there was an airfighter who opened fire on his enemy with machine guns before he was in range. the opponent usually took evasive action--thinking he was in danger--and lost speed, so that this fighter could overtake and destroy him. "reynolds, you're a genius!" "man," interrupted mctavish, "our rays would fall short! those devils wouldn't be fooled by rays--two spatial units away!" "no, mister mctavish," his superior replied slowly, "our disintegrator rays wouldn't fool them. but we have landing searchlights that throw a beam a dozen spatial units. "mctavish get down to those beams; stop a couple down to pencils; shade them to throw a pretty violet-colored finger; cut down the power so they'll reach about six units! get out of here!" the engineer's lanky body was already through the control room door. jon mcpartland was grinning. a grin that didn't fade even when he looked back to his screen, to see the glinting silver sphere swinging serenely along beside them. he turned to clemens. "tell lieutenant parek to close at full speed the second they start for us. no evasive action--straight course and let the spaceboat and cable take it!" "navigation acknowledges, sir." clemens replied solemnly, and the commander knew his lieutenant had anticipated and given the order. "all ray stations ready, sir," added the quiet reynolds. mcpartland's grin broadened. "give them the straight data, mister reynolds." "yes, sir." it was only seconds later that a voice rang in clemens' headphones, in accents loud enough to be heard through the silent, waiting control room. "mctavish reporting. all in readiness." "let them have it then," ordered the commander. "but be sure you miss!" with the suddenness of calculated surprise, a thin pencil of violet light stabbed out from the earth ship. it knifed through space, scant yards behind the silver sphere, and winked out. a second beam reached forth, passed beneath the gleaming enemy. immediately, the sphere bobbed in space, began to weave an intricate course toward the earth ship. it swelled in the viewscreen before mcpartland. he laughed, a low savage sound. "a super-race ego, to think our gunners are that bad. but they'll learn!" * * * * * reynolds began to drone into his phone, his eyes never leaving the calculators over which his fingers were flying. "range five units, position--" a faint flicker reached toward the earth-ship, swung aside. mcpartland laughed again. "range, four point nine," droned reynolds, and went on with steady flow of data. the pale alien beam reached out again. this time clemens reported. "spaceboat destroyed by direct hit, sir." "range four point six," said reynolds. the sphere was looming ahead of them now, its ray sweeping off to the side, direction steady even as the sphere danced and spun. "range four point one--" "cable almost completely gone, sir," clemens said. "steady," mcpartland answered. he took a deep breath and heard the voice of the ray control officer rising triumphantly: "units one, three, five and seven, fire! range four point zero, position--" four livid fingers of red sprang hungrily toward the silver sphere. they struck almost together, followed as the ship twisted and spun for brief moments. then, when the ball of metal suddenly ceased its gyrations and floated limply, helplessly in space, those fingers probed, slashed unhindered through its vitals, over every foot of hull. it was a scene of awesome destruction, as the ship that had thrown back starlight so proudly, haughtily, was blotted out of existence, its atoms torn apart and hurled back to the universe as free energy. the glow in his viewscreen threw red highlights into mcpartland's black hair, matched the blazing vengeance in his blue eyes. but he watched, jaw hard, fist clenched, until destruction was complete. "they got what they gave our ships," he said at last, "merciless destruction. they deserved no better. "we'll go back to the system, and turn in our report. our scientists will perfect a defense against a mono-charge ray, and we won't need to worry about handling any other ships that might follow this one." "right, sir," said mctavish. "and, man, begging your pardon, sir, i hope we're in on the handling!" lieutenant-commander clemens shook his head moodily. "we did well. but the congress of specialists will be disappointed. we didn't bring back prisoners for examination." but his eyes were smiling--again.