A20091	----	VVarres, vvarre[s,] vvarres Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1628 Approx. 27 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20091 STC 6531 ESTC S105272 99841001 99841001 5557 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20091) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5557) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 831:04) VVarres, vvarre[s,] vvarres Dekker, Thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [52] p. [By Nicholas Okes] for I. G[rismand?], Imprinted at London : 1628. Dedication signed: Tho. Dekker. In verse. Title interpolation, printer's name, and conjectured publisher's name from STC. Signatures: A⁴ B-C D⁶. Some leaves are possibly missing after A4 in the unique copy. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng War poetry. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Warres , Warre VVarres . Arma Virumque Cano. Into the Field I bring , Souldiers and Battailes : Boeth their Fames I sing . Imprinted at London for ● . G. 1628. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE HVGH HAMERSLEY , Lord Maior of this Renowned City of London : And Colonell of the Artillery Garden . THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVLL , AND WORTHY GENTLE-MEN , S r MAVRICE ABBOT , Knight ; and M r HENRY GARRAVVAY , Shriefes of the same Citty . Honourable Praetor : Worthy Consuls . THose Titles ( taking both Descension and Deriuation from the Ancient Roman , Praetorian , and Consular Dignities ) are happy Honors , in that they are lent vnto you , from the noblest Nation , that euer carried Armes in the World. Your Places are High , Offices Great ; yet giue me leaue to sit at the Roote of your Glories , ( like a Passenger on the way ) and to lift vp mine eyes to your spreading Branches , leauing this poore Tablet hid amongst your Leaues , containing nothing but an Inscription of my Loue. It was some ioy to me , to bee imployed in the Praesentation of your Triumphs , on the day of your Lordships Inauguration ; and it shal be as great a happinesse to me now , if this my second Praesentation , may from your Hands receiue a free entertainment . What I offred vp then , was a Sacrifice Ex officio : Custome tooke my Bond for the Performance : And on the Day of Ceremony , I hope the Debt was fully discharged . This Oblation is voluntary , and shall prosper well enough , if it meete acceptance . A braue Company of Gentlemen in Armes , were Additions of much splendor , to that Day , ( which of it selfe was bright enough ) to grace your Lordship , being at this Time their Sole and Worthy Colonell : I come to you now , speaking still in their Warlike Language . Drums , Fifes , Ensignes , Pikes , and Shot , Marched before you , to your Gates : Drums , Fifes , Ensignes , Pikes , and Shot , doe now come Marching into your Parlors : I know not how to handle either ; yet I handle all . Trumpets here sound a Charge , yet no noise heard : A Battaile is fought , but without Bloud shed : I am no Herald , yet I Crye , Warres , Warres , Warres : No Souldier , yet my Pen playes the Captayne , and Drils a Company of Verses on Foote , in a Field of white Paper . The Discipline I teach them , is so Printed in their Memories , that vnlesse their Limbes be torne in peeces , the World cannot chuse but take notice of their Postures . What scorne , other men ( out of Malice , rather than Iudgement ) shall throw vpon these my Martiall darings , I will put by , with an Odi prophanum Vulgus , and not care what Canons they Plant against mee , so I may lye safely Intrenched , Sub Triplici Clipeo , Of your Three noble Defences . To which I prostrate , my Loue , Labour , and Seruice : Resting , Deuoted euer To your Lordship , And Worships . THO. DEKKER . To all Noble Souldiers . IF ( noble Spirits ) as well you may , you wonder How I , who ne're fir'd Cannon , speake in Thunder ; Your pardon easly thus vnties my Charmes . He that wants legges , may be in loue , with Armes . VVarres , Warres , Warres . Arma virumque Cano. BRaue Musicke ! harke : The ratling Drum beates high , And with the scolding Fife , deaffens the skye , The Brazen Herald in a shrill Tone , tels We shall haue Warres , ( ring out for ioy , your Bels : ) We shall haue Warres , when Kingdoms are at odds , Pitch'd Fields those Theaters are , at which the Gods Look downe from their high Galleries of Heauen , Where Battailes , Tragedies are , to which are giuen Plaudits from Cannons , Buskind Actors tread Knee deep in blood , and trample on the Dead : Death , the graue ●●●ame , of which is writ the story , Keene Swords the Pens , texting ( at large ) the glory Of Generals , Colonels ; Captaines , and Commanders , With common fighting Men , ( the hardy standers Against all Hellish Horrors . ) Souldiers all , And Fellowes ( in that name , ) to'th Generall . O Warre ! thou Shoole where honor takes degrees ▪ ( Nobler then those are bought for Heralds Fees , ) Thou Hiue of Bees industrious , bringing 〈◊〉 Thighes laden with rich spoiles , which may become The King of Bees to carry : Thou Refiner Of drossie states ; Mischiefes rare vnderminer ! Thou great Magi●●●● , whose inchanted rounds Haue spirits , can bind Ambition within bounds . Thou souereigne Chymist that art sent from heauen , To cleanse the rancke-world , for to thee is giuen The skill of Minerals , ( lead , iron and steele , ) Which can set Realmes vpright when they do reele . By a strang Powders helpe , which strikes it dead , What e're the Soare be , or how euer Bred. O teach me ( all vnskilfull ) how to sing Some of thy Wonders on my vn-tun'd string : For , my heart danceth sprightly , when I see ( Old as I am ) our English Gallantry ( Albeit no silken Downe playes with their Chin , Being fa●d● like women , yet all man within , ) With new bloom'd Roses blushing on each cheeke , To Plough vp seas , bright Fame ( abroad ) to seeke , And ( found ) neuer to leaue her , till she sets ) Plumes , rich and glorious in their Burgonets ; Whose actes , thē breaking forth in generous flames . Mongst Turks or Spanish , each his worth proclaimes , Else writes his faire deserts with his owne hands , In bloudy letters 'mongst the Netherlands , So folly , that their Stories shal bee read , Whilst the proud Germaine Eagle reares a Head. These men I loue , O these ! who high Preferre Before all stiles , the name of Souldier : Which Title in a Diadem beeing set , Addes glittring Dyamonds to the Coronet . O see● the Armies glorious body mooues , In whose proud front match vp so many Ioues : As there are Leaders : How the Sunne , enuies That from bright armors , and mens sparkling eyes , Beames farre more dazling through the ayre are throwne Than all those golden Rayes , which are his owne . What sight i th' world ( but Nauies on proud Seas , Is so stupendious rare ? or can so please ? Had Memphis cloz'd her wonders , all in One , Las ! they had lack'd that sweet Proportion , Which a maine Army carries , that can fall Into all Figures , Geometricall , At turning of a Hand , to checke all stormes , And yet , not Order breake , nor loose their Formes . Faces about , the Captaine cryes ; they doo 't In an eyes twinkling , changing scarce a Foote : Then , as you were ; t is done ; double your Files , To note the quicknesse , Time himselfe beguiles . Come vp in maine Battalia ; vp they come ▪ In a proud dance , to'th Musicke of the Drum : Diuide your selues in Squadrons ; flye out in wings ; Now a halfe Moone ; the word ( but spoken ) brings Men into decent Postures , fit to fight Gainst horse or foote ; the left hand , or the Right : All mooue like wheeles in clockes , some great , some lesse , And numerous strings , do but one tune expresse . But this is nothing , did they ( but thus ) still● O harke ! the Fight begins , for loud shoutes fill Heauen with rebounding Ecchoes . Trumpets sound A charge ; Drums rattle , noise doth noise counfound , Yet 't is all-musicall : Barb'd Horses beate Their hoofes through madnes , & their Riders sweat With rage , because That moouing wall ( of Pikes ) They cannot enter , for it guards and strikes , Yet groues of Pikes , by groues of Pikes are shiuerd Ten thousand Bullets from iron wombes deliuer d , Flye whurrying in the Ayre : steele Targets clatter , Swords clash , whilst Battle-axes , Helmets batter , The Cannon roares ; by thousands , men dye groning , But Drums so cheere the rest ; none minds their moning : Gold lacde Buffe-ierkins drop ; Feathers look pale , Whilst tottred de sperue●wes , all stormes of Haile Stand like tough Briers : Heads are for foot-bals tost : Armes flye to seeke their Maisters , yet both lost , Whose mangled Carcases ( besmeet'd in gore ; ) Troupes of Carbines in Tryumph trample o're . Here may you see , hot spirits as fiercely meete , As Whirle-winds do , whilst rocks or oakes they greet ; Yet by strong tugging when their Flames are spent , Lye like deere friends ( tho into wounds all rent , ) Whose streames gush out so fast , they o●● are found Suffring two deaths , and are both kild and drown'd . A thousand windings , and a thousand wayes The General beates ( euen whilst the ordnance plaies ) To winne the Wind , the Sun , the Wood , the Hell , None know what cares the noble Souldier fill . Blacke fate ! there 's drop'd a Leader to the ground , Courage he cryes yet ( Souldiers ) slights the wound ; And though death stare in 's face , death him doth feare , To fall ( saith he ) is Fortune de la Guerre . As when a Ph●●nix , to her death-bed comes , She buildes a nest of spice , and odorous gummes , Then in the Sunnes hot flames , clapping her wings She burnes to Death : out of whose ashes springs A second Phaenix ▪ So , when Leaders fall , ( E're the last gaspe ) about them quicke they call Their souldiers , whom they heat with their own fire To fight it out , who seeing their soules retire To heauenly Tents : Ten thousand Leaders rise From them ; and , On , a maine On , each man cries , A fare-well vollied loud from one to one , Thus Epitaph'd ; There 's a braue fellow gon . Nor , ( tho a hundred Captaines should lye slaine ) Run the rest head-long on : 't were poore and vaine , By quitting others Deaths , to meete their Owne , No , euery Souldier when the Dice are throwne Waites his owne Cast and wa●ebe● his owne Game , The vpshot of all faire-play being true Fame . For , as yong flowers make garlands for the spring , As Coronets of Lillies , honor bring To amorous Riuers : As those smells are rare , Which Summers warme hand throwes into the aire : As Incense , from the Tyrannizing Fire Breaks in sweet clouds and more the flames conspire To choake her odorous breath , with richer sent Her Roseall wings fanne all the Firmament : So mooues a Souldier in his constant Sphaere , His great Desires still burning , sweete and cleare . Nor seekes he blood but high deeds : rather Fame Than a fought Battaile ; for a nobler Name Is grauen vpon the sword , that 's dip'd in Oyle Than that in blood , which does all brightnesse foile When horror will spare none , 't is Law , to Kill : But Honor sayes , T is better saue than spill . Who then with lippes prophane dare curses lay On Warre , who to all Glory beates the way , Nay to all goodnesse ? Downe the Court pride falls , When He 's in place , Church-Simony , no man calls To a fat Benefice : Bribery dares not feele The Lawyers pulse ; nor Vsuries golden wheele Whirle in the City : Country Foxes hide Their ill got spoyles , which Warre can soone deuide . Breake then ( thou thunder ) that foule bed of snakes . Which a Luxurious peace , her darling makes , Dandling the Plump Brood on her wanton knees . Whose Braines War would beat out , & frō the Lees Racke the pure wine , whose heate should kindle fires For deeds Heroicall . Warre , more admires One Bethlem Gabor , or one Spinola , Than all the braue men on S t. George his Day . But why doe I Out-Landish coyne thus raise , When our own English stamps deserue more praise ! Giue me a stout Southampton and hi● Sonne , A fiery Oxford who toth' Top would runne Of the most dangerous , hottest , high designe , An Essex , which does euen himselfe cut shine In noble Darings : would I had a Pen , To set the worths downe of the best of Men The farre fam'd Warwicke , Holland , Willoughby , Whose Actes too high a Pitch for me doe flye : I am no Eagle to behold such Sunnes , My humble Muse in her owne circle runnes . And that 's in thee ( O Troynonant : ) Old Rome , Couldst thou thy gray head , lift vp from thy Tombe Glorious , as when thy Browes were deck'd with Bayes , Higher in fame , thy Sons thou couldst not rayse , Then London now can here : Thy Citizens Had not more honors from the Roman pens Than ours now me●rit : Like a brazen well Shee ( should War thunder ) vp braue spirits can call To guard her towers and pinnacles , sonnes here bred , Vnder her wing , and by her cherished . Nor needs she send to Forraine shores for men To lead her Troupes : How many a Citizen ( Stood horror at the Gates ) could fairely steere , And in a rough storme , guide both Van and Reare : But ( aboue all the rest ) why should not I , The Fames sing of our twice Decemviri , ( Our twenty Citty Captaines , ) Bond , Leate , Fen. ( A chiefe , yet Gound amongst our Aldermen : ) Stiles , Williams , Smith , & Andrewes , march vp here . Lasher , and Henshaw , i th' next Front appeare : Walker and Halsey then , with Rowdon lead Their Companies stoutly on : lyes Milward dead ! No , with a brow vp-reard to'th Field He hyes ; Wallers and Langhams Drums , deafning the skies : Lee , Fen , and Dichfield , come in braue array , Whilst Wilde , and Marshall , striue to win the Day ; Win may they , other notes our Muse must sing , And to the Sunne , play on a louder string ▪ VVarre and the Sunne Compared . WAr and the Sun are Twinnes ; as the Sun rides In 's chariot ( all of flames ) which himself guides Through heauen , the vast earth measuring inon day , And of all Countries ( so ) takes full suruay ; Cheering all Nations , which his god-like eyes , Who sets as he sets ; rise as he does rise . And in a yeare this princely Bridegroome shines , Twelue times , in his 12. houses , ( the 12 Signes . ) So War holds the whole world in Souereigne awe , ( His not the Common , but the Cannon Law. ) What Kingdomes are not glad to see him ride On thunder , ( lightning lackying by his side ? Turkes , Tartars , Persians , Indians , all adore The god of Warre ; all dance to heare him rore : The Pole , Russe , Hungar , Sweue , and yellow Dane , English , French , Spanish , Dutch , waite on Wars traine , And to such heigth , their Empires nere had brought , But for the braue old battailes they haue Fought . Warre and the Sunne you see then , may be Twins , For dey being borne , Warres teeming Birth begins : Nay , one perpetuall motion , they both keepe , The Sunne still wakes and Warre can neuer sleepe . Last , of the Sunne , that he no point may lacke , Warre has found out a rare new Zodiacke , With signes of selfe-same names , in which the Sunne Does in his euerlasting Progresse runne . Warre his Zodiacke . 1. Aries . WHen into horned Moones the Squadrons change , Then the Battalia does in Aries Range : Here the braue Van comes vp , ( a Souldiers pride , ) Who dye here , Winne a Death that 's dignified . 2. Taurus . WHen like two stiffe-neck'd Buls , fell Armies meete , Being goard quite through with wounds , from head to feete , The bellowing Taurus is a lusty signe , That souldiers , then , in Scarlet-triumphes shine . 3. Gemini . HOnor and warlike Anger , single forth , Troupes against Troupes , and Wings to shew their worth : Men then with men , their masculine valours trie , Which makes the Battaile mooue in Gemini . 4. Cancer . HOt growes the Day , the strong , the weaker Beate ; Which seene , the wearied Van with soft Retreate Giues backe ; and in this polliticke Retire , Cancer winnes time to kindle fresher Fire . 5. Leo. LIghtning and Thunder then , bring vp the Reare , And with it , Death , who playes the Murderer : Hels Furies are the Marshalls for the Day , For , Leo roares , and does his fanges display . 6. Virgo . STill to bee Killing , is a Belluine Rage , The thirst of Vengeance therefore to asswage . Mercy puts forth a Hand and Prisoners takes , And then milde Virgo from her Tent awakes . 7. Libra . AS when two Dragons , breathlesse through deepe wounds , T is doubtfull , which the others life confounds : So , twixt two Armies whilst coy Victory houers , The hopes and feares of both , Libra discouers . 8. Scorpio . PEl-mell , then too 't agen ; the chaine-shot flyes , And sweepes downe lanes of Men ; tossing i' th Skies Armors and limbes , to shew that Scorpio throwes His rancorous breath forth , poisoning where it goes 9. Sagitarius . O Thou olde English Archer , ( Sagitary ) Now laugh'd at is the Bow which thou doest carry ; Thy gray Goose wing , which once braue battailes won , Hangs loose ; for bullets on thy errands runne . 10. Capricornus . WHat Coward flyes the field ! and wounds does feigne , To saue himselfe out of Warres sulphurous raine , For a few drops ! off is the Pezant borne ! His signe shal be the skipping Capricorne . 11. Aquarius . WInter now comes , Heauens sluces powre out rayne ; Or , Fields are standing pooles through Armies slayne : Else , a torne Country swims in her owne teares , And then Aquarius vp his Standard reares . 12. Pisces . BVt , when Pay slackes ; and health with Victuals ) ●on , Souldiers being forc'd to liue on dry poore Iohn ; Ye● , two by two ( like sharkes ) themselues combine For booties ; Pisces , is this lucklesse Signe . To All. THus , Home at last , the Souldier comes , As vselesse as the Hung-vp Drums : And ( but by Noble hands being Fed , May beg hard ; hardly yet get Bread. Nulla salus Bello , THough thus of War , a Paradox I write , War is a Kingdomes darke and gloomy night , Ecclipsing all her face : Peace is bright day , That Sun shine send vs , keep● the ●ight away . Pacem , te posci nus on nes . Because mention is made before of the City Captaines ; their Lieutenants at that time not being in place . Here behold them . The 20 City Lieutenants . CAptaines without Lieutenants are like men Borne with one hand ( the right ) Lieutenants then , Serue for the Left , and when that Right is lame , The Left workes hard to reare an Armies Fame : In dangers they with Captaines crye halfe parts , These , are their seconds , nay , are halfe their hearts : Lieutenants are the Vshers in Warres schoole , Captaines , head-masters ; and they beare such rule , As Viceroyes vnder Kings : Then , vnder these ( Our twenty London-leaders , ) who so please To reckon their Lieutenants , here they stand , The Captains them , these honoring their Command . Bring vp your wings , your squadrons then , & files , And read what Story your owne worth compiles . Lieutenant Tompson comes by order first ; Then Pierce , ( a sonne vnder Bellona nurst ; ) Yong lifts his head vp in the thickest throng : Davies , and Hanson , I should doe you wrong , Did not you step in heere , and claime your due ; Mannering , and Smart , the next voice cries vp you : Couel , and Adams , walke their warlike Round , Whilst Parker souldierlike , makes good his ground . Close to him , Cuthbert labours to win Fame : Forster , will nothing loose in Warres great Game . Loud peales of Muskets , Slauey loues to heare ; Midst groues of Pikes does Normington appeare : Cruso's heart dances , when the proud Drum beates ; Trauers cryes on ; and scornes all base retreates : Shepheard is like a Lyon in the Field ; Gawthorne , for skill and heart , to none will yeild : Manby ( though last but one ) in worth not least , With Phillips , marches vp with manly breast . These Chiefes , and these Lieutenants , are the Ring , Their Troupes , the Diamonds , fit to serue a King. FINIS . 
A01970	----	The dignitie of chiualrie set forth in a sermon preached before the Artillery Company of London, Iune xiij. 1626. By William Gouge, B. of Diuinity and preacher of Gods Word, in Black-friers London. Gouge, William, 1578-1653. 1626 Approx. 65 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01970 STC 12112 ESTC S103305 99839062 99839062 3458 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01970) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3458) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1380:08) The dignitie of chiualrie set forth in a sermon preached before the Artillery Company of London, Iune xiij. 1626. By William Gouge, B. of Diuinity and preacher of Gods Word, in Black-friers London. Gouge, William, 1578-1653. [8], 47, [1] p. Printed by G[eorge] M[iller] for Ralph Mab, London : 1626. A reissue, with cancel title page, of the edition with imprint: London, printed by George Miller, 1626. Running title reads: The dignity of chivalry. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. War -- Religious aspects -- Christianity -- Early works to 1800. 2004-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DIGNITIE Of CHIVALRIE ; Set forth in A SERMON Preached before the ARTILLERY Company of LONDON , Iune xiij . 1626. By WILLIAM GOVGE , B. of Diuinity and Preacher of Gods Word , in Black-frier's London . EXOD. 15. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The LORD is a Man of Warre . CHRYS . ad Pop. Hom. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Antiquitùs Deus Dux erat bellorum . LONDON , Printed by G. M. for Ralph Mab , 1626. TO THE RIGHT VVorshipfull , HVGH HAMMERSLY Esquire , One of the Aldermen and Coronels of the Honourable Citie of LONDON , and President of the Martiall Company , exercising Armes in the Artillery Garden : AND , To all the Captaines and Gentlemen of the said Company , Such valour as may make them victoriously stand against all sorts of Enemies . Worthy President , Captaines , and Gentlemen . AS by a free Election of you all , I was called to preach that which is heere presented to you , so by the first motion & earnest sollicitation of many of you , I am enduced to publish it . How farre mine owne purpose was from any such purpose , God is my witnesse How farre your desire preuailed to alter that my purpose , this euidence is an apparent euidence . Among other motiues mentioned by you that in the name of the rest were Solliciters in this busines this , which by some of you was alledged , most preuailed with me , that the more common this Sermon was made , the more commodious it might bee to your Company . How my poore paines may adde any aduantage to your important employmēts I know not . This I know , and doe openly acknowledge , & publikely professe , that my heart is set vpon your Artillery C●pany : I loue it : I admire it : I honour it : I praise God for it : I wil cōtinue to pray to the Lord of Hosts for his blessing vpon it : and to my poore power I will doe , what I can for the aduancement therof . As one though a very meane and weake proofe thereof , I doe heere dedicate to you in particular , that which by your meanes , and for your sake is divulged to all in general . I confesse , that as the matter therof , so the manner of handling it , is somewhat differing from my ordinary course . For I had respect to the kinde of Auditory before which I spake . Among Souldiers I endeauoured to speake souldier-like . If offence bee taken at matter or manner , I shroud my selfe vnder your shields for defence Now that you haue brought me forth into the open field , & fet me vp to be gazed on , & baited at by the differing censures of diuers censors , leaue me not to shift for my selfe . Be not backward to patronize what you haue beene forward to produce . I may the rather expect all iust defence from you , because by appearing somewhat otherwise in your Assembly then I vse to doe in my vsual Auditory , I take you , worthy President for my president , yea all you valiant Captaines , and other Gentlemen whom I make as one Patrone , for my patterne herein . Me thinkes , o prudent President , when in a forenoone I see you sitting , & giuing aduice among the wise Senators of our Citie , and in an afternoone marching before the martiall Gentlemen of your company , me thinks the same man is not the same man. But of old , such hath beene the demeanor of those who haue beene gifted for the one & the other place , to be both graue Senators and braue Souldiers . Such were Brutus , Scipio the one and the other , Camillus , Marius , Pompoy , Cesar , and many other who were both ●ogati and Armati , prudent Consulls , potent Captaines . The like I may say of all you Gentlemen of the Artillery Garden : You that are , wheresoeuer you are , in your persons the same Persons , doe with that decotum obserue the busines which you are about , as in your ordinary vocation , and Military profession , you seeme to be other and other men . Hereby you manifest your prudence & prouidence . Prudence , by sitting your selues to that which is fit for the present . Prouidence , both by improuing the time of peace , & making the best aduantage therof in the duties of your particular callings , and also by preparing your selues against the time of War , & preuenting the damage which might otherwise thence ensue . So well haue I ouer approued this your course , as if my coate and calling had been answerable , long ere this , I had endeauoured to haue been of your Artillery Company . But for those whose education appertaineth to me , I verily purpose , and openly professe , that if euer any Son of mine be a Citizen of London , & of sufficient ability , I will endeauour to haue him a member of this your Company . Of which minde I would more persons and parents were . If they were & their childrens minde , when they are of age , answerable thereto , both City & Kingdome would be much more honoured , and secured by this and other like Societies . My desire is therefore , that this which is likely to come to the view of many more then at first heard it , may preuaile with those many , to doe as you doe , and to adde able men and auaileable meanes to the aduancement of your company . As for you , the present President , Head & Chiefe of this truely honoured Society , who ( if God , according to our desire and hope , preserue you among vs ) within these two yeeres and few moneths , is to bee the President , Head , and Chiefe , vnder the Kings Maiesty , of this honourable City , when you come to that high honour , haue this your Company in remembrance and let that * double honour , which then you shall doe thereto , be to posterity a monumem that in such a yeere the President of the Artillery Society : was in such an honourable place , & of such an honourable minde . To conclude , if any aduancement ( O noble President , Captaines and Gentlemen of the Artillery Company ) may any way by your desire to haue that , which once your selues heard , lie open to the view of all , be attained , the end of yeelding to your desire is obtained . For this end therefore , humble and hearty prayer is and shall be made ( to him that hath power to moue the mindes of all men according to his owne minde ) by him that promiseth to be Your daily Oratour , WILLIAM GOVGE . THE DIGNITIE OF CHIVALRY ; Set forth in a Sermon preached before the Artillery Company of London , 13. Iune 1626. 2 CHRON. 8. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . THEY were MEN of WARRE . THe Dignity of Chiualry ( a point very pertinent for this present appointment ) is the Pearle that is enclosed in the casket of my Text. Hereof that you may take the better view , I will set open this casket in your sight . Bee pleased therefore to take notice of the generall Scope whereat the holy Ghost aimeth in this Chapter : thereby you may discerne that the forenamed point , The dignity of Chiualry , is not violently wrested , but properly ariseth out of my Text. The Summe of this Chapter is A Declaration of the Magnificence of Salomon . Among other euidences thereof this is one , that his natiue Subiects , Children of Israel , THEY were MEN of WARRE . The originall expresseth none but words of weight : Circumstantiall words , which are as bonds to knit word to word , it leaueth to bee vnderstood . There are therefore three onely words in the originall , all which set out the Dignity of Chiualry , and that by the Persons , their Property , and Part whereunto they were put , The first word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THEY noteth out Singular Persons . The second , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MEN , a Speciall Property . The third , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 WARRE , a Select imployment . THEY were MEN of WARRE . In the two verses before my Text , it is said , that there were left of the Hittites , and the Amorites , and the Perizites , and the Hiuits , and the Iebusites , who were not of Israel : and that being left , they were so brought vnder , as Salomon made them to pay tribute . They might therefore haue beene put to any office or worke that the King would : yet were not THEY MEN of WARRE . They were too meane and vnmeet persons , for a function so high and honourable . On the contrary , in the words immediately before my Text , it is said , Of the children of Israel , did Salomon make no seruants for his worke . They being men of better note and name , were reserued for a more honourable imployment , which my Text thus expresseth , THEY were MEN of WARRE : which words are inferred on the former , by way of opposition , with this aduersatiue Particle BVT . They were no seruants for worke : BVT THEY were MEN of WARRE . As the meaner and baser sort were made seruants for Worke , so the better and excellenter sort were made Souldiers for Warre . THEY were MEN of WARRE . Nor Hittites , nor Amorites , nor Perizites , nor Hiuits , nor Iebusites , BVT Israelites , THEY were MEN of WARRE . No Slaues , no Captiues , no Aliens , no Forrainers , but Fre men , Free-borno , Natiue Subiects , Naturall Citizens , THEY were MEN of WARRE . Thus this relatiue Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THEY , as here it is vsed , is to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an excellency , as importing some eminency of the Persons here meant . This choice then of Persons , maketh much to the Dignity of Chiualry . 2. As there was choice made of persons in regard of their outward priuiledge , Israelites , Natiues , Citizens : so also in regard of their inward property . For the second word of my Text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MEN , though it be oft vsed for mortal men , subiect to many miseries , yet is it also put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valourous men , and attributed to those choice men which were taken out of the twelue seuerall Tribes of Israel , and sent to spie the Land of Canaan . Yea , this very word is twice vsed in that exhortation which the Philistims vse to encourage one another , when they heard that the Arke of the LORD was brought into the hoste of the Israelites : and it is used to set out valour and courage in men . For thus , word for word , it may be translated , Be Men : some translate it thus , Play the MEN : Others thus , Quit you like MEN. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by trāspositiō of a letter , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of place & power , Commanders , Captaines . Thus the MEN here meant , may be distinguished from the vulgar , common sort of men . The Hebrew put such a difference betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Grecians doe betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latines betwixt Vir and Homo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth such an one as hath in him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fire , Life , and Spirit : but. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man of the earth . Vir by the Latines is so called of virtue & prowesse : but homo ab humo , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the earth . In Greeke , they most properly are stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , virtuous , valorous , magnanimious : but all of all sorts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Our English is herein penurious , it wanteth fit words to expresse this difference : we call all , whether mighty or meane , Men : yet sometimes this word MEN in our tongue hath his Emphasis , as in these and such like phrases , They haue played the MEN. They haue shewed themselues MEN. They are MEN indeed . Thus in the english translation of the Scripture it is vsed , 1 Cor. 16. 13. Quit you like MEN. And 2 Sam. 10. 12. Let vs play the MEN. That the word here in my Text is so to be taken , is euident by comparing this with like places . Those valiant men that came out of sundrie Tribes to Dauid in Hebron , to turne the Kingdome of Saul to him , of whose courage and prouesse much is spoken , are stiled with the words here in my Text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of Warre . The Prophet Ioel applieth these two phrases 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mighty men , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of War , to the same persons . Where the magnificence of Iehosaphat is set out as Salomons magnificence is here set out , in Ierusalem there are said to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of Warre , and by way of exposition , they are further stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mighty men of valour . They were therefore choice Men of courage , Men of valour , that are here ment in my Text : so as their Propertie doth further setout the Dignity of Chiualry , In that , though Natiues onely and Israelites were deputed to the imployment here mentioned , yet not all sorts of Natiues and Israelites , but such as were well reputed of for virtue and valour , and fit for their imployment . 3. These Natiues of name , select Subiects , Men of mighty minds , to what imployment were they appointed ? Euen to Warre . They were Men of WARRE . What need might there then bee thought to bee of Men of Warre ? Had all the Nations round about proclaimed Warre against Israel , as in Ioshuahs time ? Or was Warre within their gates , as before Deborahs daies ? Or were their enemies Rulers ouer them , as when Sampson began to be a Iudge in Israel ? No such matter . What then ? Was this the time to take reuenge of Israels enemies for former wrongs , to secure the Land of them , and to bring them vnder subiection ? Surely noe : All that was sufficiently done by Dauid , that mighty man of War. Salomon now raigned . Salomon that Prince of Peace . His name proported Peace . For Salomon had his denomination from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peace . Peace also was promised to be in his daies . Both the forenamed Name of Peace , and also the promise of Peace are expresly mentioned by God himselfe , where he thus speaketh to Dauid , Behold a Sonne shall be borne to thee , who shall be a man of rest : and I will giue him rest from all his enemies round about : for his name shall be Salomon : and I will giue peace and quietnes to Israel all his daies . This Salomō was herein an especiall Type of the great Prince of Peace , Christ Iesus , who is Our Peace . In that then , where there was no feare of danger , nor any instant , vrgent necessity required , in a time and place of Peace , vnder the raigne of a Prince of Peace , They , of whom you heard before , They were Men of WARRE . Surely preparation for Warre , Exercises thereto , Martiall discipline , Artillery tacticks , and Military trainings are matters of moment , commendable and honourable , not to be reiected or neglected , but duly to be respected , and daily practised , at all times , in all places whether of perill or peace . This third and last branch therefore ( as it is here set downe ) euen the Part which the forenamed Persons performed , amplifieth the Dignity of Chiualry . For , They were Men of WARRE . Thus haue I cleared the generall scope of my Text , and laid open to your view this promised Pearle , the Dignity of Chiualry : by shewing how euery word of my Text eyeth that marke , and euery part and particle thereof much aduanceth the same . With your good patience I purpose to diue yet more deepely into the depth of my Text. For the three Parts raised out of the three words thereof , as they haue beene opened before you , ( namely , 1. The singular Persons , THEY , 2. Their speciall Property , MEN , 3. Their select Imployment . WAR . THEY were MEN of WARRE ) These three points I say , afford to our heedfull consideration these three vsefull Obseruations . 1. * The Artilery profession is an honorable function . 2. Military men must be of mighty mindes . 3. In peace to prepare for Warre , is a principall part of prudence . Of these in order : And first of the first . The Artillery profession is an honourable function . To treate much of the Artillery profession , before this Artilery Company would be to act Phormio his part before so many Anniballs as are here present . You all know that the Artilery Profession is a Military Discipline , whereby choice persons are instructed and enabled well to manage weapons of Warre , orderly to march in their due place , wisely to encampe , and skilfully to embattaile . That to bee trained vp hereto , and well exercised herein , is an honourable function , belongeth to me , and to the matter in hand , to proue . How it appeareth by my Text to be an honourable function yee haue heard . Hittites , Amorites , Perizites , Hiuites , Iebusites , and such like seruile persons comming from a base ofspring were counted vnworthy hereof . In Israel Israelites , Children of the euer renowned Patriarchs , Abraham , Isaak , and Iaakob , Men of highest and greatest esteeme , THEY were Men of Warre . That function whereof base people were counted vnworthy , and whereunto Men of best account must be deputed , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without contradiction an honourable function . To like purpose it is noted that Abraham himselfe , that Prince of God ( as hee is for excellency sake stiled ) trained vp in Artillery exercises , not bond slaues , bought with his money , but such as were borne and brought vp in his house , whom he had in high esteeme . THEY were Men of Warre . Where as old Ishai , an vnderstanding and wise man had eight sonnes , the three most honourable of them all , euen the three eldest , were trained vp in an Artillery profession , THEY were Men of Warre . And though Dauid , being the youngest of all , were by his Father deputed to be a shepheard , yet his braue minde affecting more honourable imployments , whereunto also he was incited by diuine instinct , hee would needs proue to be a man of War , & indeed proued to be an approued Man of War. Saul himselfe though a King , Ionathan , that louely Ionathan , the Kings Sonne and heire , other of his brethren , all Kings Sons , THEY were Men of Warre . Of old , the best of a Nation , best in blood and birth , as Kings , Princes , Nobles , their children & kindred : best in stature & propernes of body , as the three talle , proper sons of Ishai : best in courage , valour , and strength , as they whom Saul chose to follow him : best any other way , THEY were Men of War. What shall I more say ? For the time would faile mee to speake in particular of Iosuah , Gedeon , Iepthah , Dauid , Iehosaphat , Hezekiah , Iosiah , and otherlike worthies , royall persons , that were trained vp in the Artillery profession , and thereupon waged many battailes valiantly & victoriously . THEY were Men of War. We reade of few battails in Scripture , wherein Kings , or other chiefe Gouernors had not their place & part . In Assyria , Persia , Greece and Rome the foure great Monarchies of the World , & the most famous States that euer were among the Heathen . all that in any excellēcy surpassed others , & were chosen to high & honourable places , for the most part , THEY were Men of Warre . The like may be noted of other well disciplined and well gouerned polities . Most of our Dignities and Titles of honour haue risen from Artillery exercises , and Military imployments . Imperatores , Emperors were at first Generalls of armies : Duces Dukes , were Captaines of bands : Comites Earles , were Lieftenants , or Prouosts-Marshalls : Milites , Knights were choice Souldiers : Equites , Esquires were horsemen in Warre . These and other like honourable titles were at first giuen to men , because THEY were Men of Warre . The honour of Knight-hood is knowne properly to belong to such as haue well deserued in Warre . Our Ancestors got their greatest renowne by warlike affaires . Can any now denie the Artillery profession to haue beene accounted an honourable function ? Many honourable parts and endowments are requisite to make a man expert in the Artillery profession , as Soundnesse of iudgement , Sharpenesse of wit , Quicknesse of conceit , Stoutnesse and courage of minde , Vndantednesse in danger , Discretion mixed with passion , Prudence , Patience , Ability and Agility of body , and of the seuerall parts thereof , with the like : all which doe demonstrate that the function whereunto they are required , is an honourable function . Matter both of Enducement and also of Encouragement doth this first obseruation afford . Enducement to men of place , power , and parts , to Gouernours , to Nobles , to Rich men , to all that can any way adde any honour to this profession , to doe what they can to the aduancement of that which is in it selfe so honourable as hath beene shewed , and worthy of all the honour that can be done vnto it . The Apostle maketh mention of a double honour . That double honour is Countenance and Maintenance : both which are most due to this profession : and most meete it is that both be giuen thereto . By this double honour haue all professions in all ages beene brought to that perfection whereunto in any kinde they haue attained . The respect and reward which of old hath beene afforded to valourous , & couragious , well exercised , and well experienced Captaines and Souldiers in the foure forenamed Monarchies made them so abound with Men of Warre , as the whole world was made to tremble at the heare-say of them . When once a question was moued , why after Uirgils time there were no more such excellent Poets as he was , such an answer as this was made . Good Po●ts thriue where liberall Patrons liue . Their countries will another Virgil giue . An answer very pertinent to the point in hand : and fitly it may be applied to Captaines & Souldiers , who vndoubtedly will abound in number , and grow very expert in all warlike exercises where they are plentifully sustained , and highly honoured . Were Artillery Gardens , and Military Fields for Martiall discipline and warlike trainings , fostered and honoured thorow-out this land , as it is meete they should be , Greece could haue no cause to boast before England of her Achilles , Diomedes , Themistocles ; Pericles , Pyrrhus , &c. nor Rome of her Scipioes , Horatij , Fabij , Pompeis , or Caesars . Meanes among vs are more wanting then Men , or Minds . Oh that this Enducement might preuaile with Men of Meanes to afford the honour of Regard , and honour of Reward to this Artillery profession which is so worthy of double honour ! The Encouragement concerneth you , the Commanders and other Members of this commendable and honourable Company . Howsoeuer your Profession and practise bee reiected or neglected by such as ought most to respect it , yet it being honourable in it selfe , be encouraged to goe on therein . The practise of a good thing is then most commendable , when , for the goodnesse of it , it is practised . The puissant Princesse Deborah , that rose vp a Mother in Israel , and a Iudge therein , with admiration said , of such as offered themselues willingly , My heart is on them . Had your Mother London , or your Grand-mother England a tongue to expresse her minde , shee would with like approbation say to you , that shew your selues not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 willing , but all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forward to all Martiall exercises , My heart is on you : yea the heart of him that loueth them that doe good things cheerefully and willingly , and can and will honour them that honour him , his heart is on you . Hee accepteth the good things which are done of the doers owne accord , without compulsion by others , or remuneration from others , hee accepteth them as done for his owne sake . For * that which is done for conscience sake , is done for the Lords sake . In this respect it is said of Amasiah the sonne of Zichri a great Captaine and Commander of two hundred thousand mighty men of valour , vnder King Iehosaphat , that he willingly offered himselfe vnto the Lord : that is , he vndertaking his function willingly , he did it as to the Lord. Thus of you that are of the same minde it may bee said , yee offer your selues willingly to the Lord. And will not the Lord graciously accept such ? Abraham who in this kinde nor expected nor accepted reward of man , heard God thus speaking to him , Feare not , Abraham : I am thy shield , and thine exceeding great reward . Giue me leaue to extend this Encouragement , to such as are not yet of your Fraternity , nor haue yet giuen their names to be of your Societie , I meane such as are in the flowre of their age , of sufficient stature and strength , well able to afford time and meanes for Artillery exercises , to offer themselues readily and cheerefully to this honourable seruice . The time which may be , and vsually is spared from your particular callings cannot be better spent , ( exceptis semper excipiendis , except duties of piety and charity , whereby all other things are seasoned and sanctified ) I say vacant houres cannot better be spent then in the Artillery Garden , and in the practise of Martiall discipline there exercised , as shall * afterwards bee more fully cleared . But thus much of the first point , your honourable Function . The next concerning your Ualourous Disposition , is this . Military Men must be of mighty mindes . They must bee Men indeed , and able to play the Men. The signe of difference betwixt such as were fit , and vnfit for Warre , that God caused Gedeon to obserue for retaining some , and dismissing others , tendeth to this purpose . The signe was this ; They which lapped water with their tongues were entertained : They which kneeled downe to drinke were cashiered . The Reason was this . They that kneeled downe to drinke , manifested thereby a luskish , fluggish disposition , and desire to soope vp their bellies full . The other that tooke vp water in their hands , and lapped it with their tongues , shewed that their minde was so on their work which they had to doe , as they would nor tarry to kneele downe ; they would onely lap and be gone , a little for present necessity , so much as might somewhat slacke their thirst , and refresh them , was sufficient . Gods appointing such onely to bee retained for Warre , proueth the point in hand . Much more the expresse precepts which by God himselfe and his Ministers , were giuen vnto those that were set apart for Warre , to be valiant , and couragious . When God deputed Ioshuah to be Generall ouer all Israel , he gaue him this expresse charge , Bee strong and of a good courage : which he further thus enforceth , Haue not I commanded thee ? Be strong and of a good courage : Be not afraid , neither bee thou dismated . The like charge did Moses in the name of the Lord giue to all Israel , that were deputed to Warre , in these words ; Be strong and of a good courage , feare not , nor be afraid of them . Yea , God ordained it for a perpetuall Law , that when his people were to goe to Warre , this Proclamation should be made , What man is there that is fearefull and faint-hearted , let him goe and returne vnto his house . This Law God commanded Gideon , to proclaime before his armie . The equity thereof was so clearely discerned by the very light of nature , as many of the heathen put it in practise , by name Iphicrates the Athenian , and Epaminondas the Theban . If such as are fearefull and saint-hearted be not fit for Warre , neither are they fit to bee trained vp in Martiall exercises . Most meete it is that Military Men be of mighty mindes . It is vsuall with the holy Ghost to set out such men as were trained vp and set apart to Warre , to set them out by their power and prowesse . Of those foure hundred thousand men , that out of all the Tribes of Israel were chosen to fight against Beniamin and Gibeah , of euery one of them it is said that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Uir belli , a true Man of Warre , a valiant , a mighty man. Of those many hundred thousands which Ioab numbred in Dauids time , it is said that they were valiant men that drew swords , euen euery one of them ( as the Hebrew phrase implyeth . ) And of those many hundred thousands also which out of Iudah & Israel were gathered together in two armies to fight one against another in Abijahs , and Ieroboams time , it is said that they were * valiant men of Warre , mighty men of valour : which commendation is also giuen to those many troopes of trained souldiers which Iehosaphat maintained in Ierusalem , 2 Chron. 17. 13. When Dauid purposed to take vengeance of Ammon for the indignity and ignominy which was offered to his Ambassadours , he sent Ioah and all the Hoste of the Mighty men against them . Before the good Spirit of God left Saul , when hee saw any strong man , or any valiant man , hee tooke him vnto him , namely to traine him vp in Martiall discipline . Of Dauid himselfe , and of such as followed him , it is said , that all Israel knew that he was a mighty man , and they valiant men . And of those that came to him in Ziklag it is said that they were Mighty Men , mighty men of valour , that could vse both the right hand and the left : men of might ; men of Warre ; fit for the battell : that could handle shield and buckler : whose faces were like the faces of Lyons , &c. Doth not this frequent mention of the might , and valour of such as were for War , shew that they that take vpon them to bee Military men , must bee of mighty mindes : and that timerous , weake , and feeble persons are not fit for the Artillery profession ? Where GOD first enacted the fore-named Law , that no fearefull persons should goe to Warre , he rendereth this Reason , Lest his brethrens heart faine like his . Lamentable experience hath giuen too great euidence of the truth hereof . A few white-liuerd , faint-hearted Souldiers haue oft beene the ruine of a great strong Army , which hath beene put to rout by reason of their fainting , and yeelding . So as such men are more fit to stoope downe to a sythe then to take vp a sword , to lift a pitchforke then to tosse a picke , to handle a mattock then to hold a musket , and to carrie a bush-bill rather then a battle-axe . But on the other side , of such vse are valiant men and valourous mindes , as their courage may supply the want of number : and though they bee but few , not feare the face of many . It is noted that Abraham armed three hundred and eighteene , to expresse not the number of many , but the worth of choice ones . Well weigh the mighty and great exploits that were atchieued by Dauids Worthies , by reason of their valour and courage , and you shall finde , that a few couragious men to great armies of cowards are as so many Lyons to whole heards of deere : Fiue may chase an hundred , and an hundred put tenne thousand to slight . Is it not then most meete that Military Men bee of mighty mindes 〈◊〉 In applying this point , I will giue you a diuine direction for attaining to that which hath beene proued to bee so requisite , valour and courage . The direction is grounded on one of Salomons Prouerbe , which is this , The wicked slie when no man pursueth : but the righteous are bold as a Lyon. Righteousnesse then maketh men valorous , wickednesse timerous . They who know who are righteous , who wicked , cannot but acknowledge the truth of this prouerbe . A righteous man cannot be heere thought to bee such an one as hath in euery part , point , and degree fulfilled the Law of righteousnesse according to the exact rule thereof . So there is none righteous : no not one . But in Gospel-phrase hee is accounted righteous , that by true Faith applying to his soule the bloud of Christ , for purging away all his vnrighteousnesse , and laying hold on Christs righteousnesse to be iustified thereby , doth his vtter most endeauour to keepe a cleere conscience before God and Man. This man of all others must needs be the most valourous , whose soule is fenced with the brest-plate of righteousnesse , and shield of Faith , as well as his body with armour and weapons of steele . He feareth nor Diuell nor Man. His conscience will make him fight in none but a good cause . His Faith will make him couragious in that cause . If in his body he be wounded , hee hath * a Spirit to sustaine his infirmity . No passion can so supply the want of bloud and support a man , as this Spirit . Might of minde may ouercome the force of fire . But if the earthen vessell of his body bee so broken as it can no longer retaine this spirit , then flieth it vpward to the place of rest and triumph , passage being made for that righteous soule to ascend to the society of the soules of iust men made perfect : so as the supposed conquest ouer such an one is the cause of his triumph , and maketh him more then a Conqueror . The death of his Saints is pretious in the sight of the Lord. But in Warre so much more pretious it is , by how much more glorious . Get Faith therefore and a good conscience , get them , and keepe them , and they will keepe you from faint heartednesse : they will put life , and spirit , and virtue , and valour into you : they will make you fit for the Artillery profession : they will make you Men indeed , true military men , of mighty mindes . On the contrary side , A wicked man must not euery one bee accounted , that hath committed any sin , ( for All haue sinned : ) but such an one as loueth wickednesse , and liueth therein , and that without true repentance . Faith which is accompanied with repentance , receiueth absolution from God. Absolution from God maketh sinnes to bee as not committed . For the bloud of Christ , which clenseth vs from all sinne , clenseth all that beleeue and repent . But infidelity , and impenitency lay all sinnes open to the wrath and vengeance of God. Knowledge and conscience thereof cannot but fill the soule with many feares and terrors : whence it commeth to passe that such wicked men feare & flie , when none pursueth them . Thus much is expresly threatned against such wicked men . I will send , saith God , a faintnes into their hearts , and the sound of a shaken lease shall chase them , and they shall flie as flying from a sword , and they shall fall when none pursueth , &c. It was the speech of the valourous Earle of Essex , that Sometimes in the field encountering the enemy , the weight of his sinnes lying heauy vpon his conscience , being not reconciled to God , quelled his spirits , and made him the most timerous and fearefull man that might bee . Take heede therefore O yee Captaines , Commanders , and other Members of the Artillery Company , take heede , as you would haue your inward disposition fit for your outward profession , of suffering sin to lie vpon your soules . Let your function bee a motiue to make you trie the truth of your conuersion . Be yee righteous , that you may bee indeede couragious . And to take occasion from your externall profession to put you in minde of your spirituall condition , which is , to be Souldiers of Christs bands , vnder his colours , whose Artillery Garden is the Church Militant , where your Martiall discipline in which you are daily trained vp , is not for recreation and pastime , but in very good earnest , to conquer , vnlesse you will be conquered , and that in a combate of great consequence , wherein no earthly , but an heauenly inheritance is fought for , and for attaining thereto not liberty of this world , but of the world to come , not a temporall , but eternal life is in great hazard . If yee ouercome , yee are free for euer , and gaine an inheritance incorruptible , and vndefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserued in heauen . If yee bee ouercome , yee are perpetuall slaues to Satan , that malicious enemie , who will hold you with euerlasting chaines vnder darkenesse in torture and torment endlesse and ease-lesse , merci lesse and remedilesse . To put you in minde , I say , of this your spirituall condition , know that if valour , and the fore-mentioned ground thereof be so requisite , as hath beene shewed , against bodily enemies , which are but flesh and blood , how much more against spirituall enemies , which are not flesh and blood , but principalities and powers . These especially , wee ought to resist stedfast in the Faith. The chiefe spirituall enemie of our soules , the Diuell , from whom all our other spirituall enemies receiue their strength and courage , is like a Wolfe , and that as in fiercenes , so in fearefulnesse . A Wolfe , if he be stoutly resisted , will flie away : but if he be fearefully shunned or yeelded vnto , then hee will the more fiercely assault , and more greedily deuoure . Euen so the Diuell : Resist the Diuell and he will slie from you . Giue place , and yeeld , and he wil the more eagerly persue , and the more easily preuaile . Neither , if he preuaile , will he any whit the more spare thee for thy yeelding to him , but rather the more proudly insult ouer thee . Wherefore , my Brethren , bee strong in the Lord , and in the power of his might : Put on the whole armour of GOD , that yee may be able to stand against the wiles of the Diuell . Being thus armed , Watch ye , stand fast in the Faith , quit you like men , and be strong : stand couragiously and yee shall stand victoriously . Hitherto ye haue heard of the Honour of your profession , and of the Valour required by virtue thereof . The last point noteth the necessity and benefit thereof , which is this , In peace to prepare for Warre , is a principall part of prudence . The most prudent Prince that euer gouerned people , put in practise this point of policie : euen Salomon , to whom God said , I haue giuen thee a wise & an vnderstanding heart , so that there was none like thee before thee , neither after thee shall any arise like thee . This Salomon enioyed much peace , & had a promise to enioy peace all his daies , and had no cause to feare any assaults or inuasions of enemies , all the nations round about being brought vnder by his Father Dauid : Yet this Prince of Peace built senced cities with walles , gates and barres , and chariot-cities , and cities of horsemen , and had his trained men of War , which are heere noted in my Text ; yea , to shew his store of warlike prouision , it is expressely noted , that hee had forty thousand stalles of horses for his chariots , a thousand foure hundred chariots , and twelue thousand horse men . The first Father of that stocke , wise Abraham , whose house was a place of peace , ( for the feare of God fell vpon all nations round about him , they honoured and reuerenced him , they accounted him a Prince of God ) yet had this Abraham his Artillery Garden , wherein were trained vp and fitted for Warre , such as were borne and brought vp in his house : the number of which Company , I suppose was greater then the number of your Company . For at once on a sudden he armed and led to the Warre more then three hundred trained men . And it is not likely that hee left his house destitute of all defence . He had questionlesse many more of that his Artillery Company . Now note the benefit hereof . On a sudden , in a time of necessity , and case of extremity , hee had them ready to rescue fiue Kings , that were ouerthrowne by their enemies . To presse this patterne yet further for the point in hand , the holy Ghost noteth that Melchizedeck , King of Salem , whose name declared him to be a King of Righteousnesse , whose nation shewed him to bee a Prince of Peace , this Melchizedeck King of Salem ▪ met Abraham with his sorenamed troopes , blessed him and them , gaue good entertainement to them al , and congratulated their returne , giuing thereby an euident demonstration of his approbation of Abrahams prouidence and prudence in maintaining an Artillery garden for his house . The condition of Iehosaphats Kingdome ( who was the fourth Son that by lineall descent came from Salomon , and sate on his Throne ) was much like to Salomons . For the feare of the Lord was vpon all the kingdomes of the land that were round about Iudah , so that they made no War against Iehosaphat : But in testimony of amity , they sent him yeere after yeere many presents : Yet he placed forces in all the fenced cities of Iudah , and set garrisons in the Land , and had eleuen hundred and threescore thousand Men of Warre , mighty men of valour that waited on him , besides those whom hee put in the fenced cities thorow out all Iudah . Admirable it is , and ( but that the word of truth records it ) incredible , that in so small a Kingdome as Iudah was , there should be so many trained , expert , valiant men of Warre , as were in Iehosaphats time . When Iudah and all Israel were ioyned together , euen all the twelue Tribes in one Kingdome , that Kingdome was nothing so spatious as England is . For some of our shires are larger then some of their Tribes were : and yet our shires are in number aboue foure times more then their Tribes were : For wee haue * aboue foure times twelue shires . How farre then doe the three Kingdomes vnder the Dominion of our Soueraigne , England , Scotland and Ireland , how farre doe they exceede in spatiousnesse , the Kingdome of Iehosaphat ? Yet question may bee made , whether in these three Kingdomes , there be so many score thousands of trained Souldiers , well disciplined men of Warre , mighty men of valour , as there were hūdred thousāds in Iudah . We account twenty or thirty thousand a great Army : fiftie thousand a royall Army . What then an hundred thousand ? What an hundred thousand eleuen times multiplied , and threescore thousand added thereto ? All these were vnder their Captaines , by name , Ready f●r Warre , Waiting on the King , to bee sent forth at his command : and yet all the fenced cities , which were very many , well replenished with Garrisons , ouer and aboue those 1160000. Surely they counted it an honour and safety to their land to haue store of trained souldiers , men expert , and ready for Warre at all times . Therefore frequent mention is made thereof . To omit other particulars , in Dauids time , Ioah gaue vp the number and summe of fineteene hundred and seuentie thousand men of Warre , and yet left two Tribes vnnumbred . Surely there must needs be many Artillery Gardens , and they well replenished , Martiall discipline must needs be there much exercised , where were so many thousands , yea hundred thousands trained vp to Warre . If the wiseman might send men to the Ants to learne of them to prouide meate in the summer , and to gather foode in the haruest , much better may men be sent to such worthy patternes as were guided and approued by God , to bee alwaies prouided with expert Souldiers trained vp to War , euen in times of peace . A maine difference is herein put betwixt wisemen and footes . We haue a prouer be that saith , A foote will take his cloake in fowle weather . But a wiseman takes it with him at all times . He knoweth that a bright sun-shine day may bee soone turned into a cloudy rainy day . Peace is not like the rumoue able mountaines , but rather like to the variable skie . Wisedome teacheth men to forecast the worst , that they may be prouided against the word , yea and thereby preuent the worst . It in an old and true Motto , Pax armis , Peace is procured , prese●ued , se●ured by preparations and p●ouisions for War. Where are many Antillery Gardens , and they much frequented , and Martiall discipline therein daily and duly exercised , Amitie with such Kingdomes will be earnestly desired , and welcomely embraced : Kings of such Kingdomes will be admired of their friends , and feared of their foes : Subiects of such Kingdomes wil finde lust and kinde entertainement in forraine parts : Natiues and Allies will be s●cured : All manner of callings freely exercised : Lands & inheritances quietly enioyed : Enemies dented : Inuasions and insurrections preuented : and many , many euills auoided . They who reuerence nor God nor man , where they see or heare of an ou●r-mastering power , will be kept within compasset and though conscience doe , not alter their inward disposition , yet constraint will order their outward conuersation . But on the contrary , by fearelesse , and carelesse security , by neglect of Artillery and Military exercises , by want of men meete for War , whole Cities , and Kingdomes are oft made a bootie and prey to their enemies , and suddenly ruinated . Instance Laish , they were a people that were at quiet and secure , and the Danites on a sudden smote them with the edge of the sword , and burnt their Cities with fire . For a citie and nation to bee without Artillery Gardens , is as dangerous as for a traueller to be without a sword . If the fore-mentioned patternes of prudent Princes , and wise States-men , recorded & approued in Gods Word , for training vp armies of men in warlike exercises , and that in times and places of peace : If the many great benefits which thereby arise and acrue to a Land and Kingdome , and the many great mischiefes which are like to follow , vpon a carelesse neglect thereof , bee motiues of force , motiues of force are not wanting to proue , that , In peace to prepare for Warre , is a principall part of prudence . The Application of this point , doth as neerely concerne this Artillery Company , as any of the former , both for iustification , and also for approbation and commendation thereof . Were our daies more halcyon , more quiet , and peaceable then they are , or were they more free from feare of danger then they are , yet were your Artillery exercises lawfull , needfull , vsefull . True it is , that they are not in pitcht fields , pede pes , & cuspide cuspis , face to face , foot to foot , speare to speare against enemies . They are in a quiet Citie , in a time of peace among your selues . They are like the Olympian games ( instituted by potent and prudent Hercules ) and the Isthmian sports ( ordained by Theseus in imitation of Hercules ) as delightsome preparations for Warre . They are like to the Pyrrick dancing which was inuented by Pyrrhus , called armed dancing , because it was performed by men clad in armour , and warlike dancing , because it was a representation of sundry kindes of battailes , and a meanes to make them well to weld their Armour in Warre . They are like those Warre-like sports and pastimes which were practised by Cyrus when he was a youth , and by his coequalls , and play-fellowes . They are delightsome recreations . But what then ? Are they therefore not lawfull ? Or not needfull ? Or not vsefull ? Hee is too seuere and censorious , and goeth beyond the liberty of Gods Word , that condemneth all recreations , all delightsome pastimes . He is too improuident and imprudent , that conceiueth nothing needfull or vsefull , whereof there is not necessary vse in that present and instant time wherein it is vsed . Were your Artillery exercises onely for recreation , they are the best recreations that can be vsed . Were there at this time no need or vse of them , they may bee hereafter of absolute necessity . Delight in the things which men doe , swalloweth vp the paines that is taken about them , makes men the more diligent and constant in their exercises , and bringeth them to the greater experience and perfection therein . Not onely expert souldiers , but experienced Captaines also are made by Military recreations vsed in Artillery Gardens . So as if suddenly Armies were to be raised of more men then all the Military Companies can afford , yeo might sufficient store of Captaines , and other Commanders and officers be taken out of your companies to gouerne and guide , to instruct and encourage such as for want of former exercising were altogether inexperienced . Of the fiftie thousand that out of Zabulen came to Dauid in Hebron , by way of commendation , it is said that they could set a battell in aray , & leade an Army . This implieth , that by their practising of Artillery exercises , they were all able to leade , and order armies , to set them in aray , & goe before them Besides the policy of other nations and ages , our Ancestors well discerned the neede , vse , and benefit of such recreations as might fit men for Warre : which moued them to make such strict Statute Lawes for the exercise of shooting , as they did : For , 1. Euery Master of a Family ( except spirituall men , and Iustices of one Bench or other ) was to exercise shooting himselfe . 2. He was to keepe bowes and arrowes continually in his house . 3. Hee was to bring vp those that were in his house in the exercise of shooting . 4. If hee suffered any betwixt the age of seuen and seuenteene , sonne or seruant to abide in his house without bow or arrowes a moneth together , for euery such default hee was to pay forty shillings . 5. If a seruant tooke wages , his Master might buy him bow , and arrowes , and deduct the price out of his wages . 6. If any man-seruant betwixt the yeeres of seuenteene and threescore , that took wages , were a moneth without bow and arrowes , for euery such default hee forfeited six shillings and eight pence . In those daies gunnes ( the sure and soare messengers of death ) were not so in vse as now they are . Strength and skill in shooting was it that made our english nation famous for Warre . Their exercise therof in time of peace , and that for recreation , made them so expert , as they were , therein , at times of Warre . The * frequent mention of bowes and arrowes , in Scripture , as instruments of Warre , sheweth that of antient time they haue beene vsed to that purpose : and a Ionathans vsing his bow and arrowes for recreation , sheweth that of old among Gods people such recreations were vsed as might the better fit men to War. The men of Gibeah without question from their youth were exercised in sport , to sling stones at a marke , or else they could neuer haue attained to such extraordinary skill , as to b sling stones at an haires bredth and not faile . The skil which the men of Beniamin ( of which Tribe those Gibeonites were ) are after this noted to haue in slinging stones with the right and left hand , sheweth , that this was an vsuall exercise of the youth and men of that Tribe . Such recreations in peace as are preparations vnto Warre , iustly deserue to be reckoned vp among those necessarie vocations whereby Polities are preserued : and while you are exercising your selues therein , you are imployed in your calling , and you goe on in that way , wherein God promiseth to giue his Angels charge ouer you , to beare you vp in their hands , least you dash your feete against a stone . When I duely weigh that little which hath beene said , and withall consider how much more might bee said of , and for the warrant , honour , need , vse , and benefit of your Artillery profession , I cannot s●fficiently wonder at the blindnesse , carelesnesse , improuidence , and security of this our age , in neglecting and disrespecting a matter of so great consequence , so nearely concerning the glory , tranquillity , and safety of the whole land , and of all the societies and seuerall persons therein . Me thinkes that it is more then meete that euery Citie and Corporation , if not euery Towne and Village throughout the Land , should haue an Artillery Garden : and that the great populous Cities , especially LONDON , should haue as many Artillery Gardens , as it hath Wards : and that publique allowances should bee afforded to such as willingly offer themselues to these Militarie exercises . I haue heard of liberall legacies , & bountiful donations giuen for making Cawsies , mending High-waies , building Bridges , and other such like workes , but little or nothing for purchasing and maintaining Artillerie Gardens , and the Warre-like exercises appertaining thereto . I cannot therefore much wonder that there are no more such Companies , as yours is , and no more of your company . But because euery rare thing is pretious , I reioyce that you are of those , who , by how much the more rare they are , by so much the more glorious they appeare to be . By you it must be effected , if it be effected , that the antient english name and Renowne for Martiall discipline be preserued ( if not repaired also ) & propagated to posterity . Be not therefore now slacke in prosecuting that which you haue so wel begun . Be diligent to keepe your training daies , & to exercise your armes , that such as by much practise are well experienced may be presidents and patternes to others : and those others by like constāt practise may attaine to answerable experience . Let no discouragements dismay you . The lesse encouragemēt you haue from others , the greater is your praise , that so willingly take such paines at your own cost to make your selues seruiceable for the defence , security , and safety of the Land & Kingdome where you liue . In you my Text is in our daies & Land verified ; for of you it may be truely said , THEY were MEN of WARRE . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01970-e220 Nulli qui est deputatus ad aliquod officium , li●● : id per quod s●o officio incongruu● redditur . Vnde clericis omnino non licet bella gerere &c. Aquin. 2. 2. quaest . 40. Artic. 2 * See page 15. Black-Freyers London . Iul. 10. 1026. Notes for div A01970-e720 The Sum of Text , & Sermon . The Parts of the Text. 2 Chron. 8. 7 , 8. Who not fit for Warre . 2 Chron. 8. 9. Who fit for Warre The property of men of Warre . Numb . 13. 2 , 3. 1 Sam. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est●te viri . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Situ viri . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Herod . in Poly●● . 1. Chr. 12. 23. — Ver. 38 Ioel 2. 7. — 3. 9. 2. Chr. 17. 13. Preparation for warre vnder a Prince of peace . Ios. 5. 8. Iudg. 5. 8. Iudg. 15. 11 2 Sam. 8. 1. &c. 1 Chron. 12. 9. Isa. 9. 6. Ephes. 2. 14 * The three principall points of the Text. a C● Phormio de Imperatoris essi ●o . & omni re militari sic dixisset , vt caeteri qui illum audirent vehementer es sent dele●lati , Annibal inte●●gatus quid de illo Philosopho iudicaret , respondit , ●●●oltos se deliros senes sapè vidisse , sed qui magis quam Phormio deliraret , vidisse neminem . Cic. de Orat. lib. 2. The souldiers profession , and honourable function . Gen. 23. 6. — 14. 14. 1 Sam 17. 12 , 13. 1 Sam. 17. 32. &c. -18. 27 30. Who of old were men of Warre . 1 Sam. 14. 52. Titles of honour most due to men of warre . Maiores nostri summam rebus bellicis retulere glo ria . Amb. Offic. l. 1. c. 35. Things requisite to make men fit sro War. Double honour due to such as exercise Armes . 1 Tim. 517. Honos alit artes . Cic. Tusc. quaest . lib. 1. Sint Me●anates non de●runt Flacce Marones : Virgiliumque tibi vel tua rura dabunt . Martial l. 8. Epigr. 56. Encouragement to Artillery Gét. Iudg. 5. 9. * Compare Rom 13. 5 with 1 Pet. 2. 13. 2 Chron. 17 16. Quoniam sibi mercedem ab homine non quaesiuit , à deo accepit , sicut legimus &c. Ambr. de Abr. Pat. l. 1. c. 3. Motiue to draw more to the Artillery Garden . * Page 40. Valour requisite for Souldiers . Iudg. 7. 5. Expounded . Ios. 1. 6. — 9. Deut 31. 7 Deut. 20. 8 Iudg. 7. 3. De Israelitarum virtute in bellis gerendis lege Aug. de Mirab. S. Script . l. 2 c. 34. Iudg 20. 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Chron. 13. 3. * The Hebrew is very emphaticall , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the emphasis whereof being obserued by the LXX . is thus expressed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mighty in might . 2 Sam. 10. 17. 1. Sam. 14. 52. 2 Sam. 17. 10. 1 Chron. 12. 1. 2 8 , 21 Deut. 20. 8. Damage of timerous Souldiers . Numerauit 318. Vi scias non quātitatem numeri sed meritum electionis expressum . Ambr. de Abr. Pair . l. 1. c. 3. 2 Sam. 23. 8 , 9. &c. 1 Chron. 12. 14. Leuit. 26. 8 Who valerous who timerous . Pro. 28. 1. Quis tam sortis quam sanctus . Amb. Offic. l. 1. c. 39. Who to be accounted righteous . Psal. 14. 3. Rom 3. 10 Impauidus profecto miles , & omni ex parte securus , qui vt corpus serro . sic animum fidei lorica induitur , vtriusque nimirum indutus armis , nee dae mone timet . nec hominem . Bern serm . ad Mil. Temp. c. 1. * Pro. 18. 14 S Laurentius 〈…〉 ignis naturā . 〈◊〉 Ossic. l 1 c. 41 Fisi hostes no● perimant , ●ullum tamen ad animas periculum migrat &c. Crys Hom. 7. in 1 Tim c. 2. Siue in lecto , siue in bello qu● mo●●tur , preciosa e●t sine dubio in conspectu donum mors sinctorum . Caterum in bello taniò profecto pretiosior quant● gloriosior . Bern Loc. citat . Who to be accounted wicked . Rom 3 23. 1 Iob. 1. 7. Leu. 16. 36 D. Barlow in his Sermon preached at Pauls Crosse , March 1. 1600. being the next Sunday after the execution of the late Earle of Essex . Courage against spirituall enemies . 1 Pet. 1. 4 Iam. 4. 7. Libentius te ins●●uitur aduersarius fugientem , qu●m sustineat repugnantem : & auda●ius infi●●● à tergo quam resistat in faciem . Bern. Epist. 1. ad Rob Nepot . suum . Ephes. 6. 10 11. 1 Cor. 16. 13. Warre to be prepared for in Peace . 1 King 3. 12. 2 Chron. 8 5 , 6 , 9. 1 King 4. 26. 2 Chron. 1. 14. Abrahams Artillery Garden . Gen. 14. 14 The number by Patent granted to the Artillery Company of London , is ●00 . which number was not full at the time of preaching this Sermon . Gen. 14. 18 19. 20. Heb 7. 1. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 Chron. 17. 10 , 11 , 13 &c. * In England 39. ●n Wales 13. 1 Chron. 21. 5. Pro. 6. 6. &c. Benefits of Antillery Gardens . The damage of neglecting Armes . Iudg. 18. 27. Iustificatiō of Artiller ; exercises . Plutarch . in Vita Thesei . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plat. Xenoph. de Cyri. instit . lib. 1. Idem de Cyri min. Exped . l. 5. 1 Chron. 12. 33 38. 9. Statute ●●33 . yeare of Hen 8. * Gen 48. 22. Ios. 24. 12. 1 King. 22. 34. 2 King. 6. 22. — 9. 24. — 13 15. &c. 1 Chron. 5. 18. — 8 40. — 12. 2. — 17. 17. — 26. 14. — 35. 13. Psal. 44. 6. — 76. 3. a 1 Sam. 20 20. b Iudg. 20. 16. 1 Chron. 12 2. Psal. 91. 11 12. Quiae omne rarum pretiosum , gaudeo te de illis esse , qui quan●o rariores , tanto apparebūt gloriosiores . Bern. ep . 1. ad Rob. ●●p . suum . 
