Sir Walter Rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping, invasive war, the Navy Royal and sea-service : with his apologie for his voyage to Guiana. Selections. 1667 Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. 1667 Approx. 203 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57465 Wing R171 ESTC R14127 12594334 ocm 12594334 64026 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57465) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64026) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 702:1) Sir Walter Rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping, invasive war, the Navy Royal and sea-service : with his apologie for his voyage to Guiana. Selections. 1667 Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. [8], 42, 4, [61], 46, 69 p. Printed for A.M., and are to be sold by Robert Boulter ..., London : 1667. Imperfect: frontispiece lacking in filmed copy. Lowndes notes the first edition London, 1650, as "having four distinct titles" and the edition of 1667 as being issued "with a new general title." Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Royal Navy. War -- Early works to 1800. Naval art and science -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2003-07 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Sir WALTER RAWLEIGHS JUDICIOUS AND Select Essayes AND OBSERVATIONS UPON The first Invention of Shipping . Invasive War. The Navy Royal and Sea-Service . WITH HIS Apologie for his voyage to Guiana . Virtus recludens immeritis mori Caelum , negatâ tentat iter viâ . Hor. LONDON , Printed for A. M. and are to be sold by Robert Boulter at the Turks-head in Bishops-gate street , near the Great James . 1667. To the Reader . IT is apparent that nothing do's more Eternize men upon Earth , then their Writings . The Statues of the Romane Emperours time has moulderd to ashes , quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata Sepulchris ; and Tombes themselves the Fates obey . But Caesars Commentaries , the Dictates of Marcus Aurelius , the Workes and glories of those Men and Ages we see perpetuated to all posterity . It is truly said , that Bookes shew in a little time what Experience teacheth not but with the expence of many yeares ; and how miserable had we been , had not the industrious Pens of severall Authors ( famous in their times ) buoyd up and left us Traces to follow them in the paths of Vertue . In every Generation there wanted not some , the flame of whose Torch is yet unextinguished : and I may with modesty appeale , whether the Century of yeares in which this worthy Author lived , may not equall ( I would have said transcended ) some Ages that wanted such a Person to transmit it to Posterity as renowned Raleigh was . It cannot be accounted either arrogancy or ostentation in Augustus Caesar who dying , desired of his friends that stood about his Bed , That when he expired they would give him a Plaudite , as if he were conscient to himselfe he had plaid his part well upon the Stage . Nor will it offend any I am sure to say , That this most worthy Heroe truly deserved the Plaudites and Encomiums of the Amphitheaters of the whole Universe . T was well observed by him that writ the lives of so many Noble Greekes and Romans , They are wise that in Tragicall Events doe carry an invincible heart , reasonably obeying Necessity and a more high Providence then that of Man. And aswell by another , The greatnesse of the mind never sheweth it self more cleerly then amongst the wounds of Fortune . How fitly appropriate these sayings are to him , let them judge that knew his actions . But I come not here to give a Character of our Author ; that were but to hold a Candle in the Sun , or by drawing shadows to hinder the cleare beauty of the Picture . Reader , thou hast enough of him in his History of the World , which speaks him to Fame ; only thou mayst herein truly lament , That Fortune was so bitter to him and us to deprive us of that happinesse in snatching him hence before his perfecting that glorious worke : However it may prompt thee to value at a higher rate this his Posthume Production . Now it is not unlikely , that Custome expects something should be said in Commendation of these following Discourses , that would wrong rather then adde to their worth : No , Raleighs very Name is Proclamation enough for the Stationers advantage who , prays thee to believe this to be ( what the Worke it selfe will assure thee ) the legitimate issue of so excellent a Father . But to keepe thee longer from the thing it self , were by deteyning thee in the Porch to envy thee the delight of the Fabrick . A Discourse of the invention of Ships , Anchors , Compasse , &c. The first Naturall warre , the severall , use , defects , and supplies of Shipping , the strength , and defects of the Sea forces of England , France , Spaine , and Venice , Together with the five manifest causes of the suddaine appearing of the Hollanders , Written by Sir WALTER RAWLEIGH . THat the Ark of Noah , was the first Ship , because the Invention of God himself , although some men have believed , yet it is certaine , That the world , being planted before the Flood , the same could not be performed without some transporting vessels ; It is true , & the successe proves it , That there was not any so capacious nor so strong to defend it self against so violent , and so continued a powring down of raine , as the Arke Noah , the Invention of God himself , or of what fashion or fabrick soever , the rest withall mankind perished , according to the Ordnance of God. And probable it is that the Anchors , whereof Ovid made mention of , found on high Mountains : Et inventa est in montibus Anchora Summis ; were remaining of Ships wrackt at the generall flood . After the Flood , it is said , that Minos , who lived two discents before the War of Troy , set out Ships to free the Grecians Seas of Pyrats , which shews , that there had beene either trade , or Warre , upon the Waters before his time also . The expedition of the Argauants was after Minos , And so was the plantation of Tyrene in Africa , by Battus , who was one of Iasons Companions , And that the Tyrians had Trade by Sea , before the Warre of Troy , Homer tells us . Others give the first Dominion upon the Waters to Neptune , who , for the great exploits he did in the service of Saburne , was , by after ages , called the God of the Seas . But the Corinthians ascribe the invention of Rowing vessells , to a Citizen of their owne called Amaenocles , And that the first Navall Warre , was made betweene the Samiens and Corcyriens . Ithicus History changed into Latine by St. Hierome , affirmes that Griphon the Scythian , was the inventor of long Boats , or Gallies , in the Northerne Seas ; And Strabo gives the advise of the Anchor , with two Hookes to the Scythian Anacharsis , but the Greeks to Eupolemus . It is also said , that Icarus invented the saile , and others other pieces , and parts of the ships and Boats , whereof the certaine knowledge is of no great moment , This is certaine , that the Sons , and Nephews of Noah , who peopled the Isles of the Gentiles , and gave their owne names to many of them , had vessells to transport themselves , long before the daies of Minos ; And for my own opinion , I doe not thinke that any one Nation ( the Syrian excepted ) to whom the knowledge of the Arke came , as the story of the creation did , soone after Moses , did find out at once , the device either of ship or Boate , in which they durst venture themselves upon the Seas : But being forced by necessity to passe over Rivers , or Lakes , they first bound together certaine Reeds or Canes , by which they transported themselves : Calamorum falces ( saith D : Siculus ) admodum ingentes inter se conjungunt . Others made Raffes of Wood , and other devised the Boate of one tree called the Canoa , which the Gaules upon the River of Roan , used in assisting the transportation of Hannibals Army in his enterprise of Italie : Primum Galli inchoantes cavabant Arbores ( saith Livie ) But Polydor Virgil , gives the invention of those Canoas , to the Germains inhabiting about the River of Danubius , which kind of Hollow trees , Isidor calls Carabes . The Brittains had Boats made of Willow Twigs and covered on the out side with Bullock hydes , and so had the Venetians ; of which Lucan primum cana salix , &c. Malefacto , &c. And Iulius Solinus Navigant autem Vimineis alveis quos circundant ambitione tergorum Bubalorum : The same kind of Boats had the Germains ( saith Isidor ) who in his time committed many Robberies in them : But whosoever devised the Canoa among the Danubians , or among the Gaules , sure I am , that the Indians of America , never had any trade with either of these Nations , And yet from Fuobushers straits , to the straits of Magalaine , those Boats are found , and in some parts of that length , As I have seene them rowed with twenty Oars of a side . The truth is , that all Nations how remote soever , being all reasonable creatures , and enjoy one and the same Imagination and fantasie , having devised according to their means and materialls the same things . The Eastern people , who have had from all Antiquitie , the use of Iron , have found out the Sawe , And with the Sawe , they have sundred Trees , in Boards and Plancks , And have joyned them together with Nayles , and so made Boats and Gallies safe and portable , So have they built Cities , and Townes of Timber and the like in all else . On the contrary , the West-Indies and many Nations of the Africans , wanting means and materialls , have been taught by their own necessities to passe Rivers in a Boate of one Tree , and to tye unsquared Poles together , on the top for their houses , which they cover with large leaves , yea the same Boats , and the same buildings , are found in Countries , two thousand miles distant , debarred from all commerce , by unpassable Mountains , Lakes , and Deserts ; Nature hath taught them all to choose Kings and Captains for their leaders , And Judges . They all have lighted on the invention of Bowes and Arrowes , All have Targets and woodden Swords : All have instruments to encourage them to fight : All that have Corne beate it in Morters , and make Cakes , baking them upon Slatestones : All devised Lawes without any grounds had from the Scriptures , or from Aristotles Politiques , whereby they are governed : All that dwell neere enemies impale their villages to save themselves from surprize , yea besides the same inventions , All have the same naturall impulsions , They follow nature in the choice of many wives , and there are every where among them , which out of a kind of wolvish ferocitie , eate mans flesh ; yea most of them beleive in a second life , and they are all of them Idolaters in one kind or other . For the Northerne parts of the world , It was long ere they grew to any perfection in Shipping , For wee read that Hingest , and Horsa , Came over into this Land in long Boats , in which for the first being called in by the Brittains , they transported five thousand souldiers . And that after they came with a supply of ten thousand more Shipt in thirty vessels , which the Saxons call Keeles , And our old Historians Cogiones , And in Caesars time , the French Brittains who were then esteemed the best Brittaine Sea men , had very untoward Tubs in which they made Warre against him . For they tooke the winds in Sailes of Leather , heavy and unplyable , And they fastned their ships to the ground , and rid at Anchor with Cables of Iron Chains , having neither Canvas , nor Cordage . In so much as the best of them which were of Vannes , are described with high heads raised up deformedly above the rest of the buildings , to which kind of forme that they were constrained , the reason is manifest . For had their Cables of Iron chains held any great length , they had been unportable , And being short , the Ships must have sunck at an Anchor , in any streame of weather or Countertyde , And such was their simplicitie in those dayes , As instead of accommodating their furniture to their Ships , they formed their ships to their furniture ; Not unlike the Courtiers of this age who fit their Bodies and their Feet to their Doublets and Shooes , and not their Doublets and Shooes to their Bodies , and Feete . The Pomerlanders inhabiting the South part of the Baltick , or Eastland Sea , used a kind of Boate , with the prowe at both ends , so as they need not to wend or hold water , But went on and returned indifferently , of which : Tacitus Suionum hinc Civitates ipso in oreceano praeter viros armaque Classibus valent ; forma navium , eo differt , quod utrinque prora paratam semper appulsui frontem agit : Nec velis ministrantur ; nec remos in ordinem lateribus adiungant . Solutum ut in quibusdam fluminum & mutabile ut res possit hinc vel illinc remigium : Next are the Cities of the Suionum which are mighty at Sea , not only in men and armes , but in Fleete : The forme of their vessels differ in this , That a Prowe at each end enables them to row forward either way alike : Neither use they Sayles , nor place their oars in order upon the sides , but carrying the oare loose , They shift it hither and thither at pleasure , as is the manner in some Rivers , Yea at this time both the Turkes and Christians use these kind of Boats upon the River of Danubius , and call them Nacerne . True it is , that before Caesars Invading of this Land , we doe find that the Brittains had not any shipping at all , other then their Boats of Twigs covered with hydes as aforesaid . The Saxons when they were drawne in by the Brittains , came hither by Sea. And after that time finding that without Shipping they could neither defend themselves nor exercise any Trade , They began to make some provision for a Navy , such as it was , which being first considered of by Egbert , Alfred , Edgar , and Etheldred , augmented it , and how true it is , I know not , but it is written of Edgar , that he increased the Fleete , he found , two thousand six hundred saile : After whom Etheldred made a Law , That whosoever was Lord of three hundred and ten hide Land , should build and furnish one ship for the defence of their Country . Notwithstanding all these provisions , the Danes invaded them , and having better ships then they had , made their way for a new conquest . The Normans grew better Shipwrights then either of both , and made the last conquest of this Land , a Land which can never be conquered , whilst the Kings thereof keep the Dominion of the Seas , which Dominion I doe not find , that it was ever absolute , till the time of Henry the Eight , But that we fought sometime with good , sometime with ill successe , as we shall shew hereafter more particularly . But omitting the dispute of the first Navigators , Certaine it is , that the Invention of the compasse was had from our Northerne Nations , were it from the Germans , Norvegians , Brittanes , or Danes , for even to this day , the old Northerne words are used for the division of winds upon the quarter of the compasse , not only by the Danes , Germans , Swedes , Brittanes , and all in the Ocean , that understand the termes and names of the winds in their owne language : But the French and Spanish called the sun rising winds , East or East , and the sunne setting winds West , the rest North and South , and so by the same termes , In all the Divisions of Southeast , Northeast , Southwest , Northwest , and the rest . And if we compare the marveilous great transportations of people by the Saxons , Angles , Danes , Gothes , Swedes , Norwegians , especially and other . And how many Fleets for supplies , have been set out by them , with the swarmes of Danes aswell in our Seas , as when they invaded and conquered Scicilie , together with the Colonies , planted by the Tyrians in Africa , as else where , and of the Carthaginians the Sons of the Tyrians in Spaine . It s hard to judge which of these Nations have most commanded the Seas , though for priority Tribullus , and Ovid give it the Tyrians . Prima ratam Ventis credere docta Tyros , And Ovid , Magna minorque fere quarum Regis altera Gratias ; altera Sydonias uterque sicca rates . And it is true , that the first good Ships were among the Tyrians , and they good and great Ships , not long after the Warre of Troy , and in Solomons time , they were of that account as Solomon invited Hiram King of Tyre , to joyne with him in his Journey into the East-Indies , for the Israelites till then , never traded by Sea , and seldome if ever after it , and that the Tyrians were the chiefe in that enterprise , It appears in that they were called Nautas peritos maris , in the Hebrew ( saith Iunius ) homines navium , And in our English Marriners . It is also written in the second of Chronicles the eight . That Hiram sent Solomon Ships , Et servos peritos maris , And servants skilfull of the Sea , whereby it is probable , that the Tyrians had used the Trade of East-India before the dayes of Solomon , or before the Raigne of David , when themselves commanded the Ports of the Red Sea , But the Edumaeans being beaten by David , and the Port of Ezion-Geber , now subject to Solomon , the Tyrians were forced to make Solomon the cheife of that expedition , and to joine with him in the enterprise . For the Tyrian had no passe to the Red Sea , but through the territory of Solomon , and by his sufferance . Whosoever were the inventers , we find that every age , had added somewhat to ships , and to all things else . And in my owne time the shape of our English ships , hath been greatly bettered . It is not long since the striking of the Top-mast ( a wonderfull great ease to great ships both at Sea and Harbour ) hath been devised , together with the Chaine pumpe , which takes up twice as much water as the ordinary did , we have lately added the Bonnett , and the Drabler . To the courses we have devised studding Sayles , Top gallant Sayles ; Sprit stayles , Top stayles , The weighing of Anchors by the Capstone is also new . We have fallen into consideration of the length of Cables , and by it we resist the malice of the greatest winds that can blow , Witnesse our small Milbrooke men of Cornewall , that ride it out at Anchor , half Seas over betweene England and Ireland , all the winter quarter , And witnesse the Hollanders that were wont to ride before Dunkirke , with the wind at Northwest , making a Lee shoare in all weathers : For true it is , that the length of the Cable , is the life of the Ship in all extreamities , and the reason is , because it makes so many bendings and waves , as the Ship riding at that length it is not able to stretch it , and nothing breaks that is not stretched . In extreamity , we carry our Ordnance better then we were wont , Because our Netheroverloops are raised commonly from the water , to wit , betweene the lower part of the Port and the Sea. In King Henry the eights time , and in this present , at Portsmouth the Marie Rose , by a little sway of the Ship in casting about , her Ports being within sixteene Inches of the waters , was overset and lost , and in her that worthy Knight Sir George Carew , Cozen Germaine to the Lord Carew , and with him ( besides many other Gentlemen ) the Father of the late renowned , Sir Richard Greenevile . Wee have also raised our second Decks and given more vent thereby to our Ordnance , tying on our Nether-overloope . We have added crosse pillars in our Royall ships to strengthen them , which be fastned from the Kelson to the beams of the second Decke , keepe them from setling or from giving way in all distresses . We have given longer Floares to our Ships , then in elder times , and better bearing under water , whereby they never fall into the Sea , after the head and shake the whole body , nor sinck sterne , nor stoope upon a wind , by which the breaking loose of our Ordnance or the not use of them , with many other discommodities are avoided . And to say the truth a miserable shame and dishonour it were for our Shipwrights , if they did not exceed all other , in the setting up of our Royall Ships , the Errors of other Nations being farre more excusable then ours . For the Kings of England have for many years been at the charge to build and furnish a Navy of powerfull Ships , for their owne defence , and for the Wars only . Whereas the French , the Spaniards , the Portugalls , and the Hollanders ( till of late ) have had no proper Fleete belonging to their Princes or States . Only the Venetians for a long time have maintained their Arsenal of Gallyes , & the Kings of Denmark , and Sweden , have had good Ships for these last Fifty years , I say that the forenamed Kings , especially the Spaniards and Portugalls , have ships of great bulke , but fitter for the Merchant then for the man of Warre , for burthen then for Battaile : But as Popelinire well observeth , the forces of Princes by Sea , are Marquess de Grandeux d' Estate , Are markes of the greatnesse of an Estate : For whosoever commands the Sea , Commands the Trade : whosoever Commands the Trade of the world : Commands the Riches of the world and consequently the world it selfe : yet can I not deny , but that the Spaniards being afraid of their Indian Fleets , have built some few very good ships , but he hath no ships in Garrison , as his Majestie hath , and to say the truth , no sure place to keepe them in ; But in all Invasions he is driven to take up of all Nations , which comes into his Ports for Trade . The Venetians while they attended their Fleets , and imployed themselves in their Easterne Conquest , were great and powerfull Princes , and Commanded the Maritimate parts of Croatia , Dalmatia , Albania , and Epirus , were Lords of Peloponesus , and the Islands adjoyning , of Cyprus , Candia , and many other places , but after they sought to greaten themselves in Italie it self , using strangers for the Commanders of their armies ; The Turkes by degrees beate them out of all their goodly Countryes , and have now confined them ( Candia excepted ) to a few small Grecian Islands , which with great difficulty they enjoy . The first honour they obtained , was by making Warre upon the Istrii by Sea , and had they been true to their spouse , to wit the Seas , which once a yeare they marry , the Turks had never prevailed against them , nor ever been able to be siege any place of theirs , to which he must have transported his armies by his Gallies . The Genowaies were also exceeding powerfull by Sea , and held many places in the East , and contended often with the Venetians for superiority , destroying each other in a long continued Sea Warre , Yea the Genowaies were the most famous Mercenaries of all Europe , both by Sea and Land for many years . The French assisted themselves by Land with the Crosbowers of Genoa against the English , namely at the Battaile of Cressie , The French had 12000 Crosbowers Genowaies by Sea. With their great ships called the Carrecks of Genoa , they alwayes strengthned their Fleets against the English , But after Mahomet the second had taken Constantinople , they lost Caffa , and all Taurica , Chersonesus with the whole Trade of the Euxine Sea , and although they sent many supplies by the Hellespont , yet having often felt the smart of the Turks Cannon , they began to slack their succours , and were soone after supplanted : yet doe the Venetians to this day , well mainetaine their estate by their Sea forces , and a great losse it is to the Christian Common-weale in generall , that they are lesse then they were , And a precipitate Counsell it was of those Christian Kings their Neighbours , when they joined