A18054	----	A military dialogue betweene Philomusus and Miles lively expressing the horrible effects of war, and the unspeakable benefit of peace / by Richard Carter. Carter, Richard. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A18054 of text S1537 in the English Short Title Catalog (STC 4697.5). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 38 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A18054 STC 4697.5 ESTC S1537 20211926 ocm 20211926 23803 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A18054) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 23803) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1707:3) A military dialogue betweene Philomusus and Miles lively expressing the horrible effects of war, and the unspeakable benefit of peace / by Richard Carter. Carter, Richard. [26] p. Printed by John Okes, and are to be sold at the white Lion in St. Pauls Church-yard, London : MDCXL [1640] In verse. "Jan. 2, 1638. Imprimatur Matthew Clay"--Colophon. Signatures: A-C⁴ D¹. Imperfect: print show-through. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University. Library. eng War poetry, English. Peace -- Poetry. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A18054 S1537 (STC 4697.5). civilwar no A military dialogue betweene Philomusus and Miles lively expressing the horrible effects of war, and the unspeakable benefit of peace / by R Carter, Richard 1640 5722 4 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Angela Berkley Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Angela Berkley Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A MILITARY Dialogue betweene PHILOMVSVS and MILES . Lively expressing the horrible Effects of War and the unspeakable benefit of Peace . Dulce bellum in expertis . By Richard Carter . LONDON , Printed by John Okes , and are to be sold at the white Lion in St. Pauls Church-yard , MDCXL . To the Reader health and happines . REader , retire thy selfe a while , Where private thou mayst be And read ( although in rustick stile ) This Poem pend by me . For Pan , and Coridon , gives light , Like Phoebus now and then ; So truth shall spring and shine full bright , From my illiterate pen , Truth seeks no Trumpet for to sound , She wants no pray so of man : Good Wine we know , it may be found , Without a gay Garland . Briefly therefore , I shall declare , The scope which I intend , To shew the genuine fruits of warre , And Peace with Truth commend . The Souldier he would fight the field , Fond Fame for to increase , Philomusus doth cause him yield : They both conclude in Peace . Now least this Preface should exceed ( The Books ) and be too great : No further here , I will proceed , And now I shut the gate . Philomusus thus beginneth . WHat suddain winde hath blown you back , How comes this quick return ? Where are the spoyls of warre and wrack : What ailes thee thus to mourn ? It lik'd thee not to bide at home , And work from day to day , But needs ( forsooth ) you must be gone , A Souldiers part to play . Why look'st thou thin ? why shougst thou so ? Why art thou thus arraid ? Do Souldiers in this habit go ? And with such wages paid ? Thou wents from hence in good attire , And money in thy bag , But back again thou dost retire : Not with one comely rag . Now for my part , I love not jarres : God send me health and peace , I take no pleasure in the warres , My fortunes to increase . I hope your hotnesse at the first , To follow Souldiers train , Is cooled now you have no lust : In warre to gad again . Miles thus replyeth . I Must confesse , I do repent Before the time I thought : And that I have by this attempt , More losse then booty caught . Yet blame I not the Warres therefore , For Warre is such a gaine : Some that were poore return with store , Some rich , come home with shame . As for my losse was small I say , For ( when I went from hence ) I hardly had where with to pay My charges and expence . And thus I warred in this case , In joy for hope of pay : But Coyne was scarce , and Warres did cease : So home I took my way . But as for you and all such like , You flow in wealth at will : I wonder not that you dislike , The bloudy Warres so ill . Your money cannot fight for you , Can wealth defend the Land ? But such as I , and all my crew : Must in your quarrels stand . You do of Souldiers base esteeme , For we are abjects now : The time will come , it may be seen : To Souldiers you may bow . Philomusus respond . WEll now I see you like it well , Still idle to remain : The more thou stirre , the worse you smell , The Proverbe speaketh plain . An honest man some course will take , To live upon some Trade ; And as we do our bargain make ; So is our wages paid . If harme thou catch , whose is the blame ? Not his that did thee hire : For as thou dost thy wages claime , So men thy work require . Thou must not think to loyter then , Most like the idle Drones : Consuming that which other men , Have got with painful groans . These happy times were in my minde , When all were well employd ; When hardly one we could not finde , That idle did abide . But idle persons now do shift , Great multitudes do swarme ; Committing murther , whoredome , theft : And every mortall harme . One saith , he gladly would take pains , Yet work he will not seek : If he one day in work remains , Will play therefore a week . Some wrap their legs with clouts and salve , In corners where they lurk : But Souldiers chiefly think they have , A priviledge from work . Thus vagrant Souldiers go and come , Untill good Laws take place : Then some reforme , and other some Doe die with great disgrace . And Souldiers do with ill intent ; Set all at five , and nine : And when your means you have all spent , All others you repine . If Souldiers can in warre I say , All mortall pains embrace , I nothing doubt but they that may , Aswell take pains in peace . For he that can doe nothing more But Peascods sheale ( they say ) Three quarters of a yeare therefore , For want of worke must play . Miles . VVE Souldiers stand in all the strife , For to defend the Land : With Pikes and Gunnes , and losse of life , Your foes we doe withstand . When we have passed all this harme , With great distresse and cost , Some one a Legge , and some an Arme , And other joynts have lost . Yet nothing to us will you give , But poore Nay and delay : Our wants you will not once relieve , But we must packe away . Sometimes a sore or festered wound , Lame souldiers may protect : But such as I ( whose limbes be sound ) We live still in suspect . For vagrant persons now we goe , And scorned here , and there : So that in warre , with mortall foe , We live not in such feare , And when a Souldier would take paines , His service is refus'd : But if from labour he refiaines , He must not be excus'd . If begge , or steale , the Law takes place , Which way then shall we live ? If steale , ( we doe dye with disgrace ) The Law will not forgive . I thinke it better to embrace The Warre ( and purchase Fame ) Than thus to live in time of peace , In such reproach and shame . I can with Musquet travise so , And tosse the tottering Pikes : I know to skirmish with my foe , And when I ought to strike . I know to spurre the Barbed Horse , And how to make my Race , And warily my foes to course , And valiently them chase . I can well scale those fenced Walls , Against which I am sent I want no skill , when time thus falls , Ambushments to prevent . I know to keepe me in array , To march and to retire : And take advantage on the day , When need shall so require . I skilfull am how every wing , In order should be plac'd , For war-like Feasts , in every thing , I will not be out-fac'd . These things are hard for Carpet Knights , Who sleepe in ease and rest : But Souldiers gaine ( though got in fights ) In time of Warre is best . Philomusus . OH boasting Thrasoe , I thee heare , How faine thou wouldst excuse Thy loytering life ; but stay , forbeare , Thou dost thy selfe abuse , What man so mad , or voyd of care , Or of so little wit , That doth not thinke the warres now are In time of peace , unfit . Warre doth disturbe , and vexe each thing , And order doth deface ; And doth dis-throne a right borne King Out of his Regall place . Warre setteth in the selfe-same Throne , Usurpers for to reigne : The Lords and Peers then grieve and groan , When Commons all are slaine . The Virgins ravished most vild , The new borne Infants dye : The Father sees his murther'd child , As he doth wounded lye . The Wife lamenting , weeping goeth , Anon alike doth speed : And still the murthering souldier doth , In shedding blood proceed . Then fiery flames consumes the Towne , When murthering Cannons rore : The Barbed Horses trample downe The fruits of all our store . And noble sparkes , in place most high Are then a Souldiers prey , Some plead for life , some desperately Doe cast themselves away . Who speedeth best hath for his hire The losse of wealth and life : Most stately buildings flame with fire , Whilst swords doe end the strife . The tattering Terrets shake with shot , The battered Bulwarkes breake : Hall , Church , nor Temple , standeth not ; Our strength is then too weak . Thus raging rigour , rules the roast , Rash ruine riddeth all : Yet thou of warre dost brag and boast , As if our losse were small . To this intent , example take , Of Souldiers lewdnesse great : That I may prove these words I speak , I briefly shall repeat . A Tragedie of Souldiers art , Most worthy of all blame : Both for the terrour of the fact , And authours of the same . The Country , place , and parties name , I nominate will not : Because that Christians did the same , But Christ they clean forgot . A sad tragicall Relation . A Captain had ( I say agen ) Obtain'd at Prince his hand , For to conduct a Band of men , Into an other Land . And marching on approached neere , Unto a Peasants Farme : ( For so they terme the Yeomen there , ) This yeoman thought no harme . But ( as he durst not contrary , So did he entertain : The Captain with all courtesie , The Souldiers did remain . Within a Village joyning neere : The Captain onely bee , With other Souldiers he had there , As after you shall see . Who lodged at this Yeomans house , Who feasted them with store : That he might still prevent abuse , Was carefull evermore . This Host three comely Daughters had , The eldest was most faire : Which made the Captain almost mad : His lust was set on fire . Her fore-head high , did register , Her feature men adored : There was not one , like unto her , Like Venus so adorned . Her Crimson cheeks ; and Christ all eyes , Her lips , like Cherries red : Her words right sober , grave , and wise ; Her haire like golden thred . Venus with her could not compare , Which won the golden Ball : Nor Dido , that sweet Lady faire , Who had the love of all . Her voyce did sing melodiously , To such as did her heare , That all which heard her harmony , Their drooping hearts did cheare . Much further yet I could proceed , Nature did thus adorne : You may in her love-lines still read ; Shee did all basenesse scorne . If outward parts like starres did shine , Which men did plainly see : Doubtlesse her soule was most divine , ( I judge in charity . ) The Captaines Lust this did renew , With furious fiery 〈◊〉 : He bidding honesty adiew , Then snatcht her in his armes . This lustfull Captain would not stay , This Virgin to intreat : But hayling her , by force away , I blush this to repeat . The Devill on this Leatcher eggs , He throws her on a bed : Some ( of his Souldiers held her legs , Her armes , and some her head . Whilst he commited viilany , To feed his lustfull will ; In vain she screeks , lament and cry , None could prevent her ill . This being done , he jeeres her too , I will omit to shew , What bloody teares , and throbs also : Did from this Ravish'd flow . Then did she seek to revenge it , And thereto was she bent , Behold also : how time did hit , To further her intent . She snatching up a Knife which he , ( Had lefe upon the board ) Then suddenly to him stept she : And to the heart him goard . Stone dead he sinketh down that day , The rest were in a Maze : But she did start aside whilst they ; Vpon the corps did gaze . She told her father what was done , And forth with fled away : Alas she knew not where to run , But to the Lord did pray . Desiring rather death , then life : And then report was brought , Vnto the Souldiers of that strife , And who that fact had wrought . The Soulpiers run as they were wilde , Untill they had her found : She being caught , these Tyrants vilde , Fast to a Tree her bound . The Souldiers then discharged there , At her their thund ring shot : So that their bullets left in her , Not one free place or spot . Thus dyde this peerlesse Paragon , For whose death we may grieve : The like to her I know not one : That do amongst us live . I must bewaile the female sexe , And wish they may amend : But yet the Captain did her vexe , And first the Law offend . In this unhappy Tragedy , There many more were slain : The Yeomans house they did destroy , Who did them entertain . This is your warlike havock still , This is the Souldiers trade : Who having got the reyns at will , Run mad like Colts unmade . Consuming all ; and laying waste , Always both night and day : And rushing head-long at the last , Into their own decay . Miles Respond . ANd what of this ? though some do ill , Will you condemne the rest ? As if mens bloud , onely to spill , A Souldier thus were prest , Nay , ( by a Souldiers troth I sweare ) Our Discipline is such : That now in peace , amongst you here , You use not halfe so much . Philomusus . ALL Souldiers not condemned are , But some we must commend ; Who prudently ( by lawfull Warre ) The Common-weale defend . But better were it , without doubt , ( If God so pleas'd would be ) That there peace the World throughout , Withall of each degree . Miles . I Do confesse it may be said , That ( peace with truth is sweet ) But circumstances duely wai'd , Warre sometimes is as meet . You speak disdainfull of Warre now , I say to you again , In time of peace more mischiefe flow , Then do in Warre remain . First know , that peace doth plenty cause , From plenty still proceeds ; The hurtfull breach of all good Laws ; Prosperities now breeds . As Whoredome , Pride , and Lechery , In time of peace are rife : Contempt of God and man alway , With gluttony and strife . If Souldiers in the Warre do spoyle , The Miser for his gold : In peace the Rich , the poore do foyle , Much more a thousand fold . In Warre by sword , sometimes we die , And then is peace begun : But poore men are by Usury , In time of peace undone . In Warre the Victor shews mercy , Unto his yielding foe ; In peace the debtor loud doth cry , Yet to Gaole must goe . In Warre hard lodging , mean attire , And homely Joans men use : In peace all these with fond desire , Most proudly fools abuse . In Warre the presence of our foes , A view of death doth give : In peace your folly you disclose , And dreame you shall still live . In time of peace true Justice sure , With most can beare no sway ; Yet such great feare Warre doth procure : It chaseth vice away . If that the cause of Warre be good , The end then proveth so : If not ; our sins , they have withstood , Vice is our greatest foe . Philomusus . ALas , poore silly simple man , What , are thy wits thine own ? Thou speakest much , but little can , To good effect be showne . And sure I am of this always , 'T is hard for one to take : From peace , her due deserved prayse , Or good of ill to make . Thou saist peace breeds plentiousnesse That freely I confesse : But ( saying store breeds idlenesse ) Therein thou do'st digresse . Wine is not drunken of it self , Though Drunkards it abuse : Nor idlenesse proceeds from pelfe , Though some it leudly vse . Nowe Judge thyself whether that man , In idlenesse doth rest , When he doth labour what he can : Of store to be possest . Or he that hath not wherewithall , His empty maw to feed ; With tooth and naile , and hand doth hall , For to supply his need . We live in peace , with what we got , You live in Warre , and want ; It doth appeare , we loyter not : But you in worke are scant . If you more idle did not live , In warre then we in peace : You freely would to others give , And not their goods decrease . You say there are of vices swarms , In peace and plenty now ; But I conceale a thousand harms , From bloudy warres that flow . I rather plough , and sow in field , With sweat to get my bread : Then in the Warres with golden shield , A Troop of Horses lead . O noble , Athens , hadst thou used , Dame Pallas gift aright : Thy walls had then not been abus'd , But still had stood in sight . Before the walls were raized above , And ere the Town had name ; Or God Neptune with Pallas strove : For honour of the same . Their strife was this : first Neptune smote , A Rock with Trident Mace : From whence a warlike Horse did trot , Well harnessed in that place . Then Pallas smote the ground most free , With Javelin she did beare : From whence afresh , green Olive Tree , Did presently appeare . The warlike Horse did represent , In warre most good successe : The Olive Tree : did with consent , To Athens peace expresse . Then wisely Athens took their course , In one they did agree : Forsaking Neptunes armed Horse , They choosed Pallas Tree . If they fore-seeing victory , Did rather seek for peace , How much more then ought we then they , From doubtfull wars to cease ? Now Souldiers leave Tou-to-lo-gie , If men in peace do wrong : Good Laws have now free liberty ; To punish them ere long . Miles . BVt by your leave I am not mad : My wits are not yet flowne : I doe not make a good thing bad : Nor speake of things unknowne . Epe-mi nun-das doth report , That under Cloak of peace , ( Vice vaunteth out , with pompe and port ) But vertue doth encrease . Sodom and Gomor , in the plaine , With divers Cities more ; There did not one of them remaine ( But onely little Zoar. ) These liv'd in peace , and fond desire , Fearing no warre at all : Till from the Lord Brimstone and fire , Did downe upon them fall . When did Darius Kingdomes jarre , Who Asia all possest ? But when he was unarm'd for warre , And gave himselfe to rest . You trim your selves in Peacocks plumes , Sporting in Venus Court : You are besmear'd with sweet perfumes , And use each want on sport . A Helmet hides your handsome face , Oh take heed of a Gunne . Your Mistris you cannot embrace , If Mars his course you runne . You are foole bent , with fond intent , To dance in Venus string : To all delights you are attent , All care away you sing . What did you never heare this truth , What stories do report : Of Hercules ; how in his youth There did to him resort , Two Ladies , one a dainty dame , In stately Robes beclad , The other plain of Natures frame , These found the yongster sad . To Hercules these females came , But one with wanton tricks , The other vnto fight for fame . His youthfull courage pricks . But Hercules he did detest , The first ; and all she said : Unto the second Ladies heast , He during life obeyed . By Hercules his choice and fate , We easily may gesse ; That peace makes men effeminate , Which Warre will soon suppresse . Philomusus . NOw Tully doth preferre ill peace , Before a most just Warre : Therefore when Foxes teach the Geese Great danger is not farre . For Pius Anthonius said , I better like of peace ; Then other Kingdomes to invade : My glory to increase . And Andrianus also said ; He rather would divide , Small bounds in peace , then make aside , To conquer Kingdomes wide . For Warr that changeth peace ( I say ) Is like a harebrain Colt : That leaves the plain and beaten way , Ore Hedge and Ditch to bolt . Not peace , but the abuse of peace , Gods anger doth provoke , When Sodome did her sin increase , Gods wrath on them did smoake . I say not but that wisdome would , In peace we should prepare : Against our foes , alwayes we should , Still have a watchfull care . I wish our ships may multiply , And in our Havens ride , And that we may both farre and nigh , Artillery provide . I wish our youth with Marshall strain , May train in every place : By means hereof we may attain , Great skill in little space . Miles . INdeed your words I understand , But oh how brave a thing , It is when fame in every Land , Our valiant Prowesse ring . But heare me now , I tell you what , To this you needs must yield ; No fame can be compar'd with that , That is obtain'd in field . Thus famé doth frump them to their face , Who do all Warre deride ; Such do condemme the Eagles grace , And praise the Peacocks price . Philomusus . THou seemest to have a valiant heart , Thou countst of bloud but light : Consider thou a Christian art , And they that with thee fight Are Christians too aswell as wee . What should there be more said ? In Truth , and Peace , we must agree : As members of one head . The Heathen they were still at odds , God was to them unknown ; And every man , ador'd his gods , Or Idols of his own . But Christians have one God most good : That God we worship all . Know thou , that shedding Christians blood , Is not a trespasse small . Lucre of gain did move their hands , To Warre , and bloody Rage : For quarrels small on forreigne Lands , Ungodly Warres do wage . As they their Triumphs did erect , So envie did abound ; And they ( whom least they did suspect : Did first their pride confound . ) Where is the Parsian Macedon ? And Roman Empire wide ? And Thesius , that valiant one ? And Hercules beside ? Alexander , with thousands more , Which I omit to name ; Did hazard life , and all their store , To follow fleeting fame . What can you say , now of these men , That shed of blood such store ? For , take away the cause , and then ; Their fame remayns no more . Yet such as you ( as Tully says ) That nothing have to lose : Are forward still in brawles and frayes , For then your profit grows . In troubled waters you may fish ; Not waying others wracks For blood and Warre , you ever wish , To satisfie your lack . And now ( my friend ) since that our King , And Countrey rest in peace , Forbeare to strike this jarring string , From blood and brawls now cease . But when by Law thou shalt be prest , Obey the King alway , Then thou shalt have my wishes best : That thou maist winne the day . Miles . YOur words with me do now prevaile , And this I adde beside , In vain the shipman hoysts his Saile : Against both Winde and Tyde . And now I see you partly yield , To Mars his honour right : True fame obtained is in field ; When Souldiers bravely fight . Philomusus . I Say ( indeed ) that Fame always , In lawfull Warre is good : And worthy prayse ( if otherwise , It may not be withstood . ) But all those Kings I more prayse yet , That rule in peace aright : Then such as have a pregnant wit , Against their foes to fight . To this Cicero is not wrong , Who says let weapons yield To men in Gowns that use the tongue , Resigne the conquered field . Though Romulus fought valiantly , As Rome can witnesse well : Yet Numa ( ruling quietly ) Did Romulus excell . But lo , what need I rove to Rome ? To fetch examples farre Great peace we do enjoy at home ; And are not vext with Warre . ( Lord ) blesse King Charles with peace & health And still preserve his Grace : With Nestors age , and Craesus wealth To rule in Regall place , Give to thy Gospell passage free , To flourish every where , Make Christians all in Faith agree : In Europe farre , and neere . The fertile earth by tillage all , Re-yields in time her store : Each fruitfull thing of moment small . Doth prosper daily more . We nothing want ( if Grace we have ) To be in heart content ; With thankfulnesse for to receive , Those gifts which God hath sent . Religion here is grounded pure , Like England , now no Coast Throughout the bounds of Europe sure , Hereof , like us may boast . For Discipline like ancient Rome ; For wise , brave men of might : A Thebes for wealth : wee are become , Corinth and Athens right . Our King doth prize his people high , Their goods , and lives , alway : And all true subjects willingly , His Highnesse do obey . Both Prince and Peeres , with noble train With solid Councell sage , Do seem , for to renew again ; The former golden Age . Foule crimes , we see , now punish'd be , And good men have reward : Now Justice hath to each degree , Of Judgement true regard . O happy Realme , King Charles happy , O happy subjects all : O that we knew , how happily : Our happinesse doth fall . Then should we highly prize the Reigne , Of our Renowned King : With melody and mirth amayne , Our Muses thus would sing . Our King with Kingly Majesty , And other vertues rare ; ( Wherein to Solomon full high ; His Grace we may compare . ) You that with Envy do corrode , Like grisly Gorgons fell : With tumours great like Aesops Toade , In poysoned Malice swell . Will you to Hell your selves engage ? Know God will work his will : Not spightfull Saul for all his rage , Could good King David kill . Your spight is spide , your knots are known , Your secrets are bewrayde : And God upon your plots hath blowne , Your selves you have betraide . The like successe God grant to those , That wish King Charles ill : ( O God ) prevent our mortall foes , Thy Church oh prosper still . Thy Tents how goodly garnisht be , Great Britaine greatly grac't ? No Nation can compare with thee ; Great priviledge thou hast . Had I the learned Homers strain , Or Virgils stately speech : If Tullies tongue I could obtain , Thy prayse I should impeach , Therefore in silence leave I will , Thy full flourishing fame To wiser wits , and learned quill ; To publish forth the same . An Ivy-bush is hung in vain . Where good Wine is to sell : Here now I shall my selfe contain , And still thus pray I will . ( O Lord ) with walls of brass 〈…〉 e , Environ Britain round , When all the World shall her admire , Prayse shall to God rebound . Thus to my purpose , now I come , From which I have digrest , ( Brave Souldier ) this shall be the summe : Leave Warre , and live at rest . Enjoy those fruits of Peace that fall I will relieve thy lack : This money take ; and therewithall , Buy rayment for thy back . If thou didst know , that small increase , Which other Nations taste , Then wouldst thou more esteeme of peace , And make to Warre lesse haste . Now whilst this peace we do behold , Let us ensue the same : With heart , and voice , still as we should , Thus prayse , and laud Gods Name . And render to our famous King , Such firme Allegeance true ; Those fruits the Gospell forth doth bring : From faithfull subjects due . Miles returneth thanks to Philomusus . FOr this great love to me you shew , Most hearty thanks I give : I purpose still to pray for you , Whilst here on earth I live . ( Good sir ) let not my misery , Offensive be a whit , Too bold behav'd my self have , My ignorance remit . Your counsell now I do embrace , ( As reason doth require ) And that the Lord would give me grace , The same I must desire . I wish good Warrs may prostee well , With triumph and increase , To subdue all that do rebell : Against our King of peace . As God hath blest his peacefull Raigne , Those yeares , already past , Oh still let him and his remayne : In peace that aye shall last . And now in peace , whilst here I live , I shall be ready prest : To peace and Prince , my selfe will give , In Warre to do my best . Philomusus concludeth . I Like thy resolution well ; Thereto I doe agree : Let thou and I together dwell . We both as one will bee . FINIS . Jan. 2. 1638. Imprimatur Matthew Clay . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A18054e-460 Philo gives Miles a harsh entertainment Miles confesseth his ill suc cesse in the Field . But still gives to warre the due prayse thereof . Nervus belli pecuni● . Philo proceeds in reproving vagrant Souldiers . Ho● well plaid boasting Thrasoe . Queen Dido . The estate of those places that are vext with Warre . Vbi non est bellum , ibi pax perversa . Plenty breeds not idlenesse , but the abuse thereof . Neptunus est Deus Maris , vel Mare ipsum . Geu . 19. Security and sloth are forerunners of destruction . The abuse ; takes not away the use . Hee that hath nothing of his own , would have all things common . Romulus primus rex Romanorum . Numa Pomphilius vir Sabinus Romanorum rex , secundus à Romulo . Sol 〈…〉 Gorgonius : So Rammish and Goat-like do all Hereticks , and Schimaticks smell . Philo. hath not a long tongue and a short hand . 