in League against them , seeing they then were , and they yet are , the strongest Rampiers of Europe against the Turks . But the Genowaies have now but a few Gallyes being altogether degenerate , and become Merchants of mony , and the Spanish Kings bankers . But all the States and Kingdomes of the world have changed forme and pollicy . The Empire it selfe , which gave light to all principallities , like a Pharo's , or high Tower to Seamen , is now sunck downe to the levell of the soyle . The greatnesse which it gave to the Church of Rome as before proved , was it which made it selfe little in hast , And therefore truely said ; Imperium amore Religionis seipsum , Exhausisse , The Empire being also elective and not successive , The Emperors in being made profit of their owne times , and sold from the Empire many Signiories depending on it , and at so easy a rate , as Lucca freed it self for ten thousand Crownes ; and Florence for six thousand Crowns ; The rest , the Popes ; then the Hauses , and lastly the Turks have in effect ruined . And in which severall Inundations many pieces have been recovered by other Princes and States . As Basill , Zurick , and Bearne , by the Switzers ( omitting many others ) Metz Tholouse , Verdum , by the French , Groigne Aix la Chapple , Zuphen , Deuenter , Newengen , in Gilderland , Wesell , Antwerpe , And many other places by the Spaniards ; and by the States , Dantzick and other townes of importance by the Polack . Insomuch as it is now become , the most confused estate of the world , Consisting of an Empire in title with territory , who can ordaine nothing of importance but by a dyet or assembly of the Estates of many free Princes , Ecclesiasticall and Temporall ; in effect of equall force , divers in Religion and faction , and of free Cities and Hanstownes , whom the Princes doe not more desire to Command , then they scorne to obey , Notwithstanding being by farre lesse then they were in number and lesse in force and Reputation , as they are not greatly able to offend others , so have they enough to doe ( being seated farre asunder ) to defend themselves , of whom hereafter more particularly . The Cassilians , in the meane while are growne great , and by mistaking esteemed the greatest , Having by Marriage , Conquest , practize , and purchase , devowred all Kingdomes within Spaine , with Naples , Sicilie , Millaine , and the Netherlands , And many places belonging to the Empire and the Princes thereof . Besides the Indies East and West , The Islands of the West Ocean , and many places in Barbary Guiena , Congo and else where . France hath also enlarged it self by the one half , and reduced Normandy , Brittaine , and Aquitaine , withall that the English had on that side the Sea , together with Languedocke Foix , Armignac , Beerne , and Dolphine . For this Kingdome of great Brittaine : it hath had by his Majesty a strong addition , The posterne by which we were so often heretofore entered and surprised , is now made up ; and we shall not hereafter need the double face of Ianus to looke North and South at once . But there is no stare growne in hast , but that of the united provinces , and especially in their Sea forces , and by a contrary way to that of France , or Spaine , the latter by Invasion , the former by oppression ; For I my self may remember when one ship of her Majesties , would have made forty Hollanders strike sayle , and to come to Anchor . They did not then dispute De mari libero , but readily acknowledg'd the English to be Domini maris Brittanici : That we are lesse powerfull then we were , I doe hardly beleive it , For although we have not at this time 135 ships , belonging to the subjects , of 500 tuns each ship , as it is said we had in the 24. yeare of Queen Elizabeth , at which time also upon a generall view and muster , there were found in England of all men , fit to beare armes , eleaven hundred and seaventy two thousand , yet are our Merchants ships , now farre more warlike and better appointed then they were , and the Navy Royall double as strong as then it was , For these were the ships of her Majesties Navy at that time . 1. The Triumph . 2. The Eliz : Ionas . 3. The white Beare . 4. The Phill : and Mary . 5. The Bonaventure . 6. The Golden Lion. 7. The Victory . 8. The Revenge . 9. The Hope . 10. The Mary Rose . 11. The Dreadnaught . 12. The Minion . 13. The Swiftsure . To which there hath been added . 14. The Antelope . 15. The Foresight . 16. The Swallow . 17. The Handmaide . 18. The Gennett . 19. The Barque of Bullen 20. The Ayde . 21. The Achates . 22. The Falcon. 23. The Tyger . 24. The Bull. We have not therefore lesse force then we had , the fashion and furnishing of our Ships Considered : For there are in England at this time 400. saile of Merchants fit for the Wars , which the Spaniards would call Gallions ; to which we may adde 200 saile of Crumsters , or hoyes of Newcastle , which each of them will beare six Demiculverins , and foure Sakers , needing no other addition of building , then a slight spar Decke , fore and afte as the Seamen call it , which is a slight Decke throughout , the 200 , which may be chosen out of 400 , by reason of their ready staying and turning , by reason of their windwardnesse , and by reason of their drawing of little water , And they are of extreame vantage neere the shoare , And in all Bayes and Rivers to turne in and out : These , I say , alone , well manned , and well Conducted , would trouble the greatest Prince of Europe to encounter in our Seas , For they stay and turne so readily , As , ordering them into small squadrons , three of them at once , may give their broad sides , upon any one great ship , or upon any Angle or side of an enemies Fleet , They shall be able to continue a perpetuall volley of Demiculverins without intermission , And either sinck or slaughter the men , or utterly disorder any Fleet of crosse sailes , with which they encounter . I say then if a Vanguard be ordeined of these hoyes , who will easily recover the wind of any other ships , with a Battaile of 400 other warlike ships , and a Reare of thirty of his Majesties ships to sustaine , relieve and countenance the rest ( if God beat them not ) I know not what strength can be gathered in all Europe to beat them . And if it be objected , that the States can furnish a farre greater number , I answer that his Majesties 40 ships , added to 600 before named , are of Incomparable greater force , then all that Holland and Zeeland , can furnish for the Wars . As also that a greater number would breed the same confusion , that was found in Zerxes Land Army of seaventeene hundred thousand souldiers : For there is a certaine proportion both by Sea and Land , beyond which , the excesse brings nothing but disorders and amazement . Of those hoyes , Carvills , or Crumsters , Call them what you will , there was a notable experience made in the yeare , 1574. in the River of Antwerpe , neere Rummerswaell , where the Admirall Boysett with his Crumsters overthrew the Spanish Fleet of great Ships Conducted by Iulian Romero , So contrary to the expectation of Don Lewis , the great Commander and Lieutenant of the Netherlands for the King of Spaine , as he came to the bancks of Bergen to behold the slaughter of the Zelanders . But contrary to his expectation , he beheld his Armado , some of them sunck , some of them thrust on the shoare , and most of the rest mastered and possessed by his enemies . Insomuch , as his great Captain Romero , with great difficulty , some say in a skiffe , some say by swymming , saved himselfe . The like successe had Captaine Werst of Zeeland , against the Fleet which transported the Duke of Medini Coeli , who was sent out of Spaine by Sea , to governe the Netherlands , in place of the Duke of Alva , For with twelve Crumsters or Hoyes of the first troope of 21. sayle , he tooke all but three , and he forced the second ( being twelve great ships filled with 2000. souldiers , ) to run under the Ramakins , being then in the Spaniards possession . But whence comes this dispute ? Not from the increase of numbers , Not because our Neighbours breed more Marriners then we doe , Nor from the greatnesse of their Trade in all parts of the world , For the French creepe into all corners of America , and Africa , as they doe , and the Spaniards , and Portugalls , imploy more ships by many ( fishing trades excepted ) then the Netherlands doe . But it comes from the detestable covetousnesse of such particular persons as have gotten Licences , and given way to the transporting of the English Ordnance . Fuit haec Sapientia quondam , publica privatis secernere , Sacra profanis . And that in so great abundance , as that not only our good friends the Hollanders , and Zealanders , have furnished themselves , and have them lying on their Wharfes to sell to others ; but all other Nations have had from us , not only to furnish their Fleets , but to Garnish all their Forts and other places , fortifying their Coasts ; without which the Spanish King durst not have dismounted so many pieces of Brasse in Naples and else where , therewith to Arme his great Fleete in 88. But it was directly proved in the Lower House of Parliament Anno of Queene Elizabeth . That there were landed in Naples above 140. Culverins English , since which time also , and not long since , It is lamentable that so many have beene transported into Spaine . But those that belike then determined it , and the transporters , have now forsaken the Country , and though the procurers remaine , I am resolved that they also have forsaken the care of his Majesties Estate , And the honour of this Nation . I urge not this point as thinking it unfit , to furnish his Majesties good friends and Allyes , who have had with us one common enemy for many yeares ; But all politique Estates have well observed this precept : Ut sic tractarent amicum ; tanquam inimicum futurum : For what are all the Ships in the world to be valued at , other then a company of floating tubs , were they not furnished with Ordnance , either to offend others , or defend themselves ? If a Ship of a thousand runs had in her a thousand Muskateers , and never a great Gun ; with one Crumster , carrying ten or thirteene Culverins , she may be beaten to pieces , and her men slaughtered . Certainly the advantage which the English had by their Bowes and Arrowes in former times , was never so great , as we might now have had by our Iron Ordnance , if we had either kept it within the Land , kept it from our enemies , or imparted it to our friends , moderately ; For as by the former we obteined many notable victories , and made our selves masters of many parts of France , so by the latter we might have Commanded the Seas , and thereby the Trade of the world it selfe . But we have now to our future prejudice , and how far to our prejudice I know not , forged Hammers and delivered them out of our hands , to breake our owne Bones withall . For the conclusion of this dispute , there are five manifest causes of the upgrowing of the Hollanders and Zelanders . 1. The first is , the favour and assistance of Queene Elizabeth , and the Kings Majesty , which the late worthy and famous Prince of Orange , did alwayes acknowledge , and in the yeare 1582. when I tooke my leave of him at Antwerpe , After the returne of the Earle of Leicest : into England , And Monsieur's arrivall there , when he delivered me his Letters to her Majesty ; He prayed me to say to the Queen from him , Sub umbra alarum tuarum protegimur : for certainly they had withered in the Bud , and sunck in the beginning of their Navigation , had not her Majesty assisted them . 2. The second cause was , The imploying of their owne people in their Trades and Fishings , and the entertaining of strangers , to serve them in their armies by Land. 3. The third is , the fidelity of the house of Nassawe , and their services done them , especially of that Renowned Prince Maurice , now living . 4. The fourth , the withdrawing of the Duke of Parma twice into France , while in his absence he recovered those strong places of Zealand , and Frizland , as Deventer Zuphen , &c. 5. And the fifth , the imbarging and confiscating of their Ships in Spaine , which constrained them and gave them courage to Trade by force into the East and West Indies , and in Africa , in which they imploy 180 Ships , and 8700 Marriners . The successe of a Counsell so contrary to their wisdome that gave it , as all the wit , and all the force the Spaniards have , will hardly ( if ever ) recover the damage thereby received . For to repaire that ruine of the Hollanders trade into both Indies the Spaniards did not only labour the truce : But the King was content to quit the Sovereigntie , of the united Provinces , and to acknowledge them for free States , neither holding nor depending on the Crowne of Spaine . But be their estates what it will , let not them deceive themselves in believing that they can make themselves masters of the Sea , For certainly the shipping of England , with the great squadron of his Majesties Navy Royall , are able in despight of any Prince or State in Europe , to Command the great and large Field of the Ocean . But as I shall never thinke him a Lover of this Land , or of the King , that shall perswade his Majesty from imbracing the amity of the States of the united Provinces : ( For his Majesty is no lesse safe by them , then they invincible by him : ) So I would wish them , ( Because after my duty to mine owne Soveraigne , and the love of my Country , I honour them most ) That they remember and consider it , that seeing their passage and Repassage , lyes through the Brittish Seas , that there is no Port in France , from Callice to Flushing , that can receive their ships , that many times outward by Westerly winds , and ordinarily homewards , not only from the East Indies , but from the Straits , and from Spaine , all Southerly winds ( the Brises of our Clymate ) thrust them of necessity into the Kings ports , how much his Majesties favour doth concerne them , for if ( as themselves confesse in their last treaty of Truce with the Spaniards ) They subsist by their trades , the disturbance of their trades ( which England can only disturbe ) will also disturbe their subsistance . The rest I will omit , because I can never doubt , either their gratitudes or their wisdomes . For our New-castle trade , ( from which I have digressed ) I refer the Reader to the Author of the trades increase , a Gentleman to me unknowne , But so far as I can judge , he hath many things very considerable , in that short treaty of his ; yea both considerable and praise worthy , and among the rest , the advise which he hath given for the maintenance of our Hoyes , and Carvills of Newcastle , which may serve us , besides the breeding of Marriners for good ships of Warre , and of exceeding advantage , and certainly I cannot but admire , why the Impositions of five shillings should any way dishearten them , seeing there is but one Company in England , upon whose trade any new payment are layd , But that they on whom it is laid raise profit by it , The Silkemen , if they pay his Majesty twelve pence upon a yard of Sattin , they not only raise that twelve pence , but they impose twelve pence or two shillings more upon the subject , so doe they upon all they sell of what kind soever : as all other Retaylers doe , of what quality or profession soever : And seeing all the Maritimate provinces of France , and Flanders , all Holland and Zealand , Embden and Breame , &c. Cannot want our New-castle , or our Welsh Coales , The Imposition cannot impoverish the transporter ; but that the buyer must make payment accordingly ; And if the Impositions laid on these things , whereof this Kingdome hath no necessary use , as upon Silkes , Velvets , Gold and Silver Lace , and cloaths of Gold , and Silver , Cut works , Cambricks , and a world of other trumperyes , doth in nothing hinder their vent here : But that they are more used , then ever they were , to the utter impoverishing of the Land in generall , and of those Poppinjayes that value themselves by their out sides , and by their Players coats , Certainly the imposing upon Coales , which other Nations cannot want , can be no hinderance at all to the Newcastlemen , but that they may raise it againe upon the French and other Nations , as those Nations themselves doe , which fetch them from us with their owne shipping . For conclusion of this Chapter , I say that it is exceeding lamentable , that for any respect in the world , seeing the preservation of the State and Monarchie , doth surmount all other respects , that strangers should be permitted to eat us out , by exporting and importing both our owne Commodities , and those of Forreigne Nations : For it is no wonder we are overtopped in all the trades we have abroad and far off , Seeing we have the grasse cut from under our feet in our fields and pastures . FINIS . A Discourse of the Originall and fundamentall cause of Naturall , Customary , Arbitrary , Voluntary , and necessary War , with the misery of invasive Warre . That Ecclesiasticall Prelates , have alwayes been subject to Temporall Princes , and that the Pope had never any lawfull power in England , either in Civill , or Ecclesiasticall , businesse , after such time , as Brittaine was won from the Roman Empire . THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War , which may be defined the exercise of violence under Soveraigne Command , against withstanders force , Authority and resistance , being the essentiall parts thereof , violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguisht from Robbery and the like outrages : yet consisting in relation towards others , It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance , whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves , or yeilding Malefactors ; as for Armes , Discipline , and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of War prosperous , they are only considerable in degree of perfection , since naked savages fighting disorderly with stones , by appointment of their Commanders , may truly and absolutely be said to War. Neverthelesse , it is true , that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth , pawes , horns , and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men , so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive Armes , as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist . And it might seeme happy , if the sword , the Arrow , the Gun , with many terrible Engines of death , could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that Lordly rule , which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things . But since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self : It is needfull that against the wit and subtilty of man , we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes , ( wherein many Beasts exceed us , ) but helping our strength with art and wisdome , strive to excell our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures . The necessity of War , which among humane Actions is the most lawlesse , hath some kind of affinity , and neere resemblances with the necessity of Law. For there were no use at all , either of War or of Law ; If every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe , and were withall so punctually just , as to performe what he knew requisite , and to rest contented with his owne . But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong , by any skill of Lawyers , with multiplicity of clauses , and provisoes , That it may be secure from contentious Avarice , and the malice of false seeming Justice : It is not to bee wondered , that the great Charter , whereby God bestowed the whole earth upon Adam , And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah , being as breife in word , as large in effect , hath bred much quarrell of interpretation . Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation , may be unregarded by the most of men , yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts , And so passionatly imbraced by their greedy desires , As if every one laid claime for himself unto that , which was conferred upon all . This appeared in the Gaules , who falling upon Italy under their Captaine Brennus , told the Roman Ambassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title , and that valiant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get ; That they wanting Land therewith to susteine their people , And the Tuscanes , having more then enough , It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand , if it were not yeilded quietly . Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers , that there is no taking of possession more just , then In vacuum venire , to enter upon Land unhabited , As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands : Then may it be inferred , that this demand of the Gaules , held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view . For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled , why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly ? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the Southerne , undiscovered continent , because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana , or about the Straits of Magalane ? why might not the like be done in Africk , in Europe , or in Asia ? If this were most absurd to imagine , Let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the Territory , and increasing the number of Inhabitants , what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner , That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth , nor capable of a greater multitude ; Untill this can be concluded and agreed upon , one maine and fundamentall cause of the most grievous Warre that can be imagined , is not like to be taken from the Earth . It were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victualls and other helps , a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new feare , or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them : But what shall perswade a mighty Nation to travaile so farre by Land , or Sea , over Mountaines , Deserts , And great Rivers , with their Wives and Children , when they are , or thinke themselves , powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand , and inforce others into the Labour of such a Journey ? I have briefely shewed in an other worke , that the miseries accompaning this kind of War , are most extreame . For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall . And although the uncertainty of tenure , by which all worldly things are held , minister very unpleasant meditation ; yet is it most certaine that within 1200. yeares last past , all or the most of Kingdomes to us knowne , have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations , being either over whelmed by new Collonies that fell upon them , or driuen , as one wave is driven by an other , to seeke new seates , having lost their owne . Our Westerne parts of Europe indeed have cause to rejoyce , and give praise to God , for that we have been free about 600 years , from such Inundations , As were those of the Gothes , Humes , and Vandalls , yea from such as were those of our owne Ancestors , the Saxons , Danes , and Normans , But howsoever we have together with the feeling , lost the very memory of such wretchednesse , as our Fore-fathers endured by those Wars , of all other the most cruell . Yet are there few Kingdomes in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred yeares . It were an endlesse labour to tell how the Turks , and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world , having spoiled every where , and in most places Eaten up all , as it were by the roots , Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people , the very names , language and memory of former times . Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it , there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the Load upon others , by right or wrong . For ( to omit the danger of Pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng ) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses , and contempt of death , as the Torments or Threats of famine whereof the Warre that is grounded upon this generall rem●dilesse necessity , may be tearmed the generall , the Remedilesse , or the necessary War. Against which that our Country is better provided ( as may be shewed hereafter ) Then any civill Nation to us knowne , we ought to hold it a great blessing of God , And carefully retaine the advantages which he hath given us now . Besides this remedilesse or necessary Warre , which is frequent , There is a Warre voluntary , and Customeable , unto which the offering party is not compelled . And this Customary Warre , which troubleth all the world , giveth little respite or breathing time of peace , doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest . For Covetous Ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath , supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not . Wherefore if two bordering Princes have their Territory meeting on an open Champaigne , the more mighty will continually seeke occasion , to extend his limits unto the further border thereof . If they be divided by Mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops , And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots . If Rivers run between them , they contend for the Bridges , And thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck . Yea the Sea it selfe must be very broad , barren of fish , and void of little Islands interjacent , else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the Kingdomes which it severeth . All this proceeds from desire of having , and such desire from feare of want . Hereunto may be added , That in these Arbitrary Wars , there is commonly to be found , some small measure of necessity , though it seldome be observed , perhaps , because it extendeth not so far , as to become publique . For where many younger sonnes of younger Brothers , have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves , and where many men of Trade or usefull possessions , know not how to bestow themselves for lack of Imployments , there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State ( howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed ) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected Members . It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it , if means be wanting , whereby to drive convenient participation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers . In such cases there will be complaining , Commiseration , and finally murmur ( as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the ground upon publike misgovernment ) unlesse order be taken for some redresse by the sword of Injury , supposed to be done by Forreigners , whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare . And in this case I think it was , that the great Cardinall Francis de Amiens who governed Spaine in the minority of Charls the fift , hearing tell that 8000. Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algier , under Don Diego de Vera , made light of the matter : Affirming , that Spaine stood in need of such evacuation , forreigne Warre serving ( as King Fardinard had been wont to say ) like a potion of Rubarbe , to wash away Choler from the body of the Realme . Certainly among all Kingdomes of the earth , we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then Spaine , of having the veines opened by an enemies sword : The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humors . Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled , but mainteineth still growing upon it ( like a tree , from whose plants to fil a whole Orchard , ) have bin taken as many , as it can well nourish . And to say what I think , if our King Edward the third , had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with English the Towns which he won , As he began at Calice driving out the French , the Kings his Successors , holding the same course would by this time have filled all France , with our Nation , without any notable emptying of this Island . The like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the French in Italy , or almost of any others , as having been verified by the Saxons in England , and Arabians in Barbarie ; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent ? surely they dyed not of old age , nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature . But famine and contagious diseases , the sword , the halter , and a thousand mischiefs have Consumed them . Yea many of them perhaps were never borne : for they that want means to nourish Children will abstaine from marriage , or ( which is all one ) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women : or otherwise make unequall or unhealthy Matches for gaine , or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing , which in nature is a curse , to have their wives barren . Were it not thus , Arithmeticall progression might easily demonstrate , how fast mankind would increase in multitude , overpassing as miraculous ( though indeed naturall ) that example of the Israelites , who were multiplyed in 215. yeares , from seaventie unto 600000. able men . Hence we may observe , that the very propagation of our kind , hath with it a strong insensive , even of those daily Wars , which afflict the earth . And that Princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity , speake often more truly then they are aware , there being indeed a great necessity , though not apparent , as not extending to the generality , but resting upon private heads . Wherefore other cause of Warre meerly naturall there is none , then want of roome upon the earth , which pinching a whole nation , begets the remedilesse Warre , vexing only some number of particulars , It draws on the Arbitrary : But unto the kindling of Arbitrary Warre , there are many other motives . The most honest of these is , feare of harme and prevention of danger . This is just and taught by nature , which labours more strongly in removing evill , then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good . Neverthelesse , because Warre cannot be without mutuall violence : It is manifest , that allegation of danger and feare serv●s only to excuse the suffering part , the wrong doer being carried by his owne will. So the Warre thus caused proceeds from nature , not altogether but in part . A second motive is , Revenge of injury susteined ; This might be avoided if all men could be honest ; otherwise not . For Princes must give protection to their Subjects and adherents , when worthy occasion shall require it , else will they be held unworthy , and unsufficient : then which there can be to them no greater perill . Wherefore Caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side , and the opinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard , for his friends , was doubted on the other side , alwayes chose rather to venture u●on extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector . Yea by such maintenance of their dependants , Many Noblemen in all formes of Government , and in every mans memory have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue . Neither have meere Tyrants been altogether carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers , those Subjects of theirs , whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used , as no better then slaves . For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves , if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men : To remedy this , it were needfull that Justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to Denizons . But contrariewise we find , that in many Countreys ( as Muscovie and the like ) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction , as they fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation . Sir Thomas Moore said , ( whether more pleasantly or truely I know not ) that a trick of Law had no lesse power then the wheele of fortune , to lift men up , or cast them downe . Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by meere casualty , then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice , Because these are accompanied with sense of indignity , whereof the other are free : when Robbers break open a mans house and spoile it , they tell the owner plainly that money they want , and money they must have : But when a Judge corrupted by reward , hatred , favour , or any other passion , takes both house and Land from the rightfull owner , And bestowes them upon some friend of his owne , or of his favorite , He saies , that the rules of Justice will have it so , that it is the voice of the Law , the Ordinance of God himselfe . And what else doth he herein , then by a kind of Circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get releife ; must it not astonish and vex withall , any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the Judge and the Theefe , then in the manner of performing their exploits ? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality . In such case an honest Subject will either seeke remedy by ordinary courses , or awaite his time untill God shall place better men in office , and call the oppressors to account . But a stranger wil not so , he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barbary , neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante , or whether Mulisidian himself can contemne the Kingdome , his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him , and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can , and returne the injury ten fold , upon the whole Nation from which he received it . Truth it is , that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the Gates of forreigne Lords , then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates ; Nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad , as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling Vice - Admirall , Customer , or publique minister at their returne . Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yeild unto their proper Governour , I will not here define , or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home , or whether from despaire of such redresse , as may be expected in their owne Country , in the hoped reformations of disorders , or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe the Domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations , or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the Injustice of their owne Rulers , though it were shamefull , for feare of faring worse , and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum : As slanderers of men in authority , wheresoever it comes ; As there can be but one Allegeance , so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must . According to that of the Slave in an old Comoedie : Non sum servus publicus , my Master bought me for himself , and I am not every mans man. And this opinion , there is no Prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne Subjects . Yea such as are most Rigorous to their owne , Doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers , because it were a matter of dangerous Consequence , that the People should thinke all other Nations to be in better case then themselves . The breife is , Oppression in many places weares the Robes of Justice , which Domineering over the naturalls , may not spare strangers , And strangers will not endure it , but cry out unto their owne Lords for releife by the Sword. Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong , though it meerly consist in the will of man , without any inforcement of nature . Yet the more to quicken it , there is usually concurrent therewith , A hopefull expectation of gaine . For of the amends recovered , Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong , but commonly all runs into the Princes Coffers . Such examples as was that of our late Queen Elizabeth of most famous memory , are very rare . Her Majestie when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva , in the Netherlands , And by King Philip in Spaine , arrested , Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England , that amounted unto a greater value : Neither was she contented that her Subjects should right themselves as well as they could , upon the Spaniards by Sea , But having brought King Philip within foure or five years , to better reason , though not so far as to Restitution ; She satisfied her owne Merchants to the full , for all their losses out of the Dutchmens goods , and gave back to the Duke what was remayning . This among many thousand of her Royall Actions , that made her glorious in all Nations , though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her Princely Justice , to the skies : yet served it not as a President for others of lesse vertue to follow . It were more costly to take patterne from those Acts , which gave Immortall renowne to that great Queen , then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke , in the self same busines , who kept all to his owne use , or his Masters , Restoring to the poore Dutch Merchants not one penny . It falls out many times indeed , that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by War the wrongers of his people , Then the losse of his People did amount unto . In such cases it is reason , that he satisfy himself , and let the people ( whereto commonly they are apt ) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge . But when victory makes large amends for all , it Royally becomes a Prince , to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertooke the Warre . For besides the purpose it were now , to teach how victory should be used , or the gaines thereof Communicated to the generall content . This being only brought into shew , that the profit thereby gotten , is a stirring provocation to the redresse of Injuries by the sword . As for the redresse of Injuries done unto Princes themselves , it may conveniently ( though not alwayes , for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their owne honour ) be referred unto the third motive of Arbitrary Warres , which is meere Ambition . This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars , then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever , though it least partake of nature , or urgent necessity of State. I call not here alone by the name of Ambition , that vaine glorious humour which openly professeth to be none other , and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue ( for the examples are not many of that kind : ) But where occasion of Warre is greedily sought , or being very slight is gladly entertained , for that increase of Dominion is hoped thereby , we should rather impute the Warre to the scope at which it aimeth : then to any idle cause pretended . The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soone get the mastery over all Sicilie , And have a faire entrance at pleasure into Italy : Which to prevent they made a Warre upon the Carthaginians ; this feare I call Ambition , Had they not trusted in their own Armes , hoping thereby to enlarge their empire , but being weaker , and more afraid indeed , they would have feared lesse . For Colour of this Warre they tooke the Mamertines , A Crewe of Theeves , and cut throats into their protection ; Whom being their associats they must needs defend . But had not their Ambition been mightier then their Justice , they would have endeavoured to punish these Mamertines , and not to protect them . Innumerable are the like examples : Know ye not ( said Ahab ) that Ramoth Gilead is ours ? He knew this before , and was quiet enough , till opinion of his forces , made him looke into his right . And of this nature ( though some worse then other in degree ) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King , And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror , broken titles to Kingdomes or Provinces , Mainetenance of friends , and Partizans , pretenced wrongs , and indeed , whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest : But of old time ( perhaps before Helen of Greece , was borne ) Women have been the common Argument of these Tragedies . As of late Ages in our parts of the world , since the names of Guelf , and Ghibeline , were heard , The right of St. Peter , that is the Popes Revenews and Authority . This last and other of the same kind I know not , how patiently they will endure to be ranged among Ambitions quarrels : For the Warre that hath such foundation , will not only be reputed , free from worldly Ambition , Just , and honourable , But holy , and meritorious : having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins , Release from Purgatory , And the promises of the life to come , As may be seen in the Popes Crociata . The truth is , that the Saracenes , affirme no lesse of the Warres , which either they make against Christians , or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due , I thinke the honour of devising first this Doctrine : That Religion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword , would be found appertaining to Mahomet the false Prophet , sure , it is , that he and the Caliphes following him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty Empire , which was in faire way to have inlarged , untill they fell out among themselves . Not for the Kingdome of Heaven , But for Dominion upon Earth . And against these did the Popes , when their authority grew powerfull in the West , incite the Princes of Germany , England , France , and Italie . Their chiefe enterprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land. In which worthy , but extreamely difficult action , it is lamentable to Remember , what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed , with very small benefit unto the Christian State. The Recovery of Spaine ( whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens , ) had been a worke more availeable to the men of Europe , more easily mainetained with supply , more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon Kingdomes further removed , more free from hazard , and Requiring lesse expence of Blood. But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger , nor diverted from this to a more commodious businesse , by any motives of profit or facility , for the Pulpits did sound in every Parish Church with the praises of that voyage , as if it were a matter , otherwise far lesse highly pleasing unto God , to beare Armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors , or for the Deliverance of poore Christians oppressed with slavery , then to fight for that selfe same Land , wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and Dyed : By such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular vertue they performed ( though not without exceeding great losse of men ) and held that Kingdome some few generations . But the Climate of Syria , the far distance from the strength of Christendome , And the neer Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the Mahometans , caused that famous enterprise , after a long continuance of terrible War , to be quite abandoned . The care of Ierusalem being laid aside , it was many times thought needfull to represse the growing power of the Turke by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and Common-wealths , And hereto the Popes have used much perswasion and often published their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so Religious . Yet have they effected little or nothing , and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe . For it hath been their Custome so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to Religious Armes by converting the Monies , that have been Leavyed for such Wars , to their owne services , and by stirring up Christians one against an other , yea against their owne naturall Princes , under the like pretences of serving God and the Church , that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits , And would not believe that God was carefull to mainetaine the Pope in his quarrells , or that Remission of sins past , was to be obteined by Committing more and more grievous , at the instigation of his suspected holinesse . Questionlesse there was great reason , why all discreet Princes should beware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the Robes of Sanctimonie . It was the Rule of our Blessed Saviour , By their works you shall know them , what the works of those that occupied the Papacie , have been since the dayes of Pepin and Charlemaine who first enabled them with Temporall donation , The Italian writers have testified at large . Yet were it needlesse to Cite Machiavell , who hath Recorded their doings , and is therefore the more hatefull , or Guicciardine , whose works they have gelded , as not enduring to heare all that he hath written , though he spake enough in that which remains . What History shall we Read ( excepting the Annales of Caesar Baronius , And some books of Fryars , or Fryarly Parasites ) which mentioning their Acts doe not leave witnesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters . How few Kingdomes are there ( if any ) wherein by dispensing with others , transferring the right of Crowns , Absolving Subjects from alleageance , and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded , they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs ? The shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends , And the more shamelesse justification by their flatterers , makes it needfull to exemplifie , which I had rather forbeare , as not loving to deale in such contentious arguments , were it not follie to be modest in uttering what is knowne to all the world . Pitty it is , that by such demeanour they have caused the Church ( as Hierome Savanarola , and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne prophecied ) to be reformed by the sword . But God would have it so . How farre the Popes blessing therefore did sanctifie the enterprise upon Ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to Judge . As for the honourable Christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their Warre , they had not only the redresse of injuries and protection of their oppressed Brethren , But the repelling of danger from their owne Land , threatned by those misbeleivers when they invaded . If the Popes extortions ( which were not more forcible then those of Peters the Hermits ) added spirit unto the action : yet altered they not the grounds of the Warre , nor made it the more holy . Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo , the tenth , beare witnesse of this , who out of politick feare of the Turkes violence urged a Religious contribution towards a Warre to be made upon them . The necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswaded the Conquest of Palestina . But too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money , That the Sums which Pope Leo thereby raised and converted to his owne uses , have made his Successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day . Pius the Second , formerly well knowne by the name of Aeneas Silvius , was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages , who neverthelesse in a Warre of the same Religious nature , discovered the like ( though not the same ) imperfection . His purpose was to set upon Mahomet the great , who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the Warre over into Greece , to prevent the danger , threatning Italie . In this action highly Commendable , he intended to hazard his owne person , that so the more easily hee might win adventurers , who else were like to be lesse forward , as not unacquainted with such Romish tricks ; Yet was not his owne devotion , so zealous in pursuit of this holy businesse , but that he could stay a while , and convert his forces , against Malatesti Lord of Rimini , letting , Scanderbeg waite his Leisure , who had already set the Warre on foote in Greece . For ( said he ) we first subdue the little Turke , before we medle with the great , He spake reason if we regard policy . But attending one to Religion find we not , that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome , a like pleasing to God , as would have been the holy Warre , against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith ? So thought all the rest of those Bishops . And so much more ( upon their severall occasions ) declared themselves to thinke it , by how much they were commonly worse men then this Aeneas Silvius . And good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe , or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise . For the naturall Constitution of their estate ( I meane since the age of Pepin and Charlmaine , or the times not long foregoing , hath urged them all hereto ; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd , by their own private natures , and thereby have swa●●ved from the rule of policy . To speake in generall , whosoever hath dominion absolute , over some , and authority lesse absolute over many more , will seeke to draw those that are not whol●y his owne into intire subjection . It fares with politick bodies as with the physicall ; each would convert all into their owne proper substance , and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed . We need not Cite Philip the Father of Alexander , nor Philip the Father of Perseus , Kings of Macedon for examples . Of which the former brought the Thessalians , the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage . Philip the second of Spaine is yet fresh in mind , who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands . Exceptions may be framed here against one , of the honest , quiet , or timerous disposition of some Princes , yet that all , or the most are thus inclined , both reason and experience teach : yea even our Cities and Corporations here in England , such as need the protection of great Men , Complaine otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence , either in searching into their private estates , or behaving themselves master-like in point of government , But never hath authority better means to enlarge it self , then when it is founded upon devotion . And yet never doth authority of this kind , worke to raise it self unto meere dominion , untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming , then indeed . The Leviticall Priests , in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves , any Temporall or Coactive power Nor advanced their Miters against the Crowne of Israel . They well understood what authority God had committed unto them and rested therewithall content . Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late ; The Popes flatterers labouring to prove , That the high Priests of old were not meerly Subject unto the Kings of Iuda , and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary . But whatsoever befell in those dayes , when there was no King in Israel , that is , before the Reigne of Saul , or after the Captivity of Babel , sure it is that the sons of Aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of David , And acknowledged them their Lords . As for the race of the Maccabees , that held both the Kingdome and the Priesthood at once , It falls not within this Consideration ; the first thereof ( of whom I read ) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the getting of Temporal possession , was ( if nor Mahomet himselfe ) Abubachar the Successor unto Mahomet , This man having obteined by help of his friends , the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet , made it one of his first works to dispoile poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet , and heire of his great riches , taking al from him by this pretence , That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdome , unto him also belonged the Succession in wealth . And this grew presently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law. But howsoever it were then decided , we see now the Muphti of high Prelate , who is the only Oracle among the Turkes in Spirituall matters , lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan . Neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of Abubachar , hath not lost all force , for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands , of Prophets or deceivers which got that name , that never rested untill they became Kings . The Seriph in Barbarie , was one of the last : who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man , afterward found means to become a Captain , and Lord of a small Territory ; And finally increased his followers , and withall his bounds so fast and so far , as having made himself King of Morocca , he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy , ( lately his Soveraigne ) that both Fesse and all Kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse ; and this he made good by winning all sooner after . Whether the claime which the Popes laid to a Supremacie over all Kingdomes and estates , had not affinity with the principle of Abubachar , Let other men Judge that their practises to mainetaine it , have been sutable to those of Seriffo , all Historians doe testifie . For when Pope Gregory the second , procured the Citie of Rome , and some other places in Italie to Rebell against the Emperour Leo , the third , what other colour used he , then that himself had Excommunicated Leo , as an ungodly Prince , for breaking downe Images , that were worshipped in Churches , when for this treason Paul the Exarch , Leiutenant unto the Emperour , besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lumbards , by what other art did the Pope remove the siege , then by perswading the Lumbard with a Tale of Peter , and Paul , that had consecrated the Citie of Rome with their pretious blood . Thus was devotion made the Cloake for treason ? And thus did the Popes first slip their necks out of the Emperours coller . Within very few years after this , by the like Religious pretext were those Princes of France , Charls Martell , Pepine , and Charlemaine , won to assist the Papacie , against the Lumbards , yea , to give unto St. Peter , the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italie , And not restore them to the Emperour , from whom the Lumbards had gotten them . And thereunto Pepine , was perswaded for his Souls health . Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse , done a notable good office for Pepine before , when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick , And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead , by saying , That rather he should be King who did the Kings duty , then he that did it not . In like manner did Pope Leo recompense the benefits of Charlemaine , by setting him up as Emperour in the West against those of Constantinople : But in these mutuall offices , the Popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which Pepine and Charlemaine had before acquired . Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in Principallity ; That was held yet in vassallage unto themselves . Now this could not satisfie the ambition of that See , which gloried falsly to be the only See Apostolique . For as the Reputation of the Romane Prelats grew up in those blind ages under the Westerne Emperours , much faster then true piety could raise it , in former times when better Learning had flourished ; So grew up in them withall a desire , of amplifying their power , that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall matters . Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemaine , they began to neglect the Emperours consent in their Elections . And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France , either too much patience or too much weakenesse , they were bold , within seaventy years to decree , That in the Creation of Popes , the Emperour should have nothing at all to doe . Having obteined this , It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole Clergie in all Kingdomes . But the worke was great , and could not be accomplished in hast , for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome ; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather ( as mainetainers of the Papacie , would now have them called ) Monsters to succeed one another , and attaine by the faction of Cut-throats , and Strumpets , St. Peters Chaire , despised that hypocrisy , which the world abroad did Reverence as holinesse . Likewise the Empire falling from the line of Charles , to the mighty house of Saxonie , was so strongly upheld by the first Princes of that race , as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring Prelats . Yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity . The Polonians , Hungarians , and some other farre removed Nations , had yeilded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall , even to those Popes whom Italie knew to be detestable men . As for the Romane Citizens they were chastised by the sword , and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord , though they knew not by what right . Long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed , Because they knowing the Lewdnesse of their Prelate and his Court , their devotion , unto him ( the trade by which now they live ) was very small . Because also they were the Popes domesticall forces , against which no Prince doth happily contend . But finally the Popes Armes prevailed , or when his owne were too weake , the Emperours and other friends were helping . Contrariwise against Emperours and other Princes , the sword of the people even of their owne Subjects hath been used by teaching all Christians in our Westerne world a false Lesson . That it is lawfull and meritorious to rebell against Kings excommunicated and deposed by the Pope . This curse was first laid upon the Emperour , Henry the fourth by Pope Hildebrand or Gregory the seaventh . It is true ( as I said before ) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort . For Leo being excommunicated was not withall deposed ; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects . And one may say , That the Germane Empire deserved this plague , Since the founder thereof had given countenance to the Popes Rebelling against their Soveraigns the Emperours of Constantinople . Howsoever it were when Hildebrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne Henry the fourth , there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord , against the Counterfeited name of St. Peter ; Wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before Hildebrand , upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his presence , Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution , then by submitting his estate unto the Popes good pleasure , what was his fault ? He had refused to yeild up to the Pope , the investiture of Bishops , and Collation of Ecclesiasticall dignities within his dominions , a right that had alwayes belonged to Princes untill that day . It were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after ; Notwithstanding this submission . In breife the unappeasable rage of Hildebrand and his Successors , never left persecuting him , by raising one Rebellion after an other ; yea his owne Children against him , till dispoyled of his Crowne , he was faine to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers , promising to earne it in a Church of his own building , by doing there a Clarks duty , for he could serve the Quire , And not obteining this , he pined away and dyed . That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully , then cruelly , For he had to terrifie him , the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chiefe Prelate among the Germans . Who was condemned of heresie , for having denyed that the Emperour might be deprived of his Crowne by the Popes authority . If Princes therefore be carefull to exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions , who can blame them of rigour ? This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten , might have been omitted , had it not been seconded with many of the same nature . But this was neither one Popes fault , nor one Princes destiny ; He must write a story of the Empire , that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind , As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth , whom they had set up against his Father , what horrible effusion of Blood they caused , by their often thundering upon Fredericke , And how they rested not untill they had made the Empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years . These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperour after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome , though he were therero urged by the Electors . For ( said he ) our Caesars , have gone to Rome , As the foolish Beasts in Aesops Fables went , to the Lyons Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward , but not the like of their returne . The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperours held , all of them , or almost all neglecting that Coronation . Good cause why ; Since the Popes ( besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ceremony ) Arrogated thence unto themselves , that the Empire was held of them in Homage , And dealt they not after the same fashion with other Kingdomes ? What right had St. Peter to the Crowne of Sicily , and of Naples ? The Romane Princes wonne those Lands from the Saracens , who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Constantinople ; The same Romanes had also been mighty defenders of the Papacy in many dangers , yet when time served , the Pope tooke upon him , as Lord Paramount of those Countryes , to drive out one King , and set up another , with a Bloody confusion of all Italie ; retaining the Soveraignty to himself . In France , he had the daring to pronounce himselfe superiour unto the King in all matters both Spirituall and Temporall . The Crowne of Poland he forced to hold of his Miter by imposing a subjection in way of penance . For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slaine . For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and ( more strangely ) for a Refusall of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his Holinesse had appointed , he imposed the like penance upon England . Also when our King Edward the First , made Warre upon the Scots , word came from Rome that he should surcease : for that the Kingdome of Scotland belonged unto the Popes Chappell . A great oversight it was of St. Peter , that he did not accurse Nero , and all heathen Princes , whereby the Popes Chappell might have gotten all that the Devill offered , and our Saviour refused . Yet what need was there of such a banne : Since Fryar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru : That all the Kingdomes of the Earth were the Popes , who had bestowed more then halfe thereof upon the King of Spaine . If the Pope will have it so , it must be so ; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis , Increase and multiply and fill the Earth , As spoken to Noah , and his Children , not as directed only to Tubal , Homer , and Phatto , the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians , Gothes , and Moores , of whom the Spanish blood is compounded . But of such impudent presumption in disposing of countryes farre remote , And whereto the sword must acquire a better title , the mischiefe is not presently discerned . It were well if his Holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of War , among those that respected him as a Common Father . His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and another , or between Kings and Subjects , doe speake no better of him . For by what right was it , That Fardinand of Arragon won the Kingdome of Navar ? why did not the Confederacie , that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France , and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice ? why did not the like between England , and France , hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis ? Was it not the Pope who did set on the French , to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians ? Why was it not the same Pope , who afterwards ( upon desire to drive the French out of Italie ) excommunicated Lewis , and his adherents ? By vertue of which Excommunication Fardinand of Arragon seized upon Navarr . And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France ? But this was not our Kings fault more then all the peoples . We might with shame confesse it , ( if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers ) That a Barque of Apples blessed by the Pope , and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the War upon France , made all our English hasty to take Armes , in such sort as the Italians wondred , and laughed to see our men , no lesse greedy of those Apples ( then Eve , was of the forbidden fruit ) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust War. Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Popes tumultuous disposition , but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected . Now for his dispensing betweene Kings and their Subjects , we need not seeke instances far from home . He absolved our King Iohn of an oath , given to his Barons and people . The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to King Iohn . King Henry the third , had appeased this Land ( how wisely I say not ) by taking such an oath , as his Father had done ; swearing as he was a Knight , A Christian , and a King. But in a Sermon at Paules , People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance , the Popes dispensation being there openly read , which pronounced that Oath voyde . Good cause why . For that King had the patience to live , like neither Knight , nor King , But as the Popes Tenant , and Rent-gatherer of England . But when the same King adventured to murmure , the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance . And make him know , what it was to winch and play the Fredericke . Thus we see what hath been his Custome to oppresse Kings by their people , And the people by their Kings , yet this was for serving his owne turne . Wherein had our King Henry the sixt offended him ( which King Pope Iulius would after for a little money have made a Saint ) Neverthelesse , the Popes absolving of Rich : Duke of Yorke from that honest oath , which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the Kings ruine . And therewithal those long and cruell Wars betweene the Houses of Lancaster , and Yorke , and brought all England into an horrible Combustion . What he meant by this , I know not , unlesse to verifie the Proverbe ; Omnia Romae venalia , I will not urge the dispensation , whereby the Pope released King Philip , the second of Spaine , from the solemne Oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the Netherlands , though this Papall indulgence , hath scarce as yet left working , And been the cause of so many hundred thousands slaine , for this last forty years in the Netherlands . Neither will I urge the Pope encouraging of Henry the second , and his sons , to the last of them against the French Protestants , the cause of the first three Civill Warres , And lastly of the Leavyings of Byrons , in which there hath perished no lesse number , then in the Low-Countryes . For our Country it affords an example of fresh memory , since we should have had as furious Warre , as ever both upon us , and amongst us , in the daies of our late famous Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth , if Pope Pius his Bull , Could have gored , as well as it could Bellow . Therefore it were not amisse to answer by a Herald , the next Pontificall attempt of like nature , rather sending defiance ( as to an enemy ) then publishing answers as to one that had here to doe , though in deed he had never here to doe ( by any lawfull power ) either in Civill or Ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time as Brittaine was won from the Romane Empire . For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall Councills , that the Bishop of Rome , should be Patriarch over these quarters , yea ; or it were supposed that the forged Canons , by which he now challengeth more then precedency , and primacie , had also been made indeed : yet could this little help his claime in Kingdomes , that hold not of the Empire . For those right holy Fathers , as in matters of Faith , they did not make truth , But religiously expounded it : so in matters of Ecclesiasticall Government , they did not create provinces for themselves ; But ordered the Countries which they then had . They were assemblies of all the Bishops in the Romane world , and with the Romane dominion only they medled . Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbraced in all Countryes , As it ought likewise to be entertained , if the same had been in like sort illustrated , not by them , but by a generall Councill of all Bishops in the great Kingdome of the Abissines , which is thought to have been Christian even in those daies . But it was not requisite , nor is , that the Bishops of Abissines , or of India , should live under direction of the Patriarch of Alexandria , and Antioch . Questionlesse , those godly Fathers of the Nicene , And of the Calcedonian Councill so thought . For they tooke not upon them to order the Church Government in India , where St. Thomas had preached , nor to range the Subjects of Prester Iohn ( as we call him ) under any of themselves ; much lesse to frame an Hierarchie upon earth , whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in Spirituall obedience . If Constantine or his Successors the Romane Emperours could have wonne all Asia : like it is that in Councils following more Patriarchs would have been ordeined for the Ecclesiasticall Government of that large continent , and not all those vast Countryes have beene left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople . But since contrariwise , the Empire became looser , the Patriarchs whose Jurisdiction depended upon the Empire , become loosers also . We grant , that even in the times of persecution , before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies , there was given especiall honour to the Bishops that were over the chiefe Cities ; That unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the Church ; But this honour was no more , then a● precedence , a dignity without Coactive power , extending no further then to matter of Religion , And not having to doe , save in the generall way of Christian love with any strangers . We therefore , that are no dependants of the Empire , ought not to be troubled with the authority ( be in what it may be ) with any assemblie● of godly Fathers ( yet all Subjects o● that Empire , ordeined for their owne better Government ) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome , As the Islanders of Iersey , and Garnsey , doe him of Constance in Normandie , that is nothing at all : since by that French Bishops refusall to sweare unto our King , those Isles were annexed to the Diocesse of Winchester . FINIS . Excellent Observations and Notes , concerning the Royall Navy and Sea-service . HAving formerly ( most excellent Prince ) discoursed of a Maritimall voyage , and the passages and incidents therein , I thinke it not impertinent nor differing from my purpose , to second the same with some necessary relations concerning the Royall Navy , with the Services and Offices thereto belonging . For , as the perfection and excellency of our Shipping is great and remarkeable , so the imperfections and defects of the same by use and experience of late years , have been found to be divers and inconvenient , as it falls out many times in the circumstances of Land-service by the change of Armes , diversities of Fortifications , and alteration of Discipline . And therefore for the due reformation , many things are necessarily and particularly to be spoken and considered of in their Order . In regard whereof , I will first begin with the Officers , and therein crave pardon ( if in speaking plainly and truly in a matter of so great importance ) I doe set aside all private respects and partiality . For in that which concerns the service and benefit of my Prince and Country , I will say with Cicero , Nil mihi melius , nil mihi Charius . And therefore not justly to be taxed with any presumption for medling with matters wherein I have no dealings nor charge . For that in the affaires of this nature , every good Subject is deeply interessed , and bound in Conscience and duty both to say and doe his best . Of the Officers of the Navy . FIrst therefore , it were to be wished , that the Chiefe Officers under the Lord Admirall ( as Vice-Admirall , Treasurer , Controller , Surveyor ; and the rest ) should be men of the best experience in Sea-service , aswell as of judgement and practise in the utinsells and necessaries belonging to shipping , even from the Batts end to the very Kilson of a Ship. And that no kind of people should be preferred to any of these offices , but such as have been throughly practised , and be very judiciall in either kind of the above named services ; but we see it oftentimes to fall out otherwise . For sometimes by the speciall favour of Princes , and many times by the mediation of great men for the preferment of their servants , and now and then by vertue of the purse , and such like means , some people very raw and ignorant , are very unworthily and unfitly nominated to those places , when men of desert and ability are held back and unpreferr'd , to the great hinderance of his Majesties service , to the prejudice of the Navy , and to the no little discouragement of ancient and noble able servitors , when favour or partiality shall eat out knowledge and sufficiency , in matters so neerly concerning the service and safety of the Kingdome , wherein all private respects should be laid apart , and vertue truly regarded for it selfe . Of the building of Ships . SEcondly , it were no lesse behoovefull for his Majesties service , and for the strength of the Navy , that no Ships should be builded by the great , as divers of them have been ; For by daily experience they are found be the most weake , imperfect , and unserviceable Ships of all the rest . And it is not otherwise to be presumed , But as the Officers would bee thought to be very frugall for his Majesty in driving a bargaine by the great at a neere rate with the Shipwright , So likewise the Shipwright on his part will be as carefull to gaine by his labour , or at least to save himselfe harmlesse , and therefore suite his worke slightly according to a slight price . Out of the which present sparing and untimely thrift , there grows many future inconveniences and continuall Charge in repayring and reedifying such imperfect slight built Vessells . The proofe and experience whereof hath been often found in new Shipps built at those rates , but so weakly , as that in their voyages , they have been ready to founder in the Seas with every Extraordinary storme , and at their returne been enforced to be new built . But seeing the Officers of the Admiralty doe hold ( by the grace of his Majestie ) places of so good Credit and benefit , it is their parts therefore ( being well waged and rewarded for the same ) exactly to look into the sound building of Ships , and to imploy their care and travell aswell in the oversight thereof , as to provide that all things else belonging to the Navy be good and well conditioned : For the strong and true building of a Ship is not to be left barely to the fidelity of a Marchanticall Artificer ( the chiefe end of whose worke in his owne Accompt is his profit and gaine ) but some Superior Officer ought to have a further regard in that businesse , if he be such a one as hath more judgement in the building and conditioning of a Ship , then devotion to his owne ease and profit . Moreover if any decayed Ship be intended to be new made , it is more fit and profitable to make her a size lesse then she was , then bigger ; For then her beams which were laid over-thwart from side to side , will serve againe , and most of her Tymbers and other parts will say well to the building of a new ship . But if she should be made a size bigger , the Tymber of the old will be unprofitable for that purpose ; we find by experience , that the greatest ships are least serviceable , goe very deep to water and of marvellous Charge and fearefull Cumber , our Channells decaying every year . Besides , they are lesse nimble , lesse maineable , and very seldome imployed . Grande Navio grande fatica , saith the Spaniard , a ship of 600 Tuns will carry as good Ordnance , as a ship of 1200. Tuns , and though the greater have double her number , the lesser will turne her broad sides twice , before the greater can wend once , and so no advantage in that overplus of Ordnance . And in the building of all ships , these six things are principally required . 1. First , that she be strong built . 2. Secondly , that shee bee swift . 3. Thirdly , that she be stout sided . 4. Fourthly , that she carry out her Guns all weather . 5. Fifthly , that she hull and try well , which we call a good Sea-ship . 6. Sixthly , that shee stay well , when bourding and turning on a wind is required . 1. To make her strong consisteth in the truth of the Workeman , and the care of the Officers . 2. To make her sayle well is to give a long run forward , and so afterward done by Art and just proportion . For as in laying out of her bows before and quarters behind , she neither sinck into , nor hang in the water , but lye cleare off and above it , And that the Shipwrights be not deceived herein ( as for the most part they have ever been ) they must be sure , that the Ship sinck no deeper into the water , then they promise , for otherwise the bow and quarter will utterly spoile her sayling . 3. That she bee stout , the same is provided and performed by a long bearing Floore , and by sharing off above water even from the lower edge of the Ports . 4. To carry out her Ordnance all weather , This long bearing Floore , and sharing off from above the Ports is a chiefe Cause , Provided alwayes , that your lowest Tyre of Ordnance must lye foure foot cleare above water when all loading is in , or else those your best pieces will be of small use at the Sea in any growne weather that makes the Billoe to rise , for then you shall be enforced to take in all your lower Ports , or else hazard the Ship. As befell to the Mary Rose ( a goodly vessell ) which in the days of King Hen. 8. being before the Isle of Wight with the rest of rhe Royall Navy , to encounter the French Fleet , with a suddain puff of wind stooped her side , and tooke in water at her Ports in such abundance , as that she instantly sunck downeright and many gallant men in her . The Captaine of her was Sir George Carew Knight , who also perished among the rest . 5. To make her a good Sea-ship , that is to hull and trye well , there are two things specially to be observed , the one that she have a good draught of water , the other that she be not overcharged , which commonly the Kings Ships are , and therefore in them we are forced to lye at trye with our maine Course and Missen , which with a deep keel and standing streake she will performe . 6. The hinderance to stay well is the extreame length of a Ship , especially if she be floaty and want sharpnesse of way forwards , and it is most true , that those over long Ships are fitter for our Seas , then for the Ocean , but one hundred Foot long and five and thirty Foot broad , is a good proportion for a great ship . It is a speciall Observation , that all ships sharpe before , that want a long Floore , will fall roughly into the Sea and take in water over head and Ears . So will all narrow quartered ships sinck after the Tayle . The high charging of ships is it that brings them all ill qualities , makes them extreame Leeward makes them sinck deep into the water , makes them labour and makes them overset . Men may not expect the ease of many Cabbins and safety at once in Sea-Service . Two Decks and a half is sufficient to yield shelter and lodging for men and Marriners and no more charging at all higher , but only one low Cabbin for the Master . But our Marriners will say , that a Ship will beare more charging aloft for Cabbins , and that is true , if none but ordinary Marryners were to serve in them , who are able to endure , and are used to the tumbling and rowling of ships from side to side when the Sea is never so little growne . But men of better sort and better breeding would be glad to find more steadinesse and lesse tottering Cadge worke . And albeit the Marriners doe covet store of Cabbins , yet indeed they are but sluttish Dens that breed sicknesse in peace , serving to cover stealths , and in Fight are dangerous to teare men with their splinters . Of harbouring and placing the Navy . THere are also many and great reasons why all his Majesties Navy should not in such sort be pen'd up as they are in Rochester-water , but only in respect of the ease and commodity of the Officers , which is encountred with sundry Inconveniences for the Sea-service , the dificulty being very great to bring them in or out at times of need through so many Flats and sands , if wind and weather be not very favourable . Besides , they must have sundry winds to bring them to the Lands end , and to put them to the Seas , which oftentimes failes , and causeth delay when hast is most needfull . For if any service be to be done upon the South parts of England , as the Wight , Portsmouth , the Islands of Garnsey and Iersey , or Westward towards Devon-shire or Cornwall , or towards Wales or Ireland , It is so long ere his Majesties shipping can be brought about to recover any of these places , as that much mischiefe may be done the while . For the same winds that bring in the Enemy , binds in our shipping in such sort , as that oftentimes in a months space they are not able to recover the neerest of any of these above named Coasts . But how perillous a course it is , is easily discerned , and as easily remedyed , seeing there are besides so many safe and good harbours to disperse and bestow some of the Navy in , where they may ever lye fit for all services , As Portsmouth ; Dartmouth , Plymouth , Falmouth , Milford and divers others , All of them being harbours very capable and convenient for shipping . But perhaps it will be alleadged , that they cannot ride in any of these so safe from enemies as in Rochester-water , because it reacheth far within the Land , and is under the protection of some Blockhouses . To which I answer this , That with very easie care and provision , they may in most of these places ride sufficiently secure from any forraine practises . And I doe not meane that all the whole Navy should be subdivided into all these Ports , but that some halfe dozen or eight of the midling ships , and some Pynnaces should lye in the West , and yet not in any Port so neere the Sea , as that in a darke night they may be endangered by enemies with fire or otherwise , but in some such places as Ashwater is by Plymouth , where an Enemy must run up a fresh River , a dozen miles after he hath passed the Forts of the Island , and the Alarum given , before he can come where they lye at Anchor . In which River the greatest Charack of Portugall may ride a Float ten miles within the Forts . But if regard be only had of their safe keeping , and not also of their readinesse and fitnesse for service , then let them never be sent abroad to be hazarded against the Enemies forces ; for therein they shall be more subject to casualitie and danger , then by lying in any of these harbours above specified . But certaine it is , that these Ships are purposely to serve his Majesty , and to defend the Kingdom from danger , and not to so be penn'd up from Casualitie , as that they should be the lesse able or serviceable in times of need . And therefore that objection favours not of good reason , but rather of selfe respect in the Officers , who are all for the most part well seated neer about Rochester . But the service of his Majesty , and the safety of the Realme ( in my poore opinion ) ought to prevaile beyond all other respects whatsoever : and to him that casts those needlesse doubts , it may well be said , pereat qui timet umbras . Of the needfull expence in manning the Navy and other inconveniences by placing all the Fleet in Rochester-water . IF the service of the Shipping lying for any of these places above named , or for Spaine , or for the Islands , they are enforced of very necessity to presse the best and greatest part of their men out of the West Countries , which is no small charge in bringing them so far as between that and Rochester , and then when they are imbarqued at Rochester , their charge is againe redoubled in their pay and expence of victualls , before the Ships can recover so farre as Plymouth , which many times is long a doing , for they doe ever usually touch at Plymouth in all Southerne voyages , for the furnishing many Sea-necessaries , which that Country doth afford . And therefore for so many Ships as should be there resident , the Charges of Conduct Money for Marryners , of wages and of victualls , would be well saved for all that time , which is spent betwixt Rochester and Plymouth . Besides , it were to be presumed , that Enemies would not be so troublesome to the Westerne Coasts , nor that Country it self would be so often dismayed with Alarums as they have of late years been , if some of his Majesties good Ships were resident in those parts . If therefore in his Majesties wisdome it should appeare fit , to bestow some of his Shipping in any of these Harbours aforenamed , it shall be very needfull likewise that there be a Magazin of all manner of necessary provisions and Munitions in the same places , according to the proportion of the Shipping that there shall be resident , whereby such defects as by accident may fall out , shall upon any occasion be readily supplyed without delays or hindrance of service : And that withall in the same places , some Officers belonging to the Admiralty be there alwayes attendant , otherwise it would be found very inconvenient to be enforced ever to attend such helps and supplies as must come so far off as London , when it may more easily and with lesse charge be effected in places where they ride . Of great Ordnance . IT was also very behoovefull , that his Majesties Ships were not so overpestred and clogged with great Ordnance as they are , whereof there is such superfluity , as that much of it serves to no better use , but only to labour and overcharge the Ships sides in any growne Seas and foule weather . Besides many of the ships that are allowed but twenty Gunners , have forty piece of brasse pieces , whereas every piece at least requires foure Gunners to attend it , And so that proportion of Ordnance to so few Gunners , very preposterous : For when a Ship seels or roules in foule weather , the breaking loose of Ordnance is a thing very dangerous , which the Gunners can hardly prevent or well looke into , they being so few , the Gunnes so many ; withall we doe see , that twenty or thirty good brasse pieces , as Cannon , Demicannon , Culverin , and Demiculverin , is a Royall Batterie for a Prince to bring before any Towne or strong Fortresse . And why should not we as well thinke the same to be a very large proportion for one Ship to batter another withall ? which if it be , then may his Majesty ratably save a great part of the Ordnance throughout every Ship , and make the Navy the more sufficient and serviceable , and thereby also save a great deale of needlesse expence in superfluous powder and shot , that is now pretended to be delivered out according to this huge and excessive proportion of Artillery , whereof if many had not been stricken downe into Holt in many voyages and ( especially in this last journey to the Islands ) divers of the Ships , weight , Heaft , and Charge thereof , would have foundered in the Sea : wherein I report me to such as have served in them , and saw the proofe thereof . For this journey to the Islands , did most of all others , discover unto us these experiences and tryalls in the Royall Navy , for that it was the longest Navigation that ever was made out of our Realme , with so many of the Princes Ships , and tarrying out so late in the year , whereby both the winds and Seas had power and time throughly to search and examine them . Besides many times , there is no proportion of shot and powder allowed rateably by that quātity of the great Ordnance , as was seen in the Sea-Battaile with the Spaniards in the yeare 88. when it so neerly concerned the defence and preservation of the Kingdome . So as then many of those great Guns wanting powder and shot , stood but as Cyphers and Scarcrowes , not unlike to the Easterling hulkes , who were wont to plant great red Port-holes in their broad sides , where they carryed no Ordnance at all . Of Calking and sheathing his Majesties Ships . THere is a great error committed in the manner of Calking his Majesties Ships , which being done with rotten Ocum , is the cause they are Leaky , and the reason is this , for that they make their Ocum wherewith they Calke the seams of the Ships , of old seere and weather-beaten ropes , when they are overspent and growne so rotten , as they serve for no other use but to make rotten Ocum , which moulders and washes away with every Sea , as the Ships labour and are tossed , whereas indeed of all other things , the most speciall & best choice would be made of that stuffe to have it both new and good , for that sparing to imploy old rotten Ropes , is a great defect either in the building of new Ships , or in the repairing of old , and is the cause why after every journey they must be new Calked . And therefore it were much to be wished , as a thing fit for his Majesties service , profitable for the Navy , and happy for those that shall serve in them , that the whole Navy throughout were all sheathed , as some of them are . The benefit and good whereof for Sea-service is manifold , and no lesse frugall for his Majesty in making his Ships as strong and lasting thereby , as they are otherwise good of sayle . And then shall they never need ( scarcely once in ten years ) this new Calking and repayring which now almost every yeare they have . And hereof let the censure be taken of the best Seamen of England , and they will not vary from this opinion . Of Victualling . AS his Majesties due allowance for Victualling of ships is very large and honourable , and would be greatly to the incouragement and strengthning of the Marriners and Souldiers that serve in them , if it were faithfully distributed , the Sea-service ( indeed ) being very miserable and painfull , So againe as it is abused and purloyned , it is very scant and dishonourable to the great slander of the Navy , to the discouragement of all them that are prest thereunto , and to the hinderance of his Majesties service . For that many times they goe with a great grudging to serve in his Majesties Ships , as if it were to be slaves in the Gallyes . So much doe they stand in feare of penurie and hunger ; The case being cleane contrary in all Merchants ships , and therefore the Purveyors and Victuallers are much to be condemned , as not a little faulty in that behalfe , who make no little profit of those polings which is cause very lamentable , that such as sit in ease at home , should so raise a benefit out of their hunger and thirst , that serve their Prince and Country painfully abroad , whereof there hath a long time been great complaining , but small reformation . Of Beere Caskes . THere is also daily proofe made , what great inconveniences growes by the bad Caske which is used in his Majesties ships being commonly so ill seasoned and Conditioned , as that a great part of the Beere is ever lost and cast away , or ( if for necessity it be used ) it breeds Infection , and Corrupts all those that drinke thereof . For the Victuallers for cheapnesse will buy stale Caske that hath been used for Herring , Traine Oyle , Fish , and other such unsavory things , and thereinto fill the beere that is provided for the Kings Ships . Besides the Caske is commonly so ill hooped , as that there is wast and leaking made of the fourth part of all the drinke were it never so good , which is a great expence to his Majesty , a hinderance of service , and a hazard of mens lives , when the provision failes so much and answers not the Accompt . The which might easily be redressed , if the Caske for his Majesties Shipping , were purposely hooped in such sort as Wine Caske is , or else hooped with Iron , which would ever serve and save that continuall provision of new Caske , which now falls out every voyage . But this course were more profitable for his Majesty then for his Officers , and therefore unpleasing to be spoken of , But yet such as serve in the Ships have good cause to wish the reformation thereof . Of the Cookroomes in his Majesties Ships . ANd whereas now the Cookroomes in all of his Majesties Ships are made below in hold in the wast , the inconveniences thereof are found many wayes by daily use and experience . For first it is a great spoile and annoyance to all the drinke and victualls which are bestowed in the hold , by the heat that comes from the Cookroome . Besides , it is very dangerous for fire , and very offensive with the smoake and unsavory smells which it sends from thence . Moreover it is a great weakening to a ship to have so much weight and charge at both the ends , and nothing in the Mid-Ship , which causeth them to warpe , and ( in the Sea-phrase ; and with Marriners ) is tearmed Camberkeeld : whereas if the Cookroomes were made in the Forecastle ( as very fitly they might be ) all those Inconveniences above specified , would be avoyded , and then also would there be more roome for stowage of victualls , or any other necessary provisions , whereof there is now daily found great want . And the Commoditie of this new Cookroome the Merchants have found to be so great , as that in all their Ships ( for the most part ) the Cookroomes are built in