A25982	----	An answer to the vindication of Doctor Hamond against the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius vvherein is endeavored to be cleared what power man hath ... / the author E.P. Ascham, Antony, d. 1650. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A25982 of text R339 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A3918). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 54 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A25982 Wing A3918 ESTC R339 07752317 ocm 07752317 40106 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25982) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40106) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 163:7) An answer to the vindication of Doctor Hamond against the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius vvherein is endeavored to be cleared what power man hath ... / the author E.P. Ascham, Antony, d. 1650. [6], 18 p. Printed for Francis Tyton ..., London : 1650. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. -- Vindication of Dr. Hammond's addresse. War -- Religious aspects -- Christianity. A25982 R339 (Wing A3918). civilwar no An answer to the vindication of Doctor Hamond, against the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius. VVherein is endeavored to be cleared what pow Ascham, Antony 1650 9681 6 45 0 0 1 0 63 D The rate of 63 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSWER TO THE VINDICATION OF Doctor Hamond , AGAINST The Exceptions of EUTACTUS PHILODEMIUS . VVherein is endeavored to be cleared What Power MAN hath . 1. Over his own Liberty , ( which is ) his ALL . 2. Over his own Life , for which he will give that ALL . The Author E. P. LONDON , Printed for Francis Tyton , and are to be sold at the three Daggers in Fleetstreet , near the Inner-Temple gate . 1650. TO The Right Honorable , the Lord BRADSHAVV , President of the COUNCEL of STATE . My Lord , I Have presumed to affix your Lordships name to these few leaves , not that I desire a Patrocinie for any thing in them , but truth , Quae premetur sed non opprimetur . Had Dr. Hamonds Vindication been a mirror to reflect mine own ignorance upon me , and had I had thereby so much light , as to see my self in the dark , I had quietly acquiessed , and sate down under the Majesty and Authority of Truth : But ( my Lord ) I finde it far otherwise ; not to charge this Doctors Abilities , I am more then most suspitious ( if that could be ) of his candidness , who is not onely satisfied in wounding the name of E. P. but takes thereby opportunity to vent his virulency against the present Powers : Your Lordship , and your Coassertors of publike Freedom , and of the Liberty of the Gospel of Jesus Christ may lie for a time under the staines of vile mens Tongues and Pens , yet your Integrity and Resolutions to the hazard of your All , will ( I hope ) one day receive the mark of Well-done by him , who makes a narrower exploration then meerly into the Exterior actions of men : My Lord , The Government of a Kingdom , is Prudentibus grave sed fatuis gratum , the one loves it , because he is filled with imagination onely of its sweet and beauty ; and the other fears it , because he knows its weight and burden ; I may not but conjecture that many hate the present Powers , some because they will , others because they have not a share in the exercise of it , so that on all hands you have enemies . The Lord direct you , and those now in Power with you , in the Execution of the great Trust that lies upon you . That you may not onely have the mark of an Honorable and Pathless act of Justice upon your Names , but that it may smell sweet in the Nostrils of God , and be pretious in the esteem of them that fear him : This shall be the Prayer of 12. May . 1650. My Lord , Your willing Servant , E. P. To the READER . Reader , LIfe , for which a man wil give All that he hath , and Liberty , which is the Genus Generalissimum of that All , into how many parts soever it be branched out , are the two dearest properties of man , essentially and necessarily annexed to his Being , and yet even these have been invaded in a high manner , and received most dangerous assaults of late Times , by the hands of a Rebellious and Trayterous crew of profane and deceitful men , whom God suffered to proceed to kill , destroy , and plunder , and to teach to do so , without any other Authority , then the meer will of a Tyranical Magistrate ; Amongst the late Invadors of our Liberties , there is none ( I dare say ) more peccant then Dr. Hamond , in his way , this man having more advantage to deceive then others , because of his less profaneness , and greater abilities then the generality of the late Kings adherents , and the more ingenious part thereof , taking up what he delivered with very little examination , upon the account of his parts . This is one of the men that would make the late Kings Will the Rule of Goodness , when he himself intended it no other then the measure of his Greatness ; this is he that would have erected a Pambasilia for the late King , though his professions were onely for a regulated Monarchy : what wounds this man hath given to our Liberties , thou wilt see in the following Leaves ; and though he had not power to compel the silly vulgar to be of his party , yet ( I fear ) his principles have deceived too many of them , that took up his advisoes without examining , he being known to be leprous in his opinion , and to have Laesa Principia , in Polity as well as Religion , and to have needed to be put into a Lazaret till he were cured of both . I shall not desire thee to swear compliance and credulity to what thou wilt finde herein , onely try and hold fast the good , and give it thy Countenance ; the evil of it shall be beneath the Authors Connivance when he knows it to be so . Thy Servant in the Lord , E. P. The Introduction . IT is a truth in it self , and very obvious to knowing men , that the use of language is for the expression of our conceptions ; and that these are caused by exteriour objects , which are oftentimes such , as do cause so violent an agitation of the Spirits , that we may with but little skill in Phisiogmony see the Tipes and Signatures of mens affections in their Countenances , and assure our selves of a better accompt from their faces , when their passions are moved ( which do alwayes faithfully more or less imprint their characters in the exteriour parts of the body ) then we may expect from their tongues , which can cover the deceiptfulnes of a false heart , when yet the visage discovers its motions and designes ; for if a mans speech belye his heart , yet his face shall belye his speech , and the understanding can never so secretly work , but the sences will perceive it : I may not but conjecture that Doctor Hamond is better learned in this kinde of science then my self , having vantage ground of me in years , study and experience , and yet he hath gone farther in discovering himself , and his passions then thus , in his Vindication against E. P. and ( contrary to his professed impassionateness ) hath so far betrayed himself , as to transmit the Image and Character of the perturbation and passionate heat of his spirit , by his Pen , to the view of the world , as his said Vindication will manifestly testify . And I wish this parti-coloured Doctor ( that doth thus interlace excellent professions with so little adequateness of performance words of Moses in Terminis , Exod. 21. 6. but whether they do not widely range from them , I refer it to any man that hath his understanding about him upon compare , to judge ; I conceived this Doctors affirmation to be but his explication of that place , and beleeve the impartiall examiner of both places will easily finde it so ; and I must tell this Doctor for all this , that he will alone lye under that Condemnation which , saith he , in his fifth Section , E. P. hath put him , and the Scripture under , too good a Companion to be of that mans side , that made and published the late Misterium Religionis recognitum , which goodly stuff came out of this Doctors ware-house . 2. The second advantage is not onely as imaginary as the other , but palpably false and scandalous , contrary to the Candidness and ingenuitie of a rationall man : ' This Doctor saith that E. P. hath two irreconsilable opinions Sect. 7. of his vindicacion : 1. Opinion , That it should be unlawfull for the Iew to give up his liberty or freedome , and that servitude should be unnaturall . Secondly , That it should be in a mans own power to kill himself ; I am astonished that any man who hath his eyes in his head , or any conscience to check him , or any sencible movement of reason in him , should affirm such an untruth of E. P. Let this Doctor indigitate the place , and shew them in verbâ , if he can ; but that the reader may know the truth , there is no such opinions in E. P. his discourse ; and it is hoped this Doctor may receive credit according to the truth of what he affirms here , in whatsoever else he hath and shall have to represent to the world hereafter , who ( it seemes ) will leave no way unassayed , that may ( right or wrong ) promote the wicked disigne of his party : I shall easily beleeve henceforward he may be so plyable a Courtier , as if his King or his party shall say it is night at highnoone , he will not stick to maintaine it ; or if any should be so ventrous as to deny it , that he is so cunning as to have this reserve for himself , as to say he hath mistaken the Moon for the Sun , yet I do not see for all his art , but he will have a long voyage before he come to the end of his expectation , by such shamefull and unworthy staining of his Antagonists . But for the first of these opinions he mentions , doth he not finde the contrary in E. P. pag. 18. and 19. and doth he not cite E. P. his opinion in page II. and Section 28. of his vindicacion , in these words : That God doth not allow any to take away mans life , but those whom he makes Gods ( i. e. ) Magistrates : sufficient to excuse E. P. from this part of the Doctors charge , who with the same breath and pen he hath aspersed that Author , doth ( as you see ) proclaime his innocency to the world ; and for the other opinion charged upon the Author of E. P. That it was unlawfull for the Jew to pass away his freedome , &c. it is likewise denied by that Author ; and this Doctor ( who is his accuser ) cites also his opinion in this point in his vindicacion , Page 8. Section 28. That an unreserved resignation of a mans native libertie into the hands of any mans whatsoever , without any just Condition , or adequate exchange , can have on origination from God or reasonable nature : Now whether this Doctor hath dealt ingeniously with E. P. let any man judge . I shall now come to make good what Eutactus Philodemius did urge in relation to this Doctors affirmation and Question . E. P. in his aforementioned discourse of the originall and end of civill powers ( under the first head , page the fifth of that discourse ) viz. That the people were ( under God ) the originall and efficient cause of all just powers ) was speaking that the people could not pass away their own native rights out of themselves into any other hand , to their own evident damage , without any possible advantage of recall , and no such thing could be rationably gathered but of their consent , to set up a Magistrate over themselves , and in case the Magistrate so set up by themselves over them , should encroach upon their rights , beyond the due limits of his commission , and the mutuall pacts , either express , or necessarily implyed between them , then God , nature , and reason did prompt unto the people , their own safety , together with the use of means to recover and retain it , when the interchangeable conditions between them were violated by their Governour . And I shall add this further to what was then said . That the Governour and the Governed are relatives , and undergo ( when they come to be such ) mutuall duties , the willfull breach whereof by either party makes the * obligation cease as to the other , & there is then a cleer divorce made by nature and reason between them , and if the End of a peoples Being , be to glorify God , and to love his Neighbour ( as doubtless it is ) then Magistracy is but a subservient end to that of the peoples well being ; and a Magistrate is but a necessary circumstance , to that end that he may be an encouragement to the good , and a terror to the evill , and that men might live while they are in this short Pilgrimage in all Godliness , and honesty ; and it is irrationall to think that a civill Magistrate , who is but such a circumstance to a peoples well being ( of whom there had been no need , if there had been no fin ) should make the people subserve his own end , and become a footstoole to his pompe and glory ; Such an end is abhorred in the thoughts of all rationall Spirits , who have not imbibed a principle of slavery , or are not so supine , as not to enquire of any other condition , better then an asse like subjection to the lawless wills of men . Now to come neerer to the affirmation laid down by the Doctor in his address to the Generall and Councell of war , page 9. and touched upon by Eutactus Philodemius occasionally ( viz. ) That the Iew under Gods own Government might wholly give up himself and his freedome to his Masters will ( power of life only exempted ) and of a freeman become a slave for ever . First therefore Eutactus Philodemius alledgeth as before , that it was not from nature , i. e. rightly choosing , that the Iew had such a power , but that God permitted it to be so , and sure he is , that the Doctor cannot prove that slavery was congenial , or naturall to Adam , Nemo nascitur Servus , if Adam had stood in innocency , and had had the like innocent and unstained posterity ; it cannot be made appear that any of them should have been slaves by nature ; slavery is an effect and consequent of sin , and Adams posterity could not have so unrectified wills as to desire to stoop to a slavish condition , it is a slavish Disposition that must be a cause of a slavish Condition , and it would be as difficult a thing to disprove this , as for the Doctor to make good his tenet , That Adams posterity should in case of innnocent nature , have positive humane laws imposed on them by man , in order to a civill life , and if it be allowed that servitude was not Connaturall before the fall , it cannot be after , and as for the word ( unnaturall ) which was used by E. P. as an Epithete to the word ( Servitude ) I say thus much in satisfaction to the Doctor , absolutè multa dicuntur quae tamen intelliguntur comparativè , But Justinian tels this Doctor that Servitus est constitutio Iuris gentium , quâ quis Dominio alieno , contra naturam Subjicitur , which is his definition of slavery , and immediately before the Doctor may find Liberty or Freedom to receive another definition , viz. Libertas est naturalis facultas ejus , quod cuique facere libet , nisi si quid vi , aut jure prohibetur , when this Doctor hath either reconciled or overthrown these two Definitions , I may be of another minde . And now if I be so bold with this Doctor on the behalf of Eutactus Philodemius , as to ask him some few Questions , who being himself so great a Querist in his address to the Generall and Councell of war , will doubtless grant the like , leave to any other man that will be candid with him ; the first Question shall be . Quest . Whether if Adam had not faln , there should have been any slaves in Innocency ? Quest . Whether , according to those equal and uniform Laws which Polititians and others call the Primary Laws of Nature , Naturalem rei cujuslibet inclinationem , there would have been slavery in the world ; indeed there are other secondary Laws of Nature , called by some demi constrained , and demy-voluntary , which are more stinted Laws , and much remote from these ingenuous Dictates , to which this Doctor may ( if he please ) refer the servitude or slavery that he mentions ; as when a Merchant throws his goods over-board to save himself , or when a Patient is willing to cut an arm or leg to save his life , or stare promissis nemini laedere ; these secondary Laws are modelled , and made in the Forge of necessity , and are its Constitutions ( as Aristotle saith ) these are not neer so undeterminate , free , and unconstrained , as those primary Laws of Nature : and those words of the Apostle mentioned by this Doctor , If thou canst be free , choose it rather ; as it is the voice of Gods own Spirit , so we may hear in it a sound or noise of reviving and returning Nature to its Primitive principle of Rectitude , and true Freedom . Quest . Whether between those relatas of Master and Servant , there were not at least implyed conditional respects , and a mutual pacts ; as that the Master should give protection & maintenance to his servant , in compensation of the servants love and service to his Master . Quest . Whether , if it should be granted , that the Jew had lawfully such an absolute dispose of himself by Nature , as this Doctor would have it , his posterity were obliged successively to be slaves to his Master , and his posterity , and have their ears boared in token thereof , and should be as absolutely exempt from release and manumission , as their father is pretended to be ; if the Doctor cannot prove this , then the design of his address to the General , and Counsel of War for the support of the Royal Cause , stands upon a very feeble foundation . Quest . Whether the desire of true Freedom and Liberty was not an inherent native principle , and a habitude of mans minde in Innocency , and if that be granted , whether the Doctor can make it appear ( by a parity of reason ) that the desire and love of servitude and slavery was as true and innate a habit of a sinless and untainted soul , which if he denies , I have my end ; but if he affirms , then he must necessarily argue , That because desire of Liberty was then a congenial principle , therefore a desire of servitude was a habit equally inbred in Nature , what degree of likeness there is between these two of Liberty and Servitude ( I know not ) unless what is very neer between two contraries , there is too great a disparity beween them , that the Doctor should have so plausible and colourable an Argument here , as he that said Wooll and Snow are both white , and therefore they are equally warm , but let this pass , it is but a Royal stride of a well affected Levite to his own cause . The 2. Ans. of Eutactus Philodemius was , That the boaring of the ear was a punishment of the contempt of that liberty wch he had , and might have lawfully kept without sin , that slavery is an effect of sin , is not doubted by very rational men , had there been no sin , doubtless there had been no slavery & boaring of the ear was an ordinary mark of slavery , as Diodati , Cornelius à lapide . Ainsworth , and divers others explain the forementioned place of Exod. 21. 6. and from the 25. of Levit. 41. some of the Rabbies do infer , That a Priest was exempted from this boaring of the ear , because he should become thereby blemished , and if his ear should be boared , he could not be reinvested again in his Priestly dignities : Why this boaring of the Priests ears should be a blemish , and this blemish exclude him from his dignities , I desire the Doctor to tell me . In 25 Levit. 42. we may see in what love God is with the slavery and servitude of his people , who used much means to keep them from it , as you may see there , where speaking of the Jews ( God saith ) They shall not be sold as bondmen , and the fifth of Nehem. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. we have the minde of God in these words ; We after our ability have redeemed our brethren , which were sold unto the Heathen , and will you even sell your brethren ? and shall they be sold unto us ? they held their peace and had nothing to answer ; & I suppose the reason of that place of Cor. 7. If thou canst be free , choose it rather , is very sutable and consistent herewith . And as it is not denied , but that the boaring of the ear was a Ceremony of the receiving , and admission of servants amongst the Jews , yet how the telling us it was a Ceremony , doth disprove it was a Punishment , doth not appear to me ; this Doctor tells the world , that the boaring of the ear was no painful thing ; sure I am , if Maymonie , and other Hebrew Rabbies may be believed ( whom in this thing I had rather give credit to , then this Doctor ) it was the Jews right ear that was boared , and it was through the middle it was boared , & whether this was painful or no , I had rather this Doctor should be Probationer , then I , who it seems is in so much love with Servitude , that as he knows not how to live himself in any other Element then this , so he would have no other man so happy as to be out of that condition ; And for the place urged by the Doctor out of Psal 40. 6. to inforce his opening about boaring the ear that Prophetical saying of David touching Christ , Mine ear hast thou opened , ( i. e. ) bored ( saith he ) The Doctor saith it is acknowledged , that the opening of the ear there , doth denote that Christ took upon him the form of a Servant . I do not know how his opinion crosseth mine , for as Christ took upon him the form of a Servant , were not the punishment of our sins laid uphim , and was not his being in the form of a servant , part of that punishment of our sins ? Let this Doctor tell me . But as to the Doctors Explication of the aforementioned place , let him not be offended if I be of another opinion , though he saith it is acknowledged , &c. As if he would perswade the Reader there could be no appeal to a higher Reason , or a Liberty of a just inquiry into the Truth of Scripture beyond his line , and those of his opinion : I conceive it is meant otherwise , and therefore do lay my opinion at the feet of the ingenuous Reader ; The words are properly in English rendred thus , Ears to me hast thou digged , ( i. e. ) opened or fitted , and not Mine ears hast thou opened ( i. e. ) boared , there is a great difference in sence between the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} perforavit , Exod. 21. 6. The word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} dedit , applicuit , opposuit . Deut. 15. 16. and the word used by the Spirit of God in this place ( viz. ) Psal. 40. 6. which is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} effodit , comparavit , though the Doctor would have them be Synonima's , if the Doctor please , he may do E. P. a favor to satisfie him a little better herein , and tell he do it , the opinion of E. P. stands good ; for all his pretended self authoritative assertion , and for the close of this Doctors fifth Section , E. P. is not so possessed with a Stoicall Apathy , as not to have a sence of his unsavory Jeare ( a Character of the goodness of his cause ) and therefore tells him in his own words in another place , upon another occasion , That he will be silent , rather then imitate that part of his Spirit , though there be in his vindication the advantages of many opposite retortions . The third answer to the Doctors explanation of that place of Exod. 21. 6. That the Iewish Servant did not give up himself to be a slave for ever , but his slavery did terminate in the yeare of Iubite , here the Doctor obstreperously vaunts over his opponent , yet he that takes seriously the weight of this mans arguments , will finde ( I presume ) his virulency and malice poyzing more in the scale , then his reason : I must confess , that if a smooth dialect , and an exquisite texture of words could overcloud a truth , this Doctor can do as much as any towards it : He shall be a slave , &c. it were well the Doctor could afford the servant Iew ( whom the Chaldee renders a son of Israel ) a better tearme then slave ( this is a word well becoming them that would not out of necessity , but out of choice , and with all their industry make themselves so ) it may be the Doctor expounds this place by that in Rev. 18. 19. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} an apposite word to denominate a slave by , a body without a soul ; that served onely to keep it from stinking , Tales rationem potius sentiunt quam habent : nec ratione uti , nec ratiocinari possunt ut inde eliciant quid agendum , quid fugiendum , I doubt many of this Levites party in these latter times have had the motions of their souls chained to the Galley of their bodies , or at the least they have been partes animatae domini , and have had their souls and reasons quiessent , while the Royall will possessed and acted their bodies as it pleased ; who can be fitter tooles for the hand of tyranny to hew down the tree of just liberty , then such slaves ? but while this Doctor is telling us this Iew was a slave , the truth drops from him unawares , and he tells us pag. 9. and 23. that subjection ( which was the condition of this Iewish servant ) is far removed from slavery , &c. But I come to that which the Doctor much sticks at ; E. P. affirmed that this Jewish servant did not , or could not pass away his liberty to his Master for ever , but this word ( for ever ) did refer to the year of Iubile , or the great sabbatick year , where his service to his master did terminate : This Doctor tells the world , these words do not well consist with the words of Moses , Exod. 21. 6. he shall serve him for ever , without the least disproofe of it , but saying so , yet ( though I might rest here , and say over again the same words till this Doctor be able to overthrow this opinion ) I shall tell him that this word [ for ever ] hath respect to severall times in scripture ; Sometimes it signifies till Christs coming , as Exod. 12. 14. sometimes for a long time , as Prov. 29. 14. Dan. 3. 9. Levit. 25. 40. Psal. 89. 1. with which this ( for ever ) agrees , and sometimes also it doth reach to eternity , as Isaiah 45. 17. But the Doctor saith that this Iew had by a voluntary refusall of his liberty at the Sabbatick year , made himself a slave for ever , and had no benefit of any after release , or manumission ; he had thereby made himself uncapable of his freedome , and had no possible future remedy though his condition be never so miserable , and he never so desirous of returning to a condition of liberty again ; this poor Iew is adjudged by this Doctor to be in a hard condition and so should we all be , if this Doctor could have had his will , and seen the end of his desire ; this is but one Doctors opinion , without any proof , the Iew ( saith he ) did at the Sabbatick year , out of his love to his Master , voluntarily prefer service to his Master , before his freedome , therefore he had no refuge or relief from the year of Iubile ; first he saith it is so , and then he throwes a little dirt upon it for proof . But I must tell this Doctor , that this voluntary Surrender made by the Iew of himself , did not put him in an irreversible condition , if it may be called a voluntary surrender , for ( as I take it ) this Iew had wife and Children , whom he is said to love , Exod. 21. 5. as well as his master ; and I conceive that there was duty and necessity that did call upon him to cohabite with his wife , which was a greater bent upon his will , then his love to his Master , to serve him till they were also free . It seemes to me a strange thing for any man to offer to conclude this Iew ( who as the Doctor saith ) hath voluntarily given up his liberty to his Master at the sabbatick year ) should be exempt from the benefit of that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Sabboth of rest , That the whole land should have , when there was release of Mortgages and redemption of lands to those that were able , and a freedome gratis to those that were not , Levit. 25. and sure this Iew could not be kept off from the benefit of that Iubile which was after seaven Sabboths of years , i. e. fifty years . On the tenth day of the seaventh moneth , in the day of Atton●ment shall you make the trumpet to sound throughout all the Land , and you shall hallow the fiftyeth year , and proclaime liberty throughout ALL the Land , to all the Inhabitants thereof , and it shall be a Iubile to you , viz. Iews , and you shall return EVERY man to his possession , and you shall return EVERY man unto his family , Levit. 25. 9 , 10. And I finde nothing that hath not in this Chapter the benefit of the year of Iubile , but the house in the Walled City . and the Stranger , the house in ver. 30. ( if it were not redeemed within a year after it was sold ) should be stablished to him that bought it for ever , throughout all genetations , and not go out at the Iubile ; the Stranger in ver. 45. should be their possession for ever , and the inheritance of their Children ; but God tells the Iews , as to their brethren they should serve them till the year of Iubile , and then they and their children should depart , and return into their own possession and family , for saith God , they are my Servants , and they shall not be sold as bond men , ver. 40 , 41 , 42. and ver. 55. and this is most evident , that he that was able to pay the price of his redemption , might go out at the sabbatick year , and he that was not , should gratis be free at the year of Iubile . Let this Doctor tell me whether God is not here so great a favourer of the liberty of his people , that he that hath made the most unthrifty bargain for himself , hath the advantage of a time of release : And I shall add for better confirmation of what is here alledged , a little more , ( if the word of God needed any earthly advocate ) Let this Doctor consult Raschi , Aben Esram , and Diodati , and he shall find them unaminously say this [ for ever ] in Exod. 21. 6. did refer to the year of Iubile , and terminate there , and Cornelius à Lapide upon this place hath this Critcisme {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} for ever having a Hholem without a. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ( as you will finde it in this place ) signifies till the year of Iubile , but when it hath a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . for its Hholem , it intends a long time , or to eternity , as you may finde it to have in the aforementioned place of Isaiah 45. 17. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} usque ad seculum eternitatis , and Buxtorsius renders this word in this place spacium 50. annorum , the space or tearm of 50. years , the last year whereof was the great Sabbatick year ; I hope I have hereby given satisfaction to all unprejudicate Readers ; and if this Doctor shall not yet think himself satisfied , I cannot at present do him further service . But this Doctor saith , That though it were granted to E. P. that this Jew were to be set free at the next Sabbatick year , or the great year of Jubile , pag. 7. of the Doctors Vindication , Sect. 18. yet E. P. could not avoid his concludency of the lawfulness of passing away his freedom , which ( saith he ) in another place in his Vindication includes his all but Life . But yet though E. P. did acknowledg Liberty might be exchanged upon Adequate consideration , as is acknowledged by this Doctor , Pag. 8. Sect. 28. This Dr. must know , That when the Jew did pass away his Freedom , &c. to his Masters Will , it doth not appear that his Master had any power of his possessions , which ( in the Doctors sense ) is part of his Freedom , and his All by his making himself a slave , for in Livit. 25. 41. when the servant Jew was set free from his servitude , he was to RETURN to his own Family , and to return unto the possession of his Fathers ; which word [ Return ] doth clearly manifest that his possessions were out of his Masters power or liberty of dispose , and as to the Jew himself , his Master had but the bare usu-fruit of him , not that causalis usus fructus , whereby the Civilian intends propriety , for he was not his Lord proprietary ; what is the design of this Doctor by this opinion of the Jews freedom , being wholly in his Masters power without release , is easily seen , it is but by way of parallel , to put our Persons and Estates in the absolute dispose of the Royal Will without possibility of recall . I now hasten to wash E. P. from the stains that this Doctors Pen hath bespattered him with in his second Point , concerning the power of life , which man hath over himself : And here I must profess to the world ( as well as this Doctor ) that I should have little thought E. P. should be rendred to the world , a man that held Self-murder lawful , an opinion point blank contrary to the sixth Commandement : They that read Eutactus Philodemius his Book will ( I am sure ) finde the contrary in express terms , in the 18 , 19 , 20. pages of his Book ; and to this purpose is this Doctor , who is his Adversary therein , become his Advocate , pag 11. of his Vindication , and Sect. 28. before mentioned , viz. That no man hath power of life committed to him , but the Magistrate . I am not willing to take up every excess of this Doctors excrementitious Pen , his malice hardly admitting of definitive bounds ; or to tell him where he doth but say over again what E. P. said before ; Now not to speak here of that duty and necessity that lies upon men to lay down their lives for Christ , or when they do Heroically hazard the same for their Countries good , &c. which is acknowledged by E. P. and infisted upon needlesly by this Doctor , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. pages of his Vindication . I hasten to tell the Reader first the Opinion E. P. held , and then the Occasion thereof : You may finde E. P. his Opinion to be this , pag. 19. which is set down by way of Question , ( viz ) Whether God and nature hath invested man with such a power over his own life , as freely to consent that his life should be taken away , or willingly to expose the same , as a private man , to death , for a greater , a publiker good , ( viz. ) for the preservation of societies , and the lives of many others . The innocency of this Opinion ( I hope ) needs no Apology , notwithstanding the slanderous Tongue and Pen of this man , whom I challenge to shew a contrary opinion to this asserted by E. P. Or that there are any such words in Terminis asserted by him , as this Doctor doth charge him withall ; Well Doctor , now you have slandered , to make the world believe you in your slander , must be your next design . And truly ( Sir , ) one of your profession , that had not the conscience to forbear the first , I fear may have too much credit with them that believe lies in the last . But Doctor take heed , the Fly that biteth the Tortois breaketh her beak , and if you spurn and bite against Truth , it will at length make you repent ; your own Pen is a better friend to Truth then you would have it be , which ( after all your malice ) will not be silenced from clearing the innocency of E. P. See Vindic. pag. 11. Sect. 28. before mentioned . The occasion of Eutactus Philodemius speaking of the Point before-mentioned , was this : He had before spoken of the original and end of civil powers , and urged that the people were the first , and common seat and subject of all Civil Powers , and now he was speaking how the Magistrate was the proper and formal subject or receptacle of this power from the people , who are the immediat root ( next to God ) of this formal power in the Magistrate ; for the better clearing whereof , I add thus much out of Fortescue , Chief Justice , and afterwards Chancellor to Hen. 6. His words are these . In a body Politick , the intent of the people is the first living thing , having within it blood , that is politick provision for the Utility and Commonwealth of the same people , which it imparteth , as well to the head , as to the members of the same body ; And a little before he saith , As out of an Embrion ariseth a body natural , so out of a multitude of people ariseth a Kingdom . And Contzen , in lib. 5. pol. c. 8. Parag. 5. &c. Upon that place of Scripture , Non est potestas nisi à Deo , i. e. There is no power but of God ( saith he ) Cum Respublica constituta est , in ejus ( i. e. dei ) potestate est , regimen Monarchicum , vel Aristocraticum , vel populi politiam instituere , atque ita respub. à Deo primo & immediate est : Magistratus ab ea ( i e. Rep. ) designati à Deo mediatè à populo immediate potestate habent quae ex natura rei , est TOTA in Communitate primo & immediate . And this Dr. will find further . that the Ius legum condendarum , i. e. right of making Laws , or a legislative power ( which infallibly includes power of life ) that greatest Ingredient of Supremacy ) is in & de ipsa republica ( as the same Contzen affirmeth ) seu hominum multitudine , non uno quopiam , Iamdudum ( saith he ) explosa est ista Canonistarum quorundarum opinio qui naturâ hanc potestatem supremo principi & successoribus tribuerunt , ipsa respublica jus suae Gubernationis , & legum tantum habet , si naturam s●…ectes , ideo CONDERE LEGES & magistratum sibi preficere potest & CONFERRE in eum POTESTATEM legum condendarum , and every man almost knowes that Legis virtus est imperare vetare , permittere PVNIRE ( which I suppose this Doctor will confess doth include power of life ) & premio afficere ; and Contzen tells you that he is not alone of this opinion , but many other learned * men , and he gives this reason for his own opinion , nullus in alium habet potestatem , nisi aliena voluntate vel delicto , to which I will add that of Bracton lib. 1. cap. 4. propter delictum vel pactum non servatum privatur quis jure suo , and it is true , par in parem non habet potestatem , and saith he further , no man can claime this power of making laws , and of life naturally to be in himself either by vertue of Seniority , Primogeniture , or paternall right , as his due ; the people first had it in themselves , and they give it their Governors : I suppose he that will but compare what is here asserted with the opinion of E. P. in page 19. will finde no discord between them , as is most evident in the case of the ten men in the freedome of nature , 9. whereof did spontaneously subject themselves to the 10th . to be governed by him , according to such Laws as should be for mutual good , and against mutuall Injuries ; one of the nine kils his fellow subject , the tenth man , whom his own Vote and Consent ( amongst the rest ) set up to be a Magistrate , and impowred to make and execute Laws , put him to death : now in what measure the power of life is derived to the Magistrate , from the Consent and vote of the people , is easily concluded by * rationall men ; and though this interessed Doctor doth undertake to make good in his said vindication , That † power of life flowes from a higher principle upon the Magistrate , then from the peoples consent , it proceeding from them onely as the Causa sine quâ non , or by way of resultance , and God onely communicating power of life to the Governor , and mans consent that he should be his Governor remotely ( and by way of condition , or qualifying of the subject to a capacity of receiving that power from God ) concurring to the vesting of that power in that person , like the temper of the aire , that contributes to the qualifying of the slime or putrid matter to receive the same influences , which influences onely beget life in it : This being ( as I take it ) more then he acknowledges elsewhere in his ‖ Pamphlet to the Generall and Councell of war ( called his Address ) I shall shew you how the Ingenuity of this Doctor or his pen hath gone a little further , in his late * Book , viz. wheresoever supremacy of Power is placed by the lawes of a Kingdom , there subjection is required , &c. from both which I shall urge thus much , Power of life is an ingredient ( yea the greatest ingredient of supremacy , as this † Doctor acknowledges ) Supremacy is vested in the Magistrate by the laws , and the Lawes are made by the people ( that is ) collectively or representatively ; how then can this Doctor deny the people to derive any power of life to the Magistrate : it cannot be denyed but Gods approbation must concur to the right vesting of this power of life in the Magistrate , yet doth it not appear but that God hath invested them with this power naturally . The magistrate can make no law whatsoever that can be good , which is not either express or implied in the revealed will of the great Lawgiver , his work is onely to regulate and dispose all humane actions to the Common benefit and preservation of that publike society over which he is , and to be an instrument of Terror to those that will not submit to the Laws held forth by God for the benefit of mankind : Lawes are made for to be the cōmon standard & measure of mens actions , & for the coertion of their wills , offending right Reason , and consequently transgressing the Will of God , the fountain thereof ; and the Civil Magistrate is the instrument whereby that is done , and hath his immediate mission from the people for that end , and approbation from God , or his permission at the least , either of which ( in respect of them that are subjects ) is sufficient to make him a Magistrate to command obedience and compliance in order to these ends . This was the Author of E. P. his opinion in other words , as the Reader may easily find in the 18 , 19 , 20. pages of that Book . The place of Scripture to make his opinion good , Rom. 5. 7. is acknowledged by this Doctor , 21. page of his Vindication , Sect. 55. wherein he is of that Authors minde : I must come to this close ( when I consider this Doctors Vindication ) and am of this opinion , that he was resolved to charge the Author of E. P. with two contradictory opinions , and with holding an opinion , that Self-murder was lawful though he proves neither , but what matters that , let E. P. clear himself as well as he can : Well done Dr. you are not it seems unacquainted with the Principles of Nicholas the Florentine . I need not tell you the rest of his name . I have done with you , hoping the Lord will never put me into the hands of so uncandid an adversary again , though I know the drift and design of your book was against them that have crossed your Court-expectation , and have not listened to the charms of your late Address , rather then against E. Philodemius . And now ( Reader ) having done with this uncandid Antagonist , I turn my self to thee , and wish thee , if wel-affected ( as for others , I leave them their own way ) to a civil Government , and there-under to enjoy thy self , and thy properties in peace , according to that natural instinct that is in every sociable rational creature , that thou wilt not be carried away with the subtile insinuations of them who are Wolves in Sheeps clothing , and lie in waite to deceive thee concerning the present Powers , and their Assertors ; make use of thine own Reason , and be not hurled to and fro with the swinge and rapt of that Billingsgate Rhetorick , which proceeds from such as this Doctor and his party , who choosing to avoid the naturnal and sober course of Reason , make Railings their Reasonings against any that stand in the way to their Interests and Ends . This Doctor by a plausible Tongue and Pen hath done much mischief in his way ; his course of writing hath been like the Waterman , who looks one way , and rows another ; Let any man almost judge of him that hath heard of him , or knows his Writings , whether though he gives the good man his left hand of profession , the profane Cavalier hath not his right hand of fellowship ; with that he is homogeneous in profession , with this he incorporates ; in his heart there is Royalty effigiated , and his spirit is ductile onely to that Interest , though with the pen of an Artizan he delineates and holds forth the fair face of Religion , and would be thought to be Indenizened her subject . I seriously think that Story of the Batt is most apposite to this man ; The Batt when he came among the birds ; they would not own him , because he had feet and teeth like a beast , and when he would be entertained among the beasts , they would not own him , because he had wings like a bird . It hath been the unhappy priviledge of this mans parts , not so much to act , as to teach disobedience to the present Authoririty and Powers , and therefore I think that each fault in him ( and such as he is ) is not so much a Crime , as a Rule of error , and a president to do evil . I shall now take my leave of thee ( Reader , ) and with a word touching present Powers , ( not the lawfulness of obeying it , that is already proved ▪ ) but the commendableness of it , though in some things it may use power irregularly . Thou wilt say , That though Oppressers are removed , yet Oppression in a great measure remains still ; for heretofore we had good Laws , but bad Magistrates , and therefore could not expect that security to our persons and properties as was due to us . But now thou wilt say , we have good Magistrates , as well as good Laws , what hinders our Jubile of Peace , freedom , plenty , and security . I shall give thee this one answer . That thou must not expect while thou livest an even and a perpetual tenor of happiness in the enjoyment of a throughly well-tuned Government ; the finest , and most refined on earth will have some course thread of irregularity , nay , of Oppression in it , it will have its Remissions and Intentions , some mixture of bad with good ; Art thou not freed from much Oppression , Tyranny , and lawless Intrenchments , upon soul and body ? therefore bear a little , and forbear : The best of Magistrates , though called Gods , are but men , and shall die like men . Think that some inconveniences and mischiefs ( like Ivy , twisting it self about an Oke ) will stick to the best of Governments , and that a Rose hath its prickles as well as its flowers . I must confess that that State is in a sad case , which is like that under the late King , whose Diseases , and distempers are ( as the Physitian saith in another case of the natural body ) Chronick and continuate , or setled , not errant , but fixed and grown to a habit , which no rational man can say of the present Government , it being too yong for malice to stain it with such an Ignominy . I have now done with thee , onely I desire that thou wilt dismiss me , with thy favorable censure of a well-meaning man , and that I did my best to satisfie thee , and I must tell thee also thus much , that though I did not what I ought , yet I did what I could . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A25982e-350 Plebs mavult decipi quam cogi . Notes for div A25982e-530 * Propter pactum non servatum privatur quis jure suo . Bracton p. 2. l 1. c 4. Bartumas de Repub. Judaeorum . pag. 1 , 2 , 3. Triglandius de potestate Civili & Eccl. c. 2 p. 49. See a late Book called Bonds & Bounds What power the Jew had from right nature to dispose of himself & liberty . Probus usus voluntatis est melioris electio ejusque quod rationi arridet non quod adulatur passionibus . Euseb. Nieremb . de voluntatis arte . Justin . l. 1. titulo 3. See also Bracton lib. 1. ca. 6. Justin . ibid. & Bracton ibid. 1. 2. Jura naturalia sunt imutahilia , libertas quae est de jure naturali per jus Gentium auferri non potest . Bracton li . 1. cap. 5. Arist. lib. 1. Pol. c. 3. 3. 4. ● . 2. The boaring of the Jews ear a punishment , as well as a cerimony of admission into service . What the meaning of the opening the ear in Psal. 40. 6 is . 3. Slave , an unfit expression to call the Jewish servant by . Guliel . Gibieuf . de libert. Dei & creaturae . l. 1. p. 29. ca. 5. Sect. 5. Non nisi res obvias percipiunt brutorum more , mentes habent fraenis vinctus . Guliei . Gibieuf . l. 1. c. 32. Sect. 17. p. 244. The severall significations of the word [ for ever ] in Scripture . The Jews surrender of himself to his Masters service , did not put him in an irreversible estate . The Jews surrender of himself to his Masters service , not absolutely voluntary . Lev. 156. The house in the walled City , and the stranger only exempted from manumission at the Jubile . The Jews possessions out of his Masters power , proved , notwithstanding Dr. H. confident assertion . Minsing . lib. 2. Titul. 4. E. P. his opinion touching power of life , cleared from the mal●ce of Doctor Hamond . La moscha che ponge la ●artaruca rompie il becco . Fortescue de laudibus legum Angliae , pag. 31. c. 13. * Tho. Aquinas . quaest. 9. art . 3. & quaest 97. Molin . T. 1. inst. Tract. 2. dist. 22. Balarm . T. 1. lib. 3. de laicis . * Mr. Hobbs , one of this Doctors party , though a man of dangerous , and unsound principles in other respects , yet in this agrees with E. P. That power of Coertion , of the Sword , and consequently of Life , is transferred from the People to the Magistrate . Hobs de corp. polit. par . 2. c. 1. † Doctor Hamonds Vindication , pag. 20. Sect. 53. ‖ Doctor Hamonds Address pag. 11. * Doctor Hamonds Reasonableness of Christian Religion , Cap. 4. Sect. 4. pag. 99. † Address , Pag. 10. Lex est quidem rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune . Aquinas . 
A67334	----	Instructions to a painter for the drawing of a picture of the state and posture of the English forces at sea, under the command of His Royal Highness in the conclusion of the year 1664 Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. 1665 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A67334 Wing W499 ESTC R18409 12438506 ocm 12438506 62058 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67334) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62058) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 300:5) Instructions to a painter for the drawing of a picture of the state and posture of the English forces at sea, under the command of His Royal Highness in the conclusion of the year 1664 Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], London : 1665. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng War poetry, English. Anglo-Dutch War, 1664-1667 -- Poetry. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. 2008-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion INSTRUCTIONS to a PAINTER FOR THE Drawing of a Picture of the state and posture OF THE English Forces at Sea , Under the Command of his Royal Highness in the Conclusion of the year 1664. First Draw the Sea , that portion which between , The greater World , and this of ours is seen : Here place the British , there the Holland Fleet , Vast floating Armies , both prepar'd to meet . Draw the whole World , expecting who shall Raign After this Combat , o're the conquer'd Mayn ; Make Heav'n concern'd , and an unusual Star Declare th' importance of th' approaching War. Make the Sea shine with Gallantry , and all The English Youth flock to their Admiral The valiant DUKE , whose early Deeds abroad Such Rage in Fight , and Art in Conduct show'd . His bright Sword , now , a dearer Int'rest draws , His Brothers Glory , and his Country's Cause . Let thy bold Pencil Hope and Courage spread Through the whole Navy by his Highness led ; Make all appear , where such a Prince is by , Resolv'd to Conquer , or resolv'd to Dye . With his Extraction and Heroick mind , Make the proud Sails swell more than with the wind . Preventing Cannon , make his lowder Fame Check the Batavians , and their fury Tame . So hungry Wolves , though greedy of their Prey , Stop , when they find a Lyon in their way . Make him be-stride the Ocean , and man-kind Ask his consent to use the Sea and Wind : While his tall Ships in the bar'd Chanel stand , He grasps the Indies in his Armed hand . Paint an East-wind , and make it blow away . Th' excuse of Holland , for their Navies stay ; Make them look pale , and the bold Prince to shun , Through the cold North , and Rocky Regions run ; To find the Coast , where morning first appears By the Dark Pole , the wary Belgian stears , Confessing now he dreads the English more Than all the dangers of a frozen Shoar ; While , from our Arms , security to find , They fly so far they leave the Day behind . Describe their Fleet abandoning the Sea , And all their Merchants left a wealthy Prey . Our first success in War , make Bacchus crown , And half the Vintage of the year our own ; The Dutch their Wine , and all their Brandy lose , Dis-arm'd of that from which their Courage grows . While the glad English to relieve their Toyl , In Healths to their great Leader drink the spoyl . His high Command to Africks Coast extend , And make the Moor before the English bend ; Those barb'rous Pyrats , willingly receive Conditions , such as we are pleas'd to give . Within those Streights make Hollands Smyrna Fleet , With a small Squadron of the English meet ; Like Falcons these , those like a numerous Flock , Of scattering Fowl , which would avoid the shock . There Paint Confusion in a various shape , Some sink , some yield , and flying some escape ; Europe and Africa from either Shoar Spectators are , and hear our Cannon roar . While the divided World in this agree , Men that fight so , deserve to rule the Sea. LONDON ; Printed in the Year 1665. 
A04898	----	Stratiōtikon. Or A discourse of militarie discipline Shewing the necessitie therof according to these perillous times. Knevet, Ralph, 1600-1671. 1628 Approx. 100 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A04898 STC 15037 ESTC S109284 99844934 99844934 9793 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04898) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 9793) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1385:02) Stratiōtikon. Or A discourse of militarie discipline Shewing the necessitie therof according to these perillous times. Knevet, Ralph, 1600-1671. [70] p. Printed [by Miles Flesher], [London] : 1628. Dedication signed: Ra. Kneuet. In verse. First word of title in Greek characters. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-I⁴ (-I4). Running title reads: Of militarie discipline. Includes: A threnode upon the death of those two honourable gentlemen, Sir John Burrowes .. and Sir William Heydon .. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng War poetry -- Early works to 1800. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΝ . OR A Discourse of Militarie Discipline . Shewing the necessitie therof according to these perillous TIMES . VEGET . li. 3. Paucos viros fortes Natura procreat ; Multos bona institutione facit industria . Printed . 1628. To the Most worthy and experienced Captaine , the Lieutenant and all the well Disciplined companie , Trained vp in the Militarie yard at Norwich . Noble Captaine , Gentlemen and friends . ACcept yee this smal piece , in lieu of the great loue , which I haue alway borne to your Laudable exercise ; which ( if I might haue my wish ) should not onely out line Enuie , but many ages also , yea rather end with time then in it . As for the fortune of this Treatise ; I rather aspicate it from your gentle acceptance , then any worth of itselfe . Yet I would haue the world know , that it comes from him , that dares as well vindi●ate it from the finister constructions , of maleuolous Critickes , as gratefully acknowledge the gracious censure of the curteous Reader . Reade iudiciously , iudge fauourably , and I am euer yours , vnfainedly . Ra. Kneuet . To all to whom I write , Gentlemen , ALthough I haue little , or nothing at all beene beholding to Fortune , or to the times , or to the great men of these times , ( whose promises though seeming very fresh and forward , require more then one yeare to bring forth any fruites of performance ) yet I would not haue you thinke , that any necessitous regard , hath made my Muse so superstitious , to adore so many rising Suns . No , be yee assured , that it was a zealous consideration of these perillous times , quickned by some other more particular & slight respects that moued me to this taske ; which I deeme no lesse warrantable by example then reason : for if you please to cast a long looke backe to the Troiane warre , you shall find Calchas exciting the disheartned Greekes to prosecute the warre . Looke an age more backward , and there you may see Orpheus encouraging the A●gonautes to the Colchian expedition . As for those detracting Dogs , such as ( I am sure ) this poore pamphlet shall meete with all , I would aduise them to stand off , and not to bee too hastie to awake a sleeping Lyon , least their eares or their tailes pay for their vnconsiderate rashnesse . But to you ( kind Gentlemen ) quorum ex meliore luto finxit precordia Titan ) to whom , I hope this simple present shall not be vnwelcome , I shall thinke my selfe euer bound in all honest loue and seruice . But if there be any that to please their fancies , wil misconstrue my good meaning , vilysy my labours , and reiect my obsequiousnesse , it skils not much ; for I can as well beare the losse of a Booke as they the want of an vnderstanding . R A. KNEVET . To his friend the Author . BEcause th' are few that doe things worthy praise , Free truth is counted flatterie now a daies : And though it be our common Poets shame , Truth cries thy Muse not guiltie of that blame . Thou Orpheus-like our Heroes dost incite To warlike gests , and Mirmidons to fight . Such successe wish I , that this Booke may be As free from Enuie , as from flatterie . The most indulgent thought my Pen drops forth I dare not thinke can adde vnto the worth Of this rare piece ; which shall ( where it doth come ) Strike Enuie blind , and base detractors dumbe . And so I wish all cankerd spight may die , Dispis'd , condem'd by noble industrie . And though th' ast those which this taske better fit From me much loue expect , from them much wit. RO. WOTTON . To any to whom I write . BLame not my Muse , thou that dost find thy name Not Marshal'd here , as thou wouldst haue the same : No blemish tu to thy repute : for ( know it ) I act no Herald here ( Sir ) but a Poet. To the same . ( KInd Gentlemen ) Souldiers , or Clarkes , or both My Muse as gentle greetes you well ( in troth ) And tels you shee can't wooe yee at your tables By venting fripperies of Iests , or fables Not worth the Phrygian Princes eares ; nor raise A bare name to her selfe , by vulgar praise . No , no : shee ioyes in action : and know that By the protection of a Beuer Hat , Or silken out-side , shee disdaines to force Your presence , but had rather take a course To shew her selfe to you in re●all pow'rs Then bid her welcome , and she 's euer yours . R. K. To Captaine HENRY SHELTON . IF many yeeres in honours seruice spent ; If vertues s●●ting with a braue descent , Can giue true lustre to a Name ; then thine May seeme least to require a Verse of mine . To giue thy worth iust height : yet Time displayes Many sine heads , that ost haue earnd the bayes In these and meaner taskes : for fame must know Shee cannot pay those glories , shee doth owe To great and good deserts , except some aides Be sent her from the nine Castalian maides . Had Homer ( whom seuen Cities stroue to owne ) Not beene ; then who had great Achilles knowne , Or Hector in these times . Then let none blame My Muse , although shee beares a part with fame In thy due prayse ; whether shee doth commend Thy truest valour , that did alway tend Thy noblest ends , or praise those honest Arts With which thou didst attract the Souldiers Harts . Nor a●t thou lesse expert to liue belou'd In Peace , then Warre : to loue thee all are mou'd By thy humanitie , and pietie . Then let detraction foule and calumnie Be alway Dumbe : and let the World know euer , Thou maist be enuy'd much , but flattered neuer . To Mr. THOMAS KNEVET of Ashwell Thorpe . THou , that dost know thy Starres , canst calculate Thy geniture , and see to what end fate Did lend thee to the earth ; auspicious be Thy fauours , like thy Starres to mine and me : Thou know thy Starres ( I say ) for good men know Wherefore th' are borne , and what to God they owe , And how farre th' are engag'd to Prince , or state : For Grace , and Wisedome be the Starres and fate That gouerne them : these like those twinne fires bright Do prosper all those that Sayle by their light : These Steere men safely to the Hauen of blisse , In spite of strongest contrarieties . These be thy Starres , that set th'aboue thy blood , True patterne and true patrone of what 's good : Thou art the Glasse in which the World may see , What once our Gentrie was , and still should bee . A louer of thy Countrie , and of arts Art thou ; disdaining to make thy good parts Ambitions Ladder , but had rather stay , Till time shall see thy merit rise like day And strike a Rosie blush in Honours face ; 'Cause shee had mist so long so fit a place For her best fauours , which they shall admit To great Imployments , answering thy wit , And heroique vertue ; such great happinesse I wish to thee , that dost deserue no lesse . To Sir ROGER TOWNSEND . I Sent my Muse vnto the house of fame , Of her to enquire out some Honourd name Worthy of my Verse , and shee commends to mee A Townsend , then I quickly thought of thee ; Then whom , a wiser he●d , Sold doth not see ; Thy actions with such iudgement seasond bee . Thou from thy fortunes height dainst to looke on Lowly Parn●ss●s , and Po●●e Helicon ; On humble Helicon , whose withered bayes , Witnesse the Frostie dulnesse of these dayes . When merit , statue , because they scorne to bee Base fortunes slaues , and fooles are raisd ( we see ) And Knaues , for now great men make greatest vse Of these to hide , or perpetrate abuse . We Arts vnhappie seruants must be glad To fall before an Asse , in Scarlet clad , And or like Egypts foolish Priests adore Monsters , in shapes of men , o'r still be poore . We sorted are with the Plebeian rout , And liue as men borne onely to weare out Serges , eat off●lls , or to fetch our drinke From the Spring head , or consume Lampes and inke ; When silly Silke-wormes strout in sundry shapes Like Proteus , when Sycophants and Apes Baboones , Bussones and sprucer trencher Squires , Be neatly drest in Honors richest tires . But you Sir Roger ( on whose honord name , More noble Vertues are scor'd vp by fame , Then Time hath lent you yeares ) an Artist are And Artist loue ; then double be your share In truest happinesse , and let your night Day , morne , and euen , on you shine euer bright , And from your geniall bed let fruites appeare , Worthy your worthy selfe , and your Bel-vere . To Sir CHARLES LE-GROSSE . The Ring of Pyrrhus shewd the Muses nine And Phoebus portraited by sculpture fine : But thou faire Knight-hoods fairer ornament Conspicuously dost to our eyes present Phoebus , the Muses nine , the Graces three , Mercurie , and Mars , yea more Gods then bee In Homers Iliads ; or at least much greater : For thy mind 's a Pantheon , or a Theater , Wherein all vertues , and all graces stand , In decent order link'd , with hand in hand . The 'mongst the chiefest of the Arts few friends I list : and so adore thy noble ends , That if my Quill to vertue can life giue , Thy honourd fame shall Nestors age out liue . To Sir IOHN HARE . VVAnt in a plentie is too rise with vs ; So in the streame chin-deepe stands Tantalus Wooing the coye Apples : and t is oft found That wit is scarce , where riches doe abound . For golden Asses are no dainties here , They may be dayly seene , euen euerie where . But you ( Sir Iohn ) whose youth with store is crown'd , Are nothing lesse to Art , and Nature bound Then Fortune , yea such is your worth that now , A Knight-hood becomes few so well as you . To Sir WILLIAM YELVERTON of Ruffham . T Is meete Virgils Quill should write of thee , Where such a concurrence of Gaces bee ; That were all Gentrie out of frame , we might By thee take patterne , how to set it right . Thy won habrisker Muse then mine requires ; Then let them sing while mine alone admires . To Sir MILES HOBART Knights of the Bathe . NEuer dranke I of Pegasus his well , Nor in Parnassus dream't ( that I can tell ) Though I write Verse , for I would haue men know it , The Times are good or ill , make me a Poet. To praise Vlisses wise , as much may care is , As to condemne Thersites , or vaine Paris . And as sweete Orpheus to his Harpe did set High tun'd Ditties , great courages to whet ; So euer bee 't my taske , to moue great spirits , And honourable soules , to braue demerits . Mongst whom ( Sir Miles ) me thinkes I see you rise Like Phosphorus , grac'd with such qualities , That they , as well as your high orders rites , May iustly ranke you with the best of Knights . To Sir IOHN HENNINGHAM . TO praise your lonliu'd , or long honord name , A wrong were to your vertues ( Hemmingham ) Let those which can affoord nought else that 's good , Extoll the borrow'd honors of their blood . Your Gentrie you may iustly call your owne . Although you bought it not , nor from furd-gowne , It tooke ; nor in Tobacco papers wrapt ; It brought from Spaine ; nor with a white Coyse capt It chatting found in that great guiltie hall , Where Cerberus for Golden soppes doth baule . But from your honord vertues the same flowes , And this true Gentrie is : the rest are showes . To Sir HEYMAN LE-STRANGE . AS doth the purple headed rose prickt in The tender bosome , of the Paphian Queene , All beauties of the Garden farre out shine : So doe those worthy parts , and Arts of thine , Set thee aboue most ( diuine Le-Strange ) That know'st as well to walke the Muses range , As thine owne groues : and canst without a thred , Find what in learnings Laberynth is hid . The age discouers few such men aliue , That rich , can also teach their minds to thriue . To Sir THOMAS SOVTHWELL . TAblets of Gold , with richest Rubies set Shine nor so bright , as doth the Cabinet Where in your soule is look't ; a Palace sit For such a noble courage , and a wit. Euer maist thou giue Adders audience Vnto tame flatterie : nor let sence With sugred baytes delude thy intellect : But euer let some noble end direct Thy good disignes : yea let them alwayes bee Both correspondent to thy stemme , and thee . To Sir THOMAS WOODHOVSE . YOu are the man , that well descerne what betters An high fortune , and can preferre good letters Before those painted plumes , which Crowne the crest Of swelling honor : such great interest In your most worthy parts possesseth art , That your high wisedome seemes to haue got the start Of your great fortunes , though they well befit Both your thrice worthy Pedigree , and wit. To Sir THOMAS RICHARDSON . HEe , and no iudge , that neuer had the skill With words , one better then himselfe to kill : Nor ere did lay a plot for to oppresse The new made widdow , and the fatherlesse : Nor euer did Church-lands o● Commons wring From God ; both dead and liuing 〈◊〉 : Certes is cleere from many crying crimes ; Yet such , as be , made customes by the times . But you Sir Thomas ' midst your fortunes must Regard , that you , and what is yours are dust That in this world , you haue but a short lease , And may be turn'd out when your Land-lord please . Know eke that what is yours , is yours to giue And liue so well , that you may die to liue . To Sir ROBERT GAVDY . FIrst , if I might safely craue this worlds pelfe ; To be belou'd next would I wish my selfe , And rather then the first alone I 'de chuse , The second I would take and that refuse . But you Sir Robert haue fates bl●ssing got , Y' are wealthy , and belou'd , yea and what not Nor euer were the Starres more iust ( I swear 't ) With such great goods , to trust such good desert . To Sir DRV DAVRY . AS did loue wounded Echo dote vpon The beautifull Narcissus , that lou'd none ; So doth my Muse affect your worthy parts Applauded euery where , by tongues and hearts . And though I in your praise come short of many Yet may my loue to you ranke me with any . To Sir IOHN HOBART . SInce are no thriuing arts : but what 's well gain'd , May with much comfort , and long be retain'd , But Iustice oft cryes the oppressour quit , By sending his yong Heyre too scant a wit For his large meanes ; that soone all goes to pot : For fooles doe ill keepe , what knaues haue ill got . But you ( Sir Iohn ) are free'd from such blacke brands , Both by the cleannesse of your fathers hands . And your owne ripenesse , who can vse your fortune , Both spend , and spare , as time and cause importune : Sole master of your selfe , and pelfe , you are , Which is a freedome among great men rare . To Sir ROBERT BELL. TO ring out thy great frame , if I had skill , The E'cho thereof should our Iland fill . So consonant's thy vertue to thy wit , And so thy outward feature graceth it , That my Muse may one sillable adde well Vnto thy Surname , and call thee Le-bell . To Sir WILLIAM DE-GRAY . I Take thy name on Fames bare word ( Sir Knight ) I know thee not ; yet sweare I thinke th' art right Because thou art belou'd ; then euer bee My Muse obsequious to thy worth , and thee . He that good store of sincere loue hath wonne . Wisely hath playd his game , and fairely runne . To Mr. FRAMMINGHAM GAVDY . GA●dy such store of worth doth Crowne thy name , That it like to columne st●nds which fame To lasting memorie , and honour builds , Whereon thy vertues hang like Pensile shields , As Trophyes of those glorious Victories , Wonne from the lesser Worlds great enemies Then let thy fame with time vie dayes and yeares , Let death be ioy to thee ; to others teares . To Mr. SHEPHERD of Kyrby . OLd Melibee ) that hast the hearts of all , Because thy loue is likewise generall : Not Time alone , but thy deare Countries cares Which far exceed thy yeares , haue chang'd thy haires To white : then let thy Siluer age thee fold In more contents , then did thy age of gold . To Mr. WEBBE of Breckles . THat curious Webbe which proud Arach●e spunne ; Or that which chast Penelope begunne , Match not this piece whose worth exceedes all choice , That Pallas to owne it may well reioyce Arachnes silken webbe descipherd plaine Io●es scapes , and what might thee Olympists staine But ( worthy Webbe ) all beaut'ous graces bee Both morrall , and Diuine be discribed in thee . To Mr. ANTHONY HOBART of Hales . VVHen the Th●ssalian witches vttered Their charmes to Luna , she wo●t to looke red : So doe true vertues blush to heare their praise , While the praisd Peacocke his gay plumes displayes . But you m●y safely heare while safely I Commend your wisedome , or your honestie : For he that attributes to merits true Deserued praise , payes vertue but her due . To Mr. PHILIP WOODHOVSE . ME thought I stood that sacred fountaine night , Where high conceites in blessed draughts are lent Whose cristall brest seem'd sudainly to rent And when a Nimph of rarest maiestie . Whose hayre seem'd Gold , and skinne cleare I 〈◊〉 , Vpon her browes an Arch of bayes was bent , Her presence taught euen Trees to complement . For all the Laurells bow'd , and modestie , With a low voice , seem'd , to giue suffrage free , To make her Empresse of faire Helicon . With that I heard a grone , which seem'd to be Sent from the vrnes , of Poets dead and gone , Whose Ghostes enuy'd this peerelesse Ladies grace . That should them all in loftie straines surpasse , Mistake me not ( I thinke ) your Muse was shee , That like this Syluane Nymphe appear'd to me . To Mr. WILLIM POSTON of Paston . ' YOng hopefull sprigge ) that art borne to inherit Abundant wealth ( if thou dost not preferre it Before the freedome ) know that thy best vse Of thine ; is to be liberall ; not profuse . Know like wise that content is your best store ; And that to couet more , is to be poore . For Couetise as well wants her owne , As what is not : seeke rather to be knowne By the great virtues , then thy great estate ; Nor let thy tempting heapes of drosse elate Thy mind aboue thy selfe ; but still remember In May , and June , what followes in December . Marke how thy youth , thy pleasures , and thy wealth , Yea life and all doe flits away by stealth . Know that it is world is but a Tombe of clay , To keepe thy body till the latter day : Thinke euer that th' art neare thy day of doome , And be prepard to waite on the Bridegroome . Thus maist thou be a thrice most happie one In life , in death , and resurrection . To Mr PETTIE of Morley . SOme of thy wealth talke , but I praise thy wit , And many worthy vertues gracing it . But thy great loue to Arts , so make me thine , That my true heart shall euer be the shrine Of thy good name , which in the Booke of same I 'le register to dull obliuions shame . And if my penne can adde ought to thy worth , In spite of Enuies throate , it shall come forth : Till then ; accept this my great loues small treasure ; And Hercules his height by his foote measure . To Mr. IOHN HOLLAND . THou that art made of better temperd clay , Then Titan ere made any ; who dost pay Thy youth to time , with greater interest Of vertue , then of yeares , and promisest . More goods , then are of faire Pandora fain'd ; And hopes more beaut'ous then her boxe contain'd . Bee thou like Phoebus , or his bayes , and find The blind God , and blind Goddesse euer kind . Be such that I to take may euer long , So faire a Theme as Holland for my Song . To Mr. BARTHOLOMEW COTTON . ANd here too growes a Tree , that may in time Beare golden Apples , in a colder clime Then is Hesperia in ; for so presage Thy blossoms ( ●ottom ) and thy spring of age . Then let kind fortune giue thy worth full sayles , Till Honour greete thee with as many hayles , As ere Sitanus had : and let thy name Become th' example of well gotten fame . To Mr. THOMAS WARDE of Bixley . IF my deuout Muse could euer bring Ought worth acceptance , or an offering Vnto thy Vertue , iustly I might deeme My selfe thrice happie in so good a theme . Yet let thy worth vouchlafe to take these lines , As the pledges of my great Loue , and signes Of true affection , wanting alone Art to discouer that impression , Which the conceit of thy most high desert Hath Charracterd so deepely in my heart . And though my penne a pencill be scarce fit To Paint out to the life thy merrit ; yet My heart shall euer be engag'd to thee ; Because I thinke thou lou'st the Arts and mee . To Mr. THOMAS LAYER of Booton . SHould I forget your name , you well might thinke 'T was neither lacke of paper , nor of inke , Not time , but want of good discretion , That caus'd the fault : nor i' st your place alone ; Not the command of your Horse troupe ( I meane ) But that more great command , where with you reyne Hot merrald passions , which doth inuite My Muse these few lines for your sake to write . Your want of vice , and your attractiue parts , That force no feares , but bring you loues and hearts Make me a debtor to your worth : then know you I pay you this , as part of what I owe you . To Mr. IAMES CALTHORP . VVHat May hath vow'd , if August truely payes What tongue or pen ( Cal●horp ) can reach thy Then let no harmeful blasts those blossomes kill , ( prayse Let no affection ere mis-lead thy will. Be wise , and good , let death long stand aloose : And let thy mind be chance , and danger proofe . To Mr. WILLIAM BLADWELL . IOy be to thee , of thy new place ( say I ) That seem'st to affect noble caualrie , A glorie which Fraunce vaunts of , to our shame , We are become so carelesse of our fame . Some tripping Hackney , we had rather backe Or-dastard race-horse , or some snasled Iacke , Then mount the praunsing Courser , by whose pride The Riders courage might be multipli'de . And yee our Knights haue yee forgot your name , Or doe yee wilfully neglect your fame ; Yee by your Spurres seeme to be Cheualiers , But by your Steedes y' are Northerne Borderers , Or some Heath-scourers , fitter farre to flie Then mannage combate ' gainst an enemie . O sleepe not still ; least yee contend too late , Your honours from the dust to vindicate . To Mr. RAPH BLEVER-HASSIT NOt onely thy affection did I prise Showne to our Militarie exercise , When here I wrote thy name ( deseruing Hassit ) No , no : thy honestie , and vertue was it , That wonne me to this taske ; then here I giue What next high heauen , may make the longest l iue . I hope you l ' kindly take 't ; for I dare say , Such presents are not brought you euery day . To Mr. CLEMENT HYRNE . HOnest , and honord Hyrne ; that dost enshrine Such worth , as should Fortune her selfe resigne . And hers , to thee ; none truely might thee call Her meere fauorite ; or her , prodigall ; Euer be shee ( I wish ) thy vertues slaue , And readyer farre to giue , then thou to craue . To Mr. EDMVND KNEVET . EXcept thy worthy brother , scarce I find A Gentleman , more truely mine , in mind Then thee ; nor let opinion so ill see , To thinke thy out-side makes me honour thee ; I meane thy ranke , or state ; no let men know ; Nor my thoughts , nor thy merits flie so low : For thou hast my affection nobly bought At Vertues highest rate , and not for nought . To Mr. AVSTINE HOLLE . IF I could hate thee ; or of my selfe so much ; To entertaine soule Enuy ; thy wits such , I like th' Illyrian Beldames on 't should gaze , Or like Mayes frosts vpon the budding maze . But certes , neither I to enuie know , Nor be thy rare endowments fix'd so low , That Enuie can ecclipse them : then here see What loue and admiration offers thee . To Mr. EDWARD WOOTTON . I Find thee such : so kind , so true to mee , That I must owe both loue , and life to thee Nor was 't thy loue alone , but thy desert , That made me in this place thy name insert , For this I say ; and speake but what I know ; Thy mind and body doe such rare gifts show , As scarce are found else-where ( which vsed well ) The times will hardly yeeld thy paralell . To Mr. EDWARD DOILY . TO season fresh acquaintance , these lines take From him , that for his friends , and vertues sake Dares rather doe , then speake : for talke he deemes Is womanish , but action men beseemes . If ought abides then in me , or my Muse , Worth your command ; t is ready for your vse . To Mr. IOHN CAVSO . THou that art farre more worthy of the bayes , Daigne to assist my home-spunne vntun'd layes With gracious censure ; for vpon thy tong , Depends the grace , and fortune of my song . So sharpe a wit , and iudgement dwell in thee , Refin'd by such rare knowledge , that I see Apollo's trees may grow else-where , then on Our greene Parnassus , or our Helicon . A DISCOVRSE OF MILITARIE DISCIPLINE . LOe my Thalia , that was whilome seene , Frisking among the Nimphs , in Forrest greene , To Satyres pipes ; and that did sing ( long since ) Her morals smooth , to Pan the Shepheards Prince : Is now prest to a farre vnfitter taske ; And like Bellona , arm'd with steely caske ; Powres warlike accents forth , and numbers meete For trumpets sterne , and stately buskin'd feete . Then oh yee thrice three sisters that sit on Parnassus greene , and flowrie Helicon ; Spinning your gentle flaxe in the coole shade ; Because the Arts are growne too poore a trade , To find yee smockes withall : and that great Goddesse ( Pallas ) who ( wheresoeuer thy abode is ) Canst scarce discharge th'ey pences of thy lights , With writing Poems in long Winter nights : Be yee propicious to your gentle swaine ; One draught of pure Castalian iuyce him daigne ; And with an actiue surie touch his braine , That he may set his notes in lostie straine He that extols the thing , which all men praise , Shall hardly merit those immortall bayes , That glorious wreath , that Crowne which is meete for ( Onely ) a Poet , and an Emperor . What need we praise Apollos radiant light : When dullest Hindes , can apprehend by sight More lustre in his face ; then we can Paint , With best conceites ; or numbers nere so quaint . But so pernicious , are the minds of men : So sinillen their wils : so fraught with reene ; That things , which alway doe deserue applause ; Are ost contemnd by some : and heare the cause . In this worst age ; each man extols that thing , Which doth to him much gaine , and profit bring : He onely is a friend vnto himselfe : Deuoted onely , to his idle pelfe . Religion , and the soucraigntie of Kings , He deemes to be , but ceremonious things . That loue which he vnto his neighbour owes ; He payes in complements , and sained showes , And as for that respect , which doth pertaine Vnto his Parents . he accounts it vaine : And while he thriues , and hath enough to giue ; On parish almes will see his mother liue . Friendship he deemes a foolish fond conceit ; If it brings in no profitable freight . ( Dall Camell ) when he see'th the Azure heauen Full fix'd with Starres , and the bright Planets seuen , The Elements ; all beasts , all foules , and fish , Trees , plants , and herbes , with all that heart can wish , Created for his vse ; yet thinke that hee Is borne , from all exteriour duties free . The cōmmon-wealths deepe wounds , pierce not his skin : He careth not who loose , so he may win . Not any sad thought would he entertaine . When Fame talk'd of so many worthies slaine , By aduerse Mars , and Fortune ( that coye wench ) Maligning English valour , and turn'd French ; That now with swelling vaunts , they dare report Their glorie equal'd our at Agincort . Nor will he bestow one auspicious thought Vpon the Danes designes ; nor cares he ought Who winnes the day , who conquers , or who fals ; Be they our friends , or proud Imperials . Thus ; ( by the deprau'd nature of Mans will ) That worth in others is maligned full ; Which in themselues they want ; and onely deeme That good , which doth in priuate profit them . Thus things that merit all respect , and grace , Are vnder valu'd , and accounted base . All morall , and all martiall discipline , They slight as vaine : yea , be the same deuine , They 'le censure it : foule shamelesse brats , That would seeme Eagles , though as blind as ba●s . But we ( that are sent by Apollo bright , To vindicate all vertue , from the spight Of foule detraction , whose enuenom'd darts , With equall rancour wound , both Armes , and Arts ( Alcides-like ) whose monsters will expell ; Whose slandrous tongues ( as with exorcists spell Shall by our pow'rfull numbers be coniur'd ; In circles of their mouthes to rest immur'd . But intermit ( my Muse ) thy hastie chace ; And giue those Harpies leaue , to breath a space Another worke doth thy assistance aske : Then ( my Virago ) take thee to thy taske : And with a pirrhique straine grace euery line ; So shouldst thou sing of Martiall Discipline Although we ( men ) be led by reasons lampe ; Yet ought we goe astray ; because the dampe Of grosse affections doth put out that light , And from the right way makes vs wander quite : That we , of silly Beasts may learne to tread The pithes , which to true happinesse doe lead . The painefull Bee doth reach vs industrie . The Turtle to obserue pure chastitie . The Pilmire warnes vs to be prouident . The Nightingale shewes how we should repent . The Robin-redbrest learnes vs charitie . The Storke how to require a curtesie . The Cocke shewes valour who had rather die , Then yeeld to his insulting enemie . By these ; we ( men ) instructed are likewise In Warlike feates , and Martiall policies . The a Cranes ( by day ) keepe order in their flight ; And alway one stands Sentinell at night . When that the Indian b Rat doth vodertake , Against the Aspe , his partie good to make ; His body he all ouer daubes with durt ; That his foes venome can doe him no hurt . The c Dragon farre to weake , to maintaine sight Against the Elephant ; kils him by sleight : For in some Thicket , he in ambush lies : And ( ere he be aware ) doth him surprise . The d Dolphin , not of force , with his sharpe sinne To pierce the Crocodiles hard scaly skinne , Seemes to retreate , as wearie of the fight ; And diuing downe , doth counterfeit a flight : Then from the deepes , remounting sudainely , His foes soft belly wounds , and makes him dy . The Horse , the Bull , and Bore know when and how Both to assaile their foes , and shift a blow . If these brute creatures ( led alone by sence ) Can so expertly make their owne defence , To saue that bloud , which we account so base That oft we spill it , to enjoy the case ; Then we should be ten thousand times more wise , To saue that life , which we so highly prise . Nor is the losse of life the greatest ill , Redounding from the want of warlike skill : For honours , freedome , goods , oft goe to wracke In each ill mannag'd state , where that doth lacke . Great Alexander , in his growing pride , Vpon the bankes of Granicus had di'de : Or ( captine taken ) had attended on His proud foes carre , through streetes of Babylon . If his strong Phalanx , had not calm'd the pride , Of Persian brau'rie , at her highest ride . This strong Battalion stretch'd euen to the skies His same ; and to both Seas his victories . So glorious Conquests haue beene oft obtain'd , By numbers few , well disciplin'd , and train'd . But mightie multitudes ( where skill doth want ) Of good successe can very seldome vaunt : For Victorie is coye , and will not bee Forc'd , by rude multitudes ; but rather shee Vnto a few well Disciplin'd , doth yeeld Her selfe , with all the Honour of the field . Proud Xerxes , whose huge troopes dranke riuers drie And euen with lowly plaines , made mountaines high , Did flee from Greece , in a poore fishers boote , Who whilome had so many Ships a floote , As made a large Bridge , ouer Hellespont ; That had Leander liu'd , he might vpon 't Haue had a safe recourse , by night , or day , To that saire Towre , where his sweet mistris lay . Worth doth consist in qualitie alone ; Not quantitie : for the small precious stone , Is at high rates , and value euer priz'd ; When greater flints , and pibles are despis'd . Euen so , the vigour of an Armie stands ( Chiefely ) in expert , and well order'd bands ; And not in throngs of men ; whole force vnskil'd , Doth rather let , then helpe to winne the field . Old Rome , her Empires Armes had neuer spred , From high-brow'd Taurus , to Sols wat'ry bed ; If that her expert Legions ( so oft tride ) Could haue beene match'd , in all the world beside Nor did her greatnesse any whit decrease , Vntill that antient Discipline did cease , By which shee had , to her first height , ascended ; And her wide Empires bounds so long defended . Her Maiestie stood free from all decay , While shee her thirtie Legions kept in pay . But when sweete Asias womanish delights , Had turn'd her Captaines , into carpet Knights : Yea when her Souldiers , and Commanders both , Were wholy giuen to pleasures , and to sloth ; And when true Discipline was laugh'd to scorne ; Her naked sides then by her foes were torne . Great boundles minded Caesar ( not content , With Conquest of the Westerne continent ) Did passe the Seas , to find our Britaines out ; Who entertaind him with such courage stout ; That ( if of skill , there had not beene a lacke ) The haughtie Romane had beene beaten backe . Nor in those times , when Romes ambition fierce Did search each corner of the vniuerse ; Stood we in greatest danger ; for Romes hate Is more then trebled toward vs , since that . For now the time , doe greatest perils shew ; So many foes we'haue , and friends so few . Needes then must my impartiall Muse commend Those , whom their countries loue doth moue , to spend Some houres , in Mars his Schoole , where loyall hearts May learne the rule , of Militarie arts . But thou ( faire Norwich ) by whose stone-rib'd side , The gentle Y are in sandie path doth glide , Creeping along thy meade with a slow pace , As rauish'd with the beautie of thy face : And parted from thee , still his loue doth shew With frequent lookes , and softly sigh adue . I praise thy wisedome , and thy prudent care , That art in Peace , prouiding against warre : As witnesse may that warlike practise bee , Which now is so exactly taught in thee . Oh what a gracefull qualitie it is , To be expert in Martiall properties . The Tennis-court , and bowling grounds smooth face , Compar'd with the Artill'rie yard seeme base . Those great Olimpicke Games , and Isthmian plaies Did neuer merit such applause , and praise ; As doe those Martiall gymnickes in our daies : Those games through oftentation were ordain'd But ours for publicke weales sake be maintain'd . To know each motion well , and to performe Each title of command , in truest forme . To doe the Muskets Postures dextrously : And nimbly for to let a Bullet fly : With aduantageous skill to manage p●ke : To know to defend , and how to strike , Doth not alone at hand , preuaile in fight , But also doth farre of the foe affright . These warlike principles be not obtain'd All sudainely ; but by long practise gain'd ; And ( being gotten once ) are soone forgot ; If often exercise preserues them not . For frequent vse , and action must supplie The habit ; least it in a sudaine die . And like the lampe , be soone extinguish'd quite , When th' oyle is gone that should maintaine the light . The antient French so fierce a people were , And so great conquest got ' they euery where , That mightie Kings in awe of France then stood , Seeking her friendship not her neighbour-hood : When Charles the great in Italy had queld The Lombards : and the Saracens expeld From Spaine : and when the Saxons were compeld To the French yoke their stubborne neckes to yeeld , Dismay'd then were the Easterne Emperours : Yea all the world did then feare Frances force . Much honour likewise did Christs zealous Knight Great Godfrey winne for France ; when he did fight His Sauiours fields , in those vnchristn'd lands , Where his chiefe hopes on frenchmens valour stands But vertues growne t'extreames , breed worse effects . Then ere could haue beene caus'd by their defects . For this fierce Nation vs'd to Warres , and spoyles , When forraine foes did faile , broch'd ciuill broyles : That their Kings ( for to remedie these harmes ) Were forced to forbid the vse of Armes Vnto the vulgar sort , and them compell'd Or to turne vp the bowels of the field , Or for to plie mechanicke faculties ; Debarring them from warlike exercise . Thus France her antient reputation lost , Beaten by Sea , and Land , on euerie coast . And few I thinke but Frenchmen will denie , That French are Europe basest Infant'rie . Armour for Warre , from the Arsenall is brought , But weapons for the Victorie be wrought In forge of discipline : could furious might , Or strength of brawnie limmes preuaile in fight , Then who could match those huge Patagones , Or buckle with those Westerne Sauages Whom Spaine makes slaues : or if actiuitie Alone could winne a glorious Victorie , Then who could match the light Numidians , That like wild Goates on craggie rockes can dance Then who could match the Kerne , or Galloglasse , That on the quaking Boggs as safely passe , As we on firmest plaines : or if the skill Of mannaging a horse at Riders will , Could winne the day , then had not in such sort The French beene slaughtr'd at their Agincourt . Or if by number conquest might be wonne , Then had the Greekes beene foyl'd in Marathon . Thus neither horsemanship , nor many hands , Strength , nor actiuitie , the field commands : But the well order'd foote that be refin'd By exercise , and throughly disciplin'd , These alway winne the fortune of the day , For Fortune doth true Fortitude obey . Nor in those elder times ( before the Munke , Inuented had his murther-spitting trunke ; That plague of valour , height of Hels dispite ) Was warlike Discipline so requisite , As now it is : for there 's requir'd more skill , To handle well a Gunne , then a blacke bill . Of Policie , order's the soule alone : And Natures very life ( that being gone ) Things cease to be : for should the golden Sunne Swa●ue from the course , which he hath wont to runne Roaming at randome vp and downe in heauen : Or should the Starres ; and those bright Planets seuen , Not walke those rounds , which God hath the appointed , Soone should the worlds great fabricke be dis-ioynted But a great Armie ( where nor Captaines know What to command , nor silly Souldiers how To execute ) is like a Galeon Of mightie bulke , ill rig'd , and floating on The surging maine , without sufficient stores Oftackling , ballast , and waue-sliceing ores , With sayles vntrimm'd , and wanting at the sterne An expert Pilot , that should well discerne The Chanels course ; and know each creeke and cape , And by what point , his course he should forth shape . ( Doubtlesse ) if Aeoles ruffling sonnes should 〈◊〉 This forlorne vessell , in so weake plight , then From their fierce rage , shee hardly should escape To harbour , without perill of rape . Euen so those great Armadoes , that consist Of huge vnexpert troupes , and a long lift Of mens bare names , doe oft become a prey To their fierce foes , and seldome winne the day . That sonne of Mars , that valiant Epirot , That matchlesse Prince , thrice worthy Castriot , In two and twentie bloudy fights , compeld Huge Turkish Armies , to forsake the field : Nor euer did his greatest strength , and force , Exceed fiue thousand men ( both foote and horse ) On order , doth eternitie depend : And Victorie , is Discip'ines faire end . Victorie , that blisse of Kings , that sole good Which Warre affords , whose face besmeard with blood , More tempting loues doth to her darlings offer ; Then Cleopatr'as lippe , when shee did ptoffer A courtly Kisse , to great Marke Anthonie ; Who with the splendour of her Maiestie Was to a Statue strooke , and stood amaz'd , As one that on the Gorgons scalpe had gaz'd , But some there be ( I know ) that thus obiect : What need we thus our businesse neglect ? What needes this Sturre ? this idle exercise ? Secure are we , from sorraine enemies : Our streetes haue in these many yeares not heard The voice of Warre , there 's nothing to be fear'd No inrodes , nor incursions , doe affright Our fearefull Hindes : no out-cries rais'd by night Are 〈◊〉 of approaching foes : no fires Doe crowne our Beacons : and all those are lyers , Which say that Spaine , dares venture for to trie Another Voyage , against Britanie . Let vs tend our affaires , confine our selues Vnto our Shops ; and while the Peasant delues , And rips his Mothers wombe , to find out wealth , Let vs grow rich by sleight of tongue , and stealth . While others ply their Militarie Arts , We will be sure to learne to play our parts ; To cogge , and foyst , to keepe our measures short , To vent bad Ware , and take good Money for 't . Let 's cocker vp our Wiues , and keepe them neate ; Raise our selues high with sweete lasciuious meate For luxurie : Le ts cheate , and cousen all ; The pinching Carle , and profuse prodigall . In truth to cheate the wicked no sinne t is ; They must be plagu'd for their iniquities . But heare me ( friend ) thou that hast done more ills , Then ere were punish'd on those wofull Hills , Of mournefull Magdalene : thou who dost thriue By knauerie , and cous'nage ; which canst diue Into the depth of craft , to rake for pelfe ; And robbe ten thousand , to enrich thy selfe : Thou which dost maske thy crimes , with gestures pure : And think'st th' art safe , so long as th' art secure : Be not deceiu'd : for know thy sinne alone , Deserues nought lesse , then an inuasion . But though all forraine enemies should faile ; ( As Vengeances too small , to counteruaile Our wickednsse ) the Deuill may find out Some daring Ket , in borroughs here about ; To plague vs , and make pillage of our goods , To fire our houses , and to spill our bloods . If heauens iust wrath , should send such punishments ; Then who should be best able for defence ; But these that be with warlike skill endu'd , To bring in order the rude multitude . And while those dolts , that haue but skill enough To weigh their plummes , or measure out their stuffe , Shall be vnable to obey command ; These shall be fit , each one , to lead a band . But suppose that heauens awfull ordinance , Had confin'd Warre , to Germanie , or France : Suppose our Land from broyles should alway bee As safe , as Ireland is from vipers free : Yet is this exercise , and warlike sport , Thrice more praise-worthy , then the Tennis court , Or Bowling Alley , where losse and expences , Breed many discontentments , and offences . Then ( worthy Citizens ) into whose hearts The wise Prometheus , hath infus'd three parts . Of those pure spritefull flames , which he did steale , From bright Apollos radiant charret wheele ; Yee that your priuate cares can intermit , And spare some houres , for publike benefit : Frequent yee still Bellona's Court , and know More Postures , then can all the Souldiers show ; That ere Bloud thirstie Belgia daign'd to spare From all the furies of a lingring warre But ( that your exercise may euer last ) Yee must be joyned all together fast , Within the Golden cord , of Vnitie : All may en●oy the same immunitie , In 〈◊〉 nath command : it skils not who The colours beares ( so long as there 's no foe ) That place , or grace , which all alike may merit , ( In my conceite ) all may by course inherit . Then let no Enuie , nor ambitious thought , Breake that societie , which time hath wrought By vertues helpe : let disagreement neuer , The ioynts of your fraternitie disseuer : But if soule Discord , that Tartarean else , ( Who in eternall darknesse , waste her selfe With dire imaginations , and damn'd thought , To bring each worthy exercise to nought ) Shall fill your hearts , with the Cadmeian seede Of strife ; then let my Muse , with pow'rfull reede , Those mischiefes charme , and repossesse your minds With that respect , which louely concord binds . So did ( of yore ) the Thracian Lyrist'swage , With his concenting notes , the direfull rage Of Greekish youths , when they had forgot quite The golden steece , for which they went to fight , Each other seeking to depriue of life , So fell was their debate , so great their strife . Discords the bane of things , a poyso'us worme , That doth infest the ioynts of States , a storme Which many Common wealths hath ruined , And many hopefull actions frustrated : Nor can I here , forbeare to interpose Those vnauspicious quarrels , that arose , Betweene stout Cuer de Lyon , and his brother In law , and Armes , who sworne to aide each other , Yet entertaind ( in stead of loue ) deepe hate : And by a separation , tempted fate To the defeate , of their great enetrprise : For which proud Philip Richards worth enuies , He is required with as deepe disdaine ; And soone ( for spite ) returnd to France againe : But ( if their mutuall vowes they had not broke ) Christs Citie then , had cast off Isma'ls yoke . But Concord , is the strength of Warre , in field , And Campe , more torci●le , then sword , and shield : Of Conquest , that 's the truest augurie ; 〈◊〉 of hope , portent of victorie . Faire Belgia had long since beene de●flowr'd , By the Hesperian Dragon , and deuour'd , Had thee admitted any inbred st●fe : Concord's her sinewes , bloud , and very life . Her sheate of arrowes bound together fast , Are th'auspice of her welfare ; which shall last ; So long , as doth the rampant Lyon hold , His shafts vnbroke : and as ( in dayes of old ) The wearie Greekes , at Troy found good successe , When they had got the sha●ts of Hercules : Euen so , Scylurus arrowes shall maintaine The Netherlands , against the pride of Spaine . Concord's that glolden chaine , let downe from heauen On ●hose well order'd linkes , dependeth euen The worlds stabilitie : it doth combine Both hearts , and hands , and prosper each deligue . In all 〈◊〉 , sicknesse breedes , Which of the d●●proportion'd humours feedes ; For these vneuen'●y mixt , such a 〈◊〉 , That it the bodies common health decayes , If some Physi●ion ●oth not the● attone , And by an ostracisme , expell that one , Which is predominant : That confus'd m●sse Of things ( which Chaos hight ) maintained was By Discord , and while shee there dominear'd , No hight , no heau'n , no Sea , no earth appear'd ; ( Thrust thence by Ioue ) shee crept into mens hearts ; Where shee began to play her deuilish parts ; For being sirre too weake , to worke her ends Against the greater world , her force shee bends Against the lesse ; inciting men to iarres , To murthers , ●easons , and to Ciuill warres . Faire Greece shee first exspos'd to Turkish pride . The Moores from Africke , shee to Spaine did guide . The Lombards shee brought into Italy . And on the cheekes of France , and Germany , The bloudie Characters are to be red , The balefull sluttes , that Discord there hath bred . Nor doth Apollo any Climate see , That from her malice , hath beene alway free : Then from your brests , driue that Echidna dire ( O braue Pretorian band ) and wi●h the fire Of sacred loue ; do Enuies eyes out-seare : And from soule Slanders mouth , her tongue out teare Let friendship b●nish all debate , and strife , And giue your excercise both strength , and life . Nor let my gentle Muse alone inspire , Loues sweete consents , but fill'd with that pure fire . Which Phoebus lends his impes , let her high fits , Moue noble hearts ( as time and place permits ) To learne this Art of order , and to know Their Rankes , and Postures perfectly ; for now Monstrous abuses routed haue the age ; And Knauerie rides in Knight-hoods equipage : Few keepe their Rankes ; yet in the front stalkes-pride And alway takes the right-hand file beside : Sheeleadeth on the forlone hope , and will ( Though shee to Hell-gate march ) be formost still . Great euils , with great honours be combin'd And ma●ch like Pikes , with Muskets interlin'd . Our Postures are French conges , and few can : Know Mounsieur , from an English Gentleman : So like are we to them , so frenchify'd In garbes and garment : but great God forbid , That our new ●angled change should ere declare . Such sad euents , as did the Scimitar , Or King Darius : for his Sword alone , A sheath of Greekish fashion , did put on : And then his Magi cry'd , it was a signe , That he to Greece , his Empire should resigne : But we our selues , our gestures , and our swords , In French are drest vp ; yea our very words , Haue put on French dissimulation : Oh , blind , absurd , fond , foolish nation , That ( light Chamaeleon-like ) art what thou see'st ; A painted Argos , of all gath'rings piec'd . But are we all transform'd to Woolues , and Apes ? Doe none retaine those old Herculian shapes Of Vertue ? yes : for God defend , that all Should be Lycanthropiz'd ; least heauen should fall , To stop vp with her ruines , Sinnes blackeiawes , And crush oppressions vnrelenting pawes . No , no : ( thankes be to our kinder Starres ) yet liues That Vestall flame in many brests , which giues Refreshing heate , to each good enterprise : These helpe old Atlas , to proppe vp the skies : These stand ( like brazen Colosses ) vnmou'd By chance , or passion : these neuer lou'd Informing dogs ; nor ere ( to fill their purses ) Heard Orphanes cryes , or Widowes baleful curses . These neere to any greatnesse did aspire ; But Vertue : nor ere sought to be higher In fortunes fauour , then in Gods these scan Worth , by defart , and though they truely can Make good their Gentrie ●m my wayes ; sach wayes , As now the basenesse of the time bewrayes , As large demeanes , great place , or pedigrees , Yet these disdainning , that their worth should bee Produc'd from smokie titles , or base peise , Or dust , and rotten bones , each from himselfe His worship , or his honour , doth deriue ; And by his proper actions doth descriue ; A Gentleman : for Fortune can't inherit ( By right ) those graces , which pertaine to merit : And wretched is that Gentrie , which is gotten From their deedes , that long since be dead and rotten The sauour of the Prince , and Fortune , arts , And Ancestrie , are but the outward parts Of true Nobilitie , for her soule is , An harmonie , of vert'ous qualities : But should we search the world ( may some replie ) From Cales , to Calicut , and sharply prie Both into Vniuersitie , and court ; Trauerse all Countries , and belay each port , We hardly should meete with so braue a wight . Yes , yes ; such be they whose names to recite , My Muse is proud ; nor euer shall these want Roome in my Verses ( be they nere so scant ) For worth as well deserues a Panegyricke , As vice doth Satyrs , or a Thiefe a Diricke , Selfe-wild opinion is , mistaken farre To deeme , that noble vertues praises are Smooth flatteries : and Enuie is farre wide , To thinke that any baser end can guide A Poets aymes . Although we know those walkes , Where Fortune vpon heapes of ingots stalkes , And see her golden Temple dayly full O● sweating Votaries : where Knaue , and Gull Haue accesse free ; and though we well descry , What offrings shee accepts most gratefully : Yet we her Altars shunne , because we know , That many ( which her fauours buy ) doe owe To Iustice such ha●d debts , that mercies bayle Will scarce be found , to saue them from hell-Iayle Vaine , foolish Men , although they plainely see All good is there , where grace and wisedome bee , Yet they of Fortune , doe a Goddesse make , Aduancing her to heauen , and for her sake , Dare plunge themselues into a fouler lake ; Then Curtius did Romes pestilence to sl●●ke● But ( noble Gentlemen ) yee that doe hold Faire vertue , at a higher rate , then gold : Yee , whose affections scorne to serue the times , Whose sleepes rue not the harmes , of fore-past crimes , Whose names were neere marked with the priuie seale Of Fame , for p●lling of the common●weale : Yee , that ( from Cities tumult seuerd ) know Those sweete contents , which from retirement flow Though not Tibe●●●●-like at Capreae : For priuacies , as oft the Midwiues bee . Of ●ls , as good : but yee reserue your leasures For nobler ends , then vaine and flitting pleasures . Nor doe the times bid vs securely sleepe , But rather warne vs a strong gard to keepe . The East looke blacke with danger , and the South Seemes to inuade the North , with open mouth . Our beaten foes their forces now vnite , Arm'd with dire misca●fe , rage , and fell despite . But Spaine is poore , and weake ( as some replie ) Long War●es exhausted ●aue his treasurie . The Netherlands : haue drawne his Coffers drie Yet Indian mines ( we answere ) soone supplie Those wants ; for from the Western world doth come His Nauie duely , fraught with treasure home . Nor is the Warre maintain'd by Austrian purses Alone : for somewhat beside Buls and curses The Pope allowes , and to the offring cals Many fat Priests , and well fed Cardinals , For whom ( though nere so sparing ) would stand by And , not helpe to roote out a her●sie . Another sort I heare speake better sence : And th●se relie on Gods omnipotence : T is true : his mercie onely can vs keepe ; But if we in our wickednesse still sleepe , And yet suppose that he shall vs defend , We miserably erre : what doe protend Our foule prodigious sinnes , but death and warre , Titanicke pride , that God to his face dares . Ramping Oppression , with her hundreth pawes , Abusing to her priuate gaine the lawes . And Couetise , that with her swinish snout , Root●s vp all goodnesse , to find money out . Soft handed sloth , spruce smiling Luxurie , Dull Drunkennesse , swolne-bellyd Gluttonie , Vnbridled ire , pale Enuie , viperous hate ; These are the Comets which doe ominate The scourge of Warre ; then t is t●me to repent , Least we too late seeke to shunne the euent . Last night , when sweete repose had closd mine eyes , Strange thoughts began my fancie to surprise : For the dull God of sleepe , that hates the morne , And from his gate of Iuorie , and horne , Sends silent troupes of dreames forth euerie night , Caus'd horrid Phobetor me to affright , In sundrie shapes : me thought I was transported To a strange Land , such as is not reported By Munster , or old Sir Iohn Mandeuile . Nor know I ( Certes ) whether t' were an Ile , Or parcell of the maine ; therein appear'd Great Cities , Townes , and Towres , that seem'd to beard The very clouds ; and the soyle seem'd to bee Exceeding fertile : for on euery tree The pendant clustres hung , as faire to sight , As the Hesperian fruit : Grapes red , and white , Pomegranates , Limons , Figs , and Oranges , With wondrous plentie , seem'd the field to blesse , Desiring then to see those happie men , That had so faire a Countrie , to dwell in , I to a Citie went , thinking to find The beautifullest race , of all mankind . ( But there arriu'd ) most strange t' is to be told , What various formes of beasts , I did behold : Nothing like Man saw I there , but huge Ap● , And hayrie Satires , greedie of foule rapes ; Buls , Buffles , Boores , fierce Tygers , Dragons , Dogs , Beares , Camels , Woolues , slow Asses , Horses , Hogs , And Monsters , such as Nilus neuer bred , Nor Africas foule desarts nourished , Iueery streete d●d clusters , o● e●ch han● , As thicke as ●earme●t●d Gallants on the strand . All Birds of prey , and eke all vacleane fo●les , Did nestle there ; fierce Eagle , Griffons , Owles , Foule Ostriches , and Bats , I there des●ryd ; And earnestly their new guest all these ey'd ; That I sore fe●●'d their entertainement rough , And often wish'd my selfe thence farre enough . While I stood thus amaz'd an Ape drew ●eare , Whose age did in his ●u●lld f●●e appeare . This was their Ciues I owne-●a●ke , 〈◊〉 did seeme , For he their onely speake was I deeme He with a low accoast ; thus did me ge●te . Stranger ( quoth he ) I kisse thy happie teete , That brought the● hither , where thou mayst dr●nke store Of richest draughts , that shall refresh thee more , Then strong Nepenthe ; and make thy wits quicker Then can Lyae●●s , or the spitefull licour , That Ioue , and all the Gods so fre●ly swill'd , The merrie night ensuing 〈◊〉 , field . Nor let our various shapes , make thee disdaine Our kind societie ( my gentle swaine ) For although we ▪ th● shapes of beasts doe shew , Yet we retaine the minds of men , and know Thrice more content then they : Our Land is clep●t Faire Polytheria , where great Circe kept Her cou●t of ●ore : Circe that awfull Queene , The daughter of the Sun●e , who of● was seene To change mid-day , to mid-night , and to cause Aestiuall Snowes and breake the vipers iawes . To driue a riuer backe , to his spring head , To make Seas stand vnmou'd , and to strike dead The haruest eare ; her cup and wand so mightie , Which made the F●ends obey her great Venite , We stlil reserue● nor doe we deeme the race , Whereof we are deriu'd our meanest grace : From that victorious ancestrie we grow , That did faire Asias glorie ouerthrow , In Troyes great ruines : nor were these ( I sweare ) The baser sort , but such as consorts were Of great Vlysses , on whose name still stickes The honour of Troyes fall , nor need we fixe Our worth aloue on a bare pedigree ; Our actions shew what our deseruings bee ; Which yee men partly know , and must confesse , That we haue sent you succour , in distresse . Here was the Ramme bred , that did bring Great a Liber Paters Armie to the spring , When they in Africkes deserts were tormented With scortching thirst . Those white b Geese the preuented The Gaules from taking of the Capitoll Were some of vs. And that py'd Memphian c Bull , For whom the Egyptians fell at deadly iarres Was ours . d Sertorius in his Spanish warres , Sou●ht counsell of our Hind . The Asse Of Apulciu● ; and the e Oxe that was Heard speake at Rome . The Epidaurian f Snake ; And Dogge that dy'd for his deare Masters sake Were bred with vs. The Coblers prating Daw ; And Isapho's Birds did here their first ayre draw ; And so did Mahomets tame Pigeon , That holpe to found his new religion . I could tell later prankes , till I were hoarce , Of Willoughbbyes blacke Cat , and Banckes his horse ; This place ( I tell thee ) is the onely Cell , Where arts enlink'd with rich content doe dwell . And that thi●e eye may witnesse what I say ; Here follow me : then he leades me away . Vnto a Castle , whose high towred brow Did checke the winds , and seem'd to ouer-crow The cloudes : there Lyons , Tygers , Panthers sweete , As tame as fawning Spaniels did vs meete . Then to a spacious Hall we came , that stood On pillars of tough Brasse ; nor stone , nor wood Were seene in it ; and there I pleased my sight With the Picture of the Dulychian Knight : Eurylochus , and he whose braines were wash'd So well with Wine , that life and wits were cash'd Were Pictur'd there , and many a Greeke beside That with Vlysses there did long abide . Faire was the stuffe , but thrice more faire the art , That there was to be seene in euery part . While I admir'd here what mine eyes beheld , The Ape brought me a cup with wine vp fill'd And bids me drink 't ; that then I might find grace To see things farre more rare , in that faire place . I in my trembling hand receiu'd the cup , That was of Gold , and dranke the licour vp : Then soone the poysons force did touch my braine , And through my body crept in euery veine : And while my case I thought to haue deplo●'d , Thinking to speake my griefes , aloud I ror'd : My hands ( I saw ) were chang'd to grisly pawes , My clothes to sh●ggie haires ; with yawning iawes My mouth did gape ; and I perceiu'd my shape Was like a Lyons : then began the Ape With gentle words , to cure my discontent . Good friend ( quoth he ) thou shalt thee not repent Of thy arriuall here ; though thou hast lost Thy former shape , and feature , be not crost : For shrowded in this shape , thou shalt obtaine More knowledge , then did euer mortall gaine . Then by long winding stayres , and walkes he drew me , Vnto a spacious roome , where he did shew me , The a Booke , the Gemme , and Magicke horne , all which If any man can get , he shall be rich , Long-liu'd , a King , and fortunate , Yea what he will : the Rings of Polycrate , Of happie Giges , and wise b Iarchas ; and The Sword of Paracelsus , with the wand Of Circe , and the roote c Osirides , With Zoroastres his Ephimerides ; And those mysterious books which taught great d Rome To make the World obey her awfull doome ; These and an hundred things as strange , beside The Ape did shew me ; also there I spi'd Lopez his poyson , in a Glasse of Crystall ; Rauillacs bloudy Knife , and Parries Pistoll : But looking into a darke hurne aside , I Mattockes , Spades , and Pick-axes descri'd , With Pouder barrels , heap'd vp altogether : Then did the Ape me lead , I know not whether : But many slayers deepe , I am sure we went ; That Hels darke way so steepe as this descent , I weene is not : at last a gloomie cell We came vnto , that seem'd as blacke as Hell , But for the Torches which there daily burn'd : Such is the Cell , where ( when the Pope's envrn'd ) The Fathers meete , to find another foole . Fit for the tryall , of the a porphyre stoole . This was their Counsell-house , where in they sate Discussing matters , that belong'd to state : Mischiefes , and treasons , warre conspiracies , False treaties , stratagems , confed'racies , Were here hatch'd and now hence was comming forth , A plot against the Lyons of the North , The subtile Dragon , b and the Griffon fierce That seekes the Empire of the Vniuerse : The Eagle , and the Toade , were here assembled ; To heare whose bloudy proiects , my heart trembled Against the Northerne Lyons they were bent , To vse all crueltie , and punishment , For wrongs late done : the Dragon fell doth crie Th' are Heretickes , and therefore ought to die . The Griffon sware , t' was not to be allow'd , That Luth'rane should their heads in this world shroud The Eagle wish'd , he neuer might be blist , If ere he spar'd a filthy Caluinist . The spitefull Toad did wish his bones might rot , If e●e he ment to saue a Huguenot . The Dragon much did praise their readinesse , And promis'd that the action be would blesse , And vow'd he would be lib'rall of his crosses To those braue soules , that durst aduenture losses Of liues , or limmes , in that designement ; and If any chanc'd to fall , he would command The Angels to transport him presently To heauen , without a Purgatorie . But that the world might not their malice sent , They meant to cast out tales , that their intent Was to giue to Religion , her first grace And puritie : thus with a painted face They mask'd their deuilish end . While I gaue eare To their damn'd counsels ; I felt a new feare : For from beneath I heard an hideous found , As it some Earthquake dire had clest the ground Or Hell her selfe approach to make one , In their mischieuous consultation . So Neptune scourged with the Northwind rores : Such is the clangour , of a thousand ores Falling at once vpon the surging waue : The Witches in their conuenticles haue Such Musicke , as was this for t' was the noyse Of the infernall pow'rs , that did reioyce , To see that Hellish-plot contriu'd , and wrought , That might bring all the world againe to nought . With such obstrep'rous sounds , my sence they strooke , That I sleepes gentle fetters then off shooke . Nor is our danger but a dreame ( I feare ) So many signes presaging it , appeare . For what can we expect , but sturdy blowes , From our combin'd exasperated foes . Then high time t is freth courage for to broch When pale-fac'd death , and ruine seemes t' approach . ( Braue Gentlemen ) learne to be prodigall Of blond ; feare nought that may befall But insamie ; meete death in any shape , And grapple with blacke danger , though he gape As wide as Hell : know that this life of yours Is but a breath , or blast , or like Mayes flowers Yet neuer is priz'd at so high a rate ; As when t is nobly lost : then animate Your selues with braue example , and shanne not That Fate , which our late worthy heroes got , With endlesse fame to boote . Yea let Spaine know . And neuer thinke on 't , but with horrour ; how We children are to those , that did defeate Their great Armada ; and them often beate A broad , and eke at home , and let proud France Reueiw those times , when her Warres did aduance Our English Gentlemen . Let that blacke day Of Agincourt , with terrour still dismay Her halfe-dead trembling heart ; nor euer let her Expect successe , or any fortune better 'Gainst vs : twice with two num'rous Armies shee Did England threate ; yet durst but once scarce see Our pale Cliffes , with her paler lookes , and then Turn'd sterne , and cowardly ranne home agen : If shee the third time , should attempt the like , Let the like feares her heart appall , and strike . But ( what soeuer betide ) t' is meete that we Should stand vpon our gard , and euer be Prepar'd , both to make good , our owne defence , And strike our foes : but since experience Is thought our greatest want there must be found A medicine to applie to that deepe wound , Which Discipline is call'd ; this whole some cure Yee Gentlemen must often put in vre ; Yee , that haue charge of Bands , your dutie t is To traine them vp , with frequent exercise . Nor by your Must'ring once , or twice a yeare , Doe yee discharge your duties , but I feare If forraine foes should driue vs to our fence , We all should suffer for your negligence . T is rather sitting , that each Month should yeeld A day , to draw your Souldiers to the field . For our tough Husbandmen , on whom depends Our chiefest strength , so mind their proper ends , That they to weild their Armes haue soone forgot , If often exercise enures them not . These with their Bowes , of stiffe , and trustie Eugh The Caualrie of France oft ouerthrew . And in one Month more spoyle , and Conquest wonne Then they had thought could in a yeare be done . But now the fierie weapons haue cashierd Those ancient Armes , that made our name so fear'd Through all the World , nor hath ease so decay'd Our courage , or our nerues , but by the aid Of Discipline , we may retriue that Fame , Which we so lately lost ; and rayse a name , That may our bragging foes a fresh dismay , More then the name of Spinola doth fray . Our women , or our women-hearted men . Nor doe I that old Genouese contemne : He dares doe much , where we dare not oppose : He Conquers all , especially leane foes : If they be fat , they are not for his diet , He rather an whole twelue-month had lie quiet ; Till they be famish'd to his hand : what though , He to his fellow Genewayes doth owe Large summes ; his Master will pay all tick-tacke , If the Plate fleere comes home without a wracke , When that the Towne is wonne : what Towne ? Bred● By whom wa'st wonne ? by Marques Spinola . I scarce beleeue 't : then goe and see ; for there . Vpon the gate in scul'pture doth appeare The mem'rie of that famous enterprise . How wonn't he ; by assault or by surprise ! No : by a famine . In what space ? a yeare , Wanting two monthes . What force had he there ? Twice twentie thousand men . Then there he spent , More then he got . I , that 's most euident . Yet much renowne he had . I , that or nought , Though it at a deare rate-King Philip bought . But if Don Ambrose may of Conquest boast , For taking in the Towne , with so much cost , And time , and losse ; then what did Heraughtere Deserue ; that in one night accomplish'd cleare , A Conquest more compleate , with seuentie men ; Then he so strong , and so long space could win . As when the cunning Forresters haue plac'd Their wel-wouen toyles , and heards of wild beasts chac'd Into their snares ; yet daring not inuade The furious heards , with bore-speare or with blade , For feare of their sell ire ; with a strong gard They them surround , and keepe them thus vpbarrd , Till pinching famine makes them faint and weake ; And then at will their teene on them they wreake . Thus was Breda by Spinola obtain'd , Sharpe famine , not his force , the Citie gain'd . Oftend to-ruines turn'd , he wonne at last For Phoebus through the Zodiacke thrice had past , Yet still the Towne held out : some others prate Of his Acts done in the Palatinate , Where few were to resist : yet this is hee That 's thought inuincible ; although we see His base retreat from Bergen did well shew That he may meete his match sometimes . T is true : Yet t is not good to thinke our strength so great , That he dares not against vs worke some feate . Our craggie Cliffes , we ought not to trust to ; Whose huge Enclosures bound our Hand so . Ambition dares the roaring billowes passe ; Of force to raine towres of lasting brasse ; Whose cankerd rage we must meete face to face With Spartane hearts ( for so requires our case ) Since for defence we haue no Wals of stone , Our surest gard must be our Wals of bone . And yee , our vnkind brethren that affect The faire terme of Catholicke in respect Of your Religion , and with that name , Contend in vaine , to hide your mothers shame ; Your Mother Rome , that famous Paramore Of Kings , and Princes , that need Hellebore . Shee ( like Semiramis ) is wont to kill Her Louers , when of Lust shee hath her fill . Yee that beneath an English face , doe hood A Spanish heart , preferring forraine good , Before your Englands health ; alwayes in hand , Vpon the ruines of your natiue land , To build Spaines Monarchie , and make that Prince A Catholicke in Empire , that long since , Was onely fain'd in faith to be the same . But trust yee not the talke of flatt'ring fame . That tels you Spaine is mercifull , and iust , Not led by ill desire , or any lust Of domination , to set footing here , Least his false play too soone to you appeare , And yee too late your follies see : let not Vtopian ioyes your iudgements so besot , To make you thinke that change of Gouernment , Produceth the most absolute content : Trust not Spaines glosses , but rather conceit What proud Medina said in eightie eight . Spaine for Religion fights ( as he pretends ) But spoyle , and Conquest , are his mainest ends . When Paris had stolne his light Minion , No lesse then fiftie Kings combin'd in one , Protested , that for this disgracefull rape , Troy should not their seuerell vengeance scape : Yet was not iust reuenge the chiefest end Of their designe ( whats'ere they did pretend ) For each sought to get Helen for a wife , And this indeede was cause of so much strife . Euen so your Patrone of Castile protests , That he his Armes puts on , for a redresse Of holy Churches wrongs ; when he nought lesse Intends ; setting Religion for a stale , To catch the Empire of the West withall . Beleeue it , Conquest is his certaine end ; To which , he doth by direst mischiefes tend ; To that through Seas of guiltlesse bloud he wades , Cutting his passage out with murd'ring blades : Or like Amilcars sonne , with fl●mes of fire , And Vinegar , makes way for his desire . ( England subdu'd ) could yee hope to stand by Secure spectatours of the Tragedy : No , no : though for a time yee might be free , Your liues should make vp the Catastrophe . This p●●●ledge perhaps yee might obtaine , That is , to be the last that should be slaine . Then ioyne with vs ; be not so impious , To stand against your Countries Genius , Let vs together ioyne , with hearts vpright , The which shall pray , while our hands ply the fight . Striue not ( like Phartons iades ) to ouerthrow Your Master , least yee also fall as low . Attempt not to vnbarre your Countries gate To forraine foes , least yee repent too late Your treacherie , for be assur'd that none Did euer Traitours loue ( the Treason done . ) A Threnode ¶ Vpon the Death of those two Honourable Gentlemen , Sir IOHN BVRROWES , late Lieutenant of the English Infantrie in the I le of Ree , and Sir WILLIAM HEYDON , Leiutenant of the Ordinance . THe thousand Torch-bearers of Io●e , Which mightily to his Bed him light , Where Iuno entertaines his loue , With merie glee and sweete delight ; Were scatter'd all about the skie , That seemed of a Saphires die . All Creatures were at silent rest ; Except those wights , whose musing hearts , Some extreme passion did infest , And they were playing then their parts . The Thiefe was plodding on his way , But softly ; least the Dogges should bay . True louers ( whom the day diuorc'd From sweete discourse ) now met and kist : The Witches on their wands were horst , And Luna on their Hearbs downe pist : Nor had the Cocke yet stretched his throte With his all cheering early note . But t' was the time , when Morpheus dull From his two Portals , sendeth out His dreames , that fill mens fancies full With fond conceite , and fearefull doubt , Then I vpon my Pillow laid , With drearie thoughts was much dismaid . A strange appearance my mind strooke ; Me thought I was in Forrest wide , And neere vnto a Chrystall brooke , Vpon whose greene bankes I desery'd A goodly Lady much distrest , ( As by her wofull ●light I ghest ) A Mantle greene shee seem'd to weare , Which by a curious hand was wrought : Townes , Riuers , Mountaines were seene there , And what is in a Lan●chap sought : And all the workmanship most fice , A wauie border did confine . Vpon her dolefull browes was set A stately Crowne , that did appeare Like to that towred Coronet , Which Cybele was wont to weare . The Roses from her cheekes were fled , Her tresses were dish●ue●ed . With teares her eyes beblubberd were , Lamenting sate shee on the grass● : And l'gan to approach her neere , To find the cause of her sad passe ; A drearie spectacle then strooke My throbbing neart , that for feare shooke . For by her side there lay two wights , Whose cheekes were mark'd with deaths pale brand , Who seem'd t' haue beene right goodly Knights , Though now they lay low on the Strand , As if they by 〈◊〉 fate ; Had beene brought to that wretched ' state . For one was gor'd with grisly wound , From whence the bloud a fresh flow'd out , Which cruddling on the gelid ground , Did couer all the grasse about , The Lady for him sore did weepe , And with her teares his wound did steepe . The other Knight all wanne and pale , With water seem'd all to besmear'd : The drifting drops full thicke did fall , From his bright lockes , and m●nly beard , As if that Neptune had him 〈◊〉 , And cast vpon the shore againe . Disdaine was fix'd vpon his brow , As if he yeelding vp his breath , Had scornd that fate which made him bow : But t' was his lucke to drinke his death . While I beheld this sight forlorne , The Lady'gan afresh to mourne . And with Pearle-dropping eyes vp-reard Vnto the glistring skie ; thus spake : Yee awfull Gods that oft haue heard The vowes , and pray'rs which I did make , Vpon whose Altars I haue left , The spoyles that from my foes were rest . What great offence of mine hath mou'd Your hearts to such impatientire , To kill those Knights , whom I best lou'd , Whose seruice I did most desire . Oh fading hopes , oh false delights , Oh ioy more swift then Summers nights . ( Burrowes ) thy valour was a flowre , Whom lightning dire at length did strike , Though it had borne off many a showre . ( Heydon ) thy worth was Aprill-like , Which had it a faire May beheld , Such flowers had shew'd , as neere did field . Or like a sturdie Ship of Warre , ( Braue Burrowes ) was thy manly might , Which vessell had beene famous farre , For faire successe in furious fight , Whose sides at last a Canon gor'd , And then the deepes her bulke deuour'd . And to a Ship in all her russe , New set a floate was Heydon like ; Whos 's the Tritons tooke in snuffe , And vnder Water did her strike . Thus doe the greatest goods slit fast ; Some soone , some late ; but all at last . Yee Sisters that in darknesse lie , Remoued farre from mortall eyne , Where yee that fatall distaffe plie , From whence is drawne Mans vitall twine . What various fates haue yee assign'd , To these my Knights , so like in mind . Sweete honours thirst my Burrowes call'd To forraine lands , to seeke for fame ; Where he with courage , vnappall'd , Great toyles , and dangers ouer-came . There vanquish'd he base fortunes might Griefe , Sicknesse , Age and all despite . Himselfe in Ostend be engag'd , Where Death with Funerals was weary'd . Though Pestilence , and Pellets rag'd , Yet he nor wounds nor sicknesse feared . The noble heart more constant growes . When great perill it selfe shewes . In Frankendale he did oppose The conquering troupes , of Tilly stout Whom he repulst with bloudy blowes , And longer might haue kept them out , If it had beene his Soueraignes will That he the Towne should haue kept still . His latter Scenes he played so well , So sweete was his Catastrophe : That Fame shall neuer cease to tell His worth vnto posteritie , Who shall his name among these read , That for their Countries cause are dead . At length he fell : so fals at last The Oke that many stormes hath stood : From paine to Paradise h● past , And wonne his blisse with losse of blood . Then let his bones soft lodging haue ; And let sweete flowres spring on his graue . But my deare Heydon I lament , As doth the tender mother mourne For her yong sonne , vntimely shent , That was to some great Fortune borne : The cruell Fates conspir'd his death , When first he drew an Infants breath . Oh , Froward Fate that giu'st good parts , Yet dost enuie men should them shew . So chance to many , goods im parts , But grace to vse them , vnto few . ( Aye me ) that Death the greatest ill , Should greatest vertues alway kill . Grimme Mars , and Mercurie did sit As Lords , at thy Natiuitie . Mars gaue the valour , Hermes wit ; But both an wofull destinie . They at thy worth repin'd my Knight And did cut short thy life for spite . Euen as moyst Zephyre powers downe fast His showres on the new-sprouted rose , That it her blossomes soone doth cast , And all her fragrant odour loose : So Heydon in his prime was strooke ; Betimes his vigour him forlooke . Accursed euer be that I le That beares the holy Bishops name , Which did me of my Knights beguile : Let warre and spoyle , nere leaue the same Nor euer let the sorraine yoke Be from her seruile shoulders broke . Let gastly Ghosts frequent her plaines , Let night hags there be heard to rore : Let Syrens dire with drearie streames , Make Saylors shunne that balefull shore . Let thunder stricke their Vines amaine . By thunder was my Burrowes slaine . And let those deepes , that guiltie are Of Heydons bloud , be turn'd to shelues , That them t' approach no ships may dare , For feare to cast away themselues . O let ten thousand ills betide Those places , where my worthies di'd . ( This said ) a grieuous sigh shee drew , As if her heart-strings would haue split ; And on the earth her-selfe shee threw ; That for to see her piteous fit , The Dryads wept , the Satyrs lowr'd , And water Nymphes their teares forth powr'd . The Trees did sigh , the Hils did grone The bubling Brooke did sobbe a maine , And Echo made a pitious mone , That I could not from teares refraine . The Birds with her incomfort ioynd , And sought in vaine to ease her mind . The Nighting-gale , on wither'd brakes , These drearie threnodes forth did powre : Wealth , beautie , strength ( quoth shee ) Time takes ; And Death approacheth euery howre . But Vertue endlesse life imparts . Then liue for euer ( noble hearts . ) The Swanne mou'd with her plaints drew neere , And thus began to sing his last : No setled state of things is here ; Our liues , our ioyes are but a blast . But Sunnes that set faire , so shall rise : Oh happie Death ; and so he dies . The Turtle true with heauie cheere , Sob'd forth her mournefull Elegies O Death ( said shee ) that slu'st my deare , Now bo●st not of thy Victories : Thy paines are ioyes , thy darts are cures Thy wounds are life , that alway dures . I had but heard her dittie out , When that the Cocke whose Sants bell cleere Should call mens hearts to thoughts deuout . Made me from sleepe my eyes to reare , Vpon my dreame I mused then ; And when day came , it downe did pen. FINIS . Vpon the death of Sir RALPHE SHELTON . I Am what , passion will : a stone , or tree : A mad Hercuba , or sad Niobe . For who can see such ruines , and not feele A marble chilnesse creepe from bead to heele : Like sad Electra that could not abide To see Troy Vrn'd ; but her pale face did hide . Or Phoebus-like that brooks not to behold The Thyestaean dainties , but did fold His head in Pitchie cloudes , so loathes my eye To be spectator of this Tragedie ; Wherein , thou Shelton no meane person werst , And did'st so to the life well act thy part That we lament thy exit , and giue thee , Sad sighes , instead of a glad plaudite . Yet shall not griefe so preiudice thy worth , But same shall sing alowd thy praises forth To checke the pride of France ; who in thy fate , Lost three for one : it at so deare a rate Thou sold'st ; yet was is cheape to them ( I sweare ) Out valuing more liues , then they bad there . Thy life , and death were fatall both alike To France : first in a Duell didst thou strike French brauerie downe ; and boldly trodst vpon The dustie Plumes , of that proud Champion , That durst thy valour tempt : with thine owne hands , Thou paidst thy owne reuenge ; which euer stands Huge Columne-like , to counter-checke the pride Of France , and shew how brauely Shelton dy'd . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A04898-e6700 Arbor Vitteriasa ●riumph●●● . Pi●nor ● imperad●ri & d● Poeti . Pet. arc● . a Gr●ese in loca calidiora pete●ics mae●e ●ran , miliunt ●an●●● forma●●ss●●unt . Cic ● Nat. b I●●ncumon est an mallmag●●nd●n● 〈◊〉 lu●● con●●lu●● , cam ●●p●de p●g . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c ●●e●hant● 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 , ob●d aest●●●erre● te●a D●a●onioque exp●●●●tur , &c. P●n . d In v●n●re moll . t●nuisque c●t●s C●ocoull● : Idiose●t ter●●t● merquer Dolphins s● exit . t●s q●al●um ●●ain secunt spinu . Plin. Granicus Bitbynia f●uu●us pagna que inter P●rsas & Alexandrum suit nobila . Diod 1 , 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bertoidus Swartz inuented Gunnes , Au. Dom. 1 ; 8c . They were first vsed by the Venetians . Gord. 〈…〉 . Sa ad●us ●tiam Ni●rosolymam sponte no●bs reddidiss● , 〈…〉 . Ex litt●●●● Rich. , ad ●oelest . 2 A Lyon with a sheafe of Arrowes in his paw ; the Armes of Holland . Scylurus so li●e os ha●ens , mor●turus ●asciculum . ●●al●rum stugalis porrexit , iuss●●● , rumpere , 〈◊〉 cum n●rp●● n●●pse singul . ●icult exe●●t ; atque●●fac●●e co●f● egit on●ni● . ●ilos dinon●●h●s verbis : Sic●●end●s er●●s , &c. Plut. Apop . Bellum inte● d●os A●d●on●cost am p●and . 〈…〉 p. ●●● . 〈◊〉 I ) . ●● . 1321. 〈◊〉 Ma●● 4 〈◊〉 I●han : ●●a●●nt H●●● , Va●● . , A. D● . 713 N●rse● ( con●●●nclia acc●●●a ab ●n●e●●r●ce Sop ●● ) ●cc●rsit Lo● o●ardos in Italian . ●nno Dom. ●●● . Pa●lus Diac Quid Meta. l. 1● a Cum Liber Pater per desertum Libyae excercitum du●eret & sit● admod●●m laboraret ; implo●ass● ae Patra anxiliu● dicatur ; Quo sacto app●●uisse e● e●templ● Ar●ote● ; quidu● sugientem persequitur , per●enisse ●tl● duct ●a fontem amaenissimum . Al● terraati●t●pedae concussa fomtem exil●sse tradun● Plin. l. 6. b A●●eresnon se●ellere , quibus sacr● Iunoni ●● summa ●noppa ●ibi tamen abstinebatur , quae ressalut●su●t , ●anque c'angore ●orui● , alar●mque crep●tu ex●●tus . M. Manlius , &c T. ●iu lib ● c Vide Alexand a● Ale●and spar●●am . Marc. d Vide ● . Valer , de fic●a●elig . e Bo●locut●● ; Romaca●e ●ibi . Liu. li. 35. f Vide Plin. l. ● Ouid Me● . 1● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sab●●i ca●i● . Aues a Pjaphone edo●ae ●●qui ; Mag●●s Deus ●sapho . M. V●● a Vide Art●tel . De Magia . b Vide Cornel●● Agripp . Deoccult . Philos. li. ● . cap. 27. c Vide C. Plin. secun . l 30. ca. 2. d Romanieux Sibyll●●s libris edocti se dominos mundi inflituerunt . Arb. a Proph●ria cathedra qu 〈◊〉 Pontifex continud at ei●s ●reat●one residet 〈◊〉 ●edent●● genitalia ab ●ltimo Discono attrecteniur . Sab●llicus . b The Aimes of the ancient Kings of France were Trees crapaux satu●ne , in a Field Sol. Guil. Anno Do. 1●87 . Charles 6. with a N●uie of ●● co . saile , threatned to inuade England , hauing prouided such store of Munition & strange engines , as the like was seldome heard of . Anno Do. 1545. The French with an A●mie of 60000 , men came for England ; but 〈◊〉 their entertainment 〈◊〉 pr●ue too h●te , saintly and friendly they went ● me againe . Apo● repl● . to our Papists . The Duke of M●d●●a Generall of the Spanish Forces in 88 said that his sword shold not make any difference betweene Papist or Protestant , so hee could make way for his Master to the Conquest of the I●and . S●●at Haniball ●e● Al●s . L●u . 