their Fore-Castles , contrary to that which hath been anciently used . In which change notwithstanding , they have found no inconvenience to their dressing of meat in foule weather , but rather a great ease , howbeit their Ships goe as long voyages as any , and are for their burdens aswell mann'd . For if any stormes arise , or the Sea grow so high as that the Kettle cannot Boyle in the Forecastles , yet having with their Beere and Bisket , Butter and Cheese , and with their pickled Herrings , Oyle , Vineger and Onions , or with their red Herrings and dry Sprats , Oyle and Mustard , and other like provisions that needs no fire , these supply and varieties of victualls , will very sufficiently content and nourish men for a time , until the storme be over blowne that kept the Kettle from boyling . Of Mustering and pressing able Marriners . AS concerning the Musters and Presses for sufficient Marriners to serve in his Majesties Ships , either the care therein is very little , or the bribery very great , so that of all other shipping , his Majesties are ever the worst manned , and at such times as the Commissioners Commissions come out for the pressing of Marriners , the Officers doe set out the most needy and unable men , and ( for Considerations to themselves best knowne ) doe discharge the better sort , a matter so commonly used , as that it is growne into a Proverbe amongst the Saylers , That the Mustermasters doe carry the best and ablest men in their Pockets , a Custome very evill and dangerous , where the service and use of men should come in tryall . For many of those poore Fishermen and Idlers , that are cōmonly presented to his Majesties Ships , are so ignorant in Sea-service , as that they know not the name of a Rope , and therefore insufficient for such labour . The which might easily bee redressed ; if the Vice-Admirall of the Shire where men are mustered , and two Justices had directions given , to joyn with the Muster-masters for the pressing of the best men whom they well know , and would not suffer the service of their Prince and Country to be bought and sold , as a private Muster-master would doe . Besides , the Captains themselves of the Ships , if they bee bare and needy ( though pitty it were that men of such condition should have such charge committed unto them ) wil oftentimes for Commodity Chop and change away their good men , and therefore it were fitly provided to bridle such odd Captains , that neither they themselves , nor any of their men , should receive his Majesties pay but by the pole , and according as they were set downe in the Officers books when they were delivered without changing of any names , except to supply such men as are wanting by death or sicknesse , upon good testimonie under the hands of the Master , the Boat swayne , the Master Gunner , the Purser and other Officers of the ship . For it neerly concerns them to looke well thereunto , having daily use of them . Of Arms and Munition . IT were a course very Comfortable , defensive and honourable , that there were for al his Majesties ships a proportion of Swords , Targets of proof , Moryons , and Curatts of proofe , allowed and set downe for every ship according to his burthen , as a thing both Warlike , and used in the King of Spains ships , the want whereof as it is a great discouragement to men if they come to any neere fight or landing , so would the use thereof be a great annoyance and terrifying to the enemy . And herein should his Majesty need to be at no extra-ordinary expence : For the abating of the superfluous great pieces in every Ship , with their allowance for Powder , Match and Shot , would supply the cost of this provision in very ample manner . Of Captains to serve in his Majesties Ships . AT al such times as his Majest . ships are imployed in service , it were very convenient that such Gentlemen as are his Majesties owne sworne servants , should be preferred to the charge of his Majesties Ships , Choice being made of men of valour , and Capacitie ; rather then to imploy other mens men , And that other of his Majesties servants should be dispersed privately in those services to gaine experience , and to make themselves able to take charge . By the which means his Majestie should ever have Gentlemen of good accompt his owne servants , Captains of his owne Ships , instead of pettie Companions and other mens servants , who are often imployed , being ( indeed ) a great indignity to his Majesty , to his shipping and to his owne Gentlemen . For that in times past , it hath been reputed a great grace to any man of the best sort , to have the Charge of the Princes ship cōmitted unto him , and by this means there would ever be true report made unto the Pr. what proceedings are used in the service , which these meaner sort of Captains dare not doe , for feare of displeasing the Lords their Masters , by whom they are preferred , or being of an inferiour quality , have no good accesse to the Presence of the Prince , whereby to have fit opportunity to make relation accordingly . But now forasmuch as I doubt not , but that some contrary spirits may or will object this as a sufficient reason to infirme all those points that I have have formerly spoken of , and say unto me , why should his Majesty and the State bee troubled with this needlesse Charge of keeping and maintaining so great a Navy in such exquisite perfection , and readinesse ? the times being now peaceable , and little use of Armes or Ships of Warre , either at home or abroad , but all safe and secure , aswell by the uniting of the two Nations , as by the peace which we hold with Spaine , and all other Christian Princes . To this I answer , that this ( indeed ) may stand ( at the first sight ) for a prettie superficiall argument to bleare our eys , and lull us asleep in security , and make us negligent and carelesse of those causes from whence the effects of peace grows , and by the vertue whereof it must be maintained . But we must not flatter and deceive our selves , to thinke that this Calme and Concord proceeds either from a setled immutable tranquillity in the world ( which is full of alterations and various humours ) or from the good affections of our late enemies , who have tasted too many disgraces , repulses , and losses , by our forces and shipping , to wish our State so much felicity as a happy and peaceable government , if otherwise they had power to hinder it . And therefore though the sword be put into the Sheath , we must not suffer it there to rust , or stick so fast , as that we shall not be able to draw it readily when need requires . For albeit our enemies have of late years sought peace with us , yet yet hath it proceeded out of the former tryall of our forces in times of war and Enmity . And therefore we may well say of them as Anneus ( Pretor of the Latines ) said of the Roman Ambassadours , who seemed curious and carefull to have the League maintained betweene them ( which the Roman estate was not accustomed to seeke at their neighbours hands ) and thereupon saith this Anneus , unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi ex cognitione virium & nostrarum & suarum . For with the like consideration and respect have our late enemies sought to renew the ancient friendship and peace with us . And well we may be assured , that if those powerfull means whereby we reduced them to that modesty and curtesie as to seeke us , were utterly laid aside and neglected , so as we could not againe upon occasion readily assume the use and benefit of them , as we have done , those proud mastering spirits , finding us at such advantage , would be more ready and willing to shake us by the ears as enemies , then to take us by the hands as friends . And therefore far be it from our hearts to trust more to that friendship of strangers , that is but dissembled upon policy and necessity , then to the strength of our owne forces , which hath been experienced with so happy successe . I confesse that peace is a great blessing of God , and blessed are the Peacemakers , and therefore doubtlesse blessed are those means whereby peace is gained and maintained . For well we know that God worketh all things here amongst us mediatly by a secondary means , The which meanes of our defence and safety being shipping , and Sea-Forces , are to be esteemed as his guifts , and then only availeable and beneficiall , when he withall vouchsafeth his grace to use them aright . FINIS . Sir Walter Rawleigh his Apologie . IF ill successe of this Enterprise of mine had bin without Example , I should have needed a large discourse and many arguments for my Justification , But if the atempts of the greatest Princes of Europe , both among themselves and against the great Turk , are in all moderne Histories left to every eye to peruse . It is not so strange that my selfe being but a private man , and drawing after me the chaines and Fetters whereunto I have been thirteen yeares tyed in the Tower , being unpardoned and in disgrace with my Soveraigne Lord , have by other mens errours failed in the attempt I undertooke . For if that Charles the Fifth returned with unexampled losse , I will not say dishonour , from Algire in Africa : If King Sebastian lost himselfe and his Army in Barbary : If the invincible Fleet and forces of Spaine in Eighty Eight were beaten home by the Lord Charles Howard Admirall of England : If Mr. Strozzi the Count Brizack the Count of Vinnnoso and others , with the Fleet of fifty eight sayle and six thousand Souldiers , encountered with far lesse numbers could not defend the Terceres . Leaving to speake of a world of other attempts furnished by Kings and Princes . If Sir Francis Drake , Sir Iohn Hawkins and Sir Thomas Baskervile men for their experience and valour as Eminent as England had any , strengthned with divers of her Majesties ships , and fild with Souldiers at will , could not possesse themselves of the Treasure they sought for , which in their view was imbarked in certaine Frigotts at Puerto Rico , yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty Negroes upon the Mountains of Vasques Numius , or Sierra de Capira in their passage towards Panania : If Sir Iohn Norris ( though not by any fault of his ) failed in the attempts of Lysbone and returned with the losse , by sicknesse and otherwise , of eight thousand men . What wonder is it , but that mine ( which is the last ) being followed with a company of Voluntiers who for the most part had neither seen the Sea nor the Warres , who , some forty Gentlemen excepted , had we the very scumme of the World : Drunkards , Blasphemers and such others as their Fathers Brothers and freinds thought it an exceeding good gaine to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds , knowing they could not have liv'd a whole yeare so cheape at home : I say what wonder is it , if I have failed , where I could neither be present my selfe , nor had any of the Commanders ( whom I most trusted ) living , or in state to supply my place ? Now , where it was bruted , both before my departure out of England and by the most men beleived , that I meant nothing lesse then to go to Guiana : but that being once at liberty and in mine owne power , having made my way with some Forraigne Prince I would turne Pyratt and utterly forsake my Countrey . My being at Guiana , my returning into England unpardoned , and my not takeing the spoile of the Subj . of any Christian Prince , hath ( I doubt not ) detroyed that Opinion . But this is not all : for it hath been given out by an hypocritticall Theife who was the first Master of my shipp : And by an ungratefull Youth which waited upon me in my Cabbin , though of honourable worthy Parents : and by others : That I carryed with me out of England twenty two thousand peices of twenty two shillings the peice , and thererefore needed not , or cared not to discover any Mine in Guiana , nor make any other attempt elsewhere : Which Report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship , and so spread through all the ships in the Fleet which staid with me at Trenidado while our Land-Forces were in Guiana , had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most miserable fashion ; For it was consulted when I had taken my Barge and gone a shoare ( either to discover or otherwise as I often did ) That my ship should have set saile and left me there , where either I must have suffered Famine , been eaten with wilde beasts , or have fallen into the hands of the Spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the English , which came thither but to trade only , had formerly been . To this Report of Riches , I make this Protestation , That if it can be prooved , either now or hereafter , that I had in the world , either in my keeping or in my power , either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise , above one hundred peices when I departed London , of which I had left forty five peices with my wife , and fifty five I carried with me : I acknowledge my selfe for a Reprobate , a Villaine , a Traitor to the King , and the most unworthy man that doth live , or ever hath liv'd upon the earth . Now where the Captaines that left me in the Indies , and Captaine Baily , that ran away from me at Cancerota , have , to excuse themselves , objected for the first , That I lingered at Plimouth when I might have gone thence , and lost a faire Wind and time of the yeare , or to that effect . It is strange that men of fashion and Gentlemen should so grosly bely their owne knowledge : And that had not I lived nor returnd to have made answer to this Faction , yet all that know us in Plimouth and all that we had to deale withall knew the contrary . For after I had stayed at the Isle of Wight divers daies ; the Thunder , Commanded by Sir Warram St. Leger by the negligence of her Master , was at Lee in the Thames ; and after I arrived at Plimouth , Captaine Pennington was not come then to the Isle of Wight , and being arrived there , and not able to redeeme his Bread from the Bakers , he rode back to LONDON to intreat help from my wife to pay for it , who having not so much money to serve his turne , she wrote to Mr. Wood of Portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds , which shee soone after payd him , without which ( as Pennington himselfe protested to my wife ) he had not bin able to have gone the journey : Sir Iohn Ferne I found there without all hope of being able to proceed , having nor men nor mony ▪ and in great want of other provision , insomuch as I furnished him by my Cozen Herbert with a hundred pounds , having supplied himselfe in Wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to Plimouth : and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest Deane of Exeter Doctor Sutcliffe . Captaine Whitney , whome I also stayed for , had a third part of his victualls to provide , insomuch as having no mony to help him withall I sold my Plate in Plimouth to supply him . Baily I left at the Isle of Wight , whose arrivall I also attended here some ten or twelve daies as I remember , and what should move Baily only to leave me as he did at the Canaries , from whence he might have departed with my love and leave , and at his returne to do me all the wrong he could devise , I cannot conceive ; he seemed to me from the begining not to want any thing , he only desired of me some Ordnance and some iron-bound Caske , and I gave it him ; I never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindnesse to my knowledge : It is true , that I refused him a French Shallop which he tooke in the Bay of Portingall outward bound , and yet after I had bought her of the French , and paid fifty Crownes ready mony for her if Baily had then desired her he might have had her ; But to take any thing from the French , or from any other nation , I meant it not . True it is , that as many things succeeded both against Reason and our best endeavours ; So it is most commonly true , that men are the cause of their owne misery , as I was of mine , when I undertooke my late enterprise without a pardon for all my Company , having heard it avowed in England before they went , that the Commission I had , was granted to a man who was Non Ens in law , so hath the want thereof taken from me both Armes and Actions : Which gives boldnesse to every petty Companion to spread Rumours to my Defamation and the wounding of my Reputation , in all places where I cannot be present to make them Knaves and Lyars . It hath been secondly objected , That I put into Ireland and spent much time there , taking care to Revictuall my selfe and none of the rest . Certainly I had no purpose to see Ireland when I left Plimouth , but being encountered with a strong Storme some eight Leagues to the Westward of Scilly , in which Captaine Chudleyes Pinace was suncke , and Captaine King thrust into Bristoll : I held it the Office of a Commander of many ships , and those of divers Saylings and conditions , of which some could Hull and Trye , and some of them beat it up upon a Tack , and others neither able to doe the one nor the other , rather to take a Port and keep his Fleete together , then either to endanger the losse of Masts and Yardes ; or to have it severed farre asunder , and to be thrust into divers places . For the attendance of meeting them againe at the next Randezvous , would consume more Time and Victuall , and perchance the weake ships might be set upon , taken , or disordered , then could be spent by recovering a Harbour , and attending the next change of wind . That the dissevering of Fleets hath beene the overthrow of many Actions , I could give many Examples , were it not in every mans Knowledge . In the last Enterprize of worth , undertaken by our English Nation with three Squadrons of ships , Commanded by the Earle of Essex , the Earle of Suffolke and my selfe , where was also present the Earle of Southampton , If we being storme-beaten in the Bay of Alcashar or Biscaye had had a Port under our Lee , that we might have kept our Transporting ships with our men of War , we had in all likelihood both taken the Indian Fleet and the Asores . That we staid long in Ireland it is true , but they must accuse the Clouds and not me , for our stay there ; for I lost not a day of a good Wind : and there was not any Captaine of the Fleet but had Credit or might have had for a great deale of more victualls then we spent there , and yet they had of me fifty Beeves among them and somewhat else . For the third Accusation , That I landed in Hostile maner at Lancerota ; Certainly Captaine Baily had greate want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back , for I referr my selfe to Mr. Barney , who I know will ever justifie a truth , to whom ( when he came to me from Captaine Baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest ) I made this answer , that he might land them if it pleased him , or otherwise keepe them aboard , for I had agreed with the Governor for a proportion of victuall which I hourely expected : And it is true , that the Governor being desirous for to speake with me with one Gentleman with him with their Rapiers only , which I accepting , and taking with me Leivetenant Bradshaw , we agreed : that I should send up an English Factor ( whose ship did then ride in the Roade ) and that whatsoever the Island could yeeld should be delivered at a reasonable rate ; I sent the English Factor according to our agreement , but the Governour put it off from one morning to an other , and in the end sent me word , that except I would imbarque my men which lay on the Sea side , Slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our Provisions : I did so , but when the one halfe were gotten aboard two of our Centinells forct , one slaine and the English Factor sent to tell mee that he had nothing for us , whom he still believed to be a Fleet of the Turks , who had lately taken and destroyed Puerto Sancto . Hereupon all the Companies would have marched toward the Towne and have sackt it , but I knew it would not only dislike His Majesty , But that our Merchants having a continuall trade with those Islands , that their Goods would have bin stayed , and amongst the rest , the poor English man riding in the Road having all that he brought thither ashore , would have been utterly undone . Hereof I complained to the Governour of the Grand Canaries , whom I also desired that we might take water without any disturbance , but instead of answer , when we landed some hundred men , far from any habitation , and in a Desart place of the Island , where we found some fresh water , there Ambush was layd , and one Fisher of Sir Iohn Fernes ship wounded to death , and more had been slain had not Captaine Thornburst and Master Robert Hayman my sonnes Lievtenant , two exceeding valiant Gentlemen , who first made head against them , seconded by Sir Warham Sentleger and my Sonne with halfe a dozen more , made forty of them runne away . From hence because there was scarcity of water , we sayled to Gomarrah , one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the Islands and the best Port : The Towne being seated upon the very Wash of the Sea , at the first entrance of our ships , they shot at us , and ours at them , but as soone as I my selfe recovered the Harbour , and had commanded that there should be no more shooting , I sent a Spaniard a shore ( taken in a Barque which came from Cape Blanke ) to tell the Governour that I had no purpose to make warr with any of the Spanish Kings Subjects , and if any harme were done by our great Ordnance to the Towne , it was his fault , which by shooting first gave the occasion . He sent me for answer that he thought we had beene the Turkish Fleet , which destroyed Puerto Sancto , but being resolved by the Messenger that we were Christians and English , and sought nothing but water , he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take , if he might be assured that we would not attempt his Towne-Houses , nor destroy the Gardens and fruits ; I returned him answer that I would give him my Faith , and the word of the King of Great Brittaigne my Soveraigne Lord , that the People of the Town and Island should not loose so much as one Orange or a Grape without paying for it , I would hang him up in the Market-street . Now that I kept my Faith with him , and how much he held himselfe bound unto me : I have divers of his Letters to shew , for he wrote unto me every day And the Countesse being of an english Race a Stafford by Mother , and of the house of Horn by the Father , sent me divers presents of fruits , Sugar , and Ruske : to whom I returned because I would not depart in her debt ) things of greater value ; The old Earle at my departure wrot a Letter to the Spanish Ambassador here in England how I had behaved my selfe in those Islands . There I discharg'd a Barke of the grand Canaries taken by one of my Pinnaces coming from Cape-Blank in Africa , and demanding of him what prejudice he had recieved by being taken , he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of sixe Duckets , for which I gave him eight . From the Canaries , it is said That I sayled to Cape de Verte knowing it to be an infectious place , by reason whereof I lost so many of my men ere I recovered the Indies ; The truth is that I came no nerer to Cape de Vert then Bravo , which is one hundred and sixty Leagues off ; But had I taken it in my way , falling upon the Coast or any other part of Guiana , after the Raines , there is as little danger of infection as in any other part of the World , as our English that trade in those parts every yeare doe well know ; There are few places in England