A75306	----	A proud and blasphemous cahllenge [sic] given out in denuntiation of warre, by Amurath the great Turk, against all Christendome Coming with an army of 1600000. men. Murad I, Sultan of the Turks, 1326-1389. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75306 of text R212600 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.6[108]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75306 Wing A3030 Thomason 669.f.6[108] ESTC R212600 99871204 99871204 160969 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75306) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160969) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f6[108]) A proud and blasphemous cahllenge [sic] given out in denuntiation of warre, by Amurath the great Turk, against all Christendome Coming with an army of 1600000. men. Murad I, Sultan of the Turks, 1326-1389. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill. s.n., [London : 1643] Imprint from Wing. With two woodcut portraits; one "Emperour of Constantinople", the other "Emperour of Rome". Annotation on Thomason copy: "printed Jan 29 1642". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng War -- Religious aspects -- Early works to 1800. A75306 R212600 (Thomason 669.f.6[108]). civilwar no A proud and blasphemous cahllenge [sic] given out in denuntiation of warre, by Amurath the great Turk, against all Christendome. Coming with Murad I, Sultan of the Turks 1643 645 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROVD AND BLASPHEMOVS CAHLLENGE Given out in denuntiation of warre , by Amurath the great Turk , against all Christendome . Coming with an Army of 1600000 , men . Emperour of Constantinople . Emperour of Rome . WEE alone the only Monarch of the world , a great and mighty God on earth , an Invincible Caesar , King of all Kings , from the East unto the West , Sultan of Babilon , Soveraigne of the most noble families of Persia , and Armenia , tryumphant victor of Ierusalem , Lord posselsor of the crucified God , subverter , and sworne enemy of the Christians , and of all them that call upon the name of Christ . We denounce unto thee the Emperour of Rome , and to all Nations taking part with thee , unto the great Bishop also , all the Cardinalls and Bishops , to all your sonnes and subjects , we earnestly ( I say ) by our Crowne and Empire , denounce unto you open warre . VVe give you to understand that our purpose is , with the power of thirteen Kingdomes , and sixteene hundred thousand of men , horse and foot , with our Turks , and Turkish armes , yea , with all our strength and power ( such as neither thou , nor any of thine hath ever yet either seen or heard of , much lesse had any proofe of ) to besiedge you in your chiefe and metropolitane Cities ; and with fire and sword to persecute you , and all yours , and whosoever shall give you helpe , to burne , destroy , and kill , and with the most exquisit torments wee can devise to torture unto death , and slight such Christian captives , as shall fall into our hands , because we heare that you fall out amongst your selves , therefore we will regulate you . VVe will keepe you as slaves , and use you like doggs in continuall misery , impaile your fairest sonnes , and daughters upon stakes , and to the future shame , and reproach of you and yours , we will after a most bloody , and cruell manner , rip open your women with child , and trample their children under our feet ; for we are resolved to bring into our subj●ction you which cannot rule quietly in small Countries , and by a strong hand and force of Armes to keep your Kingdomes from you ; as also to oppresse , roote up , and destroy , your Sees , together with the golden Scepter of Rome , and we will prove whether your crucified Iesus will helpe you , and do for you as yours perswade you . Beleove him still and trust in him , and see how he hath holpen his messengers which have put their confidence in him ; for we neither beeleve , neither can we endure to heare of such incomprehensible things , that he can helpe which is dead so many worlds of years agoe , which could not helpe himselfe , nor deliver his owne Country and Inheritance , from our power , over which we have a long time reigned . These things , oh ye poore and miserable of the world , we thought good to signifie unto you that you with your Princes and Councellors may know what you have to doe , and to looke for . Given in our most mighty , and Imperiall City of Constantinople , which our Ancestors by force of armes tooke from yours , and having slaine , and taken prisoners all their Citizens , reserved such of their wives and children as they pleased , unto their lust , to your perpetuall infamy and shame . 
A30564	----	A briefe answer to Doctor Fernes booke tending to resolve conscience about the subjects taking up of arms / by Jer. Burroughes. Burroughs, Jeremiah, 1599-1646. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A30564 of text R36307 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B6059). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 66 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A30564 Wing B6059 ESTC R36307 15643137 ocm 15643137 104280 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30564) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104280) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1182:8) A briefe answer to Doctor Fernes booke tending to resolve conscience about the subjects taking up of arms / by Jer. Burroughes. Burroughs, Jeremiah, 1599-1646. 14 [i.e. 16] p. s.n., [London? : 1643?] Caption title. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. eng Ferne, H. -- (Henry), 1602-1662. -- Resolving of conscience. War -- Religious aspects. Just war doctrine. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A30564 R36307 (Wing B6059). civilwar no A briefe answer to Doctor Fernes booke, tending to resolve conscience, about the subjects taking up of arms. By Jer. Burroughes. Burroughs, Jeremiah 1643 12107 6 20 0 0 1 0 30 C The rate of 30 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A briefe Answer to Doctor Fernes Booke , tending to resolve Conscience , about the Subjects taking up of Arms . By JER : BURROUGHES . THere came to my hand a Book of D. Fern , tending to resolve Conscience in the case of the Subjects taking up Armes . I find it carryed on without giving any ill termes , but in farr expressions , sutable to a Treatise that concernes Conscience , and the more likely to prevail with it . Onely now and then some bitternes breakes forth ; I shall very briefly , yet faithfully give you the strength of it : Where he speakes right , I will acknowledge it ; and where he mistakes , I will fairly discusse and shew you whence the mistakes arise . I confesse he hath great advantage in the subject , because it is for the King : 1. Because it is safer to plead for the King , though a man mistakes ; but if there be a mistake in lessening the Kings right , a man endangers his utter undoing . 2. Truth about this argument , hath alwayes been tenderly handled ; those who have pleaded for the King , have with courage vented themselves to the utmost ; but others have been forced to be silent , or else but even to whisper and speak halfe out , lest they presently meet with ( not arguments , but ) things of another nature to answer them . In which regard the power of Kings hath been raised to the height , and men have drunk in such opinions of absolute power in them , as they have heard confidently affirmed , practised , and seen in Books , and feeled by many taxations and censures ; but whatsoever might informe them hath layne in the darke , not daring to appeare : Therefore well might the D. call what now people begin to heare , and enquire after , a new doctrine ; it is an old truth , but newly discovering it self . The name of King hath taken such impression in the hearts of people , that for a while they will be prejudiced against whatsoever may but sound of limiting his power , or maintaining our right against it . What there is in the Epistle that may prejudice any mans conscience , will be answered in what follows . Preamble to SECT. I. SO many good people that are come to a sense of Religion and godlinesse , are miserably carryed away by a strange implicite saith , to beleeve whatsoever is said or done in the name of the Parliament , &c. to be infallibly true and just . It seems those who have not a sense of Religion , do not so easily beleeve the truth and justice of what is done in the name of the Parliament . This is most certaine , who are hardest to beleeve what the Parliament sayes , but Papists , and notorious blasphemers , and prophane livers ? I condemne not all , but compare the generality of the one side , and of the other ; you shall finde an apparent difference in the lives of the one , from the lives of the other : Yea , so it is now that if a man as heretofore were not prophane , or loose at least , or zealous for ceremonies , he was accounted a Puritan ; so now a Round-head , that is , in their ordinary interpretation , one for the Parliament . If it be said , This is because Religion is pretended on the Parliaments side : So it is on the other , with as loud a cry as the Parliaments . In such things where I must have regard to humane testimony , to what part I see the most that have the sense of Religion to adhere , that side I will be on , except I see better grounds then yet the D. brings to draw me from it . Prov. 2.20 : That thou mayst , walk in the way of good men , and keepe the paths of the righteous . SECT. I. IN this Sect. these special things are considerable : 1. What he grants . 2. what we grant . 3. What he sayes we grant . He grants we may deny obedience to the King , nor onely in things unlawfull by the Law of God , but by the established Laws of the Land . It is well this is granted ; Heretofore we know this was the generall Tenet , whatsoever was commanded by the King , yea by any men in authority , if but by a Prelate , except it were against Gods Law , we were bound to obey it ; any thing that was not sinne , must be yeelded to and that for conscience sake . The D. in this is ingenuous ; he confesseth that not onely Gods Law , but mans Law limits Kings power : This is a great ease to many mens consciences to know so much . And further , if this be true , that all those Scriptures that urge obedience to Kings and men in authority , must be understood with this limitation , that is , if they command according to the Laws of God , and according to the Laws of the countrey over which they are . 1. He sayes , In point of resistance we grant it must be in such a case where there are Omnes ordines regni consentientes , an unanimous consent of the two Houses . There is no determination that the greater part present of either House agrees upon , but is as truly valid and legal , as if there were an unanimous consent of them both . It is so in all bodies where things are carried by vote . 2. He sayes , We yeeld it must be a meere defensive resistance . If the King should send any to mischiefe us , to say , we must onely defend our selves , so as not to offend them , is a contradiction ; as for the Kings person , is it not the profession of the Parl. to defend it ? therefore we neede not dispute now , about defending our selves against it . 3. He sayes , this likewise is granted that the Prince must first be bent to overthrow Religion , Liberties , and Laws , and will not discharge his trust , before there must be resistance . By this he would insinuate that our Arms taken up are unlawfull , because the King hath not declared himselfe thus . What need we be put to meddle with any thing but this in the case in hand ? That a Kingdom seeing it self in imminent danger of enemies to infringe the liberties of it , may stand up to defend it selfe ; yea although they come forth against it in the name of the King : This is our case , and if the D. disputes against any thing but this , he fights with his own shadow . If this be case as certainly it is , then a great part of the Doctors book is impertinent to the businesse of the Parliaments raising forces : For forces may bee raised upon other grounds then the Kings being bent to overthrow Religion . SECT. II. THe strength of this Section , and almost all the book , is in that place of Rom. 13. and in this place I beleeve the D. will see , or if he doth not , others will , that he is utterly mistaken in the sense of that place . The Apostle sayes expresly , Whosoever resists , shall receive damnation . But he doth not say expresly , whosoever resists the highest men shall receive damnation , but whosoever shall resist the power : Let every one be subject not to the wills of the highest men , but to the higher power : there is a great deale of difference betweene these two : The higher power , that is , that authority that God & man hath put upon such a man , it is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that must be subjected to , & not resisted . We professe against resisting power , authority , though abused : If those who have power to make Laws , shall make sinfull Laws , and so give authority to any to force obedience ; we say here there must either be flying or passive obedience ; but if one that is in authority command out of his own will , and not by Law , I resist no power , no authority at all , if I neither actively nor passively obey , no I do not so much as resist abused authority . This may seeme strange at the first ; but if you thinke of it , you will beleeve it . The D. thinkes the answer to this place is onely from the limitation of the person , or the cause of resisting , as if we held that no particular men upon any cause , but States may resist upon such and such causes ; whereas we doe not answer so , but we distinguish betweene the man that hath the power , and the power of that man , and say , although the power must not be resisted according to the letter , and the sense of the Text , yet the illegall will and wayes of the man may be resisted , without the least offending against the Text . But we shall meete with this Scripture again and again , and shall follow it with answers accordingly . He comes to examples , as first , the peoples rescuing of Jonathan from Saul . He sayes , the people were in Arms already , and did but use a loving violence . This example is onely brought to prove that Subjects may withstand illegal commands of Kings , and no further , and that it plainly proves ; onely , he sayes , it is a loving violence . Well then , it is a violence ; they resolve that the Kings command shall not be fulfilled , yea though hee adds an oath to it . It was indeede a loving violence to Jonathan ; so is all the violence that the Parliament offers , a loving violence to the Kingdome , yea and there is true love to the King too in it . The King hath not yet sworn that he will have such things as the Parl. will not suffer , so as to come to our cognisance ; but Saul swore that he would have such a thing done , and yet the people would not suffer it to be done , and yet you dare not blame them for this , nay you commend them for it . The second example is , David resisting Saul , the D. sayes , It was to save his person from Cut-throats . And is not our Army to save Parl. & people from Cut-throats ? 2. He sayes , David did no act of hostility , but only defended himselfe . David had no authority over any that followed Saul , for he was then a private man ; but our Parl. hath authority over Delinquents that follow the King . 2. David was loath indeede to venture upon a pitcht battail , or to exasperate Saul or his Subjects , because his strength was weake , 600. to a King , therefore he flies up and downe and takes not every advantage , that if it were possible he might gaine favour in the eyes of Saul and his Subjects : but if they had falne upon him , and his power had beene equall to theirs , who knowes what he would have done ? but we are sure as it is , it is defensive , and that is all it is to prove that Subjects may take up Arms to defend themselves against the injustice of their Kings . For that example of David at Keilah , all the answer to that is , that it is an uncertain supposition . But examine the place , you shall finde it as certain as a supposition can be ; It appeares plainly that David had some expectation that the men of Keilah would have stood to him and kept off Saul comming against him , and if they would , it is apparent by the Text , that David would have stood to it though Saul had come against him . In the Text it is as plain , as this : Suppose the King were neere Hull going against against Sir J. Hotham , and Sir J. Hotham should seek to make sure of the men of Hul , and enquire whether they would deliver him or not if the King came , and he should come to know that certainly they would , and upon that very ground slies away , is this now an uncertaine supposition that Sir John Hotham would willingly have the Town stand to him , and if they would stand to him he would stay there and defend himselfe against the Kings forces ? His last answer to Davids example is , that his example was extraordinary because he was anointed to be King after Saul . But yet for the present he was a private man , although God had bestowed somthing extraordinary upon him more then upon other men ; but it follows not therefore that in this case he had an extraordinary power to resist the Prince : Prince Charls hath no more power to resist his Father then the Parliament hath . For the example of Elisha using the Kings messenger roughly , that came to take away his head , he sayes it sayes little to the question in hand . Yet he grants as much as it is brought for , that defence is lawful against sudden and illegall assaults of Messengers sent by the King ; if against sudden , why not against deliberate and plotted ? for , they are worse : This is one end of the raising of the Army , to prevent such assaults : If it be lawful to be done by violence by 2. or 3. when the messenger is but one , then it may be done by 2. or 3000. when the messengers are 1000. For the example of the Priests thrusting out the leprous King . That which this is brought to prove , is thus much , That there may be such uncleannesse in a King , that may cause Subjects lawfully to resist him , when he would doe a wicked act . The Doctor sayes , First Gods hand was upon him . So when God shall leave a King to some horrible way of evil , certainly Gods hand is upon him then . He answers , But he hasted to goe out himselfe . But the Scripture tels us , the Priests likewise thrust him out ; they would not suffer him to be in the Temple . The next thing in the Sect. is , a similitude from the naturall body : Though a member may defend it selfe against outward violence , yet no member must be set against the head , for that tends to the dissolution of the whole . If the similitude may be followed , we say , that some members are as necessary to the life of the head , as the head is necessary to the life of those members . 2. A Kingdome may sometimes have one head , sometimes another , but so cannot a naturall body . Further , he grants , Personall defence doth not strike at the order and power that is over us , but generall resistance by Arms ( he saith ) doth . No , it may maintain and regulate order , and there may be as little injustice on the one side as the other . But the case is not as Elishaes , for the King professeth he will use no violence , and we cannot know his heart . But that example of Elisha is brought to prove the lawfulnes of using force against Kings in using violence : and what violence hath been already used , the world knows . Page 10. He comes to Scriptures , denying resistance : let us see what full Scriptures these are . The first is , Num. 16.1 . &c. The conspiracie of Corah and his company ▪ against Moses and Aaron . It is strange that this example must be paralleld with our Parl. taking up Arms : Was it not a most unjust and vile conspiracie , meerly out of the pride of malicious spirits ? Can the D. or any man think , that in justifying Arms in some case , we justifie all villanous conspiracies and out-rages ? Besides , this place condemns rising up against the Priest , as well as the King . Yea certainly , if they had risen against the meanest officer that God had appointed in Church or Common-wealth , as here they did against Moses & Aaron , it would have bin a very hainous offence ; Yea if Moses himself should have thus risen against any Officer appointed by God , it had bin a vile sin in him ; therefore this proves no more against subjects resisting Princes , then Princes resisting subjects , or one subject resisting another . Further , we do not rise against His Majesty , as they rose up against Moses & Aaron ; we desire not that he should have lesse power then God & the Laws have given him , but we would preserve this in him , and keep off the stroke of any further power , so that we need not for this thing so much as examine the cause upon which they rose , whether it were supposed or not , for the case is far differing in the end of the rising . But Corah and his company supposed the cause sufficient . Supposed causes for any thing is not enough ; now we are not examining the truth of the cause of taking up Arms , but whether they may not be taken up by the Subject against the mind of the King for any cause . Wel , our consciences need not be much scrupled from this Scripture : Let us examine the rest he brings . The second is , 1 Sam. 8.11 , 18. where the oppression of the King is mentioned , and no means of help mentioned but crying to the Lord . Is the bare relation of the oppression of a King without mention in that place of any means of help , but crying to God , a sufficient proof that though Kings oppresse never so much , yet there is no help ? Suppose I bring a place o Scripture , where there is a relation of Subjects rising up in a wicked way against their Prince , & in that place there is no other help mentioned , but only the Prince committed this to God , & God revenged it , can there be drawn from thence an argument , that when Subjects rise against Princes that they have no other help against them , but committing the cause to God ? We need not go far for a Scripture in this kind , the very place the D. brought before wil do it ; Num. 15. when Corah and his company rose against Moses , we there read of no other help that Moses used , but he committed the thing to God , & God revenged it . But you wil say , yet there are other places that shew that Princes may make use of other help . So there is for Subjects to make use of other helps against the oppression of their Princes , many Scriptures have been mentioned formerly and cleered . Further , besides this , we answer , that the power of all Kings is not alike , it is no argument because one King hath such and such power , therefore all must needs have . The power of Kings is limited or enlarged by the severall Laws of severall Countries . Let us see what the third Scripture sayes , for yet our consciences are not scrupled , it is Numb. 10. That the people might not go to war but by order from him that had the power of the Trumpet . Because there was a positive order there that Moses must make trumpets and thus use them ; Doth it follow that this must be so every where ? you may by as true a consequence urge the necessity of silver trumpets , and that the Priests should blow them , as well as the former : The consequence would be full as good . No King can use Trumpets in war but by the blowing of the Priests , for it is commanded there , as that no people can go to war till the Magistrates use the Trumpets , because it is so ordered there ; we know the Law is judiciall , and for those judiciall Laws the equity binds no further then according to rules of prudence and justice , every countrey shall see behoofefull for their conditions . Besides if this did binde , then it were a sinne for an Act to passe to put the Militia for any time into any other hands , for certainly it might not then be done , no , not with Moses and Aarons consent . The next Scripture is , 1 Sam. 26.9 . Who can stretch out his hand against the Lords Anointed and be guiltlesse ? Why doth the D. speake of stretching forth the hand against the Lords Anointed ? who endeavours it ? doth not the Parliament professe the defence of the Kings Person ? 2. Doctor Willet upon this place gives you this Answer , That indeed it is not lawfull for a private man to lay hands , no not upon a tyrant , for it is not lawfull for a private man to kill a thiefe or a murderer , much lesse a Magistrate , a Prince . But secondly , he tels us of some that have laid hands upon a King , and yet have been guiltlesse , as Ebud upon Eglon King of Moab : therefore from that Scripture there cannot be a generall Proposition drawn , that no man in any case may stretch forth his hand against a King . Yea Doctor Willet answers in the third place , that yet Tyrants and wicked Governours may be removed by the whole State . He indeed limits this , and sayes , it must be understood of such Kingdomes as goe by election , as in Polonia , and gives this reason , From whom Kings receive their authority , by them may they be constrained in keep within bounds . This it seems was good Divinity in those dayes . This distinction he used , to deliver the opinion from opposition in England ; but if the distinction be examined , there will appeare little strength in it : We doe not find that D. Willet was ever reproved , or his writings censured for this thing . Concerning that restriction of his to Kingdomes by election , we shall , when wee come to shew from whence all Kings have their power , see , that if it proves true of them , it will prove true of others ; for the foundation of all power that such and such men have over others , will be found either from election or covenant , which will come to all one . D. Ferne proceeds thus , If the King had come into the battel , his person might have been hurt as well as any . This had been but accidentally ; If a father should voluntarily goe into the Army of the common enemy , against whom the childe is in service , and the child in discharging upon the enemy should slay his father being there , especially he being desired & beseeched by any meanes not to be there , but to withdraw himselfe ; doth the child contract guilt in such a case ? H●s next Argument from Scripture is , That the Prophet reprehending the Kings of Israel and Judah for Idolatry and oppression , none ever called upon the people for this duty of resistance . First , There is much difference betweene Kings now , and those Kings : The people then did neither give them their power , nor limit their power ; They doe both now when first they are set up . Secondly , if this be a good argument , that because when Kings oppressed , the prophet did not cal upon people for resistance , therefore all resistance in any case is unlawful ; then , if when people have resisted , & cast off the Government of their King , & the Prophets have not reproved them for it ; then it is lawfull for people in some case to resist . He that will harken to his own reason , must acknowledge there is par ratio . If the Prophets exhorted not to resistance , then there may be no resistance , sayes the Doctor : Then if when there is resistance , the Prophets rebuke not that resistance , then there may with as good reason be resistance , say I. When the ten Tribes cast off the Government of Rehoboam for his oppression , and hearkning to his young Cavalliers about him , rather then to his ancient grave counsel ; the Prophets did not rebuke the ten Tribes for what they did , but rather seemed to take their parts , 1 Kings 12.24 . Return every man to his house , for this thing is from mee . Now the D. comes to his great place again , Rom. 13. which he sayes be will free from all exceptions . Nay , bate me an Ace of that . The truth is , he vever so much as mentions , nor thinks of the great exception , which duly considered , will clear the Text to be nothing to his purpose . First he supposes that the King is the supreme , as Peter calls him , or the higher power , as here . 1. It is true , Peter cals the King Supreame , but in the same place he is made an ordinance of man , and therefore to be limited by man . He may be the chiefe man in authority , and yet limited in that authority ; he is supreame , but not absolute ; We grant that the Houses of Parliament , and we all , are his Subjects , but not Subjects to his will , but to that power of his that Law gives him . 2. He takes for granted the King is the higher power . Here observe his mistake . Let it be granted that the King hath the highest power , yet what propriety of speech is it to say that he is the highest power ? It is proper to God to say that he is Power in the abstract . Well , The King hath the highest power , and we must be subject to this power of his , and not resist it . Who denies all this ? When all this is granted , the D. hath got nothing at all ; for if we resist not that power which Law hath given him , we do not resist the higher power , although we do not do nor suffer what hee would have us to do or suffer . Then he reasons from the person , whosoever , every soule . There was then sayes he , the Senate , &c. But what power the Senate had for the present upon agreement , or how much of their power was now given up to the Emperour by agreement , he shews not ; and if he shews not this , he sayes nothing . Then he tels us of the cause Christians had to resist , because their Emperours were enemies to Religion , and had overthrown Laws and liberties . To the first we acknowledge we must not resist for Religion ; if the Laws of the Land be against it , we must either suffer , or seek to enjoy our Religion in the uttermost parts of the earth , rather then resist . For the Emperors subverting Laws and Liberties , he must prove that the people & Senate had not given absolute power to them for the present , for the preventing further evils they feared , or else it reacheth not our case , for we know our people and Senate have not given any such absolute power . We must not be put to prove , they had , for it is his argument ; therefore if he wil make it good , he must prove they had not . And yet suppose they had not , if we should gratifie the D. in that thing , yet the Argument would be but weak : for the Apostle requires them not to resist their power , their {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} : hee doth not charge them not to resist their tyrannie . Certainly they could have no power but that which was given them by some agreement ; if they challenged further , it was no authority at all : such kind of tyrannie as they would assume to themselves , the Apostle forbids not the resistance of in that place . As for that he sayes , that some affirm that prohibition was temporary , let them maintain it that affirm it : I am ful of the D. mind in that , this prohibition is a standing rule . As for that distinction which he sayes , some make that they resist not the power , but the abuse of the power . We answer , it is not resisting abused power , for it is resisting no power at all . Abused power is the ill use of what is given to men ; but the ill use of what was never given to them more then to any other , is abuse of their wils , but not abuse of their power . By Power I do not mean Strength , but Authority . Further , he sayes , These Emperours ruled absolutely , therefore upon that ground men might resist , is for any thing . 1. Although the Emperors might use some force to bring themselves to an absolute power , yet whether the people were not brought to consent to prevent farther danger , that must be disproved , when our case ever fals , so as we shall be brought to consent to an absolute power , although it be out of feare ( which God forbid ) then this argument will concerne us , but not before . 2. What they got and held meerly by force , without any consent and agreement , was no power , no authority at all but might be resisted , notwithstanding that prohibition . The last thing in that Sect. is , whereas we say that our Religion is established by Law , theirs was not : He answers 2. things . 1. Shall the prohibition be good against Christians under Emperors persecuting Religion , & not against Subjects enjoying their Religion ? If those who have power to make Laws should prove so wicked as to make wicked Laws against Religion , yet I am rather bound to passive obedience in that case , then if men never so good should command according to their own will , and not according to Law ; for there is an authority in the one , though abused , but none at all in the other . His second answer is , This prohibition did not concern Christians only , but all people under the Emperour . As before , 1. we know not but these people had given up their right . 2. If they had not , that prohibition doth not reach them in those things wherein they had not . Thus his Scriptures are answered , and I professe I have not answered from a humour of seeking to overcome in a dispute , to put glosses upon the one side , or to seek evasions from the strength of the other , but as in the presence of God to find out truth , and to satisfie Conscience that hath to doe with God in a speciall manner . SECT. III. THe first Sect. is spent about the original of the power of Kings . He first contends that the power is from God , and that he needs not contend for , we grant that the power not only of Kings , but of all lawfull authority is Gods Ordinance , but that such and such men should have this power , and how much of this power should be put upon this man , and how much upon that , that is from man . Hence it is very observable when the Apostle speaks of the power , Rom. 13. he sayes , it is of God ; but when Peter speaks of the men upon whom that power is put , whether Kings or those sent by him , he sayes , that is a humane ordinance , 1 Pet. 2.13 . yea , a humane creation , so the words are , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Yea the D. grants this , that though the power be from God , yet the designing the person to bear that power , yea , and the qualification and limitation is from men by the Laws made with consent . The supreme Magistrate is called the Minister of God , Rom. 13. We acknowledg him so , he is also said in the same place , to minister for thy good . I have said , Ye are Gods . This is true of inferiour Magistrates as well as superiour , and yet none will say , but inferiors may be resisted . His conclusion is in this Sect. that though the power be of God , yet the person designed , and the qualification of power in several forms of government , & limitation of this , is by the laws of men : This is as much as we desire . Many go no further then the designation of the person to be from man , but the D. is more fair , he sayes the qualification is from man also . If so , mark what follows , then no man can have any of this ruling power , but according as he is designed to it , qualified for it , limited in it by men , whatsoever the name be by which you call him , Emperor , King , Prince , Duke , Lord , &c. SECT. IV. THis Sect. is about the power of people to re-assume what power they have conferred upon Magistrates , although Gods power , yet conferred by them . He argues thus , If the power be Gods , then people cannot re-assume . If the King gives power to an inferior Magistrate , the power that this Magistrate hath is likewise from God , for so the Scripture sayes , Rom. 13. All power is from God : may not this power be re-assumed therefore ? Let none put this off , with saying , But people are not above Kings , as Kings are above inferior Magistrates , for that is nothing to the argument . The argument that he makes is this , If the power be of God , it cannot be re-assumed : Now the answer is , That the power of inferiour ▪ Magistrates is of God , and yet it may be re-assumed , therefore his consequence is not good . Further , a servant by stipulation makes a man his Master , who was not before : Now the power of the Master is Gods , may he therefore never be deprived of that power ? Servants must serve Christ in serving their Masters , as truely as Subjects must obey God in obeying their Prince . Pastors and Teachers have a ruling and a ministeriall power , and this power is Gods , may it therefore never be taken away from them ? His second Argument is , We cannot recall what is once given , as in things devoted . 1. That can never be proved , that a thing devoted to a religious use , can never lawfully be imployed to no other . This is a groundlesse conceit , because he brings no proofs for it , Eadem facilitate rejicitur , qua asseritur . But this that we speake of is a civill thing . And for Kings , that the power they have may not be taken away , he gives that reason , Because the Lords hand and his oyle is upon them . So the Lords hand and oyle is upon Captains and other Magistrates . Ioshua and Zecrubbabel are called The anointed ones . Prophets , Priests have Gods hand and oyle upon them , and cannot the power for no cause be taken from these ? And yet how confidently doth the man conclude , This will not a true informed conscience dare to doe . Certainly notwithstanding all the information in this argument , he may doe it . But he proceeds . How can conscience be satisfied , that this their argument grounded upon election and derivation of power can have place in this Kingdome , when as the Grown descends by inheritance , and hath often been setled by Conquest . 1. There is no body here that yet hath attempted to take any power away from the King that Law hath given him . 2. Howsoever , the point of inheritance or conquest cannot hinder ; For first , none inherits but that which his Progenitors had , & his Progenitors had no more originally then by consent was given them : therefore the difference between Kings by inheritance , and Kings by election , in this case is not much . And for Conquest , that onely settles former right , or makes way to some farther agreement , to adde to , what was former . The right comes not from power to conquer , or act of conquering , but from some agreement , precedent , or consequent . He further argues , It is probable indeed that Kings were at first by choice here , as elsewhere ; but can Conscience rest upon such remote probabilities for resistance , or think that first election will give power against Princes that do not claime by it ? 1. Is it but a remote probabilitie that Kings were here first by election ? I demand , what first invested such a Family with Regall power , more then another ? It must be either God from heaven designing it , as David , or men appointing it , or taken by force : there is no quartum . It was not the first , and to say the third is the right , is an extream wrong to the King . ● meer force can give right , then whosoever is most forcible hath right ; it must therefore be something else : what can that be but the consent of people to such a family ? which is in effect all one with election . You may give it what name you will , it is not therefore a remote probabilitie , but a neere certaintie , that even here Kings were at first either by choice , or by that which in effect is all one . The Doctor sayes , that Kings of England doe not claime their right by election . It may be they use not that word ; but if the Doctor shall presume to dispute their claime for them , and think to get a better and surer claime then the agreement of people , that the Regall power shall be in such a family , surely he will have no thanks for his labour . Let him take heed of this . Although he is pleased to call Election a slender plea , yet I beleeve he cannot bring a stronger . He is at his place in Rom. 13. againe , with the absolute Monarchy of Romane Emperours . This hath been answered againe and againe . The next thing he discusses is the covenant the King enters into , and the oath he takes . And here he tels us our Kings are Kings before they enter into the Covenant , or take this Oath . Although they be Kings before they personally do covenant or sweare , yet their right comes in by their Progenitors , who had their right conferred upon them by some agreement or other : so that they have covenanted in them . But this clause in the covenant or oath is not expressed , that in case he will not discharge his trust , it shall be lawfull to resist . We do not stand so much upon the oath that every King takes , as upon the originall agreement between people & King , whereby this power was conferred first upon such a family , and for that we say that no more power was conferred then was done by vertue of that agreement ; and why there should not be the same reason in the Covenant between a Countrey and a Family in matters of so high a nature , as there is in other Covenants amongst men , let the Doctor shew , or any for him . The Doctor confesseth , Page 16. line 21. That Lawes are for the restraint of the power of Princes . But at length after the discussion of the businesse , he tels you that to argue any forfeiture of power by breaking his Covenant , is an inconsequent argument . You must beleeve him , because he sayes so : If his bare word will not satisfie you , you are like to have nothing else . Yet we would have him and all know , that we do not think that every breach of promise , and not performance of covenant in every thing , makes a forfeiture : this indeed were a dangerous consent . But the question is , Whether no breach of Covenant may possibly in any case make a forfeiture ? We confesse our selves not willing to dispute this too farre . He presently seemes to grant that there may be some force in the argument in States elective and pactionall , but not in this Kingdome . If the ground of all power that one man hath over another in Civill Government , be some kinde of election , explicite on implicite , or some kind of agreement at the first , let the Doctor shew how this Kingdome is freed . But what if the King will not keepe to his agreement , may the Subject doe nothing ? The Dr. Answers , Yes , they may use faire means by Petitions , and they may To what purpose are Subsidies and ayds denyed , if the King hath power to take our estates when he pleaseth , and there must be no resistance ? Though this he sayes may seeme unreasonable to people , and very impolitique to the States-man , yet plain Scripture and reason forbids it . But this Scripture and reason lies hid from us as yet , we have examined them as they have come , and we have found plain mistakes in the alledging them . SECT. V. THis Section is spent in the argument of meanes of safety to a Kingdome in case the King should tyrannize ; if they might not resist , it seemes God hath left them destitute of all helpe , they must needs perish . To this he first answers , That is the same argument that it used for the Popes curbing of , or deposing Princes in case of Heresie , otherwise the Church hath no meanes to preserve it selfe . The good of a Church is spirituall , and God hath given it spirituall means enough to preserve its spirituall good , although there be no such power of the Pope over Princes , and we know the Church was preserved and flourished in spirituall beautie when there was neither Pope nor Prince to preserve it . But the good of a Kingdom is civill and naturall , therefore it must have civill and naturall meanes to preserve it selfe by in case of danger . Hence then although it be no argument that Popes may by power of Armes curb Kings , and because else the good of the Church cannot be preserved , yet it may be a good argument the people may in some case take up Arms to defend themselves against violence , although the King gives not his consent , because otherwise the civill and naturall good of men in a Kingdome cannot be preserved . The second thing he sayes is , What meanes of safety had the Christians in and after the Apostles times ? God called them then to suffer ; for they were not the State ; though many particular men that are not a State , may easily be brought into such a condition as they have no meanes for safety , but they must needs suffer ; and so many States , when the externall violence is too strong for them ; but when God and nature gives them meanes of deliverance , there is no necessitie they should perish . When the Doctor disproves resistance better , wee will either fly or suffer . As for the Christians why they could not resist , the Dr. speakes of a reason that he seemes to be satisfied in , because things were so enacted by Law , therefore they could not resist : therefore he leaves their example , as invalid in our case , and so it were well that every one else would leave off urging , that we may never heare of the example of the Christians in the primitive times applyed to our case more : For though it seems to be something at first view , yet it is nothing when it is examined . But then he sayes , The Edicts that concerned others were Arbitrary . To this the Answer hath been already , either the people then gave up their whole right to their Emperours , which we have not done to our Kings , or otherwise they were not bound to their Arbitrary government , but might have resisted for their own preservations . But if Parliaments should degenerate and grow tyrannicall , what meanes of safety could there be for a State ? I confesse the condition of such a State would be very dangerous and like to come to confusion ; particular men could not help themselves , and the whole State ought to suffer much before it should helpe it selfe by any wayes of resisting : but if you can suppose a Parliament so far to degenerate , as they should all conspire together with the King to destroy the Kingdome , and to possesse the lands and riches of the Kingdome themselves , in this case whether a Law of Nature would not allow of standing up to defend our selves , yea to re-assume the power given to them , to discharge them of that power they had , and set up some other , I leave to the light of nature to judge . You will say , this cannot be , because the higher powers must not be resisted by an● . This is not properly to resist the power , but to discharge the power , to set the power elsewhere . The servant doth not resist the power of his Master , when he upon just grounds leaves him , and goes to another , if he be such a Master , as is his Master by his owne choice , for such and such ends and purposes , and had his power limited by agreement . I know this will be cryed out of as of dangerous consequence , wherefore God deliver us ( as I hope he will ) for ever making use of such a principle . It is hard to conceive it possible that a Parliament can so degenerate , as to make our condition more grievous by unjust acts , then it would be if the power in a Kingdom should returne to the law of nature , from whence at first it rose . Divers lines together after the objection from want of safety in case of degenerating of Parliament , be spends in commending the temper of our government in the three Estates , with complaints of some distemper for the present . In the one I joyn with him : but for the other , I undertake not to satisfie all his apprehensions of distractions in the Parliament . The man I beleeve lives at a distance from Parliament , and so looks at it through multitudes of reports which usually ( and especially in these times ) are exceeding false mediums to looke through : Straight things will seeme crooked , when the object is seene through water that is too thick a medium : Reports doe so gather soile before they come to him , that when they come , they are an exceeding thick medium to see Parliament proceedings by . Whereas it is said , that many see more then one , and there is more safety in the judgement of many then one : He answers , Why should an hundred in the House of Commons see more then three hundred ? and twenty in the Lords House see more then sixty that are of a contrary judgement ? If there were so many of a contrary judgement more then the others , why doe they not come and out-vote them in what things are amisse ? 2. This addes much validitie in common reason to what they determine , that they are alwaies a competent number , allowable by Law to be Houses of Parliament , and they debate and determine things in such an Assembly that is open for so many , which all the Countreys and Cities in the Kingdom have chosen , to come to debate or contradict as they think fit . Such determinations , although I doe not say they should be accounted infallible , yet they carry with them more likely reason , then those who are carried by a few in some secret way . Further , why should such an Objection be made against the Houses of Parliament , that no Court of Justice , no Societie that carry things by Vote , will admit , if it be once set ? that in such Assemblies there shall be so many at the least , there may be three times more , yet so many makes up the Assembly , so as to enable it to such and such purposes . How can this Objection , without wrangling , be admitted ? Oh but many were of another mind , or some belonging to the Assembly were not present . After this the Doctor proceeds to the commending of Monarchy above Aristocrasie , and the Kings Negative voice . This is nothing to our businesse . What though Monarchy be the best ? and what though the King should have power of a negative voice in the passing all Bils ? this is granted . Then he comes again to his 13. to the Rom. The argument from this place is worn exceeding bare by this time , If it were lawfull to resist power abused , it would open a way to people to overthrow powers duely administred . 1. We do not say that power abused should be resisted ; but Will , where there is no Power , may be resisted . 2. True , there is danger in the peoples abusing their liberties , and danger in Magistrates abusing their power . He sayes he intends not to lay the least blemish upon the Parliament . Yet in the Page before he sayes , The Temper of the Parliament is dissolved : and upon that saies , the distractions in the Common-wealth , shew the distempers , and the danger of dissolution , and what is the cause of it . It would fill much paper to gather together the blemishes that this man casts upon the Parliament , especially in his last page . But that is not my work , I would gladly have consciences resolved . He proceeds to shew the difference between the Low-Countreys and us , which no question is something , but not so as can make what they have done lawfull , and yet the Doctors tenets right , nor what we have done unlawfull . He farther enlarges himself in discourse about the evils that accompany resisting of power . Still we say power should not be resisted , and where it is resisted sinfully , yea where men in power are resisted , any way , there are like to follow sad consequences of affliction . But what is all this for the satisfaction to conscience about the Lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of resisting men that have power in any case ? Then he comes to the oath of Supremacy and the Protestation . The Answer to this depends upon what hath been said , we swear onely to the Legall power , we protest no further then the maintenance of that . He saies ; conscience will look at that power he hath as the ordinance of God . True , what power he hath , that is , what the Laws give him , we say is an ordinance of God . But his abuse of power is a iudgement of God , that we must cry to God against , and a true informed conscience in that case will rather suffer then resist . He still takes abuse of his power to be the doing whatsoever he please : we denie that to be abuse of his power . We say in that he doth not exercise his authorative power at all , therefore he doth not abuse it . If indeed some uniust Law should give him any power to do wrong , the execution of this would be the abuse of his power , and therein it is granted a true informed conscience would rather suffer then resist . But in the other case , when he doth what Law inables not to do , all the arguments of the Doctor cannot so inform our consciences , as to beleeve the State must rather suffer then resist . Now the Doctor casts up his reckoning , and thinks he finds it comes to thus much , that he hath found Scripture and reason , speak plainly against resisting . He cries victorie to himself , he tels himself what the issue of his own thoughts come to ; but he reckons without his Host , his conquest is too hastie , we are not of his mind . I will onely observe one thing more in the conclusion of this Section . If any shall be carried away with the name of a Parliament , as Papists are with the name of the Church , &c. If the Church could do as much in matters of Religion , as the Parliament can do in matters of the State , the Papists were not so much to be blamed for being taken so much with the name of the Church , as as we are not for being taken so much with the name of the Parliament . For 1. The Church cannot make new Articles of Faith , or nullifie the old ; but the Parliament can make new Maximes to be accounted Law , that were not before , and undoe what were before . 2. The Church hath not a judiciall power of interpreting the Law of God , but the Parliament hath a judiciall power of interpreting the Law of the State , so as that is to be accounted Law , which they interpret to be so . I do not say that we are bound to beleeve , that whatsoever interpretation they make was the scope and intention of that Law when it was first made : But this I say , that their interpretation must be accounted as much binding to us for obedience , as the scope and intention of that Parliament that first made that Law . Thus I have done with his Scriptures , and the rationall part of his Book ; and I hope others will have done with it too . If mens consciences be satisfied in the lawfulnesse of the thing it self , Subjects taking up Arms against the will of the King : His other part , every one who understands how things are with us , that is willing to be satisfied , will be soon able to satisfie himself . The substance of all that follows is , suppose that Subjects may take up Arms ? yet whether there be sufficient cause for us to doe it . Toward the conclusion of the Book the Dr. begins to be hot , and somewhat bitter , but I shall not here follow him in particulars , but in the generall thus : What the condition of our Kingdom is , whether in danger or not ? What the condition of our Houses of Parliament , whether they be safe or not ? whether their priviledges be broke or not ? Judge you whether Doctor Ferne or all the Remonstrances and Declarations we have had from both Houses be able best to certifie us : we have received information enough , and seen and felt enough to make us beleeve that our Kingdom is in great danger : but it may be the Doctor sits in his study like another Archimedis drawing his lines , and the Swords must be about his eares before he will see or beleeve any danger towards us . The Doctor puts the case thus , whether the conscience can be so perswaded , that the King is such and so minded , as that there may be sufficient cause to take up Arms against him ; in this he is as miserably mistaken , as in all his other grounds from Scripture , and his reasons , if he thinks this be the controversie . For 1. we take up no Arms against the King . 2. Whatsoever the Kings mind be , there is sufficient cause to take up Arms to defend our selves against others that seek our ruins . We know of the plots of bringing the Armies in the North upon Parliament and Citie : We know of the great preparations of Arms in forreign parts to send over hither , and time hath discovered their further attempts , although it hath indeed withall discovered they could not bring their attempts to their desired issue . We know of many Delinquents that are fled from the Justice of the Parliament , which cannot be attached without force ; and if they may so scape as they do , to what purpose doth a Parliament sit ? it will soon be made ridiculous in the eyes of the world . We know what is done in the execution of the Commission of Array , and that by force of Arms , and all these things by those who are under the authoritie of the Houses of Parliament : wherefore if they cannot prevent these evils imminent , nor rectifie these disorders extant , but by power added to their authoritie , although there be no such horrible things as the Doctor speaks of , namely , the Kings intentions to subvert Religion , and our Laws and Liberties , if the King do but denie to assist in the delivering us from those danger , not upon groundlesse jealousies feared , but upon certain proofs we know we are in , and in the delivering up of such delinquents as justice must not , our safety cannot suffer to escape , there is cause enough to satisfie our consciences in the lawfulnesse of our taking up Arms . Yea , our protestation and duty , though we had never so protested , binds us to maintain by all our strength the Parliament in this ; and in maintaining them , we do not at all prejudice the King in any lawfull power of his . This generall is enough to satisfie in what is said in the two last Sections : As for particulars mentioned there , many of them are answered alreadie in the former discourse ; others being matters of fact , it is more easie for any one to answer that hath a mind to examine what passages have falne out . To go through them particularly I shall leave to some who have more time to spare then I , they are far more easie to answer then what was before , but not so profitable , and yet the answer would exasperate more , they are Subjects more suteable for Lawyers and Statists to treat about then for Divines . Wherefore whereas in the conclusion of all , the Doctor desires those who will run the Hazard of this resistance ; first to set their consciences before the tribunall of God , and consider whether they will excuse them there when they have shed blood , to say , we supposed our Prince would change Religion , overthrow liberties . No Doctor , We can comfortably , and will freely and really set our conscience before Gods tribunall in this case , but we will not make that our plea , but we will stand thus before the Lord . Lord thou who art the searcher of our hearts , and our Iudge , thou knowest we aimed at no hurt to our King , we desired to live in peace , we according to our solemne vow and Protestation , have only endeavoured to deliver our Kingdom & Parliament from the rage of ungodly , and violent bloody men , to bring forth the wicked unto justice , to preserve what thy Maiestie , what the law of nature , and the Law of the Land hath made our own . If thou wilt please to call us to suffer for thy Name , we hope we shall be readie ; but because thou tellest us that it is not the part of a Christian but of an Infidell , not to provide for his family , therefore we have not submitted our selves , wives and children to the rage of th●se bloody men : for the substance of what we have done , it hath been in thy Name , that we may be faithfull to the King , Kingdom , Parliament , and to posteritie . What failings thou hast seen in the managing of it , Lord pardon to us for Christ his sake . Thus we are willing to meet the Doctor at Gods Tribunall , but he shall not lay our plea for us , we fear he will have enough to do to answer for himself , yea to answer for that Book he hath put forth in such a time as this . For a Conclusion of all . LEt none think that though we thus iustifie taking up Arms , that therfore we are of those that delight in War ; God forbid . Our souls desire after peace , we pray for peace , we would gladly lay down our lives . ( if we know our own hearts ) for peace . Lately my name was injuriously added to a printed paper , wherein there was a Petition against Accommodations : It sayes I went along with it , whereas I knew nothing at all of it , untill neere a week after it was delivered to the House . Thus are we at the mercy of every malignant spirit , if he can get a Printer to assist him , to be rendred to the world as odious as he pleaseth . As great an injury I suffered before , though in another nature , when a few pieces of a Sermon I preached to young men were gathered together , and patched up with a deale of non-sense , and additions of their owne as they pleased , and then put out as mine . Although we live amongst men set on fire , yet God forbid but we should follow peace : but it must be the peace of Jerusalem , not the peace of Babylon . And the truth is , had the people knowne their liberties before , it is very probable these warres would have been prevented . This I am confident hath been the great encouraging , fomenting argument for these warres , If we goe in the name of the King , none will dare to stir against us ; What will they take up Arms to resist their King ? Had they seen the weaknesse of this their Argument , at it is applyed to this businesse in hand , that bloud that hath been shed would have been prevented ; And if the people of the Land knew the Liberty that God , and Nature , and Law gives them , there would soone be an end of these Warres ; but a few such Doctors at this is , may helpe to prolong them , by dividing the people , and putting them into a maze , comming in so plausible a way to informe Conscience ; whereas in truth he gives no bottome for Conscience to rest on , but rather puts it to a stand , or rather into a labyrinth . There is a necessitie that in these times peoples Consciences should be further satisfied in their liberties in this case then formerly , because the time is ( we hope ) at hand for the pulling down of Antichrist , and we find by Scripture this work at first will be by the people : Revel. 18.2 . The Angel came down from heaven and cryed mightily with a strong voice , Babylon the great is falne , is falne : And vers. 4. I heard another voice from heaven , saying , Come out of her my people : ver. 6. Reward you her as she hath rewarded you : and so to the 9. ver. her destruction is threatned . Now ver. 9. the Text sayes , The Kings of the earth who have committed fornication , and lived deliciously with her , shall bewaile her , and lament for her , saying , Alas , alas . Ver. 11. And the Merchants of those things which were made rich by her , shall stand weeping and wailing , ver. 15. All her Proctors , and Commissaries , and Chancellors that grew rich by her , they shall lament . No marvaile then though so many Proctors get together to seek for peace upon any terms . Here you see Babylon must down , and yet the Kings lament her fall : Who then must pull her down but the people ? Not that the people can raise a War meerly for Religion , but God will so order things , that the Papists shall by their malice be put upon such plots and enterprises , that they shall make themselves lyable to the justice of the Law , so that Kings shall have no legall power to rescue them from it , but inferiour Magistrates , assisted by the people , shall in a just way fall upon them , even then when the Kings of the earth and their Merchants shall lament them . Hence Revel. 19.6 . the Hallelujah that is begun upon the Lord God omnipotents ralgning , is begun by the people , I heard the voice as of many waters , saying , Hallelujah . Now the Scripture frequently sets forth the people by waters , as Revel. 17.15 . The waters which thou sawest , were peoples . We reade Cant. 5.11 . where the glory of Christ is set forth , it begins at the head ; but Cant. 7.1 where the glory of the Church is set forth , it begins at the feet , How beautifull are thy feet ? Surely the right knowledge of these liberties God hath given people , will much help forward the great things God hath to doe in this latter age . This makes me willing to publish what help I can in this thing , although I know full well I run the hazard of suffering much in it . Let Babylon fall , let the Church prosper , it is enough , our lives are not much worth . And now I have shewne the Commission of the Lord of Hosts for warres ; I shall not yet cease to pray for peace ; such a peace as may have as good a Commission from the Prime of Peace as the present wars of the Kingdom have from the Lord of Hosts . That which I have done is but as the taking of my pen to write a Letter to a friend ; but a little strength is enough to oppose a little strength . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A30564e-30 Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. 1 Sam. 1 Ans. 1 Sam. 2 Ans. 1 Sam. 2. 12. Ans. Ans. Ans. Chro. 26 Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans Ans Ans Ans Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans Ans Ans Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. Ans. 
A67335	----	Instructions to a painter for the drawing of the posture & progress of His Ma[jes]ties forces at sea, under the command of His Highness Royal together with the battel & victory obtained over the Dutch, June 3, 1665 / by Edm. Waller, Esq. Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. 1666 Approx. 20 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A67335 Wing W500 ESTC R18618 12439428 ocm 12439428 62069 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67335) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62069) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 300:6) Instructions to a painter for the drawing of the posture & progress of His Ma[jes]ties forces at sea, under the command of His Highness Royal together with the battel & victory obtained over the Dutch, June 3, 1665 / by Edm. Waller, Esq. Waller, Edmund, 1606-1687. 18 p. Printed for Henry Herringman ..., London : 1666. First complete edition. An anonymous broadside, containing the first part of the poem, was published, 1665, under a slightly different title. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng War poetry, English. Anglo-Dutch War, 1664-1667 -- Poetry. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-02 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion INSTRUCTIONS TO A PAINTER , For the Drawing of the POSTURE & PROGRESS OF His Maties Forces at Sea , Under the Command of His Highness Royal. Together with the BATTEL & VICTORY Obtained over the Dutch , June 3. 1665. Ut , qui vos , Imperatores vestros , & Anglorum Res gestas semper ornavit , Humanitate vestrâ levatus , potius quam acerbitate violatus esse videatur . Cicero pro Arch. Poet. By EDM. WALLER Esq LONDON , Printed for Henry Herringman , at the Anchor on the Lower Walk of the New Exchange . 1666. INSTRUCTIONS TO A PAINTER , For the Drawing of the Posture and Progress of His Maties Forces at Sea , Under the Command of HIS HIGHNESS ROYAL . Together with The Battel and Victory obtained over the Dutch June 3. 1665. FIrst draw the Sea , That portion which between The greater World , and this of ours is seen ; Here place the British , there the Holland Fleet , Vast Floating Armies , both prepar'd to meet : Draw the whole World , expecting who shall Raign , After this Combate , o're the Conquer'd Main ; Make Heav'n concern'd , and an unusual Star Declare th'Importance of th' approaching War : Make the Sea shine with Gallantry , and all The English Youth flock to their Admiral , The Valiant Duke , whose early Deeds abroad , Such Rage in Fight , and Art in Conduct show'd ; His bright Sword now a dearer Int'rest draws , His Brothers Glory , and His Countries Cause . Let thy Bold Pencil , Hope , and Courage spread Through the whole Navy , by that Heroe led ; Make all appear , where such a Prince is by , Resolv'd to Conquer , or resolv'd to Die : With His Extraction , and His Glorious Mind Make the proud Sails swell , more than with the Wind ; Preventing Cannon , Make His louder Fame Check the Batavians , and their Fury tame : So hungry Wolves , though greedy of their Prey , Stop when they find a Lion in their way . Make Him bestride the Ocean , and Mankind Ask His Consent , to use the Sea and Wind : While His tall Ships in the barr'd Channel stand , He grasps the Indies in His Armed Hand . Paint an East-wind , and make it blow away Th' Excuse of Holland for their Navies stay ; Make them look pale , and the Bold Prince to shun , Through the cold North , and Rocky Regions run ; To find the Coast where Morning first appears , By the dark Pole the wary Belgian steers , Confessing now , He dreads the English , more Then all the Dangers of a Frozen Shore , While from our Arms security to find , They fly so far , they leave the Day behind : Describe their Fleet abandoning the Sea , And all their Merchants left a wealthy Prey ; Our first Success in War , make Bacchus Crown , And half the Vintage of the Year our own : The Dutch their Wine , and all their Brandee lose , Disarm'd of that , from which their Courage grows ; While the glad English , to relieve their Toil , In Healths to their great Leader drink the Spoil : His high Command to Africk's Coast extend , And make the Moors before the English bend , Those Barbarous Pirates willingly receive Conditions such , as we are pleas'd to give ; Deserted by the Dutch , let Nations know , We can our own , and their great business do ; False Friends chastise , and common Foes restrain , Which worse then Tempests did infest the Main . Within those Streights make Smyrna-Fleet With a small Squadron of the English meet ; Like Falcons these , those like a numerous Flock , Of Fowl , which scatter to avoid the Shock ; There paint Confusion in a various shape Some sink , some Yield , and flying some Escape : Europe and Africa from either Shore Spectators are , and hear our Cannon roar , While the divided World , in this , agree , Men that fight so , deserve to Rule the Sea. But neerer Home , thy Pencil use once more , And place our Navy by the Holland Shore ; The World they compass'd , while they fought with Spain , But here already they resign the Main : Those greedy Mariners , out of whose way , Diffusive Nature could no Region lay , At home , preserv'd , from Rocks and Tempests lie , Compell'd , like others , in their Beds to die ; Their single Towns th' Iberian Armies press't , We all their Provinces at once Invest , And in a Month , Ruine their Traffique , more , Then that long War , could in an Age before . But who can always on the Billows ly ? The watry Wilderness yields no supply ; Spreading our Sails , to Harwich we resort , And meet the Beauties of the British Court , Th' Illustrious Dutchess , and her Glorious Train , Like Thetis with her Nymphs , adorn the Main ; The gazing Sea-gods , since the Paphian Queen Sprung from among them , no such sight had seen ; Charm'd with the Graces of a Troop so fair , Those deathless Powers for us themselves declare , Resolv'd the Aid of Neptuno's Court to bring , And help the Nation where such Beauties spring : The Souldier here his wasted Store supplies , And takes new Valour from the Ladies Eyes : Mean while , like Bees , when stormy Winter 's gone , The Dutch ( as if the Sea were all their own ) Desert their Ports , and falling in their way Our Hamburgh Merchants are become their Prey ; Thus flourish they , before th' appoaching Fight , As dying Tapers give a blazing Light. To check their Pride , our Fleet half Victuall'd goes , Enough to serve us , till we reach our Foes , Who now appear , so numerous and bold , The Action worthy of our Arms we hold ; A greater Force , then that which here we find , Ne're press'd the Ocean , nor employ'd the Wind. Restrain'd a while by the unwelcom Night , Th' impatient English scarce attend the Light ; But now the Morning , Heav'n severely clear , To the fierce Work Indulgent does appear ; And Phoebus lifts above the Waves his Light , That he might see , and thus Record the Fight : As when loud Winds from different Quarters rush , Vast Clouds incountring , one another crush , With swelling Sails , so , from their several Coasts , Joyn the Batavian , and the British Hoasts ; For a less Prize , with less Concern and Rage , The Roman Fleets at Actium did Engage ; They for the Empire of the World they knew , These for the Old , Contend , and for the New : At the first Shock , with Blood , and Powder stain'd , Nor Heav'n , nor Sea , their former face retain'd ; Fury and Art produce Effects so strange , They trouble Nature , and her Visage change : Where burning Ships the banish'd Sun supply , And no Light shines , but that by which Men dy , There YORK appears , so prodigal is he Of Royal Blood , as ancient as the Sea , Which down to Him , so many Ages told , Has through the Veins of Mighty Monarchs roll'd ; The great Achilles march'd not to the Field , Till Vulcan that impenetrable Shield And Arms had wrought ; yet there no Bullets flew , But Shafts , and Darts , which the weak Phrygians threw ; Our bolder Heroe on the Deck does stand Expos'd , the Bulwark of his Native Land , Defensive Arms laid by , as useless here , Where massie Balls the Neighbouring Rocks do tear : Some Power unseen those Princes does protect , Who for their Country thus themselves neglect . Against Him first Opdam his Squadron leads , Proud of his late Success against the Swedes , Made by that Action , and his high Command , Worthy to perish by a Princes Hand : The tall Batavian in a vast Ship rides , Bearing an Army in her hollow Sides , Yet not inclin'd the English Ship to Board , More on his Guns relies , then on his Sword , From whence a fatal Volley we receiv'd , It miss'd the Duke , but His great Heart it griev'd , Three worthy Persons from His Side it tore , And dy'd His Garment with their scatter'd Gore : Happy ! to whom this glorious Death arrives , More to be valu'd than a thousand Lives ! On such a Theatre , as this , to dy , For such a Cause , and such a Witness by ! Who would not thus a Sacrifice be made , To have his Blood on such an Altar laid ? The rest about Him strook with Horrour stood , To see their Leader cover'd or'e with Blood ; So trembl'd Jacob , when he thought the stains Of his Sons Coat had issu'd from his Veins : He feels no wound , but in his troubled Thought , Before for Honour , now Revenge He fought , His Friends in pieces torn , the bitter News Not brought by Fame , with His own Eyes he views ; His Mind at once reflecting on their Youth , Their Worth , their Love , their Valour , and their Truth , The Joys of Court , their Mothers , and their Wives To follow Him abandon'd , and their Lives , He storms , and Shoots ; but flying Bullets now To execute His Rage , appear too slow ; They miss , or sweep but Common Souls away , For such a Loss , Opdam his Life must pay : Encouraging His Men , He gives the Word , With fierce intent that hated Ship to Board , And make the Guilty Dutch , with His own Arm , Wait on His Friends , while yet their Blood is warm : His winged Vessel like an Eagle shows , When through the Clouds to truss a Swan she goes ; The Belgian Ship unmov'd , like some huge Rock Inhabiting the Sea , expects the Shock : From both the Fleets Mens Eyes are bent this way , Neglecting all the Business of the day , Bullets their Flight , and Guns their Noise suspend , The silent Ocean does th' Event attend , Which Leader shall the Doubtful Vict'ry bless , And give an Earnest of the Wars Success ; When Heav'n it self for England to declare , Turns Ship , and Men , and Tackle into Air ; Their new Commander from his Charge is tost , Which that young Prince had so unjustly lost , Whose Great Progenitors with better Fate , And better Conduct sway'd their Infant State. His flight tow'rds Heav'n th' aspiring Belgian took , But fell , like Phaeton , with Thunder strook , From vaster hopes than his , He seem'd to fall , That durst attempt the British Admiral ; From her Broad-sides a ruder Flame is thrown , Than from the fiery Chariot of the Sun ; That bears the radiant Ensigh of the Day , And she the Flag that Governs in the Sea. The Duke ill pleas'd that Fire should thus prevent The work which for His brighter Sword He meant , Anger still burning in His valiant Breast , Goes to compleat Revenge upon the Rest ; So on the guardless Herd , their Keeper slain , Rushes a Tyger in the Lybian Plain . The Dutch accustom'd to the raging Sea , And in black Storms the Frowns of Heav'n to see , Never met Tempest which more urg'd their Fears , Than that which in the Prince His Look appears ; Fierce , Goodly , Young , Mars He resembles , when Jove sends him down , to scourge perfidious Men , Such as with foul Ingratitude have paid Both those that Led , and those that gave them Aid ; Where He gives on , disposing of their Fates , Terror and Death on His loud Cannon waits , With which He pleads His Brothers Cause so well , He shakes the Throne to which he does Appeal ; The Sea with Spoil His angry Bullets strow , Widows and Orphans making as they go ; Before His Ship , Fragments of Vessels torn , Flags , Arms , and Belgian Carcasses are born , And His despairing Foes to flight inclin'd , Spread all their Canvase to invite the Wind : So the rude Boreas where he lists to blow Makes Clouds above , and Billows fly below , Beating the shore , and with a boysterous rage Does Heav'n at once , and Earth and Sea ingage : The Dutch elsewhere , did through the watry Field Perform enough to have made others yield ; But English Courage growing as they fight , In danger , noise , and slaughter takes delight , Their bloody Task , unwearied still , they ply , Only restrain'd by Death , or Victory : Iron and Lead , from Earths dark Entrails torn , Like show'rs of Hail from either side are born ; So high the Rage of wretched Mortals goes , Hurling their Mothers Bowels at their Foes , Ingenious to their ruine , Every Age Improves the Arts , and Instruments of Rage ; Death-hast'ning ills Nature enough has sent , And yet Men still a thousand more invent . But Bacchus now , which led the Belgians on So fierce at first , to favour us begun ; Brandee and Wine , their wonted Friends , at length Render them useless , and betray their strength : So Corn in Fields , and in the Garden Flowers , Revive , and raise themselves with moderate Showers ; But over-charg'd with never-ceasing Rain , Become too moist , and bend their heads again : Their reeling Ships on one another fall , Without a Foe enough to ruine all : Of this Disorder , and the favouring Wind , The watchful English such Advantage find , Ships fraught with Fire among the Heap they throw , And up the so intangled Belgians blow ; The Flame invades the Powder-rooms , and then Their Guns shoot Bullets , and their Vessels Men ; The scorch't Batavians on the Billows float , Sent from their own to pass in Charon's Boat. And now our Royal Admiral , Success With all the marks of Victory does bless ; The burning Ships , the taken , and the slain Proclaim His Triumph o're the Conquer'd Main : Neerer to Holland as their hasty flight Carries the Noise and Tumult of the Fight , His Cannons roar , fore-runner of His Fame , Makes their Hague tremble , and their Amsterdam ; The British Thunder does their Houses rock , And the Duke seems at every Door to knock ; His dreadful Streamer like a Comets hair Threatning Destruction , hastens their Despair , Makes them deplore their scatter'd Fleet as lost , And fear our present Landing on their Coast. The Trembling Dutch th' approaching Prince behold As Sheep a Lion leaping tow'rds their Fold ; Those Piles which serve them to repel the Main They think too weak His Fury to restrain : What Wonders may not English Valour work , Led by th' Example of Victorious YORK ? Or what Defence against Him can they make , Who at such distance does their Country shake ? His fatal Hand their Bulwarks will o'rethrow , And let in both the Ocean and the Foe : Thus cry the People , and their Land to keep , Allow our Title to Command the Deep , Blaming their States ill Conduct to provoke Those Arms which freed them from the Spanish Yoke . Painter , excuse me , if I have a while Forgot thy Art , and us'd another Stile ; For though you Draw Arm'd Heroes as they fit , The Task in Battel does the Muses fit ; They in the dark Confusion of a Fight Discover all , instruct us how to Write , And Light and Honour to Brave Actions yield , Hid in the Smoak and Tumult of the Field . Ages to come shall know that Leaders Toil , And His Great Name on whom the Muses smile ; Their Dictates here let thy fam'd Pencil trace , And this Relation with thy Colours grace . Then Draw the Parliament , the Nobles met , And our Great Monarch , High above Them set , Like young Augustus let His Image be , Triumphing for that Victory at Sea , Where AEgypts Queen , and Eastern Kings o'rethrown . Made the Possession of the World His own . Last Draw the Commons at His Royal Feet , Pouring out Treasure to Supply His Fleet ; They vow , with Lives and Fortunes to maintain Their Kings Eternal Title to the Main , And with a Present to the Duke approve His Valour , Conduct , and His Countries Love. To the King. GREAT SIR , Disdain not in this Piece to Stand Supream Commander both of Sea and Land : Those which Inhabit the Celestial Bower , Painters express with Emblems of their Power ; His Club Alcides , Phoebus has his Bow , Jove has his Thunder , and your Navy You. But Your Great Providence no Colours here Can Represent , nor Pencil draw that Care Which keeps You waking , to secure our Peace , The Nations Glory , and our Trades Increase ; You for these Ends whole days in Counsel Sit , And the Diversions of Your Youth forget . Small were the worth of Valour , and of Force , If Your High Wisdom Govern'd not their Course ; You as the Soul , as the First Mover You Vigour and Life on every Part bestow , How to build Ships , and Dreadful Ordnance cast , Instruct the Artists , and Reward their Haste : So Jove Himself , when Typhon Heav'n does brave , Descends to visit Vulcan's smoaky Cave , Teaching the Brawny Cyclops how to frame His Thunder mixt with Terrour , Wrath , and Flame . Had the old Greeks discover'd Your Abode , Crete had not been the Cradle of their God , On that small Island they had look'd with scorn , And in Great Britain thought the Thunderer born . FINIS . 
A57374	----	A discovrse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall, customary, arbitrary, voluntary and necessary warre with the mystery of invasive warre : that ecclesiasticall prelates, have alwayes beene subject to temporall princes ... / by Sir Walter Rawleigh ... Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A57374 of text R9599 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing R158). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 61 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A57374 Wing R158 ESTC R9599 20551974 ocm 20551974 60814 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57374) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60814) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 224:21) A discovrse of the originall and fundamentall cause of naturall, customary, arbitrary, voluntary and necessary warre with the mystery of invasive warre : that ecclesiasticall prelates, have alwayes beene subject to temporall princes ... / by Sir Walter Rawleigh ... Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. [67] p. Printed by T.W. for Humphrey Moseley ..., London : 1650. This item can also be found with "Judicious and select essayes" (Wing R170) at reel 289:13. Reproduction of original in the John Carter Brown Library. eng War -- Early works to 1800. A57374 R9599 (Wing R158). civilwar no Judicious and select essayes and observations, by that renowned and learned knight. Sir Walter Raleigh. Upon the first invention of shipping Raleigh, Walter, Sir 1650 10659 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOVRSE OF THE ORIGINALL AND Fundamentall Cause of Naturall , Customary , Arbitrary , Voluntary and Necessary WARRE . With the MYSTERY of Invasive WARRE . That Ecclesiasticall Prelates , have alwayes beene subject to Temporall Princes . And that the Pope had never any lawfull power in England , either in Civill , or Ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time , as Brittaine was won from the Roman Empire . By Sir Walter Rawleigh Knight . LONDON , Printed by T. W. for Humphrey Moseley and are to be Sold at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard . 1650. A Discourse of the Originall and fundamentall cause of Naturall , Customary , Arbitrary , Voluntary , and necessary war , with the misery of invasive warre . That Ecclesiasticall Prelates , have alwayes been subject to Temporall Princes , and that the Pope had never any lawfull power in England , either in Civill , or Ecclesiasticall , businesse , after such time , as Brittaine was won from the Roman Empire . THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War , which may be defined the exercise of violence under Soveraigne Command , against withstanders force , Authority and resistance , being the essentiall parts thereof , violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguisht from Robbery and the like outrages : yet consisting in relation towards others , It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance , whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves , or yeilding Malefactors ; as for Armes , Discipline , and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of War prosperous , they are only considerable in degree of perfection , since naked savages fighting disorderly with stones , by appointment of their Commanders , may truly and absolutely be said to War . Neverthelesse , it is true , that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth , pawes , horns , and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men , so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive Armes , as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist . And it might seeme happy , if the sword , the Arrow , the Gun , with many terrible Engines of death , could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that Lordly rule , which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things . But since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self : It is needfull that against the wit and subtilty of man , we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes , ( wherein many Beasts exceed us , ) but helping our strength with art and wisdome , strive to excell our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures . The necessity of War , which among humane Actions is the most lawlesse , hath some kind of affinity , and neere resemblances with the necessity of Law . For there were no use at all , either of War or of Law ; If every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe , and were withall so punctually just , as to performe what he knew requisite , and to rest contented with his owne . But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong , by any skill of Lawyers , with multiplicity of clauses , and provisoes , That it may be secure from contentious Avarice , and the malice of false seeming Justice : It is not to bee wondered , that the great Charter , whereby God bestowed the whole earth upon Adam , And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah , being as breife in word , as large in effect , hath bred much quarrell of interpretation . Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation , may be unregarded by the most of men , yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts , And so passionatly imbraced by their greedy desires , As if every one laid claime for himself unto that , which was conferred upon all . This appeared in the Gaules , who falling upon Italy under their Captaine Brennus , told the Roman Ambassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title , and that valiant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get ; That they wanting Land therewith to susteine their people , And the Tuscanes , having more then enough , It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand , if it were not yeilded quietly . Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers , that there is no taking of possession more just , then In vacuum venire , to enter upon Land unhabited , As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands : Then may it be inferred , that this demand of the Gaules , held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view . For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled , why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly ? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the Southerne , undiscovered continent , because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana , or about the Straits of Magalane ? why might not the like be done in Africk , in Europe , or in Asia ? If this were most absurd to imagine , Let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the Territory , and increasing the number of Inhabitants , what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner , That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth , nor capable of a greater multitude ; Untill this can be concluded and agreed upon , one maine and fundamentall cause of the most grievous Warre that can be imagined , is not like to be taken from the Earth . It were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victualls and other helps , a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new seate , or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them : But what shall perswade a mighty Nation to travaile so farre by Land , or Sea , over Mountaines , Deserts , And great Rivers , with their Wives and Children , when they are , or thinke themselves powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand , and inforce others into the Labour of such a Journey ? I have briefely shewed in an other worke , that the miseries accompaning this kind of War , are most extreame . For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall . And although the uncertainty of tenure , by which all worldly things are held , minister very unpleasant meditation ; yet is it most certaine that within 1200. yeares last past , all or the most of Kingdomes to us knowne , have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations , being either over whelmed by new Collonies that fell upon them , or driven , as one wave is driven by an other , to seeke new seates , having lost their owne . Our Westerne parts of Europe indeed have cause to rejoyce , and give praise to God , for that we have been free about 600 years , from such Inundations , As were those of the Gothes , Humes , and Vandalls , yea from such as were those of our owne Ancestors , the Saxons , Danes , and Normans , But howsoever we have together with the feeling , lost the very memory of such wretchednesse , as our Fore-fathers endured by those Wars , of all other the most cruell . Yet are there few Kingdomes in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred yeares . It were an endlesse labour to tell how the Turks , and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world , having spoiled every where , and in most places Eaten up all , as it were by the roots , Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people , the very names , language and memory of former times . Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it , there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the Load upon others , by right or wrong . For ( to omit the danger of Pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng ) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses , and contempt of death , as the Torments or Threats of famine : whereof the Warre that is grounded upon this generall remedilesse necessity , may be tearmed the generall , the Remedilesse , or the necessary War . Against which that our Country is better provided ( as may be shewed hereafter ) Then any civill Nation to us knowne , we ought to hold it a great blessing of God , And carefully retaine the advantages which he hath given us now . Besides this remedilesse or necessary Warre , which is frequent , There is a Warre voluntary , and Customeable , unto which the offering party is not compelled . And this Customary Warre , which troubleth all the world , giveth little respite or breathing time of peace , doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest . For Covetous Ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath , supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not . Wherefore if two bordering Princes have their Territory meeting on an open Champaigne , the more mighty will continually seeke occasion , to extend his limits unto the further border thereof . If they be divided by Mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops , And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots . If Rivers run between them , they contend for the Bridges , And thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck . Yea the Sea it selfe must be very broad , barren of fish , and void of little Islands interjacent , else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the Kingdomes which it severeth . All this proceeds from desire of having , and such desire from feare of want . Hereunto may be added , That in these Arbitrary Wars , there is commonly to be found , some small measure of necessity , though it seldome be observed , perhaps , because it extendeth not so far , as to become publique . For where many younger sonnes of younger Brothers , have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves , and where many men of Trade or usefull possessions , know not how to bestow themselves for lack of Imployments , there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State ( howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed ) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected Members . It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it , if means be wanting , whereby to drive convenient participation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers . In such cases there will be complaining , Commiseration , and finally murmur ( as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the ground upon publike misgovernment ) unlesse order be taken for some redresse by the sword of Injury , supposed to be done by Forreigners , whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare . And in this case I think it was , that the great Cardinall Francis de Amiens who governed Spaine in the minority of Charls the fift , hearing tell that 8000. Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algier , under Don Diego de Vera , made light of the matter : Affirming , that Spaine stood in need of such evacuation , forreigne Warre serving ( as King Fardinard had been wont to say ) like a potion of Rubarbe , to wash away Choler from the body of the Realme . Certainly among all Kingdomes of the earth , we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then Spaine , of having the veines opened by an enemies sword : The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humors . Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled , but mainteineth still growing upon it ( like a tree , from whose plants to fil a whole Orchard , ) have bin taken as many , as it can well nourish . And to say what I think , if our King Edward the third , had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with English the Towns which he won , As he began at Calice driving out the French , the Kings his Successors , holding the same course would by this time have filled all France , with our Nation , without any notable emptying of this Island . The like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the French in Italy , or almost of any others , as having been verified by the Saxons in England , and Arabians in Barbarie ; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent ? surely they dyed not of old age , nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature . But famine and contagious diseases , the sword , the halter , and a thousand mischiefs have Consumed them . Yea many of them perhaps were never borne : for they that want means to nourish Children will abstaine from marriage , or ( which is all one ) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women : or otherwise make unequall or unhealthy Matches for gaine , or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing , which in nature is a curse , to have their wives barren . Were it not thus , Arithmeticall progression might easily demonstrate , how fast mankind would increase in multitude , overpassing as miraculous ( though indeed naturall ) that example of the Israelites , who were multiplyed in 215. yeares , from seaventie unto 600000. able men . Hence we may observe , that the very propagation of our kind , hath with it a strong insensive , even of those daily Wars , which afflict the earth . And that Princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity , speake often more truly then they are aware , there being indeed a great necessity , though not apparent , as not extending to the generality , but resting upon private heads . Wherefore other cause of Warre meerly naturall there is none , then want of roome upon the earth , which pinching a whole nation , begets the remedilesse Warre , vexing only some number of particulars , It draws on the Arbitrary : But unto the kindling of Arbitrary Warre , there are many other motives . The most honest of these is , feare of harme and prevention of danger . This is just and taught by nature , which labours more strongly in removing evill , then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good . Neverthelesse , because Warre cannot be without mutuall violence : It is manifest , that allegation of danger and feare serves only to excuse the suffering part , the wrong doer being carried by his owne will . So the Warre thus caused proceeds from nature , not altogether but in part . A second motive is , Revenge of injury susteined ; This might be avoided if all men could be honest ; otherwise not . For Princes must give protection to their Subjects and adherents , when worthy occasion shall require it , else will they be held unworthy , and unsufficient : then which there can be to them no greater perill . Wherefore Caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side , and the opinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard , for his friends , was doubted on the other side , alwayes chose rather to venture upon extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector . Yea by such maintenance of their dependants , Many Noblemen in all formes of Government , and in every mans memory have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue . Neither have meere Tyrants been altogether carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers , those Subjects of theirs , whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used , as no better then slaves . For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves , if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men : To remedy this , it were needfull that Justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to Denizons . But contrariewise we find , that in many Countreys ( as Muscovie and the like ) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction , as they fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation . Sir Thomas Moore said , ( whether more pleasantly or truely I know not ) that a trick of Law had no lesse power then the wheele of fortune , to lift men up , or cast them downe . Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by meere casualty , then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice , Because these are accompanied with sense of indignity , whereof the other are free : when Robbers break open a mans house and spoile it , they tell the owner plainly that money they want , and money they must have : But when a Judge corrupted by reward , hatred , favour , or any other passion , takes both house and Land from the rightfull owner , And bestowes them upon some friend of his owne , or of his favorite , He saies , that the rules of Justice will have it so , that it is the voice of the Law , the Ordinance of God himselfe . And what else doth he herein , then by a kind of Circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get releife ; must it not astonish and vex withall , any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the Judge and the Theefe , then in the manner of performing their exploits ? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality . In such case an honest Subject will either seeke remedy by ordinary courses , or awaite his time untill God shall place better men in office , and call the oppressors to account . But a stranger wil not so , he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barbary , neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante , or whether Mulisidian himself can contemne the Kingdome , his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him , and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can , and returne the injury ten fold , upon the whole Nation from which he received it . Truth it is , that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the Gates of forreigne Lords , then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates ; Nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad , as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling Vice-Admirall , Customer , or publique minister at their returne . Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yeild unto their proper Governour , I will not here define , or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home , or whether from despaire of such redresse , as may be expected in their owne Country , in the hoped reformations of disorders , or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe the Domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations , or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the Injustice of their owne Rulers , though it were shamefull , for feare of faring worse , and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum : As slanderers of men in authority , wheresoever it comes ; As there can be but one Allegeance , so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must . According to that of the Slave in an old Comoedie : Non sum servus publicus , my Master bought me for himself , and I am not every mans man . And this opinion , there is no Prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne Subjects . Yea such as are most Rigorous to their owne , Doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers , because it were a matter of dangerous Consequence , that the People should thinke all other Nations to be in better case then themselves . The breife is , Oppression in many places weares the Robes of Justice , which Domineering over the naturalls , may not spare strangers , And strangers will not endure it , but cry out unto their owne Lords for releife by the Sword . Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong , though it meerly consist in the will of man , without any inforcement of nature . Yet the more to quicken it , there is usually concurrent therewith , A hopefull expectation of gaine . For of the amends recovered , Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong , but commonly all runs into the Princes Coffers . Such examples as was that of our late Queen Elizabeth of most famous memory , are very rare . Her Majestie when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva , in the Netherlands , And by King Philip in Spaine , arrested , Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England , that amounted unto a greater value : Neither was she contented that her Subjects should right themselves aswell as they could , upon the Spaniards by Sea , But having brought King Philip within foure or five years , to better reason , though not so far as to Restitution ; She satisfied her owne Merchants to the full , for all their losses out of the Dutchmens goods , and gave back to the Duke what was remayning . This among many thousand of her Royall Actions , that made her glorious in all Nations , though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her Princely Justice , to the skies : yet served it not as a President for others of lesse vertue to follow . It were more costly to take patterne from those Acts , which gave Immortall renowne to that great Queen , then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke , in the self same busines , who kept all to his owne use , or his Masters , Restoring to the poore Dutch Merchants not one penny . It falls out many times indeed , that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by War the wrongers of his people , Then the losse of his People did amount unto . In such cases it is reason , that he satisfy himself , and let the people ( whereto commonly they are apt ) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge . But when victory makes large amends for all , it Royally becomes a Prince , to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertooke the Warre . For besides the purpose it were now , to teach how victory should be used , or the gaines thereof Communicated to the generall content . This being only brought into shew , that the profit thereby gotten , is a stirring provocation to the redresse of Injuries by the sword . As for the redresse of Injuries done unto Princes themselves , it may conveniently ( though not alwayes , for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their owne honour , be referred unto the third motive of Arbitrary Warres , which is meere Ambition . This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars , then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever , though it least partake of nature , or urgent necessity of State . I call not here alone by the name of Ambition , that vaine glorious humour , which openly professeth to be none other , and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue ( for the examples are not many of that kind : ) But where occasion of Warre is greedily sought , or being very slight is gladly entertained , for that increase of Dominion is hoped thereby , we should rather impute the Warre to the scope at which it aimeth : then to any idle cause pretended . The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soone get the mastery over all Sicilie , And have a faire entrance at pleasure into Italy : Which to prevent they made a Warre upon the Carthaginians ; this feare I call Ambition , Had they not trusted in their own Armes , hoping thereby to enlarge their empire , but being weaker , and more afraid indeed , they would have feared lesse . For Colour of this Warre they tooke the Mamertines , A Crewe of Theeves , and cut throats into their protection ; Whom being their associats they must needs defend . But had not their Ambition been mightier then their Justice , they would have endeavoured to punish these Mamertines , and not to protect them . Innumerable are the like examples : Know ye not ( said Ahab ) that Ramoth Gilead is ours ? He knew this before , and was quiet enough , till opinion of his forces , made him looke into his right . And of this nature ( though some worse then other in degree ) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King , And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror , broken titles to Kingdomes or Provinces , Mainetenance of friends , and Partizans , pretenced wrongs , and indeed , whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest : But of old time ( perhaps before Helen of Greece , was borne ) Women have been the common Argument of these Tragedies . As of late Ages in our parts of the world , since the names of Guelf , and Ghibeline , were heard , The right of St. Peter , that is the Popes Revenews and Authority . This last and other of the same kind I know not , how patiently they will endure to be ranged among Ambitions quarrels : For the Warre that hath such foundation , will not only be reputed , free from worldly Ambition , Just , and honourable , But holy , and meritorious : having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins , Release from Purgatory , And the promises of the life to come , As may be seen in the Popes Crociata . The truth is , that the Saracenes , affirme no lesse of the Warres , which either they make against Christians , or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due , I thinke the honour of devising first this Doctrine : That Religion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword , would be found appertaining to Mahomet the false Prophet , sure , it is , that he and the Caliphes following him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty Empire , which was in faire way to have inlarged , untill they fell out among themselves . Not for the Kingdome of Heaven , But for Dominion upon Earth . And against these did the Popes , when their authority grew powerfull in the West incite the Princes of Germany , England , France , and Italie . Their chiefe enterprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land . In which worthy , but extreamely difficult action , it is lamentable to Remember , what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed , with very small benefit unto the Christian State . The Recovery of Spaine ( whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens , ) had been a worke more availeable to the men of Europe , more easily mainetained with supply , more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon Kingdomes further removed , more free from hazard , and Requiring lesse expence of Blood . But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger , nor diverted from this to a more commodious businesse , by any motives of profit or facility for the Pulpits did sound in every Parish Church with the praises of that voyage , as if it were a matter , otherwise far lesse highly pleasing unto God , to beare Armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors , or for the Deliverance of poore Christians oppressed with slavery , then to fight for that selfe same Land , wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and Dyed : By such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular vertue they performed ( though not without exceeding great losse of men ) and held that Kingdome some few generations . But the Climate of Syria , the far distance from the strength of Christendome , And the neer Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the Mahometans , caused that famous enterprise , after a long continuance of terrible War , to be quite abandoned . The care of Ierusalem being laid aside , it was many times thought needfull to represse the growing power of the Turke by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and Common-wealths , And hereto the Popes have used much perswasion and often published their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so Religious . Yet have they effected little or nothing , and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe . For it hath been their Custome so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to Religious Armes by converting the Monies , that have been Leavyed for such Wars , to their owne services , and by stirring up Christians one against an other , yea against their owne naturall Princes , under the like pretences of serving God and the Church , that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits , And would not believe that God was carefull to mainetaine the Pope in his quarrells , or that Remission of sins past , was to be obteined by Committing more and more grievous , at the instigation of his suspected holinesse . Questionlesse there was great reason , why all discreet Princes should beware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the Robes of Sanctimonie . It was the Rule of our Blessed Saviour , By their works you shall know them , what the works of those that occupied the Papacie , have been since the dayes of Pepin and Charlemaine who first enabled them with Temporall donation , The Italian writers have testified at large . Yet were it needlesse to Cite Machiavell , who hath Recorded their doings , and is therefore the more hatefull , or Guicciardine , whose works they have gelded , as not enduring to heare all that he hath written , though he spake enough in that which remains . What History shall we Read ( excepting the Annales of Caesar Baronius , And some books of Fryars , or Fryarly Parasites ) which mentioning their Annales doe not leave witnesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters . How few Kingdomes are there ( if any ) wherein by dispensing with others , transferring the right of Crowns , Absolving Subjects from alleageance , and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded , they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs ? The shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends , And the more shamelesse justification by their flatterers , makes it needfull to exemplifie , which I had rather forbeare , as not loving to deale in such contentious arguments , were it not follie to be modest in uttering what is knowne to all the world . Pitty it is , that by such demeanour they have caused the Church ( as Hierome Savanarola , and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne prophecied ) to be reformed by the sword . But God would have it so . How farre the Popes blessing therefore did sanctifie the enterprise upon Ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to Judge . As for the honourable Christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their Warre , they had not only the redresse of injuries and protection of their oppressed Brethren , But the repelling of danger from their owne Land , threatned by those misbeleivers when they invaded . If the Popes extortions ( which were not more forcible then those of Peters the Hermits ) added spirit unto the action : yet altered they not the grounds of the Warre , nor made it the more holy . Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo , the tenth , beare witnesse of this , who out of politick feare of the Turkes violence urged a Religious contribution towards a Warre to be made upon them . The necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswaded the Conquest of Palestina . But too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money , That the Sums which Pope Leo thereby raised and converted to his owne uses , have made his Successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day . Pius the Second , formerly well knowne by the name of Aeneas Silvius , was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages , who neverthelesse in a Warre of the same Religious nature , discovered the like ( though not the same ) imperfection . His purpose was to set upon Mahomet the great , who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the Warre over into Greece , to prevent the danger , threatning Italie . In this action highly Commendable , he intended to hazard his owne person , that so the more easily hee might win adventurers , who else were like to be lesse forward , as not unacquainted with such Romish tricks ; Yet was not his owne devotion , so zealous in pursuit of this holy businesse , but that he could stay a while , and convert his forces , against Malatesti Lord of Rimini , letting , Scanderbeg waite his Leisure , who had already set the Warre on foote in Greece . For ( said he ) we first subdue the little Turke , before we medle with the great , He spake reason if we regard policy . But attending one to Religion find we not , that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome , a like pleasing to God , as would have been the holy Warre , against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith ? So thought all the rest of those Bishops . And so much more ( upon their severall occasions ) declared themselves to thinke it , by how much they were commonly worse men then this Aeneas Silvius . And good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe , or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise . For the naturall Constitution of their estate ( I meane since the age of Pepin and Charlmaine , or the times not long foregoing , hath urged them all hereto ; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd , by their own private natures , and thereby have swarved from the rule of policy . To speake in generall , whosoever hath dominion absolute , over some , and authority lesse absolute over many more , will seeke to draw those that are not wholly his owne into intire subjection . It fares with politick bodies as with the physicall ; each would convert all into their owne proper substance , and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed . We need not Cite Philip the Father of Alexander , nor Philip the Father of Perseus , Kings of Macedon for examples . Of which the former brought the Thessalians , the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage . Philip the second of Spaine is yet fresh in mind , who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands . Exceptions may be framed here against one , of the honest , quiet , or timerous disposition of some Princes , yet that all , or the most are thus inclined , both reason and experience teach : yea even our Cities and Corporations here in England , such as need the protection of great Men , Complaine otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence , either in searching into their private estates , or behaving themselves master-like in point of government , But never hath authority better means to enlarge it self , then when it is founded upon devotion . And yet never doth authority of this kind , worke to raise it self unto meere dominion , untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming , then indeed . The Leviticall Priests , in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves , any Temporall or Coactive power Nor advanced their Miters against the Crowne of Israel . They well understood what authority God had committed unto them and rested therewithall content . Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late ; The Popes flatterers labouring to prove , That the high Priests of old were not meerly Subject unto the Kings of Iuda , and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary . But whatsoever befell in those dayes , when there was no King in Israel , that is , before the Reigne of Saul , or after the Captivity of Babel , sure it is that the sons of Aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of David , And acknowledged them their Lords . As for the race of the Maccabees , that held both the Kingdome and the Priesthood at once , It falls not within this Consideration ; the first thereof ( of whom I read ) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the getting of Temporal possession , was ( if not Mahomet himselfe ) Abubaechar the Successor unto Mahomet , This man having obteined by help of his friends , the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet , made it one of his first works to dispoile poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet , and heire of his great riches , taking al from him by this pretence , That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdome , unto him also belonged the Succession in wealth . And this grew presently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law . But howsoever it were then decided , we see now the Muphti or high Prelate , who is the only Oracle among the Turkes in Spirituall matters , lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan . Neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of Abubachar , hath not lost all force , for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands , of Prophets or deceivers which got that name , that never rested untill they became Kings . The Seriph in Barbarie , was one of the last : who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man , afterward found means to become a Captain , and Lord of a small Territory ; And finally increased his followers , and withall his bounds so fast and so far , as having made himself King of Morocca , he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy , ( lately his Soveraigne ) that both Fesse and all Kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse ; and this he made good by winning all sooner after . Whether the claime which the Popes laid to a Supremacie over all Kingdomes and estates , had not affinity with the principle of Abubachar , Let other men Judge that their practises to mainetaine it , have been sutable to those of Seriffo , all Historians doe testifie . For when Pope Gregory the second , procured the Citie of Rome , and some other places in Italie to Rebell against the Emperour Leo , the third , what other colour used he , then that himself had Excommunicated Leo , as an ungodly Prince , for breaking downe Images , that were worshipped in Churches , when for this treason Paul the Exarch , Leiutenant unto the Emperour , besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lumbards , by what other art did the Pope remove the siege , then by perswading the Lumbard with a Tale of Peter , and Paul , that had consecrated the Citie of Rome with their pretious blood . Thus was devotion made the Cloake for treason ? And thus did the Popes first slip their necks out of the Emperours coller . Within very few years after this , by the like Religious pretext were those Princes of France , Charls Martell , Pepine , and Charlemaine , won to assist the Papacie , against the Lumbards , yea , to give unto St. Peter , the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italie , And not restore them to the Emperour , from whom the Lumbards had gotten them . And thereunto Pepine , was perswaded for his Souls health . Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse , done a notable good office for Pepine before , when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick , And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead , by saying , That rather he should be King who did the Kings duty , then he that did it not . In like manner did Pope Leo recompense the benefits of Charlemaine , by setting him up as Emperour in the West against those of Constantinople : But in these mutuall offices , the Popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which Pepine and Charlemaine had before acquired . Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in Principallity ; That was held yet in vassallage unto themselves . Now this could not satisfie the ambition of that See , which gloried falsly to be the only See Apostolique . For as the Reputation of the Romane Prelats grew up in those blind ages under the Westerne Emperours , much faster then true piety could raise it , in former times when better Learning had flourished ; So grew up in them withall a desire , of amplifying their power , that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall matters . Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemaine , they began to neglect the Emperours consent in their Elections . And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France , either too much patience or too much weakenesse , they were bold , within seaventy years to decree , That in the Creation of Popes , the Emperour should have nothing at all to doe . Having obteined this , It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole Clergie in all Kingdomes . But the worke was great , and could not be accomplished in hast , for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome ; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather ( as mainetainers of the Papacie , would now have them called ) Monsters to succeed one another , and attaine by the faction of Cut-throats , and Strumpets , St. Peters Chaire , despised that hypocrisy , which the world abroad did Reverence as holinesse . Likewise the Empire falling from the line of Charles , to the mighty house of Saxonie , was so strongly upheld by the first Princes of that race , as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring Prelats . Yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity . The Polonians , Hungarians , and some other farre removed Nations , had yeilded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall , even to those Popes whom Italie knew to be detestable men . As for the Romane Citizens they were chastised by the sword , and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord , though they knew not by what right . Long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed , Because they knowing the Lewdnesse of their Prelate and his Court , their devotion , unto him ( the trade by which now they live ) was very small . Because also they were the Popes domesticall forces , against which no Prince doth happily contend . But finally the Popes Armes prevailed , or when his owne were too weake , the Emperours and other friends were helping . Contrariwise against Emperours and other Princes , the sword of the people even of their owne Subjects hath been used by teaching all Christians in our Westerne world a false Lesson . That it is lawfull and meritorious to rebell against Kings excommunicated and deposed by the Pope . This curse was first laid upon the Emperour , Henry the fourth by Pope Hildebrand or Gregory the seaventh . It is true ( as I said before ) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort . For Leo being excommunicated was not withall deposed ; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects . And one may say , That the Germane Empire deserved this plague , Since the founder thereof had given countenance to the Popes Rebelling against their Soveraigns the Emperours of Constantinople . Howsoever it were when Hildebrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne Henry the fourth , there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord , against the Counterfeited name of St. Peter ; Wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before Hildebrand , upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his presence , Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution , then by submitting his estate unto the Popes good pleasure , what was his fault ? He had refused to yeild up to the Pope , the investiture of Bishops , and Collation of Ecclesiasticall dignities within his dominions , a right that had alwayes belonged to Princes untill that day . It were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after ; Notwithstanding this submission . In breife the unappeasable rage of Hildebrand and his Successors , never left persecuting him , by raising one Rebellion after an other ; yea his owne Children against him , till dispoyled of his Crowne , he was faine to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers , promising to earne it in a Church of his own building , by doing there a Clarks duty , for he could serve the Quire , And not obteining this , he pined away and dyed . That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully , then cruelly , For he had to terrifie him , the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chiefe Prelate among the Germans . Who was condemned of heresie , for having denyed that the Emperour might be deprived of his Crowne by the Popes authority . If Princes therefore be carefull to exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions , who can blame them of rigour ? This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten , might have been omitted , had it not been seconded with many of the same nature . But this was neither one Popes fault , nor one Princes destiny ; He must write a story of the Empire , that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind , As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth , whom they had set up against his Father , what horrible effusion of Blood they caused , by their often thundering upon Fredericke , And how they rested not untill they had made the Empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years . These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperour after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome , though he were thereto urged by the Electors . For ( said he ) our Caesars , have gone to Rome , As the foolish Beasts in AEsops Fables went , to the Lyons Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward , but not the like of their returne . The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperours held , all of them , or almost all neglecting that Coronation . Good cause why ; Since the Popes ( besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ceremony ) Arrogated thence unto themselves , that the Empire was held of them in Homage , And dealt they not after the same fashion with other Kingdomes ? What right had St. Peter to the Crowne of Sicily , and of Naples ? The Romane Princes wonne those Lands from the Saracens , who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Constantinople ; The same Romanes had also been mighty defenders of the Papacy in many dangers , yet when time served , the Pope tooke upon him , as Lord Paramount of those Countryes , to drive out one King , and set up another , with a Bloody confusion of all Italie ; retaining the Soveraignty to himself . In France , he had the daring to pronounce himselfe superiour unto the King in all matters both Spirituall and Temporall . The Crowne of Poland he forced to hold of his Miter by imposing a subjection in way of penance . For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slaine . For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and ( more strangely ) for a Refusall of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his Holinesse had appointed , he imposed the like penance upon England . Also when our King Edward the First , made Warre upon the Scots , word came from Rome that he should surcease : for that the Kingdome of Scotland belonged unto the Popes Chappell . A great oversight it was of St. Peter , that he did not accurse Nero , and all heathen Princes , whereby the Popes Chappell might have gotten all that the Devill offered , and our Saviour refused . Yet what need was there of such a banne : Since Fryar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru : That all the Kingdomes of the Earth were the Popes , who had bestowed more then halfe thereof upon the King of Spaine . If the Pope will have it so , it must be so ; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis , Increase and multiply and fill the Earth , As spoken to Noah , and his Children , not as directed only to Tubal , Homer , and Phatto , the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians , Gothes , and Moores , of whom the Spanish blood is compounded . But of such impudent presumption in disposing of countryes farre remote , And whereto the sword must acquire a better title , the mischiefe is not presently discerned . It were well if his Holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of War , among those that respected him as a Common Father . His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and another , or between Kings and Subjects , doe speake no better of him . For by what right was it , That Fardinand of Arragon won the Kingdome of Navar ? why did not the Confederacie , that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France , and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice ? why did not the like between England , and France , hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis ? Was it not the Pope who did set on the French , to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians ? Why was it not the same Pope , who afterwards ( upon desire to drive the French out of Italie ) excommunicated Lewis , and his adherents ? By vertue of which Excommunication Fardinand of Arragon seized upon Navarr . And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France ? But this was not our Kings fault more then all the peoples . We might with shame confesse it , ( if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers ) That a Barque of Apples blessed by the Pope , and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the War upon France , made all our English hasty to take Armes , in such sort as the Italians wondred , and laughed to see our men , no lesse greedy of those Apples ( then Eve , was of the forbidden fruit ) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust War . Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Popes tumultuous disposition , but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected . Now for his dispensing betweene Kings and their Subjects , we need not seeke instances far from home . He absolved our King Iohn of an oath , given to his Barons and people . The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to King Iohn . King Henry the third , had appeased this Land ( how wisely I say not ) by taking such an oath , as his Father had done ; swearing as he was a Knight , A Christian , and a King . But in a Sermon at Paules , People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance , the Popes dispensation being there openly read , which pronounced that Oath voyde . Good cause why . For that King had the patience to live , like neither Knight , nor King , But as the Popes Tenant , and Rent-gatherer of England . But when the same King adventured to murmure , the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance . And make him know , what it was to winch and play the Fredericke . Thus we see what hath been his Custome to oppresse Kings by their people , And the people by their Kings , yet this was for serving his owne turne . Wherein had our King Henry the sixt offended him ( which King Pope Iulius would after for a little money have made a Saint ) Neverthelesse , the Popes absolving of Rich : Duke of Yorke from that honest oath , which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the Kings ruine . And therewithal those long and cruell Wars betweene the Houses of Lancaster , and Yorke , and brought all England into an horrible Combustion . What he meant by this , I know not , unlesse to verifie the Proverbe ; Omnia Romae venalia , I will not urge the dispensation , whereby the Pope released King Philip , the second of Spaine , from the solemne Oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the Netherlands , though this Papall indulgence , hath scarce as yet left working , And been the cause of so many hundred thousands slaine , for this last forty years in the Netherlands . Neither will I urge the Pope encouraging of Henry the second , and his sons , to the last of them against the French Protestants , the cause of the first three Civill Warres , And lastly of the Leavyings of Byrons , in which there hath perished no lesse number , then in the Low-Countryes . For our Country it affords an example of fresh memory , since we should have had as furious Warre , as ever both upon us , and amongst us , in the daies of our late famous Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth , if Pope Pius his Bull , Could have gored , aswell as it could Bellow . Therefore it were not amisse to answer by a Herald , the next Pontificall attempt of like nature , rather sending defiance ( as to an enemy ) then publishing answers as to one that had here to doe , though indeed he had never here to doe ( by any lawfull power ) either in Civill or Ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time as Brittaine was won from the Romane Empire . For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall Councills , that the Bishop of Rome , should be Patriarch over these quarters , yea ; or it were supposed that the forged Canons , by which he now challengeth more then precedency , and primacie , had also been made indeed : yet could this little help his claime in Kingdomes , that hold not of the Empire . For those right holy Fathers , as in matters of Faith , they did not make truth , But religiously expounded it : so in matters of Ecclesiasticall Government , they did not create provinces for themselves ; But ordered the Countries which they then had . They were assemblies of all the Bishops in the Romane world , and with the Romane dominion only they medled . Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbraced in all Countryes , As it ought likewise to be entertained , if the same had been in like sort illustrated , not by them , but by a generall Councill of all Bishops in the great Kingdome of the Abissines , which is thought to have been Christian even in those daies . But it was not requisite , nor is , that the Bishops of Abissines , or of India , should live under direction of the Patriarch of Alexandria , and Antioch . Questionlesse , those godly Fathers of the Nicene , And of the Calcedonian Councill so thought . For they tooke not upon them to order the Church Government in India , where St. Thomas had preached , nor to range the Subjects of Prester Iohn ( as we call him ) under any of themselves ; much lesse to frame an Hierarchie upon earth , whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in Spirituall obedience . If Constantine or his Successors the Romane Emperours could have wonne all Asia : like it is that in Councils following more Patriarchs would have been ordeined for the Ecclesiasticall Government of that large continent , and not all those vast Countryes have beene left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople . But since contrariwise , the Empire became looser , the Patriarchs whose Jurisdiction depended upon the Empire , become loosers also . We grant , that even in the times of persecution , before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies , there was given especiall honour to the Bishops that were over the chiefe Cities ; That unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the Church ; But this honour was no more , then a precedence , a dignity without Coactive power , extending no further then to matter of Religion , And not having to doe , save in the generall way of Christian love with any strangers . We therefore , that are no dependants of the Empire , ought not to be troubled with the authority ( be it what it may be ) with any assemblies of godly Fathers ( yet all Subjects of that Empire , ordeined for their owne better Government ) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome , As the Islanders of Iersey , and Garnsey , doe him of Constance in Normandie , that is nothing at all : since by that French Bishops refusall to sweare unto our King , those Isles were annexed to the Diocesse of Winchester . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57374e-140 Gen. Cap. 1. ver. 28. Generall History Lib. 2. Cap. 2. 28. S. 4. T. 3. First Warre . Second Warre . Anno Domini 1569. Anno. 1573. 