or in the world neere great Rivers which run through low grounds or neare Moorish or Marsh grounds , but the People inhabiting neare , are at some time of the yeare subject to Feavers , witnes Woollwich in Kent and all down the Rivers on both sides , other Infection there is not found either in the Indies or in Affrica , Except it be when the Easterly wind or Breefes are kept off by some High Mountaines from the Vallies , wherby the ayre wanting motion doth become exceeding unhealthfull as at Nomber de Dios and elsewhere . But as good successe admitts no Examination , so the contrary allows of no excuse , how reasonable or just soever . Sir Francis Drake , Mr. Iohn Winter and Iohn Tomas , when they past the Streights of Malegan , meeting with a storme which drove Winter back , which thrust Iohn Thomas upon the Islands to the South where he was cast away , and Sir Francis nere a small Island upon which the Spaniards landed their cheins & murderers , from Baldivia , and he found there Phillip an Indian who told him where he was and conducted him to Baldivia , wher he took his first prize of Treasure , and in that ship he found a Pylot called John Grege who guided him all that Coast , in which he possest himselfe of the rest , which Pylot because he should not rob him of his Reputation and knowledge in those parts ( desisting the intreaties and teares of all his Company ) he set him a shore upon the Island of Altegulors to be by them devoured . After which passing by the East-Indies , he returned into England , and notwithstanding the peace between Us and Spaine , he enjoyed the Riches he brought , and was never so much as called to accompt for cutting off Douly his head at Porte St. Iulian having neither Marshall Law nor other Commission availeable . Mr. Candish having past all the Coasts of Chyle and Peru , and not gotten a farthing , when he was without hope , and ready to shape his course by the East homewards , met a ship which came from the Phillippines at Calestorvia , a thousand pounds to a Nutshell . These two in these two Voyages were the Children of Fortune , and much honored ; But when Sir Francis Drake in his last attempt might have landed at Cruces , by the river of Chyagre within eight miles of Panama , he notwithstanding set the Troups on land at Nomber de Dios and received the repulse aforesaid , he dyed for sorrow . The same successe had Candish in his last Passage towards the Streights . I say that one and the same end they both had , to wit Drake and Candish , when Chance had left them to the tryall of their owne Vertues . For the rest I leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge , by what neglect or errour of mine , the Gold Mine in Guiana which I had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed , for after we had refreshed our selves in Galleana , otherwise in the first discovery called Poet Howard , where we tarried Captaine Hastins , Captaine Pigott , and Captaine Snedall , and there recovered the most part of our sicke men . I did Imbarque sixe Companies of fifty to each Company in five shipps , to wit , the Encounter , Commanded by Captaine Whitney , in the Confidence by Captaine Woollastone , into two Flyboats of my owne , Commanded by Captaine Samuell King , and Captaine Robert Smith , In a Carvill which Companies had for their Leaders Captaine Charles Parker , Captaine North , My Sonne , Captaine Thornhurst , Captaine Penjuglous Lievtenant , and Captaine Chudlyes Lievtenant Prideux . At the Tryangle Islands I imbarked the companies for Orrenoque between which and Calliana I lay a ground twenty four houres , and if it had not been faire weather we had never come off the Coast , having not above two Fathome and a halfe of water : Eight Leagues off from whence , I directed them for the River of Surniama , the best part of all that Tract of land between the river Amazones and Orrenoque , there I gave them order to trim their Boates and Barges ; and by the Indians of that place to understand the state of the Spaniards in Orrenoque , and whither they had replanted or strengthened themselves upon the entrances or elsewhere ; and if they found any Indians there , to send in the little flyboate or the Carvill into the river of Dissebecke , where they should not faile to find Pilots for Orrenoque , for with our great ships we durst not aproach the Coast we having been all of us a ground , and in danger of leaving our Bands upon the shoules before wee recovered the Tryangle Islands as aforesaid ; The Biggest Shipp that could Enter the River was the Encounter , who might be brought to eleven foote water upon the Bar , we could never understand neither by Keymis , who was the first of any Nation that had entered the maine mouth of Orrenoque nor by any of the Masters or Marriners of our Fleet , which had traded there ten or twelve yeares for Tobaccho : For the Chudley when she came nere the Entrance , drawing but twelve foote , found her selfe in danger and bore up for Trinidado . Now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why I my selfe had not gone up with the Companies I sent , I desire hereby to give them satisfaction , that besides my want of health and strength , and having not recovered my long and dangerous sicknesse , but was againe fallen into a Relapse , my ship Stoalde and layd a ground at seaventeene foote water , 7 Leagues of the shore , so as the Mr. nor any of my company durst adventure to come neare it , much lesse to fall between the shoules on the south side of the Rivers side , and sands on the North side called Puncto Anegado , one of the most dangerous places in all the Indies : It was therefore resolved by us all , that the five greater ships should ride at Puncto Gallo in Trinidado , and the five lesser should enter the River , For if Whitney and Woollaston at eleven foote lay a ground three daies in passing up , in what case had I been which drew seaventeene foote , a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of Ordnance , besides this impossibility , neither would my Sonn nor the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen have adventured themselves the River ( having but one moneths Victualls and being thrust together a hundred of them in a smale Flyboate ) had not I assured them that I would stay for them at Trinidado , and that no Force should drive me thence , except I were suncke in the Sea or set on Fire by the Spanish Gallions , for that they would have adventured themselves upon any other mans word or resolution , it were ridiculous to beleive . Having in this sort resolved upon our enterprise , and having given instructions , how they should proceede before and after their entrance into Orrenoque , Keymis having undertaken to discover the Myne with six or eight persons in Sir Iohn Fernes Shallop , I better bethinking my selfe and misliking his determination gave him this order , viz. Keymis , whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into Orrenoque to passe to the Myne with my Cousen Harbert and six musketteers , and to that end you desired to have Sir Iohn Fernes shallop , I doe not allow of that course , because you cannot Land so secretly but that some Indians on the River side may discover you , who giving knowledge of your passage to the Spaniards you may be cut off before you can recover your Boate , I doe therefore advise you to suffer the Captaines and the Companies of the English ●o passe up to the Westwards of the mountaine Aio , from whence you have no lesse then three miles to the Myne , and to lodge and encampe between the Spanish Towne and you , if there be any Town neer it , that being so secured you may make tryall what depth and bredth the Myne holds , and whether or no it answer our hopes . And if you find it Royall , and the Spaniards begin to Warre upon you , then let the Serjeant Major repell them if it be in his power , and drive them as far as he can . But if you find that the Myne be not so rich as it may perswade the holding of it , and draw on a second supply , then shall you bring but a basket or two to satisfy his Majesty , that my designe was not Imaginatory but true , though not answerable to his Majesties expectation , for the quantity of which I never gave assurance , nor could . On the other side , if you shall find that any great number of Souldiers be newly sent into Orrenoque , as the Cassique of Caliana told us that there were , and that the Passages be already Forc'd so that without manifest Perill of my sonne , your selfe , and other Captaines , you cannot passe toward the Myne , then be well advised how you land , for I know ( that a few Gentlemen excepted ) what a Scumme of men you have , and I would not for all the world receive a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of our Nation ; I my selfe for my weaknes cannot be present , neither will the Company land , except I stay with the ships , the Gallioones of Spaine being daily expected . Pigott the Sergeant-Major is dead . Sir Warrham my Leiftenant , without hope of life , and my Nephew your Sergeant-Major now but a young man : It is therefore no your judgement that I Rely whom I trust God will direct for the best . Let me heare from you as soone as you can , you shall find me at Puncto Gallo dead or alive , and if you finde not my ships there , yet you shall find their Ashes ; For I will fire with the Gallioones if it come to extreamity , But runne away I will never . That these my Instructions were not followed , was not my fault , But it seemes that the Sergeant-Major , Keymis and the rest were by accident forced to change their first resolution , and that finding a Spanish towne or rather a village , set up twenty mile distant from the place where Antonio Berro the first Governour by me taken in my first discovery who had attépted to plant to meet some two Leagues to the Westward of the Mine : They agreed to land and encamp between the Myne and the Towne , which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was , and meaning to rest themselves on the Rivers side till the next day , they were in the night set upon and charged by the Spaniards , which being unlooked for , the Common sort of them were so amazed , as had not the Captaines and some other valiant Gentlemen made a Head and encouraged the rest , they had all been broken and cut in pieces . To repell this force putting themselves in order , they charged the Spaniards , and following them upon their retreat they were ready to enter the Town , ere they knew where they were , and being then charged againe by the Governour , and foure or five Captaines which lead their Companies ; May Sonne not tarrying for my Musketiers run up in the head of a company of Pikes , where he was first shot , and pressing upon a Spanish Captaine called Erinetta with his sword ; Erinetta taking the small end of his Musket in his hand strucke him on the head with the stock and feld him , whom againe Iohn Plesington , my Sonnes Serjeant , thrust through with his Halbert , at which time also the Governour Diego Palmeque and the rest of the Spanish Captaines being slaine , and their Companies divided , they betooke themselves into a house , or hold adjoyning to the market place , where they slew and wounded the English at their pleasure , so as we had no way to save our selves ; but by firing those houses adjoyning , which done all the Spaniards ran into the bordering Woods , and Hills , keeping the English still waking with perpetuall Alarums . The town such as it was being in this sort possest . Keymis prepared to discover the Myne , which at this time he was resolved to doe , as appeareth by his Letter to me of his owne hand writing hereafter inserted ; he tooke with him Captaine Thornhurst , Master William Herbert , Sir Iohn Hambden , and others , but at his first approach neer the banke where he meant to Land , he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his Company , hurt six others , and wounded Captaine Thornhurst in the head , of the which he languished three months after . Keymis his LETTER Dated the eight of Ianuary from Orrenoque . ALL things that appertaine to humane condition in that proper nature and sence , that of fate and necessity belongeth unto them , maketh me choose rather with griefe to let you know from me this certaine truth then uncertainties from others ; which is , viz. That had not this extraordinary valour and forwardnesse , which with the constant vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath expressed these words . ( Lord have mercy upon me and prosper your enterprise ) leade them all on , when some began to pause and recoyle shamefully : this action had neither been attempted as it was , nor performed as it is with his surviving honour . This Indian Pilot whom I have sent , if there be occasion to use his service in any thing will prove sufficient and trusty : Peter Andrewes whom I have sent with him can better certify your Lordship of the state of the towne , the plenty , the condition of our men , &c. then I can write the same . We have the Governours servant Prisoner that waited on him in his Bed-chamber , and knows all things that concerned his Master . We find there are foure Refiners Houses in the towne ; the best Houses of the towne . I have not seen one piece of Coyne , or Bullyon , neither Gold or Silver ; a small deale of Plate only excepted . Captain Whitney and Woollastone are but now come to us , and now I purpose ( God willing ) without delay to visit the Myne , which is not eight miles from the towne , sooner I could not goe by reason of the murmurings , the discords and vexations , wherewith the Serjeant Major is perpetually tormented and tyred , having no man to assist him but my selfe only , things are now in some reasonable order , and so soone as I have made tryall of the Myne , I will seeke to come to your Lordship , by the way of the River . To goe and to search the Channels ( that if it be possible ) our Ships may shorten their course for Trinidado , when time serves , by those passages ; I have sent your Lordship a parcell of scattered papers . ( I reserve a Carte Loade ) one roule of Tobacco , one Tortoyse , and some Oranges and Limmons , praying God to give you strength and health of body , and a mind armed against all extreamities . I rest ever to be commanded this 8. of January , 1617. Your Lordships KEYMIS . Now it seemes that the death of my Son , fearing also ( as he told me when he came to Trinidado ) that I was either dead of my first sicknesse , or that the news of my Sonnes death would have hastened my end , made him resolve not to open the Myne , to the which he added for excuse , and I thinke it was true , that the Spaniards being gone off in a whole body , lay in the Woods betweene the Myne and their passage , that it was impossible , except they had bin beaten out of the Country , to passe up the Woody and Craggy Hills without the losse of those Commanders which should have lead them , who had they been slaine , the rest , would easily enough have bin cut in pieces in their retreate ; for being in possession of the towne , which they guarded with the greatest part of three Companies , they had yet their handfull to defend themselves from fireing , and the daily and nightly Alarums , wherewith they were vexed . He also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any Companies at the Myne , for want of Victuall , which from the towne they were not able to carry up the mountaine their Companies being divided ; He therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the Spaniards , themselves neither being able to worke it , nor possesse it then to excuse himselfe to the Company , said that he could not find it ; all which his fancies when I received , and before divers of the Gentlemen disavowed his ignorance , for I told him That a blind man might find it , by the marks which himself had set down under his hand , and that I told him that his care of loosing so many men in passing through the Woods , was but fained , for after my Sonne was slaine , I knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving , and therefore had he brought to the King but one hundred weight of the oare though with the losse of one hundred men , He had given his Majesty satisfaction , preserved my reputation , and given our Nation encouragement to have returned this next yeare , with greater force and to have held the Country for his Majesty to whom it belonged , and of which himselfe had given the testimony , that besides the excellent ayre , pleasantnesse , healthfulnesse , and riches : it hath plenty of Corne , Fruits , Fish , Fowle , wild and tame , Beeves , Horses , Sheepe , Hogs , Deeres , Coneys , Hares , Tortoyses , Armadiles , Wanaes , Oyles , Hony , Wax , Potatoes , Suger Canes , Medicaments , Balsamum , Simples , Gums , and what not ; but seeing he had followed his owne advice , and not mine , I should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his Majesty , and the State , I should be glad of it , though for my part he must excuse me to justify it , that he , if it had pleased him , though with some losse of men might have gone d●●ectly to the place : with that he seemed greatly discontent , and so he continued divers dayes ; afterward he came to me in my Cabbin , and shewed me a Letter which he had written to the Earl of Arundell , to whom he excused himself , for not discovering of the Myne : using the same arguments , and many others which he had done before , and prayed me to allow of his Apology ; but I told him that he had undone me by his obstinacy , and that I would not favour or collour in any sort his former folly . He then asked me , whether that were my resolution , I answered , that it was : he then replyed in these words , I know not then Sir what course to take ; and went out of my Cabbin into his own , in which he was no sooner entred , but I heard a Pistoll goe off . I sent up ( not suspecting any such thing as the killing of himselfe ) to know who shot a Pistoll , Keymis himself made answer lying on his Bed , that he had shot it off , because it had been long charged , with which I was satisfied ; some half houre after this , the Boy going into his Cabbin , found him dead , having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart , and his Pistoll lying by him , with which it appeared that he had shot himselfe , but the Bullet lighting upon a rib , had but broken the rib and went no further . Now he that knew Keymis , did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution , and a man so far from caring to please or satisfie any man but my selfe , as no mans opinion from the greatest to the least could have perswaded him to have laid violent hands on himselfe , neither would he have done it , when he did it , could he have said unto me , that he was ignorant of the Place , and knew no such Myne ; for what cause had I then to to have rejected his excuses , or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge ; thus much I have added , because there are some Puppies which have given it out , that Keymis slew himselfe because he had seduced so many Gentlemen and others with an imaginary Myne ; but as his Letter to me the 8. of Ianuary proves that he was then resolved to open it , and to take off all these kinds of objections ; Let Captaine Charls Parker , Captaine George Ralegh and Captaine King all living and in England ; be put to their oaths whether or no Keymis did not confesse to them comming down the River , at a place where they cast anker , that he could from that place have gone to the Myne in two hours , I say then that if the opening of the Myne had bin at that time to any purpose ; or had they had had any victualls left then , to bring them away , or had they not been hastned by seeing the King of Spaines Letters before they came to my hands , which I am assured Keymis had seene who delivered them to me , whereof one of them was dated at Madrill the 17 of March before I left the River of Thames , and with it , three other dispatches with a Commission for the strengthning of Orrenoque with 150 Souldiers , which should have come downe the River from the new Kingdome of Granada ; and one other 150 from Puerto Rico with ten pieces of Ordnance which should have come up the River from the entrance , by which two Troupes they might have bin inclosed , I say had not the rest seene those dispatches ; and that having stayed in the River above two months , they feared the hourely arrivall of those forces , why had they not constrained Keymis to have brought them to the Myne , being as himselfe confesses within two houres march . Againe , had the Companies Commanders but pincht the Governours man whom they had in their possession , he could have told them of two or three Gold Mynes and a Silver Myne not above foure miles from the Towne , and given them the names of their possessors ; with the reason why they forbare to worke them at that time , and when they left off from working them , which they did aswell because they wanted Negroes , as because they feared least the English , French , or Dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened , having not sufficient strength to defend themselves ; But to this , I have heard it said since my returne , that the Governours man was by me perswaded , being in my power , to say that such Mynes there were , when indeed there was no such thing , Certainly they were but silly fooles , that discovered this subtilty of Mine , who having not yet by the long Calenture that weakened me , lost all my wits which I must have done , if I had left my reputation in trust with a Malato , who for a pot or two of Wine , for a dozen of Hatchets , or a gay suite of apparell would have confessed , that I had taught him to speake of Mynes , that were not in Rerum natura , No I protest before the Majesty of God , that without any other agreements or promises of mine , then well usage , he hath discovered to me , the way to five or sixe of the richest Mynes which the Spaniards have , and from whence , all the Masse of Gold that comes into Spaine in effect is drawne . Lastly , when the Ships were come downe the River as farre as Carapana's Country ( who was one of the naturall Lords ) and one that reserved that part of Guiana to her Maje . hearing that the English had abandoned St. Thome , and left no force in the Country , which he hoped they would have done , hee sent a great Canooe with store of fruits and Provisions to the Captains , and by one of his men which spake Spanish , having as it seemed bin long in their hands ; hee offered them a rich Gold Myne in his own Country , knowing it to be the best argument to perswade their stay , and if it please them to send up any one of the English to view it , he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe returne . Master Leake , Master Moleneux and others offering themselves , which when the greater part refused ( I know nor by what reason lead ) he sent againe , leaving one of his men still aboard to entreate them to carry but two dayes , and he himselfe would come to them , and bring them a sample of the oare : for he was an exceeding old man , when I was first in the Country some twenty foure yeares since , which being also neglected , and the Ships under saile ; he notwithstanding sent a Boat after them to the very mouth of the River in hope to perswade them : that this is true , witnesse Captaine Parker , Captaine Leake , Master Stresham , Master Maudict , Master Moleneux , Master Robert Hamon , Master Nicholes , Captaine King , Peter Andrews , and I know not how many others ; but besides his offer also , there hath not been