A28353	----	The souldiers march to salvation wherein is shewn the lawfulness of voluntary serving upon the assured knowledge of a just cause, how it is lawful and necessary for prest souldiers to obey authority in case of doubting ... Bland, Francis. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A28353 of text R13075 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B3156). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 95 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A28353 Wing B3156 ESTC R13075 12096339 ocm 12096339 53992 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28353) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53992) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 809:12) The souldiers march to salvation wherein is shewn the lawfulness of voluntary serving upon the assured knowledge of a just cause, how it is lawful and necessary for prest souldiers to obey authority in case of doubting ... Bland, Francis. [2], 41 (i.e., 49) p. [s.n.], Printed at Yorke : 1647. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Soldiers -- Conduct of life -- Early works to 1800. War -- Moral and ethical aspects -- Early works to 1800. A28353 R13075 (Wing B3156). civilwar no The souldiers march to salvation: wherein is shewn the lawfulnesse of souldiery in a necessitated warre, the lawfulnesse of voluntary servin Bland, Francis 1647 16334 153 0 0 0 0 0 94 D The rate of 94 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Souldiers MARCH TO SALVATION : Wherein is shewn the lawfulnesse of Souldiery in a necessitated Warre , the lawfulnesse of voluntary Serving upon the assured knowledge of a just Cause . How far it is lawfull and necessary for prest Souldiers to obey Authority in case of doubting . What innocency ought to be in Souldiers , wherein is contained a plea against Plundering ; in what cases and with what Cautions it is lawfull to Kill , imprison , or spoil an enemy ; With what courtesie enemies submitting are to bee received , and with what fidelity to be protected , with other things profitable to all men as well as Souldiers . By Francis Bland , Minister . Printed at Yorke , Anno Dom. 1647. The souldiers March to salvation Luke . 13. 14. And he sayed unto them , Doe violence to no man , neither accuse any falsely , and be content with your wages . THese words containe Iohn Baps●tis answer to the souldiers search for salvation , or question , what they might doe to be saved ; From whence may be collected some things generallyobserveable for all men , some things more pecular to military men : for the generalls we may first note the fidelity of Iohn in a taxing the faults of these souldiers , and enjoyning them to amend and reforme their lives , if they would eschew the vengeance of God ; as he did also the extortion of the Publicanes , and the incest of Herod : whence we learne , what fidelity and boldnesse ought to be in Pastors and Preachers in reprehending sinnes , and calling for reformation . The Prophet must cry aloud , and and lift up his voice like a trumpet ; the Apostles must be salt because of b their doctrine , which requires mortification of the flesh , faith and repentance , which are not pleasant to a Carnall man . And the wordes of the wise are as goades c which sharply prickes the slow , and awakes the sleepy , that thereby the wicked may be called from their wayes , and the godly roused from their naturall sluggishnesse to follow their duty with greater diligence . The necessity of this fidelity in all pastors and preachers may be learned from the duty of watchmen , as the Prophet Ezekiel is taught by God himselfe . This first teaches us our duty as S. Paul did Timothy , that we must reprove , rebuke , and exhort ; Our Sermons must be rather ad planetum then ad placitum , to call men to bewaile their sinnes then to please them in their sinnes , according to the saying of an ancient father ( teaching one the right way of preaching ) d when thou teachest in the Church let not the shouts , but the sighes of the people be stirred up : let the teares of the hearers be thy commendations . Hence also arise a just reprehension of such as seeme by silence to approve and by flatteries to encourage wicked men in their evill wayes , calling evill good , and casting vailes over mens faces , and sowing pillowes under their elbowes , and heale the wound deceitfully , crying peace peace when there is no peace ; and this is either through avarice and hope of gaine , or cowardice for feare of harme , if they should speake what they think , then which as S. Ambrose sayd to the Emperour Theodosius , e There is nothing before God more dangerous , and before man more base . Againe , it serves to teach you that are hearers humility in hearing the word of exhortation and reprehension , count not our plain-dealing malice , nor our selves your enemies because we tell you the truth ; call us not the troublers of Israel for reprehending the vices of the times , scise us not our Sermons what we should preach as those that sayed to the Seers , see not , and to the Prophets prophecie not us right things , speake unto us smooth things , prophesie deceits ; desire us not to say unto you in your bad wayes as Ahabs Chaplaines , Go up , and prosper , least your ends be like his ; for the f tongues of flatterers binde mens soules in their sinnes which prepares them to chaines of utter darkenesse ; you should rather say as Cornelius to Peter , we are all here in the presence of God to heare all things which are Commanded thee of God : or as Eli did Samuel , charge them to conceale nothing of all that the Lord hath sayed unto them . We may further from this speech of Iohn Baptist to these souldiers , bidding leave their former practise and amend their wayes , by doing violence to no man , &c. observe , That in repentance to salvation there must be a forsaking of sin , and amendment of your lives ; to this the Prophers and Apostles beare witnesse , Wash you , make you clean , put away the evil of your doings , cease to do evill , learn to do well , ( thus Isaiah ) and then he promiseth forgivenesse , that though our sinnes were red like Scarlet or Crimson , yet they should be as white as Wooll ar Snow : and againe , let the wicked forsake his way and the unrighteous man his thoughts , and return unto the Lord . Repent and turn you from all your transgressions , faith Ezekiel . And the Apostles doctrine is , repent and be converted ; and to the same f purpose are the suffrages of the fathers , Where there is no amendment , there repentance is surely vaine , because it wants the fruit whereunto God hath appointed it : thus one : and another sayth , that true repentance doth so lament the faults committed , that it doth not committ the faults which are to be lamented ; he is but a mocker , and not a true penitent that still doth the things which he lamenteth . Let every one of us that desires repentance unto life , apply this unto his soul , with a saying of S. Bernard : g If thou wilt be a true penitent , cease from sin , and sin no more : and let every one of us think that saying of our Saviour first spoken to him that was diseased thirty and eight years , and after to the woman taken in adultery , to be spoken to himselfe , Sin no more . Secondly , let us beware of flattering our selves in our knowne sinnes , thinking with simple miserees , saying , God be mercifull to me , without sincere endeavours of reformation , to escape the damnation of hell ; and let none of us speake to himselfe in the language of the drunkard , I shall have peace though I goe on to add sin to wickednesse , and wickednesse to sin ; as drunken●sse to thirst , and thirst to drunkenesse ; for the anger of the Lord and his jealousie shall smoake against such an one : let us therefore bewaile and tremble at the word of the Lord , by the Prophet , Shall I count them righteous with wicked ballances and the bag of deceitfull weights ? which is as much as if it should be said , Shall I justifie him that stills keeps his sin ? h no , but I will condemne him , seeing I am the rule of justice : and no lesse dangerous then this is recidivation , falling back to the mire and vomitt of our former filthinesse , or finnes once forsaken , against which let us note well the saying of the son of Syrack ; He that washeth himself after the touching of a dead body , what availeth his washing if he touch it againe ? so it is with a man that fasteth for his sinnes , and goeth againe , and doth the same . From these generall observations , let us descend to some particulars , more nearly concerning the questioners , and men of the same order of life . And first , whereas Iohn Baptist doth not bid them lay downe their Armes , nor renounce their troth which they plighted ; nor ( as wee say ) flye away from their colours . Hence is rightly collected by learned Authors in their expositions upon the place , and tractates upon this subject of warre , an Approbation of souldiery or warfare , and that there is a lawfull use of Armes , and warre , and that even unto Christians ; for , If Christians discipline did disallow all warres , the Baptist would rather have given them this Advice , that they should throw away their Armes , and withdraw themselves from all manner of warfare ; which he did not : nor yet did our Saviour forbid the Centurion , in whom was found greater faith then in Israel , to continue in his Office ; Nor the Apostle S. Peter teach any such lesson unto the devoute Captaine Cornelius his family and friends , that were gathered together to heare all things that were commanded him of God ; And Solomon tels us , that there is a time of warre , as well as a time of peace . Besides all these , we have the examples of worthy and godly men , serving God in military Affaires ; Some of which are spoken of by the Apostle , as of Gideon , of Barak , of Jephthah , of Sampson , of David , and others who through faith subdued Kingdomes , escaped the edge of the sword , out of weaknesse were made strong , waxed valiant in Battell , and turn'd to flight the Armies of Aliens ; And we finde what good service Claudius Lysias who commanded in chiefe the Garrisons and forces in Hierusalem , did unto the Church of God , by sending Paul away from Hierusalem to Caesarea , with a guard of two hundred Souldiers , threescore and ten Horsemen , and spear men two hundred ; by which he safe escaped the conspitacy of the Jews , that had bound themselves with an oath to kill him ; And of Constantine the great , it is recorded what helpe he did make to the Christian's , by armes against the tyrannie of Lycinius , and other persecutors . Againe , as we have the concession of the Spirit of God for the lawfulnesse of warre , in not forbiding it , and the examples of worthy men serving God in it , so have we the wisdome of the Spirit , in giving rules and lawes for military orders to be observed in the pursuit of warre ; which is another strong Argument for the lawfull use of Armes in needfull cases : otherwise the Spirit of God would not have given rules on this matter ; And withall advising not to attempt any thing in this kinde , but with mature deliberation ; Thus Solomon teaches , With good Advice make warre , for that is the way to safety . Further , that the use of the sword is not only lawfull , but in some cases necessary , may be truely collected from the saying of the Apostle , that the Magistrate or higher power beareth not the sword in vaine ; there being two ▪ endes of the Magistracy , the one the good and defence of those that doe good , the other the punishment of those that doe evil : unto which ends the use of the sword is very necessary , for hereby the Magistrate is enabled to defend himselfe and his Subjects ; himselfe , in his just power , and his subjects in their rightfull proprieties , whereunto ( without the use of the sword ) he should sometime be unable , by an over-powring strength of a forreigne enemie , and others : sometimes by the conspiring and conbining together of intestine foes , and seditions persons , raising routs and rebellions to the oppression of the people , subversion of States , ruines and alterations of Kingdoms and governments , and other like mischiefes incident to human Affaires ; for the prevention of which , lawes , Magistrates and Armes are equally necessary ; Vndoubdtedly therefore seeing that there are such a multitude of wicked men , as lawes are necessary , so also Magistrates , and likewise souldiers which are under them ; And wee find this practised by David , not only against the forraigne foes of himself , and his people , the Philistines and Ammonites : but also against the usurpation of Ishbosheth , as likewise against the rebellion of Absolom , and Shebah , and their adherents . From hence we may inferre consolations and encouragments to those Princes and Magistrates , whom open hostility of forreigne enemies ( as Jehoshaphat assaulted by the Moabites , and Ammonites . ) or the intestine disobedience of unnaturall Traitours and Rebells ( as David by the rebellions of Absolom , or Shebah ) or the exigencie and distresse of friends , ( as Lots captivity did Abraham ) or allies and confedrates ( as the Gibeonites being in feare of the five Kings did Joshuah ) doe necessitate and compell to draw the sword , and make warre ( for we do alwayes think that , warre ought to be of necessity ) and do propound unto themselves just ends , as defence of themselves and subjects , their friends and confederates , in their just powers , rights , proprieties and priviledges from wrongs ; Reparation of injuries , for which no reparation can be had by peace , restraint of violence or confusion , arising by tumultuous and factious men , restitution of peace and publique Tranquiltie where it is violated or broken , and conservation of it where it is assaulted ; for warre is waged , that peace may be obtained ; These ends I say , and not sinister and private Aimes propounded , as enslaving free Subjects , oppression of weaker states , invasions and conquests of others dominions , enlarging private territories and treasures , and such like ; which ends doe render a warre lawfull . And together with these ends , doe not prosecute their warres with a purpose to hurt , cruelly thirsting after revenge with implacable malice , brutish rebellion , and desire of dominearinge ; with such other like Affections , of which it is said , that in warres they are justly condemnable , but being on the other side peaceably affected , only seeking and demanding reparation of injuries , offering conditions of peace and agreement , and having a mind prepared to embrace peace , when it shall be offered ; and purposeth nothing more then to reduce those whom they shall subdue unto peace and unity , according to this direction ; be a peace-maker by warring , that those whom thou conquerest , thou maist reduce unto the unity of peace ; These I say herein may bee comforted and encouraged , their service herein is no lesse acceptable to God , though it be done by the sword , then that which they performe in the Administration of justice by the Scepter in times of peace and greatest Tranquility . Secondly , this consolation and encouragement extends unto all souldiers , that are called to armes by just Authoritie , and doe serve under their Princes in the Lords Battels ; The workes of a just warre duely managed , are no more by-wayes to true happinesse , then the workes of their ordinary vocations in times of peace ; yea , so it may bee , that just and godly souldiers may serve under a wicked King or Prince , and yet may be free from sinne ▪ A just man if happily he serve under a King that is a sacrilegious man , may rightly warre vnder his Command , if instead of peace , keeping the order of warre , he be assured that the thing which is commanded him be not contrary to the commandement of God , or bee vncertaine whether it be so or not : and thus the unjust command may make the King an offendex , but the order of serving may shew the souldier to be innocent . Unto the question which is sometime made , Seeing Princes do sometimes raise warres from bad Affections , and for wicked ends and purposes , how should the consciences of the Subjects be satified ? It is answered thus , or to this purpose ; The Subjects either know the cause wherein the King commands their service to bee just or wicked , or else they are ignorant or doubtfull whether it be so or not ; in case of sure knowledge , there is no difficulty in answering , but they ought to obey , the cause being just , and to refuse obedience , the cause ▪ being apparantly unjust ; and any thing commanded repugnant to justice , godlinesse and Religion , and are rather to suffer his displeasure , then fullfill his will contrary to a good conscience , remembring God is to be obeyed before man ; but if they be doubtfull , or ignorant , then the Subject ought to be perswaded that the cause and intended ends of such warre are just , and that it is not undertaken contary to the word of God ; and because subjects cannot alwayes understand the councels of their Princes , here in the case of doubting , the Rule must be followed , hold that which is certaine , and leave the vncertainty ; but the certaine is that Princes and Powers are to be obeyed , which command nothing contrary to the word ; and in so doing , as a Sanctuary or Refuge was appointed by the Lawe to him that killed his Neighbour not wilfully , or of set purpose , so the subjects are worthily excused , whilest in a doubtfull cause they obey their Prince . Thirdly , this consolation and encouragement extends not only to Princes and souldiers prest and compelled to Armes by their Authority , but even unto voluntiers , such as upon the knowledge and perswasion of a just cause , for love to uplhold the honour of God , and the King his vicegerent , and for the safety of their country , Church , Laws , liberties , and Religion , or for the defence and vindication of their friends , Allies and confederates , do of their owne free will and meer motion betake themselves to Armes ; so as not being moved with mercenary ends , respecting pay and hire , which are the Attractives of mercenary souldiers , A sort of men condemned not only of divine but even humane Authors . As of the noble Pyrr●us it is said , that he would not have Hucksters of warre ; That would sell their strength and kill for mony . And a Poet Satyrically thus declames against them . Faith and devotion are of one account , To men that Campe● and mexcenary warre Frequent ▪ there's right where greatest pay doth mount , For little hire they serve , that 's all they care . But not being drawne by this consideration of pay , or intent together wealth by pillage and booty , respecting neither the cause for which they fight , nor person , whether Turke , Tyrant or Traytour under whom they serve , which doth render the warre unlawfnll ▪ according to the saying of S. Austen ; to warre it is not a sin , but to make warre or serve in warre for the prey or booty , is a sin . but those ( I say ) whose candid spirits are free from such sinister and base intendements , their voluntary and valourous endeavours , and adventuring their lives , and what is precious unto them , ( like those noble Voluntiers the governours of Israel that offered themselves willingly among the people ) as their Act is worthy of unfading honor , so may they receive infallible comfort and incouragement , and know themselves as well as others , Not to be murderers , but ministers of the Law ; not Revengers of their owne priviate wrongs , but defenders of the publike safety ; As t is noted that Iohn Baptist did account these souldiers in our Text . I will stretch this line no further , least I seem to flatter , only I crave leave to adde this pithy exhortation , which I have borrowed from an Author , not unlearned ; and here inserted it , being very profitable for all souldiers to observe ; Let the Christian souldier therefore be ever doing something , let him be couragious , faithfull , laborious , and obedient to his Commanders ; Let him not slip any occasion , but be excercised in military discipline , let him not be cowardly , but valiant ; not cruell and bloudy , but yet severe and withall gentle , and courteous , as times shall require ; Let him spoile nothing that he can preserve , and before all things , let him not neglect his dayly and constant prayers unto God , as well in safety , as in midst of danger : let him begin all things with God , and , without God , attempt nought at all ; if hee taste Adversity , let him not cast downe his heart , and if he enjoy prosperity let him not be proud , but ever thankfull , and alwayes use the victory with clemencie and mercy ; let him totally depend upon God , and desire nothing more then the defence of the Common-wealth , lawes , Religion , Justice and the innocent ; and thus fighting the good fight , he shall at last obtaine the crowne of righteousnesse ; and if the Lord of hosts ( which is the Generall of all Armies , and other Generalls but his Officers ) at his comming shall finde him thus doing , he shall be no lesse happy , then if he were found imployed in the workes of his ordinary vocation ; or at his prayers and exercise of his most pious and sacred devotions , and upon his Monument may worthily be inscribed this Epitaph , Valour was the Associate of his life and the Comerade of his death was glory . Having seen the lawfulnesse of souldiery , let us now come to see what is unlawfull in souldiers , taught us by these words of John Baptist , Do violence to no man , neither accuse any salsely , and be content with your wages ; wherein are observable , these things . First , that they must hurt no mans person , oppressing the poore which cannot defend themselves , wounding their Bodies , unduly affrighting them , or other wayes injuring them under pretence of their office ; for it usually happens , that those Armes which the Prince commands to be taken up for the defence of the publike orders , and honesty , are turned to the dammage and ruine of the inhabitants of city and country For oftentimes the souldiers do plunder and burne houses , drive away the inhabitants , ravish the women , breake open the doores , and commic such like outrages ; all which they think lawfull for them being souldiers . Secondly , they must not accuse any man falsly , or lay some capitall crime to his charge , as some did , accusing the innocent , and making information against them to the Generall , or other chiefe Commanders , that they might thereby lick money out of the rich men , which they could not otherwayes extort out of them , and at the last some part of the goods that were confiscated , might accrew to the Informer , for their labour , and for the hire of such information . Thirdly , they must be content with their wages , such pay as was allowed unto them by the Emperor for their labor & pains taken in war for the defence of the commonwealth , or with such proportion of victualls as was appointed them , for in times past souldiers had not their pay in mony , but in victualls ▪ and with this Iohn teacheth them to be content , and not to extort mens goods from them , or to grate giftes out of them , or to borrow any thing , or buy it of them , and pay them either slowly , little , or nought at all ; Thus the words are expounded by divers Authors of great learning and famous in the Church ; from all which we learne , how innocent souldiers ought to be , and to offend or wrong no man in body , name or goods , Not in body , They must do violen●e to no man , not in name , They must not accuse any falsely , nor in goods by force or fraud ; for injuries may be done either by open force or cunning subtility : but they must be content with their wages . That I may drive this nayle ( as Solomon cals the words of the wise ) to the head , give me leave to beate it home with some reasons or Argument ; And first , because I speak unto Christians , this may be learned from Christ , who commands us to be innocent or harmlesse as Doves . This we are taught to be the foundation of our spirituall building up in a Christian practice and upright living , by an Ancient Father thus speaking ; Whilst thou art building thy spirituall house , let the foundation be first layd not upon light sand , but upon the solid Rock , upon which thou maiest more easely reare up the high top of Righteousnesse ; for he fulfilleth the greatest part of righteousnesse , that hurts no body ; and he which shall lay the foundation of innocencie , and proceed on the high topp of Righteousnesse , howsoever he shall be tossed in tumultuous warres and troubles for a short while in this life , yet shall hee be sure to find rest and peace at the last ; if not in his life , yet at least in his death ; as we learne from Davids words ; Keep innocency and take heed unto the thing that is right , for that shall bring a man peace at the last ; or as the other Translation reades it , Marke the perfect man and behold the upright , for the end of that man is peace ; or as another reade● , the last thing that shall be given to such a man is peace . A second Argument to induce souldiers to innocencie , shall be the same that Abigail used to restraine David from plundring and destroying Nabal , as he had resolved , in revenge of a discourtesie , in Nabals refusing to send him some small provision , which he requested of him in his great necessity ; My Lord ( said shee ) fighteth the Lords battels , and evill hath not been found in thee all thy dayes ; it is thus read by a learned Translatour ; If my Lord fight the Lords battels , and evil should not be sound in thee ; And another thus , Seeing thou my Lord wagest the Lords warres , therefore let not iniquity bee found in thee : Teaching us , that those that fight the Lords battels , ( as all those doe who fight under a just Authority in a good and just cause ) should be carefull to be free from violence and iniquity . It is a disgrace to an honest man to have wicked persons lodge in his house , and to a School-master to have Rakehells under his tuition , and to a Generall to harbour villains under his command ; but most of all it is a dishonour to the Majesty of the Lord of hosts , that wickednesse and villany should march under his colours , and take up quarters in his leaguers and garrisons . A third reason may be collected also from other words of Abigail in the pursuit of her businesse unto David , This shall be no griefe unto thee , nor offence of heart to my Lord ( saith shee ) either that thou hast shed blood causelesse ▪ or that my Lord hath avenged himselfe ; if her former argument will not move , her latter surely will prove effectuall ; though a man respect not the glory of God , yet surely he will ( even of selfe-love ) have respect to his owne comfort , and freedom from a tormenting conscience , which by innocencie is conserved ; and know all men assuredly , that those who now lay siege to Townes and Castles , shall one day either in warre or peace , in bed or battel be besieged with the memory of their sinnes ; and then , This unto him shall be a Brazen Wall , His Conscience to fear no sinn at all . A strong Fort ( I say ) it shall be , and impregnable to all the Hellish Furies , to have a Conscience void of offence before God and man , when innocent and causlesse blood , plundered Goods , and unjust Booty , shall be unto the Actors thereof , as the Elephants blood unto the Dragons , that sucking the blood of the Elephants , do kill them , and they themselves , being drunk & therewith , oppressed , not able to digest it , die also : So those that by violence , rapine and injustice have killed and undone others , shall by such deeds be utterly and eternally undone themselves . A fourth reason recalling souldiers from violence , may be taken from the malignant effect or consequence hereof , that it makes the expedition unsuccessefull , and prepares discomsiture to the whole Army , and that by these particulars . First , hereby the accesse of their prayers unto God , & his acceptance of them is hindered , according to the menace of the Prophet Isaiah , VVhen you spread out your hands I will hide mine eyes , yea when you make many prayers I will not hear ; your hands are full of blood . The necessity of innocent hands to be presented to God in prayer , those that had onely naturall Theologie well perceived , and therefore the Persians arriving at Delphos with a Navy of a thousand Ships , did present in Apolloes Temple rather religious then rapicious hands . And for the practice and efficacy of prayers in Armies , we have the examples of Jehoshaphat assaulted by the Moabites and Ammonites , and of the Christian Emperours Constantine , who appointed prayers unto his souldiers , and taught them to ascribe the Victories unto God , and to crave his blessing and assistance for the time to come ; and Theodosius , who counted his prayers his best and accustomed Forces : Besides , our own Chronicles relate the effect of prayer in the Army of King William the Conquerour , who the night and morning before the Battell with Harold , did give themselves to acknowledge their sins , prayer , and communicating the Lords Body ; whilest Harold and his Forces spent the whole night in drinking , singing and dancing . 2. The conscience , wherin remains the memory of former violence & injustice , makes men Cowards , and afraid to grapple with death , which they must encounter together with their enemies in the field ; and so afraid of their enemies , as Deaths messengers : The reward of an evill Conscience is to fear those unto whom a man might be a terrour ; and this makes them to be as swift as Harts in time of warre , that are as stout as Lyons in time of peace ; whereas a candid and clear conscience that is not terrified with the memory of by-past sins , makes them that expedite a good cause as bold as Lyons . It was a noble saying of one Dercyllidas a Senatour of Lacedemonia , hearing that Pyrrhus lead a great Army against them , and threatned sore , If he be a God that threatens us , let us not fear , for we do nothing amisse ; but if he be a man , let him know that he threatens men . This ( I say ) is the fruit of a guiltlesse conscience , which may encourage the possessor to say of his enemies , Kill me they may , hurt me they cannot . But the evill conscience , fearing death , not onely as the dissolution of Nature , but as Gods Provost-Marshall , to arrest him , binde him hand and foot , neck and heels , and so cast him into utter darknesse and eternall torments ; no wonder it is if it beget a cowardize the heart of Souldiers , and so they become either Runawayes from their Colours , or in hot service to hang back , which giveth advantage to the enemie , discourageth their fellows , disorders the Army , and hazzards all . Thirdly , violence , rapine and injustice in some Souldiers causeth God to withdraw himself from the whole Army , and so for wicked and impious men the rest are destitute of the help of God , and beaten of their enemies ; yea , although they otherwise prosecute a good Cause , as is apparent in the case of Achan , whereunto I referr you ; and of the Jewes affairs in their warrs , it is observed by Chrysostome , that they were conquered not of the weaknesse of Body , but of their wickednesse and further notes , how the Midianites understanding that the Israelites could not be vanquished by the sword , cunningly sought to bring them into sin , by sending their daughters to commit whoredome with them , and then after they fell into sin they became easie to be subdued of all ▪ and those whom Arms , and Horses , and Souldiers and so many enemies could not take , the nature of sin betrayed them bound unto their enemies . And not unlike to this observation of this Ancient Father is the observation and sad complaint of the impiety and wickednesse of some souldiers by a learned Author of latter times , what fruit I pray you reap we from such seed ? we are conquered of the Turks , we are a scorn to all Nations ; Kingdoms perish and are subdued to Mahometisme , and wee are daily involved in inexplicable miseries . Thus by violence , rapine and other sinns in souldiers , whilest their prayers are rejected , their courage abated , and Gods favour and help alienated , are whole Armies routed and discomfited , and thereby Kingdoms overthrown and ruinated . A fourth reason , and that a very forcible one to disswade souldiers , and indeed all manner of men from violence , rapine and injustice , may be taken from the unfruitfulnesse of such Acts , and consideration of what benefit is gotten by such deeds ; suppose a man could get into his hands all the wealth of the world , and bring the Kingdoms under his dominion , when he shall thinke to sing a Requiem to his soule and to take his ease , having goods laid up for many years , at last hee must heare or feele what is spoken to the Richman , Thou fool this night shall they fetch away thy soule from thee , then whose shall those things be that thou hast gotten ? Those Kingdoms which thou hast subdued , those Lands and Houses which thou now possessest , having expelled the old inhabitants , those clothes and jewells wherewith thou now arrayest and adornest thy selfe , whilest the ancient owners goe fortorne and distitute , whose shall they be ? thine they shall not be , for thy soule shall be fetched away from thee ▪ and for thy body , naked camest thou out of thy mothers wombe , and naked shalt thou returne thither ; All thy high Trophies and rich prizes and booties left behind thee ▪ ●nd thou , if thy desires were as boundlesse as Alexanders of whom it was said , that , One world doth not the Pellaean youth suffice . Yet , Then with a Cophine thou must be content . But if thy Ashes after thy death shall have the honour of a Statue , or a rich Monument , yet time will consume it , or malice breake it downe . As Scipio Africanus his Statue was broken downe , and removed from the place where it was first set , and the brazen urne wherein his ashes were put , with an Epitaph inscribed , of which these verses were a part , Whom neither Europe could resist , nor Afrique in times past , See mens Affayres , how him doth hold a little ●●rn at last . But might they so part with on even hands their acts of violence , plundering and injustice , happy were they ; but then comes their mischiefe , that 〈◊〉 S. Austen sayth , This is the unhappinesse of men , that the thing for which they sin when they die , they leave here behind them , But their sinnes themselves they cary along with them ; and an heavy burthen will such a carriage be unto their soules . A●hans heape of stones , which were cast upon him , were heavier sure then the Babylonish garments , and all the Gold and Silver that he had plundered at Hiericho : But if those stones were poysed , they would be found lighter by much then the guilt of those sinnes , which by violence , plundering , rapine , and other Acts of injustice , men doe contract unto their soules , ●o heavy is it , as they are not able to beare it , and yet so adhering that they were not able to shake it of . Oh who is able to expresse with what unwillingnesse the soul at death doth undertake its necessitated departure , being loath to leave the things that were precious to it , and appear before God with a conscience blotted with innocent blood , and other acts of cruelty and injustice , which if it might , it would now cast away with as much disdaine and anguish of spirit , as Iudas did the thirty peeces of silver gotten for betraying Christ ; and through the terrour of an accusing conscience , despairing , cry out , I have sinned in shedding the blood , cheating , extorting , and plundering the goods , and in slandering and defaming the credits and causes of just and innocent persons . There is an excellent passage in S. Bernard , which we will borrow , being very profitable to the pursuance of this Argument ; When the soul with great feare and mighty griefes is separated from the body , then do the Angels command , arrest it , and bring it before the Throne of the dreadfull Judge , and then the silly soule remembring all the evil , yea the worst deeds , which day or night it wrought , shal tremble & crave sparing , or ( as wee say ) cry quarter , saying , give me leave & spaning , if it be but for an hours space ; but then his sinnes ( as it were ) speaking , shall say unto him , Thou hast wrought us , we are thy deeds , wee will not leave thee , but we will be alwayes with thee , and goe with thee to judgement ; Then his vices shall accuse his soule with many and s●●dry crimes , and shall find many false witnesses against it , though the true ones are enough to its condemnation ; The divels also with a terrible countenance and horrible aspect , shall affright it , and with a great fury persecute it , and catch at it , desiring to keep and possesse it , except there be some to deliver it : then the soule findes the eyes and mouth and other senses shut up , by which it was wont to goe out and solace it selfe in outward things , shall turne back into it selfe , and seeing it selfe all alone and naked , shall ( thorow despaire ) faile in it selfe , and fall under its owne selfe ; And because for the love of the world and pleasure of the flesh it hath forsaken the love of God , it shall be forsaken of God in the houre of so great necessity , and be delivered to the divels in Hell to be tormented . Thus farre S. Bernard , whose Meditation , ( were it well thought upon and seriously beleeved ) would worke undoubtedly a great restraint in men from many acts of violence and injustice , which now without scruple of conscience they commit . But supposing all that hath been said to be spoken of friends , what may be done to enemies ? sure it is lawfull to ●se all violence against them ; Hereunto I answer ; First we are to consider enemies as men opponent to peace and justice , and to these they are by warrs to be reduced ; And no other ends in the pursuite of enemies by sword and hostile Acts are to be sought for ; According to the saying of Tully , For this end are wars undertaken : that men may live in peace with justice . And S. Austen calls a just warre , peace sought , or a seeking of peace : These Authors from Nature and Divinity , teaching us , that whatsoever is done in warre ought to aime at these ends of peace and justice : As first , to offer conditions of peace , as was commanded by God unto the people of Israel , and if they should be accepted , then their enemies were to be preserved in safety ; upon the performance of tribute or conditions agreed on . Secondly , if such conditions of peace should be refused , then were the enemies to be prosecuted in hostile manner , as killing the men and spoyling their goods ; But here the Lord , though he gave the Israelites liberty against their enemies , yet he gave them two rules of restrainte ; First , the sword should nor touch the innocent , as women and children . Secondly , regard was to be had of such things as were necessary to the preservation of life , as fruit-trees , of which respect was to be had , that they were not to be cut downe for any service in warre or in a siege of a City ; because the Tree of the field is mans life : The like we may understand of corne-fields and Meadowes , Gardens , and Orchards ; by the fruit and strength whereof mans life is preserved ; and surely the conservation of these , both in Leaguers and Marches , ought very heedfully to be provided , whether they belong to friends or foes ; If they belong friends , it is inhumane to spoyl or waste them ; if they belong to enemies , it is great pollicy to preserve them , that the Army may be supplied with necessaries ; and here if I could doe it without seeming to digresse , I would gladly plead for the safety and immunity of the fruits of the ground from spoyle and devastation in warrs , and make suite for a protection for the husbandman and his labours , together with things belonging unto husbandry , that they might be safe from violence , the necessity of Agriculture or husbandry being of such consequence , that by it onely both in warres and peace the life of Kings and Kingdoms is conserved ; for this cause there was an Imperiall Lawe , that husbandmen and such as were occupied in country businesses , whilst they were resident in villages and country-Townes , should be secure in any part of the Empire , so as none should be found that dare presume to invade , take or violently carry away their persons , Oxen , instruments of Husbandry , or whatsoever belonged unto the country-work ; and if any man should dare through rash boldnesse to violate and breake this Statute , he should restore what he had taken fourefold , should incurre infamie by the Law , and be further punished at the Generals or Emperours discretion : And as the the commonwealth , so the Church according to its power did provide for the priviledge and safety of husbandmen among others , that , Those who were employed in Husbandry , and their cattell wherewith they tilled the ground , and carried seed to the field , should enjoy convenient security : And of Cyrus the great it is registred , that when he went to warrs , he caused proclamation to be made , that husbandmen should be spared , and that the conquest should be so ordered , that they might still remaine in their possessions ; and of Xerxes King of Persia in his expedition against the Graecians , that he gave charge for the indemnity of Country men , saying unto one Artabanus , Let us fight with armed men , and souldirs , and not with shepherds ; And of the ancient Indians it was counted a wrong in warres , either to take the husbandmen , or to spoyle their fields ; and such was their care for husbandry , that at one and the same time and place some did meet and joyn battle with their enemies ; when others did plow and digge , and that without any danger . This course was taken by Charles the fifth , in his warres with Francis King of France , in Piedmount ; so as they kept either of them a numerous Army , for certaine years , otherwise provision would quickly have been wanting to their Forces . But to return from whence we digressed ; women , and children being spared , the ftuits of the earth conserved , and husbandmen kept indemnified , those , who by force and Armes oppose peace and justice , to such armed powers as seeke to establish them , to kill and slay , none will deny to be Acts of Justice : or to take them alive , and imprison or enslave them , and to appropriate their Goods , Riches , and Possessions as a lawfull prize unto the conquerors ; And yet herein much caution is to be had , whereunto it shall not be unprofitable to observe these Rules . First , in killing , slaying and taking away the life of the enemy , is much regard to be had with what mind , intentions , and affections it is done . S. Bernard hath a distinction very profitable to this purpose . First , If thou prevailest , and perhaps killest a man out of desire of conquest and revenge , then thou livest a Murtherer ; which name who is he that would not be loath to carry among men , or that his soule should appeare in the presence of God with so grievous a sin upon the conscience , as the murther of a man : that creature whereon God hath set the glorious character of his own Image . Secondly , There is neverthelesse some which neither out of zeal , to revenge , nor desire of vistory , kils a man , but only for remedies sake , of avoyding or eschewing some ill ; as to suppresse Rebellion , to resist invasions , oppessions and the like ; In which cases to kill an enemie is undoubtedly lawfull . And yet herein it shall much behove the killer , ( though necessity compell him to destroy the body of his enemie ) to wish well unto him that falleth under his hand , and together with the wounds of death which hee giveth him , to pray unto God to save his soule , and to grant him repentance , faith , and every grace that is needfull to everlasting life . Againe , not only in taking away the life of the enemy , but also in imprisoning or enslaving his person , and taking his goods , appropriating them to the Conquerours themselves , is much moderation and gentle clemency to be used . And that for these Reasons ; First humanitie requires it , the conquerours and conquered being both of one Nature , and deriving their originals both from one Roote , and that these warres as other oppositions , are the consequents of mans fall , wherein the Conquerours , and conquered had equall share , being in the loyns of Adam , which should move the Conquerours to pity those who by hostile Acts , whether force or feats of warre , are subdued ; And to say of them as Ahab King of Israel , said of Benhadab King of Syria , subdued by his Forces , and making suit for quarter , Hee is my Brother ; and the conquerours should behold neither the mortall wounds , nor the living miseries of their subdued enemies , but with compassion . Thus of Aneas it is said , when he saw the blood and fall of Lausus his enemie , slaine by his owne hand , He lamented him pitifully ; and therefore is called , The image of piety ( I may say , of pitie ▪ ) And of Mar●ollas , which having conquered Sicilie , which had stood out very obstinately against him , and standing upon a high place that he might behold the condition of that Citie , which of late was most rich and flourishing , but now most miserable , hee could not abstaine from weeping , so as if some man had seen him , and not known how the case had been , he would have thought the victory to have been anothers ; which made one say to distressed Sicilie , This may be some gratulation or mitigation of thy griese , Because seeing thou mightest not stand in safety , thou fallest so easily under so gentle a Conquerour , Omitting other examples , these shew us , that The sweetnesse of humanity pierceth the brutish dispositions of Barbarians , mollifieth the hard and cruell eyes of enemies , and bendeth those spirits that are most proud and insolent of their victory , it conquereth Anger , scals hatred , and mixeth the blood of an enemie with his enemies teares . Againe , as humanity , so Christianity teacheth us to be propense and ready to clemency and mercy unto conquered enemies ; Seeing those warrs which are waged amongst Christians , when they are of one Religion , are more then civill warrs , yea though they be just , our Magistrates ( except their be just reasons that withstand it ) ought to carry minds so much more ready to shew mercy unto those that are conquered ; And not only Magistrates and Commanders , but all souldiers and military men , even for Christianities sake , ( if so be they be Christians ) ought to be ready to shew mercy and gentlenesse to those that are subdued , or brought under their power : Excellent and imitable is the example of the valiant and victorious first Christian Emperour Constantine , who in his warres , during the battell , gave charge , That there should not be a slaughter of many , whereby he tooke no more care for the safety of his owne , then of his enemies ; and when victory was gotten , his charge was , That they should have mercy on the prisoners , and seeing they more men , the oblivion or forgetfulnesse of humane nature should never overtake them ; And if at any time he saw the minds of his Souldiers to be very fierce , he would refraine them with gifts ; and further gave order , that if any could take an enemy alive , he should be rewarded ; by which means the wisdome of the Emperour found out an alluring way for the conservation of men , so as infinite numbers , even of very Barbarians , escaped safe ; Of this rare goodnesse and mercy of the Emperour , one ( as it were sighing ) thus speaks , Alas for this clemency and gentlenesse that it is out of fashion in this our Age ! Further it would much induce the victors or conquerours to shew clemency and be kind to the conquered and subdued , if they should reflect upon themselves , and seriously bethink what clemencie or kindnesse they would desire if they were in the same case , and therewith remember the speech of our Saviour , whatsoever yee would that men should do unto you , doe yee even so unto them ; and that with the the same measure that ●ee meete to others , it shall be measured to you againe , And surely such considerations may well at some time take hold of them , as Iulius Caesar , hearing this sentence , it may befall to every one , that befall to any one ; to any one ; he fell a weeping and being demanded the cause of such teares , he answered , I lament the fall of Pompey , and am affraid of mine ow●● fortune : And it is a very frequent , that the same quarter men give to others , they receive backe againe from others , as in the case of Adonibezek and Agag , Generall Ioa● and others , may be seen . To be short , a warning peece unto all men may be that severe threat of the Lord by the prophet Isaiah , we unto theo that spoylest ( or as we say plunderest ▪ ) and thou wast not spoyled , and dealest treacherously , and they dealt not treacherously with thee : for when thou shalt cease to spoile , thou shall be spoiled . In which wordes the prophet seemes to threaten the King of Assyria , or the land , or Ninivelh , the chiefe city of Assyria , which did oppresse , spoile and plunder the Nations about them , that they should be spoiled afterward ; As if it should be said , Woe unto thee that spoilest and plunderest the Nations about thee ; Now thou maist spoile and plunder at thy pleasure , there is no strength to resist thee ; but there will be some , one time or other , that will plunder thee againe ; which came to passe when the C●aldeans did come and destroyed Niniveh ▪ so the Assyrians did plunder the Jews , and the Chaldees did plunder the Assyrians ; wee will conclude with a sentence of an Heathen Author , a little refined , Thus doth the providence of God change the affaires and businesse of men . Unto these Arguments we may add this one , that gentle and courteous usage of those that are subdued , helpeth to drew others unto a voluntary submission , to lay down Armes , and embrace peace and justice ; as Benbadab King of Syria his servants moved their Master , that with sackcloth upon their loyns , and Roaps● about their neckes they might grave pardon for him , and obtaine a pacification at the King of Israels hands ( whom he had unjustly by warre provoked ) because they had heard that the Kings of the house of Israel were mercifull Kings ; And of Tygrane● King of Armenin his willing submission ( as an Authour reportes ) to Pompey , is ascribed to his assurance of Pompeys clemency ; whereas on the other part , if there be not a certain● expectation of gentle and kind usage upon submission it makes enemies that they will fight it out to the last man , and rather chuse to die in battell , then to submit , yea perchance being death upon thems selves , as Rhas●s , of whom in the history of the Maccabe●s it is reported , That he first fell upon his own sword , then leaped downe from , awall amongst his enemies , and at last pulled out his owne gutts , and threw them among them ; chusing rather such a death , then to fall into the hands of the wicked , and be abused otherwise then beseemed him : or if captives be discourteously used , it will drive them to worke some feate to bring destruction upon their Victors or Conquerours , yea though it be purchased with their owne ruine also ; As Sampson pulling the house upon himselfe , and the Philistines , triumphing over him , so ●he became revenged for the great indignitie which he suffered and at his death he flew more then he had done in his life . The sum of all these arguments is , that Humaniti● , Christianitie , consideration of like future condition , and the motive to induce others opponents and enemies to voluntary submission , and pacification , may plead for , and obtaine clemency and courteous dealing with enemies subdued and conquered . Something would yet be spoken of dealing humanely and courteously with a enemie , and that even after his death● which in a word is to commend his body to due burials ; There was a law among the Hebrewes that they should not suffer the dead bodies of their enemies to lie unburied ; and we find how David did take in good part the action of the men of Jabesh-Gilead that buryed ▪ Saul , who had been his enemie , and slaine by anothers hand ; And of the worthy Judas Maccubaeus , that he used to burie the bodies of his slaine enemies ; yea , we have the heroique Heathens , performing thus much , as Caesar to his enemie Pompey , whose head being cut off and lying long unburied , ( forgetting that he had been an enemie ) he caused to have an honourable funerall fire perfumed with many precious and sweet spices ; And Marcus . Antonius gave the body of Marcus Brutus his late enemie , unto one that had been Brutus his servant , that it might be buried ; and to the end it might have the more honourable rites , he gave him his owne Roabes to cover his Corps in the funerall : His hatred being laid aside , counting him , being dead , not as an enemie , but a Citizen ; And Hannibat would not suffer the bodies of his enemies Aemylius Paulus , Tiberius Gracchus , and Marcus , Marcellus to lie unburied , but caused them to be interred , saying , that Taulus Gracchus and Marcellus brought him somewhat greater honour being buried , then being subdued by him . These examples from holy and humane Stories , are enough to convince the inhumanitie of those who rifle and strippe the bodies of their slaine enemies , and so leave them naked to be a prey to ravenous Birdes and Beasts : I wish it might not be sometime said of such , The dead Bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of the Ayre , and the flesh of thy Saints unto the beasts of the land . There are yet another sort of Enemies , which upon the offer of conditions of peace , ( which , as we have shewed asore out of Deut. 20. 10 , 11. were to be made at the beginning of Warre ) shall accept of such conditions , and submit , or shall desire to be received into protection , upon conditions to be agreed upon ; these upon the performance of such conditions , may challenge a greater measure of kindnesse and gentle dealing , then any of which it is yet spoken , they are not onely to be suffered , but to be saved and kept harmlesse ; Thus Josh●ah did not onely spare the Gibeonites , that they should not suffer by any under his command , but did also protect them against the Kings of the Amorites which came against them : And when Saul out of his zeal to the Children of Israel , would have broken the League , and destroyed the Gibeonites , God punished his attempt with three yeers Famine , and at last by hanging up seven of Sauls Sons . And David was much offended , and cursed the act of ●oab● who was Generall of his Forces against Ishbosheth ) treacherously murthering Abner , who had been in open & actuall Rebellion against him , and Generall of Ishbosheth his Forces , after he had granted him pardon . And of the noble and victorious Emperour Constantine it is recorded , that if those that were of the contrary part , finding themselves to weak to resist his power , would come and lay down Armes , and falling down at his feet , crave quarter and pardon , he would receive them all , and keep them safe ; As taking delight in saving of men . It would be too long to relate all examples of this sort , as of Pompey , who having conquered Tygranes King of Armenia , would not suffer him to bee long craving his favour , but with good words comforted him , and restored him his Crown , which he had cast down at Pompey his feet , and restored him to his former estate ; Judging it alike honourable to create Kings , as to conquer them . And the famous act of Lucius Paulus , who hearing that Perses , ( who of a King in a short time was made a captive ) was brought to him , he went out to meete him , in his Impertiall Roabes , and when the captivated King would have fallen on his knees before Lucius Paulus , he would not suffer him , but lifted him up , bad him be of good comfort , brought him into his Tent , made him sit beside him in his counsell , vouchsafed him the honour of his Table , with other courteous Respects ; In which Spectacle of Perse● subjected , and Lucius Paulus so humanely and kindely dealing with him , it may appeare , that if it bee a famous Act to subdue an enemie , it is No lesse praise worth to know how to take pitie upon the affllicted and him that is in misery . Thus from sacred and humane Authoritie may be learned , with what gentle and courteous Respect to entertaine , and fidelitie to protect enemies upon conditious of peace , and submission . The Application of this which hath been spoken will be of singular use to all souldiers , and all men whosoever are employed in militarie Affaires , to prevent that excuse which S. Austen notes to have been common among souldiers , and other officers of publicke businesses ; when : they greatly offend they excuse themselves at first with this saying , that they are souldiers ; as if then it were lawfull for them to doe any thing . Tertullian speaking of souldiers , that are Christians , requires two things of them : the one ; That they commit nothing against God . , the other , That they be ready to suffer for God ▪ For warre ●●miseth neither impunity , nor freedom from punishment of sin , nor immunitie or priviledge from Martyrdome : But some will say , because they are souldiers , they must needs do so ; but our Author will tell us , There is no necessity to sin layed upon them , upon whom lyeth the only necessity not to sin at all ; In that which hath been said , we have seen the necessity of not sinning , by violence and false accusations against any man , and how souldiers should carry themselves to friends and enemies , rather to be helpfull to both , then by injustice hurtfull to either ; To hurt a friend is villainous , to help an enemie ( so it redound not to our owne wrong ) or to abstaine from harming him , is a token of a minde truly noble and valourous : such I wish were billeted in all souldiers breasts , and that there could not be found any ( among Christians especially ) which neither respect friend nor foe , so as their owne pleasure or profit may be promoted ; such a one Erasmus saith he once met with , and heard him ( being a Captaine ) thus advice his souldiers : They should plunder what they could , whether the goods of their friends or foes ; for howsoever the matter should fall , at the worst they could but be compelled to restitution : and at the least some part of the pillage would remaine with the plunderer ; But leaving such to the Judgement of the Lord of Hosts ; it shal bring more honour to Souldiers in their life , and more comfort and hope at their death , if they shall observe this counsell which Aurelianus the Emperour gave to his Tribune , or Sergeant-major ; If thou wilst be a Tribune , yea if thou intendest to live , restraine the hands of the souldiers , let no man steal another mans chicken , let no man touch another mans sheep , let no man pluck another mans grape , let none thrash out another mans corne , let every one be content with his owne victualls , and let him have what hee gets out of the spoyle of his enemies , and not out of the teares of such as are under our charge , whom wee should protect : And the Admirable discipline of the Turkes is worth learning ( and I wish it rise not up in Judgement against Christians ) of which it is said . That no souldier dare take any thing injustly , if he doe , he is punished without pitie : and that there are appointed Officers to looke to those things which are in way that the souldiers march , so as bread , eggs , Fruites , Oates , and such like things are carried by Boyes of eight or tenn years old , and nothing touched ; and Orchards full of fruit by the way-side , yet none dare pluck an Apple without the owners consent ; if he doe , his head is lost for it . Let Christian-souldiers thinke it a shame that Heathens and Turkes should outgoe them in just and innocent Actions and demeanours ; And let them study so to carry themselvs , both in marches and quarters , that they may say as Samuel , whose Ox have I taken , or whose Asse have I taken ? who have I defrauded ? whom have I oppressed ? or of whose hand have I received any bribes ? And when they enter into Armes , take unto them the brave resolution which Abraham carried in his noble breast , when he came to the assistance of the King of Sodome , against Chedorlaomer , and to relieve his friend Lot , who was taken prisoner , that he would not take from a threed even to a shoo-latchet : Let them walk in the steps of their father Abraham , and they shall march unto salvation , and rest in Abrahams bosome ; And as their Fame shall be honourable , so shall their harmlesse spirits , holding a true faith in Jesus Christ , the Captaine of our salvation , when they shall sigh them out upon their bedds , or dropp them out at their wounds , with their blood upon the field , so encourage them , that they may say , I neither shame to live , nor do I shrinke or am affraid to die . Secondly , if such innocency be required in souldiers , what is required of men imployed in places and vocations of peace , and tranquility in the Commonwealth , how innocent ought they to bee , to Life and Person , Name and Credite , Goods and Estates of their Neighbours , not to wrong them , but according to their abilitie , to labour and endeavour to preserve them , and neglect no meanes that may doe them good ; For by these two wayes it is offended against our Neighbour , either by commission of injuries , or omission of kindnesses , according to the saying of S. Austen , By two wayes wee offend against a man , one way if he bo hurt of us ; the other is , if when it is in our power , he be not holpen of us ; And another teacheth us , that It is not sufficient to abstaine from doing ill , except that be done which is good ; and it small avails to hurt no man , except thou studiest to help and profit many . And it is observed by S. Ambrose , that of these precepts , which Iohn gave to his hearers , some were peculiar to particular men , but the precept of mercy is a common precept , Mercy is necessary to all offices ; and is of all men to be shewn or performed , there is neither Publican nor souldier excepted , nor country-man , nor citizen , nor rich , nor poore , none is exempted : all men in generall are admonished that they helpe him , that hath not of his owne to helpe himselfe ; The omission of this was the condemnation of the Richman that gave no foode nor Raiment to hungrie and naked Lazarus , wee finde no mention of any that he had oppressed , and yet is he found to bee in Hell in torments ; and if it thus besell the neglect of mercy , what shall befall to acts of crueltie ? If the fruitlesse figtree be accursed , what shall become of thornes and briars , such as murderers , fighters , quarellers , slanderers base informers , and such others , and all , who ( nor content with that portion that God hath given them ) do by cheating , oppression and extortion , or any injust way advance and enrich themselves with the damage , defamation and undoing of others ? If at the last doome for the omission of mercy , it shall be said , Goe ye cursed into everlasting fire , prepared for the Divell and his Angels ; For I was an hungry , and yee gave me no meate , I was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink , I was a stranger , and ye took mee not in , naked , and yee cloathed me not , sick , and in prison , and yee visited mee not ; With what confusion shall it be heard , if Christ shall say : Goe yee cursed Tyrants , oppressours , and persecutours into everlasting fire ; for the meane food which God had given mee , yee tooke it from mee ; from the poore and homely habitation which I enjoyed , yee expelled and banished mee ; of the Rayment and Cloathes , wherewith my nakednesse was covered from the eyes of men , and my weaknesse shielded from the violence of the weather , yee have stripped mee ; of my health , wherein I chearefully walked with God , and served my Neighbour in love and charitie , yee have bereaved mee , of my libortie , yee have restrained mee , and in close prisons and dungeons shut mee up ; and all this though yee have not done to mee in the members of my naturall body , yet have yee done it to these little ones , the members of my misticall Bodie ; who are as precious to mee as mine owne life ; For their sakes I tooke upon mee the forme of a Servant ▪ I gave my spotlesse blood , and endured the bitter paines of death and Hell for their Redemption . Surely to hear this will much amaze and confound , for if he were speechlesse ( upon the check ) who wanted the Wedding garment , needs must he be dumb and without excuse whose garments are rolled in blood , and as red as Scarlet and Crimson , Dyed in the blood and sufferings of the Innocent . One short Observation more would I desirously commend to your Christian piety , and therewith take leave , it being consolatory that I may be free , as in mine own intentions , so in others estimation , from suspition of having spoken or written any thing which hath not proceeded from unsaigned Charity , the proper fountain of all Christian Action● ▪ Whereas these Souldiers who had been addicted to violence , rapine and other vices , and were men accounted the worst alive ( as afore from sundry Authors is observed ) now comming to Iohn , confessing and sorrow full for their fins , and desiring directions which they might ob●erve in seeking salva●ion , are not rejected of John as men without hope , but are rather received and instructed what to do , and how to demean themselves for the future , with an intimation of safety upon the performance of that which is prescribed ; We collect , That great sinners repenting and reforming themselves , may obtain salvation ; If there had not been time of repentance and hope of salvation upon repentance and amendment , he would not have exhorted these souldiers to amendment . S. Hierome hath a collection not unlike hereunto upon the Epistles of Jesus Christ to some of the Churches : First , the Church of Ephesus had left her first love ; the Church of Pergamus also was not free from all offence , for she had in her some which did hold the doctrine of Balaam , which taught to eat things offered to Idols , and to commit Fornication ; and such as held the doctrine of the the Nicolaitans ; and the Church of Thyatira did suffer the false Prophetesse Jezabel , which seduced men to commit Fornication , and to eate things offered to Idols ; Yet all these the Lord exhorts to repentance , and that under a threat of a punishment to come upon them , except they did repent ; but he would not have pressed to repentance except he would grant pardon to them that repented . And another ancient Author observes as much of other Churches mentioned in those Sacred Epistles ; In the Church of Sardis the imperfection of workes ; in the Laodiceans confidence in riches is reprehended ; And yet these he admonisheth to repent , and that under threatnings , except they repented ; But he would not threaten him that repents not , except he would pardon him that doth repent . This ariseth from the goodnesse of the nature of God , as may be seen in the Proclamation , which past before his manifestation to Moses , The Lord mercifull and gracious , long-suffering and abundant in goodnesse and truth , keeping mercy for thousands , forgiving iniquity and sinne . And the Prophet will tell us from GOD , that he hath no pleasure in the death of him that dieth . For this end Jesus Christ the Son of God came into the world , that he might seek and save that which was lost , and that hee might call the sinners to Repentance , yea , even such sinners as in the eye of man none could exceede , even them that put him to death , for whom hee prayed , Father forgive them , for they know not what they doe ; Of whom we finde some afterward ( hearing their sin in crucifying and murdering the Lord of life , taxed by Peter ) pricked in conscience , and crying out ( like the souldiers in the Text ) What shall wee doe ? &c. and by Peter directed to this medicine of Repentance and Baptisme , with a promise of forgivenesse of sins , and receiving the Holy Ghost . Of these we may say , and inferre with S. Austen ; This people it was of whom Christ was crucified , of whom he was hanged on a Tree , of whom , hanging there , he was derided , of whom he was thurst thorow with a Speare , of whom was given unto him Vineger mingled with Gall to drink : yet for these he prayes , Father forgive them , for they knowe not what they doe , And what is there that is not to be forgiven to him that is converted , when the blood of Christ being shed , was thus forgiven ? The application hereof shall be comprised in two words ; First , seeing great sinners repenting and reforming themselves , may be forgiven , it calls us to repentance , as the prophet Ezekiel , first propounding and promising pardon , upon repentance and amendment , calls them to reformation , and casting away their transgressions ; and this he doth as it were by an expostulation , or reasoning the matter , For why will ye die O house of Israel ? As if hee should say , If yee will not repent and 〈…〉 and are guiltie of your own destruction , and that not only by 〈◊〉 committed , but also by the remedie of Repentance neglected ; And this also is confirmed of God by ●n oath , As I live saith the Lord God , I have no pleasure , in the death of a sinner ; but that the wicked should turne from his way , and live ; Turne yee , turne yee from your evill wayes , for why will ye die O house of Israel ! Hereon is thus much noted ; Repentance therefore is life , when it is perserred before death : Thou therefore O sinner , so seaze upon it , and so imbrace it , as a shipwrackt man doth some trusty piece of a plank broken out of the shipp , this shall lift thee up being sunk under the waves of thy sins ; and draw thee into the haven of Gods mercy . Secondly , it comforts those that are truely penitent for their sinnes , wherein they have long lived ; or are of great guilt and offence in the eyes of God , as Murder , Whordome , oppression , and such like , upon their repentance and amendment they are pardonable , if they will wash and make themselves cleane , then though their sinnes were as Scarlet , they shall be white as Snow , if they be redde like Crimson , they shall bee as Wooll : Can any blood or sin whatsoever die a deeper colour then the sacred blood of the Sonn of God ? and yet wee see that forgiven to the Jewes repenting and embracing the faith ; For when they ( wounded in conscience ) they are directed to this remedie with hope of cure and safety , Which may teach us , That ▪ no man should dispaire of the forgivenesse of his sinne , when they obtained pardon that killed Christ , as saith Saint Austen ; wee will end with a saying of the same Father , which may serve unto us , both as a Cordiall against despaire , and a caveat against presumption ; No man therefore ( although hee bee load●n with an huge burden of sin● ) ought to despaire of the goodnesse of Gods mercy , but out of hope of that assured mercy , with dayly teares to begge their pardons ; which they may rightly expect , if they shall cease from acting their evill workes . And on the otherside avoyd presumption ▪ Wee ought not therefore to sinne , or constantly persevere in sinne , because of the hope of forgivenesse , but keeping our selves in the golden mean and swimming in the clear streame of the living Waters , that shall flow out of the belly of him that beleeveth on Christ ; Both dangers being avoyded , let us flye and decline that which is evill , and hope for pardon from the mercy of God . Amen . Laus Deo. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28353e-100 a Mores taxat & jubet assueta emendare vitia . Ar●t . stella . Observation . Isa. 58. 1. Matth. 5. 13. b Haec doctrina exigit mortificationem carnis . Mar. Eccles. 12. 11. c Junius & glos ▪ Inter lin. in loc. Ezek. 33. 7. Application . 2 Tim. 4. 2. d Docente te in Ecclesia non clamor populi , sed gemitus suscitet . e Nihil in sacerdote tam periculosum apud Deum , tam turpe apud homines , quod sentiat non libere denunciare Epist. 5. 29. f Adulantium linguae alligant animas in peccatis . Prosper . tit. Epigram . 86. Acts 10. 33. 1 Sam. 3. 17. Is● . 1. 16. Isa. 55. 7. Ezek. 18. 36. Acts 4. f Ubi emendatio nulla , poenit●tia necessariò est vana , quia caret fructu cui Deus eam sevit . Ter●ull . Vera poenitentia sic plangit commisla ut non committit plangenda . Bern. medi ▪ Application . g Si vis verus poenitens esse cessa à peccato , & noli amplius peccare . Vbi supr● . John 5. 14. & 8. 11 Deut. 19. 19. Micah 6. 11. h Non , sed condemnabo cum , sim justiciae regula . Gloss. int. in loc. Ecclus. 34. 26. There is a lawfull use of warre . Non jubet arma abjicere , Sacramento suo renunciare . Calv. apud Marlorat . Chemnit . Harmon . Brent . P. M. utyr . Austin . apud Grat. caus. 23. Aquin. 22. 9.40 . Art. 1. Si Christiana disciplina omnia bella culparet , hoc potiùs concilium Baptista dedisset ; ut arma abjicerint , seque militiae omnia subtraherent . Matth 8. Act. 10. Ecclus. 2. 8. Heb. 3. 2. Acts 2. 23. Euseb. de vit. Constan . Deut. 20. Alioqui de hâc re non ferret Leges Spititus Sanctus . Gualier . Prover . 20. 18. & 24. 6. Warre necessary in some cases . Rom. 13. 4. Omninò enim cùm tanta ●it malorum turba , ut sunt necessariae lege● , ica & magistratus : atque etiam qui his subsunt milites . Sacer . in locum apud Marlorat . 2 Sam. 18. & 20. Application . 2 Chr. 20. Bellum debeat ess● necessitatis . Bellum geritur ut pax quoeratur . Nocendi cupiditas , irascendi crudelitas , feritas rebellandi , libido dominandi ; & si qua sunt similia , haec sunt quae in bellis jute culpantur . Esto ergò bellando pacificus , ut quas expugnas , ad pacis unitatem perduc●s . Gratian . caus. 23. 2. Consolation to Souldiers . Vir justus , si fortè etiam sub Rege homine sacrilego militet , rectè potest illo jubente bellare , si vice pacis , ordinem servans , quod sibi jubetur , vel non esse contra praeceptum Dei certum est , vel utrùm sit ▪ certum non est ; ita ut fo●tasse reum reddat regem iniquitas imperandi , inocentem autem militem ostendat ordo serviendi . August . apud Gratian . ubi supra . Answer . Tene●ertū , relinque incertum . Bu●ha . Magist. quast . 50 3. Consolation to Volunteers . Cauponantes Bellum . Tull. O●●ic . lib. 1. 18. Nulla sides pietasque viris qui castra sequuntur , Venalesque manus : ibi fas ubi maxima merces ; ●re mer●nt parvo Luca● . lib. 10. 406. Non enim militare dil●ctum ost , sed propter praedam militav● p●●catum est De verb . Dom. Serm. 19. Judg. 4. 9. Non esse Homicidas , sed ministros legis , nec ultores injuriarum suarum , sed salutis publicae defensores Aquin. Caetenâ a●reâ in locum . A profitable exhortation to all souldiers . Semper itaque agat miles Christianus a liquid , sit strenuus , fidelis , laboriosus ; centurionibus obsequens , &c. Bullin . de Cad. 2. Ser. 9. Fuit ejus vitae socia virtus , gloria mortis comes . Epitaph . Freder , D. Bavariae cogno . vivictorios . apud Ph. Camerar . oper. subsesivarum , Tr. 3. c. 22. A●et . Chemnit . Gorram Stell . in ●o● . Observation . Vivel fraude fiat injuria . Tull. Off. l. 1. ubi agr . de bellicis Officiis . Eccles. 12. 11. I. Christianitie requires it . Matth. 10. 16. Aedificanti itaque tibi spiritualem domum , non super levitatem arenae , sed super soliditatem petrae , innocentiae inprimis fundamentum ponatur , super quod possis arduum justitiae culmen erigere , maximam enim partem justitiae imp●evi● ▪ 〈◊〉 Hieron. Epist. ad Celan . Novissimun●quod dabitur tali viro , est pax . Munster . ●●● ▪ ●7 . 〈◊〉 . II. The nature and property of a godly war requires it . 1 Sam. 25. 28. Si bella Jehovae Dominus meus gerat , & malum non inveniatur in te . Junius . Cùm praelia Domini Domin● t● praeliari● , malitia ergò non inveniatur in ●e . Vulgar . III. Innocency preser●es from grief of heart , and torture of conscience . Verse 31. Hic murus aheneus erit , Nil conscire sibi , nullâ pallelcere culpâ . Horat. Ep. 1. Exugentes sanguinem Elephantorum eos occidunt , & ipsi vicissim incbriati opprimuntur & commoriuntur . Plin. Hist. nat. l. 8. cap. 8. Violence in Souldiers makes the expedition unsuccesfull . Exercitus quem injuria & audacia antecedit plerumque cladem & interitum ominaturi . Isa. 1. 51. I. Their priyers are hindred . Religiosas potiùs quàm rapaces manus . Val. Max. l. 1. c. 1 , 2 Chron. 20. Euseb. de vit. Constant . lib. 4. c. 20. Ruffin . lib. 2. c. 1. 33. Stow. II. Memory of former violence makes men Cowards . Merces malae conscienciae est timere eos , quibus terro●i esse ●i●uit . In praelio cervi , in pace Leones . Beza in Annotat. Mar. 11. 32. apud Jun. in Bibl. Majo . Siquidem Deus est qui minatur , non timeamus , nihil enim injustè agimus ; sin homo , norit quod viris minetur . Stob. de fortitud . cap. 7. Occidere possunt , laedere non possunt . IV. Violence and injustice causeth God to withdraw his help from the whole army Propter impios & sceleratos homines , caeteri Divinâ ope destituti ab hostibus caeduntur . Joshua 7. Non ex infirmitate corporis , sed ex peccato vincebantur . Chrysost. Hom. 14. ad populum Tom. 4. Postquàm in peccatum cecidêrunt omnibus facti sunt expugnabiles , & quos arma & equi , & milites , & tot machinamenta capere non potuerunt , hos peccati natura vinctos hostibus tradidit . Sed quales oro fructus metimus hodiè ex hujusmodi semente ? vincimur à Turcis , ludibrium sumus omnibus gentibus , pareūt , & Mahometismo subduntu● regna ; & inexplicabilibus indiem malis involvimur . Bullin . Decad. 2. ser. 9. IV. Violence and injustice are unfruitfull in the end . Luke 12.20 . U●●s Pellaeo juveni non su●●icit Orbis . Juvenal . Satyr . 10. Sarcophago contentus oris . Cui non Europa , non obstitit Africa quondam , Respice res hominum quàm brevis urna tenet Epitom . Plutarch . per Darium Tibertum . Ipsa est infelicitas hominum proprer quod peccant morientes hic dimittunt , a● peccata ipsa secum portant . Hom. 2. Joshua 7. 26. Cùm magno me●u , magis doloribus anima separatur à corpore , &c. Meditat. Devot . cap. 2. Que●t . Answ . Ut in pace cum Justitiâ vivatur . Offic. lib. 1. Gratian . ubi supra . Pax quaesita . Aust. Deut. 20. 10. Ibid. 12. 13 Deut 20. 19. Camerar. Meditat , H●st. Tom. 1. cap. 5. Tom. 2. cap. 22. Concil. Lateranens . In agriculturâ exist●tes & animalia quibus arant , & Semina portant ad agrum , congruâ securitate laetentur . Armatis viris non pastoribus bellum inferamus I. How to kill an enemy in warre . Si praevales , & voluntate superandi vel vindicandi , fortè occidis hominem vivis ▪ homicida . Bern. ad milit. templ. . Est tamen qui non ulciscendi zelo , nec vincendi typho , sed tantùm evadendi remedio interficit hominem . II. Clemency to be shewn to subdued and conquered enemies . 1. Humanity requires it . 1 King. 20. 32. Ingenuit misarans , Virgil Aeucid Lib. 10. Pictatis imago . Quia 〈◊〉 incolumi stare fas non erat , leviter sub tam mansucto victore occidisti . Humanitatis dulcedo etiam inefforata barbarorum ingenia penetrat ; orbosque & truces mollit hostium oculos , ac victoriae insolentissimos spiritus flectit , vincit iram ; prosternit odium , hostilemque sanguinem hostilibus lachrymis permiscer . Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. Cùm bella quae inter Christianos geruntur , cùm sint ejusdem religionis , etiamsi justa fuerint , plusquàm civilia sint ; nostri magistratus ( nisi obsteterint justae rationes ) 〈◊〉 animos debent habere propensiores ad misericordiam victis impetrandā . Pet. Mart. in qu. occid. an serv . captiv . loc. 17. cla . 4 ▪ Nè multorum fieret caedes , unde non magis , suorum , quàm hostium saluti prospexie . Euseb. de vitâ Constant . lib. 2. c. 13. Ut captivorum misereantur , & cùm homines essent , humanae naturae nequaquàm ●os caperet oblivio O clementiam nostrâ aetate insolentem . Grynae Annot. in loc. Euseb. III. A motive to clemency will be to consider what may befall to the Conqueror Math. 7. 12. Luke 6. 38. Cuivis contingere potest , quod cuiquam contigire Pompeï casum deploro , & meam fortunam metuo ▪ Judges 17. 1 Sam. 15. 33. 1 King. 2. 33. Isa. 3● . 1. Nunc tibi grassari licet , nullae vir●● relistunt , sed erunt aliquando qui vos vicissim praedentur . Calv. in loc. Sic mortalium negotia Divina ( fortuna ) Providentia versat . Val. Maxim. cap. i. de Pomp. IIII. Courteous usage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the conquered , draws others to voluntary submission . 2 King. 20. 31. Pl●tarch . ● Maccab. 14. 41. Judg. 16. V. Humanitie and kindenesse to be shewn to enemies after their death . 2 Sam. 2. 4. 2 Mac. 12. 39. Oblitns hostis . Jacentem non hostem , sed civem deposito existimans odio . Aliquantò ei plùs gloriae Paulus Gracchus , & Marcellus sepulti , quàm oppressi attulerunt . Psalmes . VI . How to deal with enemies submitting and accepting peace offered unto them . 2 Sam. 2● . 2 Sam. 27. 28. Euseb. de vit. Constant . lib. cap. 10. U●pote ex hominibus conservandis capie●s voluptatem . Plutarch . Valer. Max. Aequè 〈◊〉 esse judicans , 〈◊〉 vincere Reges & facere . Non minùs laudabile infelices seire misereri . Applycation . I. To souldiers . Cum graviter peccant , hâe solent a pe●●atis suis primâ vo●e se excusare , quòd militant . In verb , Dom. ser. 19. 〈◊〉 de coro●● Militis . Nec enim delictorum impunitatem , & Martyriorum immunitatem militia promittit . Nulla est necessitas delinquendi , quibus est una necessitas non delinquendi . Ut praedarentur quicquid possint , five essent bona amicorum , five inimicorum , ut enim res pessimè caderet , cogerentur ad restituendum ; sed interim aliquam praedae portionem residere apud rapto●em . Erasin . in annotat . super locum . Si vis Tribunus esse , imò si vis vivere , manus militum contine , nemo pullum alienum rapiat , ovem nemo contingat , ●vam nullus auferat , segetem non deterat , oleum , sal , lignum nemo exigat , Annonâ suâ quisque contentus sit , de praedâ hostis , non de ●achrymis provincialium habe●t . Citatur à Bucano loc. de Magistra . quast . 50. Philip Camerar . Meditat. Histor. Tom. 1. cap. 5. 1 Sam. 12. 3. Nec pudet viv●re , n●c piget most . II. What innocency is required of men in times and places of place . Duobus modis pe●catur in hominem , uno modo si laedatur ; alio modo fi cùm potest , non ad●uve●ur . A. st●n de meribus e●clesie . Non suflicit abstin●re à malo , nisi fiat quod bonum est , & parum est nemini nocere , nisi studias multis prodesse , Prosper . titul. Epigr. 77. Omnibus Officiis , omibus aetatibus , necessaria , & ab omnibus deferenda misericordia ; non Publicanus , non miles excipitur , non agricola , vel urbanus , dives & pauper , &c. Ambros. in locum . Luke 16. Observation , Great senners repenting may obt●in salvation . Hierom● . in Epist. adversi●● 〈◊〉 . Revel. 2. 3. Ettamen hos omn●s Dominus hortatur ad poenitentiam , sub comminatione quoque futurae poenae , nisi convertantur ; non autem cogeret poenitere , fi non e●set poenitentibus veniam concessurus . Et tamen ad poenitentiam commonet , sub comminationibus quidem ; non comminaretur autem non poenitenti , si non ignosceret poenitenti . Tertul de poenitent . Exod. 34. 6 , 7. Ezek. 18. 32. Luke 23. 34. Acts 2. 37. Aust. Tract. 38. in in Ev●ng . secundum Jo●●●em . Quid autem converso non ignoscitur , si fusus Christ●●inguis ignoscitur . Application . I. It cals sinners to repentanoe . Ezekiel 18. 〈…〉 Ergò poenitentia vita est , cùm praeponitur morti ; cam tu peccator ita invade , ita amplectere , ut naufragus alicu●us tabu●●● fidem ; haec te p●ccatoru● fluctibu● mersum prolevabit , & in portum Divinae clementlae protelabit . Ter●ul . depoenit . 2. Consolation to true penitents . Esai . 1. 18. 〈…〉 de ●eccati sui remissionedesperet , quando illi veniam meruerunt , qui occidêrunt 〈◊〉 Aust. in Tract. 31. in Evang ▪ secund. Jo●●n●m . Nemo ●gitur ( quamvis ingenti pondere p●ccatorum prematur ) de boni●ate divinae pie●aris desperare debeat . Ibidem S r n de temp 53. Ideò non propt er spem v●niae perseve an●er pec●are debemus . Utroque periculo evitato , & à malo d●clinemus , & de pietate De●●eniam speremus . 