wanting an argument though a foolish one ; which was that the Spaniards , had employed the Indians with a purpose to betray our men , but this treason had been easily prevented , if they had stayed the old mans comming ; who would have brought them the Gold oare aboarde their Ships , and what purpose could there be of treason when the Guianians offered to leave pledges six for one , yea one of the Indians which the English had aboarde them , whom they found in fetters when they tooke the towne of St. Thome could have told them , that the Cassique which sent unto them to shew them the Gold Myne in his Country , was unconquered ; and are enemies to the Spaniard , and could also have assured them , that this Cassique had Gold Mynes in his Country . I say then , that if they would neither force Keymis to goe to the Myne , when he was by his owne confession , within two houres march of it ; to examine from whence these two Ingots of Gold which they brought me , were taken , which they found laid by for Kings quinto or fifth part ; or those small pieces of Silver , which had the same marks and stamps ; if they refused to send any one of the Fleete into the Country to see the Mynes which the Cassique Carapana offered them ; if they would not vouchsafe to stay two days for the comming of Carapana himselfe , who would have brought them a sample of the Gold oare , I say , that , there is no reason to lay it to my charge , that I carryed them with a pretence of Gold , when neither Keymis nor my selfe knew of any in those parts : if it had bin to have gotten my liberty , why did I not keep my liberty when I had it , Nay why did I put my life in manifest peril to forgo it ? if I had had a purpose to have turned Pyrate , why did I oppose my self against the greatest number of my Company , and was there by in danger to be slaine or cast into the Sea because I refused it ? A strange fancy had it been in me to have perswaded my Sonne whom I have lost , and to have perswaded my Wife to have adventured the 8000.l . which his Majesty gave them for Sherbone , and when that was spent , to perswade my Wife to sell her house at Micham , in hope of inriching them by the Mynes of Guiana ; if I my self had not seene them with my owne eyes ; for being old and weakely , thirty years in prison , and not used to the ayre to travell and to watching , it being ten to one that I should ever have returned , and to which by reason of my violent sicknesse , and the long continuance thereof , no man had any hope , what madnesse could have made me undertake this journey but the assurance of the Myne , thereby to have done his Majestie service , to have bettered my Country by rhe trade , and to have restored my Wife and Children their Srates ; they had lost for that , I have refused all other ways or means , for ●hat I had a purpose to have changed my Master , and my Country , my returne in the state I did returne may satisfie every honest and indifferent man. An unfortunate man I am , and it is to me a greater losse then all I have lost , that it pleaseth his Majestie to be offended for the burning of a Spanish towne in Guiana ; of which these parts bordering the River Orrenoque , and to the South as farre as the Amazones doth by the Law of Narions belong to the Crowne of England , as his Majestie was well resolved when I prepared to goe thither , otherwise his Majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there ; for I set it downe under my hand that I intended that enterprise and nothing else , and that I meant to enter the Country by the River of Orrenoque ; It was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the State here nor the Spanish Ambassadour who knew it aswell as I , that I pretended the journy of Guiana which he alwaies held to be a pretence ; for he said it to Master Secretary Windode and to others of my Lords ; that if I meant to sayle to Guiana , and had no intent to invade any part of his Majesties West Indies nor his Fleets , I should not need to strengthen my selfe as I did , for I should worke any Myne there , without any disturbance and in peace , to which I made answer , that I had set it under my hand to his Majest . that I had no other purpose , nor meant to undertake any thing else ; but for the rest , that Sir Iohn Haukins in his journey , to St. Iohn de Loa , notwithstanding that he had leave of the Spanish King to trade in all parts of the West Indies , and having the Plate Fleete in his power , did not take out of it one ounce of Silver , but kept his faith and promise in all places , was set upon by Don Henrico de Martines whom he suffered ( to save him from perishing ) to enter the Porte ; upon Martins faith , and enterchanged pledges delivered , he had Iesus of Lubeck a Ship of her Majesties of a 1000 tun burnt ; had his men slain which hee left on the Land ; lost his Ordnance , and all the treasure which he had got by Trade ; what reason had I to goe unarmed upon the Ambassadours promises , whose words and thoughts that they were one , it hath wel appeared since then , aswell by the forces which he perswaded his Master to send to Guiana to encounter me , and cut me off there ; as by his persecuting of me since my returne ; who have neither invaded his Masters Indies , nor his Fleet , whereof he stood in doubt . True it is , that the Spaniards cannot endure that the English Nation should looke upon any part of America , being above a fourth part of the whole knowne world ; and the hundred part neither possessed by the Spaniards , nor to them knowne , as Acosta the Jesuit in his description of the West Indies doth confesse , and well know to be true : No though the King of Spaine can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered , then the Popes donation ; for from the straits of Megellan to the river of Plate , being a greater territory then al that the Spaniards possesse in Peru or Chile , and from Cape St. Augustines to Trinidado being a greater extent of Land then all which he possesses in Nova Spaine , or elsewhere , they have not one foote of ground in their possession , neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their owne knowledge . In Orrenoque they have lately set up a Wooden Towne , and made a kind of a Forte , but they have never been able either to Conquer the Guianians ; nor to reconcile them , but the Guianians before their planting , they did willingly resigne all that territory to her Majesty , who by me promised to receive them , and defend them against the Spaniards ; and though I were a Prisoner for this last fourteene years , yet I was at the charge every yeare , or every second yeare , to send unto them to keepe them in hope of being relieved . And as I have said before the greatest of the naturall Lords , did offer us a rich Myne of Gold in his owne Country in hope to hold us there ; And if this usurped possession of the Spaniards be a sufficient bar to his Majesties right ; and that thereby the King of Spaine calls himselfe King of Guiana , why might he not aswell call himselfe Duke of Brittaine , because hee tooke possession of Blewett , and built a Forte there ; and calls himselfe King of Ireland ; because he tooke possession at Smerike and built a Forte there . If the Ambassadour had protested to his Majesty that my going to Guiana before I went would be a breach to the peace , I am perswaded that his Majesty if he had not bin resolved that Guiana had been his would have stayed me , but if it be not thought to be a breach of Peace not for the going thither ( for that cannot be ) because I had no other intent , and went with leave ; but for taking and burning of a Spanish towne in the Country , certainly , if the Country be the King of Spains , it had been no lesse a breach of Peace to have wrought any Myne of his , and to have rob'd him of his Gold ; then it is now cald'd a breach of peace to take a towne of his in Guiana and burne it , and with as good reason might I have bin called a thiefe and a robber of the King of Spaine , if the Country be not his Majesties , as I am now pursued for the Invasion ; for either the Country is the King of Spains or not the Kings ; if it be the Kings , I have not then offended ; if it be not the Kings , I must have perished , if I had but taken Gold out of the Mynes there , though I had found no Spaniards in the Country . For conclusion , if we had had any peace with the Spaniards in those parts of the world ; why did even those Spaniards , which were now encountered in Guiana , tye six and thirty English men out of Master Walls Ship of London and mine back to back , and cut their throats , after they had traded with them a whole month , and came to them a shore ; having not so much as a sword , or any other weapon , among them all , and if the Spaniards to our complaints made answer , that there was nothing in the treate against our trading in the Indies , but that we might trade at our perill ; I trust in God that the word perill shall ever be construed to be indifferent to both Nations ; otherwise we must for ever abandon the Indies , and loose all our knowledge , and our Pylotage of that part of the world : if we have no other peace then this ; how can there be a breach of peace , which e're the Spaniards will all Nations , and all Nations with them may trade upon their guard ? The readiest way that the Spaniards Ambassadour could have taken , to have stayed me from going to Guiana ; had bin to have discovered the great practises which I had with his Master against the King my Soveraigne Lord in the first yeare of his Majesties Reigne of Great Brittaine , for which I lost my estate and lay thirteene years in the Tower of London , and not to urge my offences in Guiana ; to which his Master hath no title other then his sword , is with which to this day , he hath not conquered the least of these Nations , and against whom contrary to the Catholick profession , his Captains have entertained , and doe entertaine whole Nations of Canniballs ; for in a Letter of the Governours to the King of Spaine of the eighth of Iuly : he not only complaineth that the Guianians are in Armes against him , but that ever those Indians which under their noses live , doe in despight of all the Kings edicts trade with Los Flamnicos & Engleses , enemicos , With the Flemish , and English enemies , never once naming the English Nations but with the Epitheton of an enemy . But in truth the Spanish Ambassadour hath complained against me to no other end , then to prevent my complaints against the Spaniards . Who landing my men in a territory appertaining to the Crowne of England ; they were invaded and slaine before any violence offered to the Spaniards ; and I hope that the Ambassadour doth not esteeme us for so wretched and miserable a people , as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance ; howsoever , I have said it already , and I will say it againe ; that if Guiana be not his Majesties , the working of a Myne there ; and the taking of a towne there ; had been equally perillous , for by doing the one , I had rob'd the King of Spaine and bin a thiefe ; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace . A Letter of Sir WALTER RAWLEIGH to my Lord Carevv touching Guiana . BEcause I know not whether I shall live , to come before the Lords , I have for his Majesties satisfaction here set downe as much as I can say , either for mine owne defence , or against my selfe , as things are now construed . It is true , that though I acquainted his Majesty with my intent to Land in Guiana , yet I never made it knowne to his Majesty that the Spaniards had any footing there ; neither had I any authority by Patent , to remove them from thence , and therefore his Majesty had no interest in the attempt of Saint Thome by any foreknowledge in his Majesty . But knowing his Majesties title to the Country to be best , and most Christian , because the naturall Lords did most willingly acknowledge Queene Elizabeth to be their Soveraigne , who by me promised to defend them from the Spanish cruelty , I made no doubt but I might enter the Land by force , seeing the Spaniards had no other title but force , ( the Popes donation excepted ) considering also that they had got a possession there divers yeares since my possession for the Crowne of England , for were not Guiana his Majesties , then might I aswell have bin questioned for a thiefe , for taking the Gold out of the King of Spains Mynes , as the Spaniards doe now call me a peace breaker ; for , from any territory that belongs to the King of Spaine , it is no more lawfull to take Gold , then lawfull for the Spaniards to take Tinne out of Cornewall , were this possession of theirs a sufficient Bar to his Majesties Right , the Kings of Spain may as well call themselves Dukes of Brittaine , because they held Blewet , and fortified there ; and Kings of Ireland because they possessed Smereck and fortified there , and so in other places . That his Majesty was well resolved of his right there , I make no kind of doubt , because the English both under Master Charls Leigh and Master Harecourt had leave to plant and inhabite the Country . The Orrenoque it selfe , had long ere this had 5000. English in it , I assure my selfe , had not my employment at Cales , the next yeare after my returne from Guiana , and after that our journy to the Islands hindered me , for those two years after with Tirones Rebellion , made her Majesty unwilling that any great number of Ships or men should be taken out of England , till that rebellion were ended , and lastly , her Majesties death , my long imprisonment gave time to the Spaniards to set up a towne of sticks covered with leaves of trees upon the banke of Orronoque , which they call St. Thome , but they have neither reconciled nor Conquered any of the Cassiques or naturall Lords of the Country , which Cassiques are still in armes against them , as by the Governours Letter to the King of Spaine , may appeare : That by landing in Guiana there can be any breach of peace , I thinke it ( under favour ) impossible , for to breake peace where there is no peace , it cannot be ; that the Spaniards give us no peace there , it doth appeare by the Kings Letters to the Governour , that they should put to death all those Spaniards and Indians that trade , Con los Engleses Enemigos with English enemies : yea those very Spaniards which we encountred at St. Thome , did of late years murther six and thirty of Master Hales men of London , and mine , who landed without weapon , upon the Spaniards faith to trade with them , Master Thorne also in Tower-street in London besides many other English were in like sort murthered in Orrenoque , the yeare before my deliverie out of the Tower. Now if this kind of trade be peaceable , there is then a peaceable trade in the Indies , betweene us and the Spaniards , but if this be cruell Warre and hatred , and no peace , then there is no peace broken by our attempt ; Againe , how doth it stand with the greatnesse of the King of Spaine , first to call us enemies , when he did hope to cut us in pieces , and then having failed , to call us peace breakers : for to be an enemy and a peace breaker in one and the same action is impossible . But the King of Spaine in his Letters to the Governour of Guiana , dated at Madrill the 29 of March , before we left the Thames , calls us Engleses enemigos , English enemies . If it had pleased the King of Spaine to have written to his Majest . in seaven months time , for we were so long in preparing , and have made his Majesty know , that our landing in Guiana would draw after it a breach of peace , I presume to thinke , that his Majesty would have staied our enterprise for the present . This he might have done with lesse charge , then to leavy three hundred souldiers and transport ten pieces of Ordnance from Portarico , which souldiers added to the Garrison of St. Thome : had they arrived before our comming , had overthrowne all our raw companies , and there would have followed no complaints . For the maine point of landing neer St. Thome , it is true , that we were of opinion , that we must have driven the Spaniards out of the towne , before we could passe the thick woods upon the mountaines of the Myne , which I confesse I did first resolve upon , but better bethinking my selfe , I reserved the taking of the towne , to the goodnesse of the Myne , which if they found to be so rich , as it might perswade the leaving of the Garrison , then to drive the Spaniards thence , but to have burnt was never my intent , neither could they give me any reason why they did it , upon their returne I examined the Serjeant-Major and Keymis why they followed not my last directions for the triall of the Myne before the taking of the towne , and they answered me , that although they durst hardly , goe to the Myne leaving a Garrison of Spaniards , between them and their Boats , yet they offended their latter directions , and did Land , betweene the towne and the Myne . And that the Spaniards without any manner of parley set upon them unawares , and charged them , calling them Perros Ingleses , & by Skirmishing with them , they drew them on to the very entrance of the town before they knew where they were , so that if any peace had bin in those parts , the Spaniards first brake the peace , and made the first slaughter , for as the English could not but Land to seeke the Myne , being come thither to that end , so being first reviled , and charged by the Spaniards , they could doe no lesse then repell force by force , lastly it is a matter of no small consequence to acknowledge that wee have offended the King of Spaine by landing in Guiana . For first it weakens his Majesties title to the Country or quits it ; Secondly , there is no King that hath ever given the least way to any other King or State in the traffick of the lives or goods of his Subjects , to wit in our case , that it shall be lawfull for the Spaniards to murther us , either by force or treason , and unlawfull for us to defend our selves and pay them with their owne Coyne , for this superiority and inferiority is a thing which no absolute Monarch ever yeilded to , or ever will. Thirdly , it shews the English bears greater respect to the Spaniard , and is more doubtfull of his forces , then either the French or Dutch is , who daily invade all parts of the Indies with not being questioned at their returne , yea at my owne being at Plimouth , a French Gentleman called Flory went thence with foure saile , and three hundred Land men , with Commission to land and burne , and to sack all places in the Indies that he could master , and yet the French King hath married the daughter of Spaine . This is all that I can say , other then that I have spent my poore estate , lost my sonne , and my health , and endured as many sorts of miseries , as ever man did , in hope to do his Majesty acceptable service ; And have not to my understanding committed any hostile act , other then entrance upon a territory belonging rightly to the Crowne of England , where the English were first set upon and slaine by the usurping Spaniards , I invaded no other parts of the Indies , pretended by the Spaniards . I returned into England with manifest perill of my life , with a purpose not to hold my life , with any other then his Majesties grace , and from which no man , nor any perill could disswade me ; To that grace , and goodnesse , and Kinglynesse I referre my self , which if it shall find that I have not yet suffered enough ▪ it yet may please to adde more affliction to the remainder of a wretched life . Sir Walter Rawleigh his Ansvver to some things at his Death . I Did never receive any direction from my Lord Carew to make any escape , nor did I ever tell Stukely any such thing . I did never name my Lord Hay and my Lord Carew to Stukeley in other words or sence , then to my honoùrable friends , among other Lords . I did never shew unto Stukely any Letter , wherein there was 10000 named or any one pound , only I told him , that I hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his absence . I never had Commission from the French King , I never saw the French Kings hand or seale in my life . I never had any plot or practise with the French directly or indirectly , nor with any other Prince or State unknowne to the King. My true intent was to goe to a Myne of Gold in Guiana , it was not fained , but it is true , that such a Myne there is within three miles of St. Thome , I never had in my thought to goe from Trinidado , and leave my Companies to come after to the savage Island , as Hatby Fearne hath falsly reported . I did not carry with me an hundred pieces , I had with me sixty , and brought back neer the said number , I never spake to the French Manering any one disloyall word , or dishonourable speech of the King ; nay if I had not loved the King truly , and trusted in his goodnesse somewhat too much , I know that I had not now suffered death . These things are most true as there is a God , and as I am now to appeare before his tribunall seate , where I renounce all mercy , and salvation , if this be not the truth . At my death W.R. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57465-e170 Juven . Pluta●● Notes for div A57465-e490 Pindar . D : Sic. Lib. 6. Lib Ger. 1. Cap. 1. Livie 1. Lib. Dec. Polidor Lib. 3. Isidor Orig. 9. de Navig . Cap : 1. Tacitus de moribus German : Tribull Eleg : Strab : Lib : 16. Junius . 1. King. Cap. 9. Notes for div A57465-e5060 Gen. Cap. 1. ver . 28. Generall History Lib 2. Cap. 2.28 . S. 4. T 3. First Warre . Second Warre . Anno Domini 1569. Anno. 1573. Notes for div A57465-e11050 Officers under the Lo : Admirall to bee men of the best experience in Sea-service . No Ships to be builded by the great . Officer of the A●miraltie exactly look into the so●● buildin● of Ship &c. The greatest Ships least serviceable . The Spaniards phrase . 〈◊〉 Shipwrights . Mary 〈◊〉 in H. ● . time . Speciall observation . The high charging of Ships a principall cause that brings them all ill qualities . Ease of many Cabbins and safety at once in Sea-service not 〈◊〉 be expected . His Majesties Navy ( in such sort as they are ) not to bee pend up in Rochester-water , &c. Wight , Portsmouth , Garnsey and Iersey , Devonshire Cornwall , Wales , or Ireland . Portsmouth , Dartmouth , Plymouth , Falmouth , Milford and divers others , Harbours very capable and convenient for Shipping . Halfe a dozen or eight of midling Ships and some Pynnaces to lye in the West , &c. Ash-water by Plymouth . Nota. Charges of Conduct money for Marriners well saved , &c. A Magazin of all manner of necessary provisions , &c. His Majesties ships not to be overcharged and pestered with great Ordnance as they are . Royall Batterie for a Prince . Needlesse expence of superfluous powder and shot , &c. The journey to the Islands . Spaniards Armado in 88. Easterling Hulkes . Great error committed in manner of Calking his Majesties ships with rotten Ocum . Censure taken of the best Seamen of England . His Majesties allowance for victualling Ships very large and honourable . Great inconvenience by bad Caske used in his Majesties ships The great Inconveniences of the Cook-rooms in all his Majesties Ships made below in hold in the wast . Sea-phrase . Musters and Presses for sufficient marriners to serve in his Majesties Ships the care therein very little , or the bribery very great . The Saylers Proverbe . A proportion of Swords Targets of proofe and the like allowed ; and set downe for every Ship according to his burthen , &c. His Majesties owne sworne Servants to be preferred to the charge of his Majesties Ships . Objection .