A97124	----	The Christians incouragement earnestly to contend for Christ his gospell & for all our Christian liberties inthrall which who refuseth let him bee for aye accursed. Written by J. Ward Gent. Reade and Consider Iudge [and] Censure To which is added Irelands greivance. Ward, John, fl. 1642-1643. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A97124 of text R6088 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E59_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 55 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A97124 Wing W772 Thomason E59_3 ESTC R6088 99872943 99872943 155279 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A97124) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 155279) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 10:E59[3]) The Christians incouragement earnestly to contend for Christ his gospell & for all our Christian liberties inthrall which who refuseth let him bee for aye accursed. Written by J. Ward Gent. Reade and Consider Iudge [and] Censure To which is added Irelands greivance. Ward, John, fl. 1642-1643. 18, [12] p. : ill. Printed for Io. Hancock, London : 1643. With, lacking t.p.: The humble petition of the Protestant inhabitants of the counties of Antrim, Downe, Tyrone, &c. ... [London? : s.n., 1643?]. This item also appears separately, with t.p., at E.148[2]. Originally published in 1642 as An encouragement to warre, or, Bellum Parlimentale.. Engraved, illustrated title page. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng War poetry -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Poetry. A97124 R6088 (Thomason E59_3). civilwar no The Christians incouragement earnestly to contend for Christ his gospell & for all our Christian liberties inthrall which who refuseth let h Ward, John 1643 8919 17 0 0 0 0 0 19 C The rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CHRISTIANS INCOVRAGEMENT EARNESTLY to CONTEND or Christ his gospell & for all Our Christian liberties in thrall Which who refuseth let him bee For aye Accursed . Written By J. Ward Gant. Reade Consider and Iudge Censure To which is added Irelands Greivanc's LONDON Printed for Io. Hancock 1643 AN ENCOVRAGEMENT TO WARRE . WHat oddes is twixt this Breach ? and that late plot , Laid by the Prelates gainst the harmlesse Scot . What difference I say ? i st not the same In its Effect ? save 't hath another name ? That done by Popish Prelates : but this bears The name of Popish Lawlesse , Cavaliers . That onely gainst the Scot , but this is made Th' English , Scottish , Irish , Liberties t' invade At once : and strike the Parliamentall power Of the three Kingdoms dead , ( even in an houre ) That power whereby the freedome of these Lands In their perfection , strength , and union stands . And which once lost , we all must presently Turn to that old Aegyptian slavery . What could the Prelates then aspire unto , That Cavaliers , now not attempt to do ? Was not the Quarrell then , and now all one ? The aymes of both , gainst true Religion . Did not the Prelates then ( as these do now ) Perswade the King , the Scots would overthrow His just Prerogative : because they would Not by their Romish power be contrould . Because they would not ( as the Scripture saith ) Make them as Lords , and Rulers , of their Faith ? And did they not in our dread Soveraignes name , As Rebels , all the Covenanters proclaim ? Cause their heroick Spirits would not yeeld The Episcopall Liturgy the field . And ( though free born ) cause they would not consent To slavery : far worse then Banishment . And in a word , because they would not be Enthrald to that hard yoke of Popery . And do not these French prosolites endeavour To make divisions that may last for ever Twixt King and Subject ? Mis-interpreting All Messages that passe betwixt the King And his great Councell : Making such construction Of grave advice , as needs must bring destruction . And though they understand the sence of Laws , Yet cause themselves have broke them ; and because Th'intend to live as out-laws : and as men That never mean to live by Law agen . Therefore they wrest them from their proper sence , Stamp them with false interpretations : whence ( The King being once possest therewith ) proceeds Such tears and threats of civill hostile deeds . Hence t is so many fruitlesse words are spent In vain betwixt the King and Parliament . Hence t is the king declares the Law to have Another sence then Parliament conceive ? Hence t is so many sleight and so contemne The Parliament : and speak so base of them And their proceedings : hence the misery Of England doth most necessarily Its pedigree derive : and till Misprisions Disunions , Alienations , and Divisions Twixt king and Parliament united be : And right constructions made , yea till we see These spirits of division , sever'd from His Majestie : and quite casheerd and gone . England will not be England , but will be , And so remain , Babel perpetually . But when these base Malignant spirits are ( Through Gods free mercy , and the tender care Of our good Parliament ) scatter'd , disperst , As those were that for Scottish blood did thirst . When th'head of that same Serpents brood is broke , And their deceitfull Projects want a cloak , To carry their hid poyson in , and when The Prelates lord●nesse is laid agen As low as when it first began to spring Twards that Exorbitancy that t was in , Till these few Moneths last past , yea when the Land Shall freely , stoutly , valiantly stand In every part from Beersheba to Dan , United in their Members , as one Man . For Christ , and for the Gospel , and for all Just Rights and Priviledges both great and small , For our dread Soveraignes just Prerogative : Neither to adde thereto , or to deprive Him of a haire that 's due to him : ( the one Is to detract from him that weares the Crown : The other wrongs the Subject ) and likewise For priviledge of Parley : Th'Liberties And Rights of Subjects . And to stand unto Each promise made in our late solemne Vow ; ( Which he that does refuse , O let him be For evermore Anathema ( for me ) Then shall our Brittish Island that hath been The Receptacle , yea the common Inne Where all Idolatry , and Superstition , Prophanenesse , Armenisme , and Sedition , Atheisme , Oppression , Blood , and Crueltie , Extortion , Persecution , Briberie , Excesse , Oaths , Blasphemy , and every sin , With great applause hath been persisted in . Be as the Holy Land : like Israel The people shall be blest , that therein dwell . This City shall be like Jerusalem , Each town , like Sion fair ; And as for them That dwell in Countrey Villages , they shall Them Christs belov'd , Redeemed people call . Then shall Rome's pride abate , then shall the three Distemper'd Kingdoms be at unity . Then shall we praise our God , and serve our King Unanimously : without murmuring . When these Sanballets and Tobiahs , shall ( Enforced thereto ) let us build up the wall Of our own peace and safety , and shall say That a more just and honorable way Then setling the Militia cannot be Thought on , t' advance Brittaines prosperity , And their destruction , which already they Know to be true , and therefore plots they lay To crosse it : but I trust shall never be Of such considerable abillity , To perfect their Intentions ; for where ere Hushais good counsell is receiv'd , even there Achitophels rejected is , and then We know the common end of such wise men . But since it is our present miserie By such lewd sonnes of violence to be Opposed and maligned , yea since it is To question Parliamentall priviledges : Their chief endeavour , yea and to disdain And scorn that power that in them doth remain : And scoffe at their proceedings , as they were Objects too base for them to flout and gere . And since there's left for us no other way , Our God , our King , our liberties t' enjoy : But all hopes else are fled , and they alone Next under God , ( or surely we have none ) Are left to be a means to bring this ( late Apostate ) Land to a reform'd estate . O then let every one that knows the prize And worth of such a Parliament , be wise , And not discert them ; But let every one Call former Racks and Impositions Into their memory : O let them call Those Popish Rites and Innovations all , That burdned many a conscience to their mind , And seriously search if they cannot find Their spirits greatly eas'd ; and then consider So many unjust Courts cast down together , ( The vastnesse of whose arbitrary power Did many a loyall Subjects state devour ; And spoil them of their Liberties ) which we Without a Parliaments authoritie Had nere attain'd : and call to mind the cause Why they were call'd : wast not because the Laws Were trampled on ? When all things out of order Were rudely cast on every severall border Throughout the Kingdom : and when civill warre Did threat our former ( sleighted ) peace to marre . Had they not been , our freedoms , lives , estates Had been a prey to Popish Runagates . And think upon the call that brought them hither , To sit so long a time in parle together . When all the Kingdom was distracted so , God mov'd the Lords , they to the King did go , In humble manner him petitioning , That heede convoke a Parliament , to bring An end to these distempers , and possest Him , with the justice of this their Request . And furthermore advisde his Majesty , That that alone would work an unity . Or else confusion would straight way step in , And all to ruine and destruction bring . The King approv'd and granted their Petition , Call'd for a Parley with all expedition ; To settle peace betwixt the Lands divided , And t'have things controverted and decided Twixt King and Subject ; that exactions might Be eas'd , that long against all Law and right , Have been imposde ; and that Religion So long exposde unto derision , Might have just vindication gainst all those That have been known to be her godlesse foes . We see the cause then why the Parliament Was call'd together , and for what intent : Their call stand good in point of Law we see , From God , and Man , King , Peers and Commonaltie . So 's their continuance too , the King hath seald Their sitting : which is not to be repeal'd : Till Church and State have past and overcome These Agues , Feavers , and Consumptions ; That make them sick to death : When these are cur'd , The Court may be adjourn'd : yet they assur'd , They have discharg'd their duties , and the Land Shall evermore to them obliged stand For their good service : and all thought to be Too mean to answer their Fidelitie . Let these considerations work upon Th'affections and desires of every one , That do desire to lead a Christian life , And to live free from civill warres and strife . Or that desire that wholesome Law should be The Rule whereby to judge indifferently . As they their God , Laws , King , selves , Liberties , Wives , children , Countrey , and their substance prize ; Or any thing that unto them is deare , I' th City , or i' th Field , or anywhere : O let them stand couragiously for those That have stood so for them against their Foes . Have not our Worthies for us sacrifizde Lives , Honours , States ( and what so highly prizde ) For our enlargement ? What conspiracies , Devises , plots , and Hell-hatch pollicies , By Jesuites and Papists have been laid , ( And all to have their good proceedings staid ) Against their lives what threats have been belch'd out Against them by that superstitions Rout. What scandalous aspersions have been cast , And what grosse sensures vulgarly have past , Their candide Reputations to bespot With some pretended ignominious blot : As if they trayterously should undermine Our government Politicke and Divine : And set an Arbitrary Course of power , To wrong the King in 's right , and to devoure The Subjects state , and overthrow the right Of King and Subject by their ( lawlesse ) might . How have our Anti-sabbatists , and those Arminian sottes ( true Reformations foes ) In our corrupted Springs of Litterature , And at our Innes of Court , and ( I am sure ) In many other places , ( though of late Th' are growne more wary ) in their common prate . Spoke ill of Reformation , and all such i th Parliament , that stand for it so much . Yea , how have they by every Rusticke Swaine , And Ignoramus , ( that can scarce speake plaine And tollerable English ; ) been defamde Miscallde , abusde , and barbarously nick-namde : If any shall presume to say , I lie , I le bring the world this truth to testifie ; For scarce is there that Citie , Towne , or place , Where some have not endeavoured their disgrace : Nor i st unknowne t'th ' Houses , for themselves Heare of the rude behaviour of these Elves , By Information , and perhaps the times May come when such may answer for their crimes . But yet , have they been daunted ? or dismayde ? At what these envious Spirits did or said ? Have they given ore the worke they had in hand , Can any say , that slavishly they stand , In feare of any ? No : whose there ? will say ; He that dares rouse a Lyon from his Prey ? And force wild Beasts , to fly from den to den , And fright them , that they dare not turne agen : Feares any Colours ? Who can say of them , That worthily have playde the parts of men , Of noble Spirits : but that they should be , Spoke of with honour , thought of reverently . They have not flincht a step out of the way , Although these Curres have held them at a bay ; But ( as the spiritfull Horse no notice takes Of the shrill noyse that every Mongrill makes ) Have in their pious course persisted still , Promoting good , not fearing any ill . So let them still proceed , till they have run The race of Reformation , that 's begun ; So let the Spirit of grace and wisedome be , Redoubled on their heads in each degree So let their courage be encreased , and so Let them Romes power ( in England overthrow ; So let their legall Orders be obeyde , And all their black mouthd enemies destroyd : So let the Lord of Hoasts himselfe as he In all things hath been with them formerly ; So finish what 's begun ; and though their foes Be twenty times in number , more then those That came against King Asa ; let the same Dismall destruction then overcame Those Aegyptian Nigers , seize upon These bloudy minded Villaines every one And if no other way , to publicke peace Be found , but civill warre ; or we must cease To be a priviledgd people ; and must yeeld Base Tyrannizing Cavileers the feild , Without resistance ; and like conquerd slaves , Crouch to their yoke ( outlawes and Banckrupt knav● ) Whose mercies are but Heathenish cruelties , And their best acts murthers and robberies . O then Great Britaine ( every where ) be ready , To oppose such deeds so tyrannous and heady , Assemble all your strength with joynt consent , To fight for God , the King , and Parliament . T is time yee Westerne Counties ( that have beene So backward , and remisse ) now to begin To stand upon your guard , ( now yee are made The seate of warre ) O let it not be said , Amongst those Rebells , that your slacknesse lost The Victory , and so much bloud hath cost . As may be shed in such a civill warre : Meet them 'i th face , and drive them back as farre As they can flie for Sea ; and when they can Shun you no farther , cast them every man Into the Ocean : Or if shee disdaine Such base degenerate Spirits t' entertaine ; As Britaine hath spude out : O then to show How unworthily they got the overthrow ; And how unworthy they themselves have made , As not to get roome t' have their corpse layd In Brittish ground : Let them on Gibbets hang Till th'aiery Foules consume them every one . And as for those that by the Sword shall fall , ●et none of them obtaine a Grave at all ; ●et dogs and ravenous Wolves ( if such were here ) And Vermin with their Intralls make them cheare , Untill their paunches burst ▪ that so the guilt Of all the causelesse bloud that hath been spilt , May be tooke off , and may no longer stand , Upon the generall score of all the Land . Th' Almightie will destroy them certainly Before us , if wee be not backwardly And fearefull to oppose them , God hath quite Forsaken them ; yet he for us will fight , If we will fight for him : These are the times When God will visite Rome for all the crimes Shee hath committed , since the Brothers twaine , Strove which the Regall Power should obtaine . Now must must they pay for all the Christian bloud , That for almost two thousand yeares they shed ; Now must they pay for all their blasphemies , Their oaths , their curses , and Idolatries : This is the time that all the Popish powers , Must be exilde this English Coast of ours ; This is the time wherein the Lord hath said , Babell is fallen , ruinde , and destroyde : This is the time wherein that Whore of Rome , Must to perpetuall desolation come : And God hath made us instruments , whereby To bring to passe that ancient Prophecie . Therefore may we returne glory and prayse , And honour to his Name , that in these dayes ; Th●se hard and iron dayes hath honoured us To be his people , fight his Battles thus : Who when all power , authoritie , and hope Of any good , was frustrate , voyde , and broke ; Revivde our drooping Spirits , and translated The Ruledome of the State , from such as hated Justice and Right , to such as are ambitious To honour good men , and correct the vitious , And hath infusde a Spirit of life and power , Into these livelesse carcasses of our . And hath stird up the body of our Nation , To speake for , stand for , fight for Reformation , Against a crew of Rebell Cavilcers , Composde of Popish and Arminian heires ; Whose Maximes , are the bloud of Kings to shede , And then affirme't a meritorious deede . Whose purer Language is in peeces small , To teare Christs body , bloud , heart , nailes and all ; With horrid Oaths , and fearefull Imprecations , Provoking God to hasten their damnations : Whose best expressions are to breath out threats ; Whose perjurde practice is to breake all treats ; T' abolish Lawes , and bring poore people under Their slavish yoke , ( or the Popes dreadfull thunder . ) Our Ancestors , did long desire to see These times , and yet could not permitted be ; Yet did rejoyce to thinke that bloudy Rome , Should once to finall desolation come . What they esteemed therefore of such weight , ( Though in reversion ) lets not rudely sleight , That see it now approaching , t is no small Nor common mercy to see Babells fall . Such faire occasion comes not every day , To right our selves ; le ts doe it whilest we may : For now both heaven and earth together joynes , To purge the base corruptions of these times . Occasions bald behinde , time once past over , Not all the Indian gold can ere recover . Then you the Thousands of our Judah , goe Sheath all your Swords i th bowells of your foe ; Be cloathd with Valour , let your resolution Be bent to bring all Traytors to confusion ; Let not faire words entice you , but let flie As thicke as haile , 'gainst such an enemy : Breake thorow their guiltie ranckes , and overthrow That Common-wealth of Rebells at a blow . That that vast treasure they so long a time Have whorded up , to use in this designe : And all the Armes they have so slily got , And kept so close as if they had them not : Their Horses , Pistolls , Swords , and Carabines , Their Muskets , Pikes , Callivers . Magazines Of Powder , Shot , and Bullets ; and what ere From France , or Spaine , or from the Hollander , Hath been transported hither , to helpe out To ruine us at such a civill bout . Wee as our due may seize on for a prey , When they be slaine ( or run for feare away ; That the surviving part may once againe , Their Freedomes , Lawes , and Liberties obtaine . That when this corrupt generation shall , Be cut by heavens bright Sword of Justice all : The next ensuing age , may quite forget , And scorne those rites that wee admire at yet ; And may set up the true Discipline and Order , Of Jesus Christ in every Brittish border . Now you whose forward Spirits Countreymen , Affect the Justnesse of our cause , yet when You heare that odious name of Cavalier Opposing you ; that mazes you with feare ; That traytrous , bloudy , branded name , casts downe Your drooping Spirits equall to the ground ; So that for feare of such an Impious crew , Y● had rather ( shave ) like part from all your dues , And priviledge , then seeke how to obtaine Your Freedomes , Lawes , and Liberties againe . Y● had rather loose all that you doe possesse , Then take up lawfull Armes to seeke redresse . How plainly doe such Cowards shew to be , Given up to base pus●…lanimitie : Scorne then to be afraid of such a name , Which unto them is but a brand of shame , And not of honour : Can a worthlesse name Crowne them with glory , or our deeds with shame : Thinke you ? Shall arrogated Titles make You such a just and pious cause forsake ? Can painted shewes , true substances exceed ? Can livelesse Statues doe a manly deed ? Or does the Spirit of Valour rest on them , Because base swearing domineering men ? Y' are all deceiv'd , the valiant man is , that Hath fewest sinnes to be affrighted at ; True Souldiers , will n'ere use violence , Nor fight but to secure their conscience ; Thy are no prophane swearers , nor will curse Or ban , when things are bad , to make them worse : Nor will they cry , God damne them , or them sinke , Nor over charge themselves with too much drinke . Nor will they civill war seeke to preferre , In hopes that they may all prove Conquerers ; But doe abhorre all Motions that may lead To the execution of so base a deed . But being once debarde their proper right : And finding that their liberties , by might Are torne in pieces , and their freedomes made A life of bondage , though they have assayde All wayes for their enlargement , doe prepare Unwillingly to right themselves by warre , 'gainst their injurious enemies : which shewes Our preparation 'gainst mad capt foes , Is upright , just , and legall : cause wee stand To ●old up the foundation of the Land From Suddaine ruine : and to fortifie Our Lawes against the rage of tyranny . Our preparation for a civill warre , Is to keepe the body from a mortall skar , By taking off some pieces of proud flesh , Which will in time her miseries encrease ; And cause her death if let a while alone , But helpe her health if once cut off and gone . Our Parliament this legall war begins , To cut off some superfluous uselesse limbs ; Whose preter naturall vigor being infusde Through every part , hath every part abusde With monstrous principles , such as were nere Afloote ( I thinke ) in any place but here . And drawne the Subjects of our English Nation , T' admit a change , t' admit an alteration Of Government , as well divine as civill , ( A violent Floodgate to let in all evill . ) This likewise doth demonstrate unto you , The desperate madnesse of our envious foe ; Who like distracted Bedlams run about , Their owne and others ruine to seeke out . These damned Cavaliers , and all what ere They be that helpe them out of love or feare . It shewes the base unworthinesse of those , That to their Countrey prove such mortall foes ; O what Malignant Spirits them possesse , That they envie their Countreys happinesse ! What Empire , Kingdome , age , or generation , Since Babells rise , or since the worlds foundation , Can sh●w the like , that ever England should Nurse up a sort of men , that if they could Would cut poore Englands throate : was 't ever knowne That any people did envie their owne Prosperity ? Sure no● yet England hath Foster such hideous Monsters , that would bath Their swords in friends , kindred , and neighbours blood , Till down the fields there run a crimson flood . What judgements this great Brittain ? that thy walls And streets are fill'd with such rude Canibals , That throw out all thy Courts , Errinnis fell , That cruell , fierce and hellish Fiend doth dwell ? Thy sins are sure unparrallell'd , which makes Thy judgements pearlesse , for their odious sakes : Fire , pestilence , and warre , and many more Inferiour judgements , waste thy kingdom sore . What 's to be done ? to quit us of this grief , Since we have been so long without relief . Thou must return from thine Apostacies , Thy superstitions and Idolatries : And down before thy Maker in the name Of his dear Sonne ( that on him took the blame Of all thy sins ) thy Saviour , thou must fall , Desiring him to free thee from them all , And shew thee mercy : and especially Invoke him now again , thine enemy , Beseech him to vouchsafe his helping hand , This one time more to this distressed Land , And let him know , if hee 'l be pleas'd , to give Thee victory , he shall much praise receive . And adde to this thy martiall strength and force Of Muskets , Pikes , Swords , Pistols , men and horse , And all munition else , what ere it be That may annoy thy vaunting enemie : And he that hath preserv'd thee hithertoo , Both teach thee and direct thee what to doo . But specially , O Glouster-shire , improve My counsell ; t is a pledge of native love , Go muster up your Volunteers , whose number May strike your damned Foe with dread and wonder . And thou my native * Town especially , Whom I respect , that hast been backwardly In this defensive service stirre thee now , Make it appeare that thou hast payd thy vow . Where are the scores of Horse , thou hast set forth , To answer thy externall shewes and worth ? Where are thy voluntary youths , that dare Defend their Countrey in this civill warre ? Some two or three are gone indeed , but they Were faine ( couragiously ) to steale away Unknowne , lest if they should themselves disclose ▪ Thy male-affected would account them foes , And them discourage ; yea , since our adew , They have malign'd us with reports untrue . But I forgive them , and doe thee advise , As for thy private good thou wouldst be wise , ( If publike good thou sleightst ) that thou'dst but make Inferiour Townes thy president , and take Them for a patterne : here , as little Townes As are the least that coast upon thy bounds , Have set forth fiftie Horse : Youngmen and mayds Of all sorts , as th' are able , lend their aydes , Some six pence , twelve pence some , as they are willing And storde , some five , some ten , some twenty shilling ; Or more , or lesse , as God hath blessed them With meanes , and hearts to part from it agen . Up therefore quickly , be not like the drone That eats up others sweetnesse , but gets none . If nothing but dead trading might perswade To this , that might in common sence be made A motive to stirre up the drowsiest heart From somewhat towards this great designe to part : For be assurde that till the Kingdome be Reducde to perfect peace and unitie , And freed from civill warre ; your trading shall Continually decay , not mend at all . And this me thinks should stir up every place To doe the like , because it is the case Of all the Kingdome ; For my part , had I A thousand lives , and for each life , lying by A thousand pound ( which are above my spheare , I de hazzard all to free the State from feare . But some there be will say , doe what I can , These ravenous Vulters will not wrong a man : Alas , say they , here 's great mistrusts and feares , Where needs not any ) : of the Cavaliers , Alas good men , they doe no hurt , they strive For nothing but the Kings Prerogative ; They be religious men , and they will goe To Church as well as other people doe ; And speake as well as most men in the Towne , Where ere they live , few men can put them downe ▪ And shall we fight against them ( God forbid ) Shall we doe what good Subjects never did ? Make warre against the King : Wee 'le rather do The servilst worke he shall command us to . Is it not better give the King his way , In setling the Commission of Array , And to be peacefull : Then to have the Land In a perpetuall combustion stand ? Alas poore silly gulles , that neither see Nor understand th'approaching misery , That such as they have brought upon us all , If by the Sword of civill warre we fall : These men given up to slavish feare , have brought Themselves and us and all the Land to nought . Did these but apprehend at what deare rates Our Ancestors , our Freedomes and Estates For us have purchasde ? What a world of paines They undertooke , that we might reape the gaines . What summes they payde ; With what great industry , Th'obtainde our Suffrages , and Libertie : Sure then they would not be so easily won To part from them ( as many have begun ) Who Edom-like have for a messe of broth Sold birthright , freedome , substance , faith , and troth . Did such but know experimentally The value of the freedome they enjoy ; Had they but noble spirits ; they would scorn To live in slavery , that were free born . But rather chuse to die a noble death , Then to live here ignobly underneath The feet of Tiranny : For when our Laws Are chang'd : and when our liberty withdraws , Straight every upstart scoundrill will out-brave's , And English States shall live like Turkish slaves . As for the carriage of the Cavaliers , Their tyrranny and wickednesse appears So grosse , and palpable , that it will be But needlesse labour , and time lost for me Their rude and barbarous actions to repeat ; Their robberies and murthers are so great In Yorkeshire , Lestershire , at Coventry : Northamptonshire , Bath , Portsmouth , Banbury , And superstitious Oxford , that was glad At their first entrance ; but are since grown sad , To see their rude behaviour , and what preys They make of all things that fall in their wayes . And now t is scarce unknown to any Nation , That Papists have a generall dispensation From their unholy Father ; and they may Now go to Church , and hear Don Bletro say His Enigmattick Legend , and may hear A temporizing Sermon without fear , So they advance his work : and do their bests Through Europe to set up his Papall hests . Which now are falling down , and those that be Church Papists , as men terme them certainly Are our most dangerous enemies ; and do Oppose , maligne and undermine us too . If any Ignoramus yet there be , That will not his own priviledges see , Not will retain them : But will side with those That are both Gods , the Kings , and Countreys foes , And will of such proceedings brag and vaunt , Let them I say remain still ignorant . Let the Concomitants of such a warre Attend them ; and let them wax worse by farre , Till God hath finish'd his good work , upon This Land , and brought them to confusion . Now little book flie on the wings of fame , As far beyond the place from whence I came As it is thither : that both North and South , And all the winds may have thee in their mouth , And take thy counsell : that from Cornwell and From th'utmost limits of Northumberland , And Durham : yea from Dover in the East , To th'utmost bounds of Chester in the West , Thou mayest have audience : that our Heroes may Muster their Forces 'gainst that fatall day . Grave Essex the chief Leader of us all , And Bedford our Lieutenant Generall , Not all the Romane States can make us fear , Nor the great Turke himself if he were here . Our Cause is just , therefore though thousands die , We are confident to get the victory . It is credibly affirmed that the Cavaliers do usually drink this wicked and blasphemous health . viz. 1. A Health to his Maiestie by whom we live , move , and have our being . 2 A Health to the Confusion of Pym , his God and his Gospel . FINIS . The Humble Petition of the Protestant Inhabitants of the Counties of Antrim Downe , Tyrone , &c. part of the Province of Vlster , in the Kingdome of Ireland . As it was humbly Presented to the Right Honourable Assembly of Knights . Citizens , and Burges●es in this present Parliament . And accepted of that Honourable House . Your Petitioners , HUmbly representeth unto your grave wisedomes , and juditious considerations , that your Petitioners having translated themselves out of several parts of his Majesties kingdomes of England and Scotland , to promote the infant Plantation of Ireland , wherein your Petitioners by their great labour and industry , so much contribute to the settlement of that Kingdome : As they were in a most hopefull way of a comfortable abode , and when they expected to reape the fruit of their great and long labour , partly by the cruell severitie and arbitrarie proceedings , of the civill Magistrate , but principally through the unblest way of the Prelacy with their f●ction , our soules are starved , our estates undone , our families impoverished , and many lives among us , cut off and destroyed ; The Prelates , ( whose pretended authoritie , though by some published to be by divine right , as wee humbly conceive is directly against the same ) have by their Canons of late , their Fines , fees , and Imprisonments at their pleasure ; their Silencing , Suspending , Banishing , and Excommunicating of our learned and conscionable Ministers , their obtruding upon us , ignorant , erroneous , and prophane persons to be our Teachers , their censuring of many hundreds even to Excommunication , for matters acknowledged by all to be indifferent and not necessary , their favouring Popery ( in this Kingdome a double fault ) their persecuting puritie , and indevouring to bring all to a livelesse formalitie , divers of them being notorious incendiaries of the unquietnesse and unsettled estate betweene these Kingdomes , with many the like ; too tedious to relate , as more fully in our insuing Grievances doth appeare . These our cruell Task-masters have made of us , who were once a people , to become ( as it were ) no people , an astonishment to our selves , the object of pittie and amazement to others , and hopelesse of remedie , unlesse hee with whom are bowels of compassion worke in you an heart to interpose for your Petitioners reliefe . They therefore most humbly pray , that this unlawfull Hierarchicall government with all their appendices may bee utterly extirpate , such course laid downe , as to your great wisdomes shall seeme meete , for reparation in some measure of our unutterable damages sustained by the parties thus injuriously grieved ; your Petitioners settled in a way , whereby their persecuted Ministers may have leave to returne from exile , and bee freed from the unjust censure imposed on them , and an open doore continued unto us for provision of a powerfull and able Ministry , the onely best way to promote Plantation , and settle the kingdome in the profession and practise of true religion ; which as it is the earnest expectation , so it shall be the daily prayer of many thousands your Petitioners , who will ever intreat the Lord for your direction herein , and in all other your weighty and important affaires , as becommeth your poore Petitioners , &c. A particular of manifold Evils , and heavy pressures caused , and occasioned by the Prelacie , and their dependants . 1 BEfore they had so much as a pretended Canon , for their warrant the Prelates urged their Ceremonies with such vehemency , that divers of our most learned and painfull Ministers for not obeying them were Silenced , and many of us for the like oppressed in their Courts . 2 In the yeare 1634. they made such Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall , as injoyned many corruptions in the worship of God , and government of the Church , which exceedingly retarded the worke of reformation to the true Protestant Religion , animated Papists , and made way for divers popish superstitions . 3 Our most painfull , godly , and learned Ministers were by the Bishops and their Commissaries silenced and deprived for not Subscribing and Conforming to the said unlawfull Canons ; yea , through the hotnesse of their persecution forced to flee the Land , and afterwards Excommunicated , to the danger of all , and losse of some of their lives . 4 In their places others were obtruded , not onely ignorant , lazy , and lukewarme , but many of them unsound in doctrine , prophane in life , and cruell in persecution . 5 Many , though sufficiently furnished , were not admitted to the ministery , onely for not swallowing downe their groundlesse innovations , yea some , though conforme , yet for strictnesse in life , were likewise kept out . 6 Good and painfull Ministers are not suffered to exercise that function which God hath called them unto , nor suffered to enjoy any living , whereas the Bishops doe hold by Commendum many livings , besides those proper to their Bishopricks ; and doe conferre livings upon their children and retainers , studendi gratiâ ( as is pretended ) and divers Benefices , as foure , five , sixe , or more upon their favourites ; Hence 7 The cure of soules are committed to hyrelings , who receive 5 , 6 , 8 : or 10. pounds by the yeare for their cures ; Divers of which are put together to the charge of some illiterate curate , by which meanes , the people perish for want of food , though the Parson or Vicat , through connivance of the Bishop is utterly non resident , and by each one of the many Benefices he injoyeth , hath a competent allowance for a moderately-minded man , to maintaine himselfe and family upon . 8 Whereas the Bishops should give all good example , by painfull preaching and holy conversation , they preach very rarely themselves ; and like these in the Gospell , who will neither enter themselves , nor suffer others to enter , they have supprest divers others from preaching , both on the afternoone on the Lords day , and in many places where weekly Lectures were maintained , either by the free-will of the Minister , or cost of the people , they have utterly forbidden the same , and showne all manner of discountenance to those who were forward therein , so that a Lecturing Minister appeared before them , under more prejudice then a popish Priest , or undermining Iesuite ; 9 Lest those who could not bee admitted into the ministery , undertaking to teach Schoole , should there lay impressions of piety and good learning , they urge on the very Schoolemasters a subscription beyond what is enjoyn'd by their owne Canon , and punish by Excommunication , and otherwise the refusers thereof ; So as the Schooles formerly much frequented , are now utterly desolate , to the spoyle of youth and promoting of prophanenesse and ignorance . 10 Thus whiles they proceed so severely and uniustly in punishing the refusers to their unlawfull commands , though otherwise never so honest and able men , they favour popery to the continuance , and great increase thereof ; Hence , 11 Popish titulary Bishops are by them winked at in the exercise of jurisdiction from Forraine power ; Masse priests are frequent , and pretend a title to every parish in the Kingdome , Masses publikely celebrated without controlement , to the great griefe of Gods people , and increase of idolatry and superstition . 12 They permit Frieries and Nunneries to bee within their Diocesses , whereby they continue and increase of late in many places , yea divers of them suffered to remaine in the very places where some of the Bishops have their speciall residence . 13 In many places of the Land where Protestants are forbidden and restrain'd , Papists are permitted to keepe Schooles ; unto some whereof such multitudes of children and young men doe resort , that they may be esteemed rather Universities , teaching therein not onely the tongues , but likewise the liberall Arts and Sciences . 14 They set forth and suffer to bee published wicked Libells and ungodly Pamphlets , tending to sedition , faction , and disunion of the Brittish Inhabitants , such as Examen conjurationis Scoticae , Lysimachus , Nicanor , &c. And in their Sermons , Prayers , and ordinary Table-talke , divers of the Bishops in matters quite besides their Calling , have not desisted to rayle , curse , and most bitterly inveigh against the Kingdome of Scotland , and all their proceedings labouring to make them odious , thereby proving themselves firebrands of sedition betweene the two Nations ; yea , proclaiming their prophannesse by drinking healths to the confusion of that Nation . 15 The most learned and seemingly moderate and pious of the prelates , publikely in Sermons at Dublin , exclaimed against , and condemned the Scottish Covenant and Religion profest in that Kingdome with most invective tearmes ; And in the Starre-chamber in Dublin , at the censure of Henry Stewart Esquire , his Wife and two Daughters , and Iames Gray , for refusing to take an oath , for which there was no other ground then the Earle of Straffords command , which was against the Covenant of Scotland , uttered these words ; These people with Corah , Dathan , and Abiram , doe withstand the ordinance of God , and therefore I leave them to the judgement of Corah , Dathan , and Abiram . 16 They have frequently made Symonicall pactions and bargaines in the conferring of Benefices , and ordinarily permit Ministers to exchange their livings , thereby to nullifie Leases of tithes , which the former incumbent Ministers have let at certaine rates . 17 The Prelates have usually appointed such men to be their Commissaries , Officials , and Registers , who altogether neglecting the punishment of vices cognizable in their Courts looke onely to their owne gaine ; Hence 18 Though they pretend themselves the advancers of vertue , and punishers of vice , yet they usually without further satisfaction absolve the most scandalous persons for asumme of money , and often question not at all such from whom they privately before-hand receive such a summe , which is a cause that many wickednesses doe more and more abound . 20 If any bee presented by their Apparitors ( who are usually Papists ) if it bee but for non-paiment of the Clerkes groat , or not observing some one of their most frivolous injunctions ; yea , though the party presented bee not found culpable , yet they require most excessive and unjust fees ; And if their demands bee not satisfied , ( though never so great poverty might plead for mercy ) they presently proceed to the censure of excommunication , thus vainely and blasphemously abusing the high ordinance of God , so many hundreds of us remaine under that censure , and multitudes constrained to run out of the Land , to the undoing of them and theirs . 21 The Prelats that they might manage Peters sword aswell as his keyes have some of them procured that most unlawfull Writ of assistance , whereby his Majesties Officers and Ministers are required to yeeld assistance unto the Bishop his Officiall , or any deputed by him ; which Writ is by their Officers most notoriously abused , and many times put into the hands of their Apparitours , who under colour thereof apprehend honest men and women , casting them into prison , untill they be forced to free themselves by an heavy composition . 21 They charge Churchwardens with Articles farre beyond their understanding ; to every particular whereof , if they refuse to answer or present , then are they bound to answer for it at Councell table , or high Commission court , or both , and though there acquitted , yet no remedy left them for their great damages . 22 They force Churchwardens to attend all their visitation and circular Courts ; And there , for their Articles , Oathes , Admissions , and Discharges , they make them pay most excessive and undue fees , never before practised or required . 23 The communications for penance , which either should not be at all , or if exacted , then set apart for the poore , and other pious uses commeth either to the Prelates kitchin , and Commissaries purse , or both ; 24 The Prelates and their faction , as they inherite then superstition of the Payacy , so of late they exact with all severity the absolute customes of S. Mary-gallous , Mortuaries , Portions , &c. which as they were given by superstition and used to Idolatry , so now they are taken by oppression and applied to riotousnesse . 25 They have also constantly practised and suffered , the buying and selling of the Sacraments , which is an heavy burden ; And where the poore have not to pay the Minister and Clerkes fees , they will not marry them , nor suffer their dead to be buried . 26 In the high Commission court against all law and equitie , they sit as Iudges in their owne cause , and take Cognizance of the highest and smallest matters , going therein without controll ; Hence 27 In the said Court they usurpe with an high hand the judicature of civill causes , impose Fines , beyond all bounds , and imprison at their pleasure , whereby many have beene utterly undone . 28 They proceed in the said Court , by way of most cruell and lawlesse inquisition , not onely into mens actions and words , but reaching even to their very thoughts , in imposing that most unlawfull oath Ex officio , to force to accuse , not onely others , but likewise their owne selves , contrary to law , and the very maximees of nature ; And if any refuse to take this oath , then are they imprisoned , and fined beyond measure , to the ruine of all that fall under the weight of their indignation . 29 Divers of the Prelates did joyntly frame and wickedly contrive with the Earle of Strafford , that most lawlesse and scandalous oath imposed upon the Scottish-Brittish among us , who were Protestants , for receiving all commands indefinitely ; And some of the Prelates were the occasion , that women and maids should be forced thereunto ; Hence Commissions issuing to all places for the exacting of it , they were persecuted with so much rigour , that very many as if they had beene traytours in the highest degree , were searched for , apprehended , examined , reviled , threatned , imprisoned , fettered together by threes and foures in Iron yoakes , some in chaines carried up to Dublin , in Starre-chamber fined in thousands beyond abilitie , and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment ; Divers poore women but two dayes before delivery of children were apprehended , threatned , and terrified ; others of them two or three dayes after child-birth , so narrowly searched for , that they were faine to flee out of all harbour , into woods , mountaines , caves , and corne-fields , and many dayes and nights together absent themselves , to the impayring of the health of very many , the death of divers , and losse of their goods , which the enemy at their pleasure made havocke of . These , with many more unexpressible , have beene the wofull effects of the Oath drawne up by advice of the Prelates , and so unjustly prest by authority of the Earle of Strafford . 30 The Prelates with their faction have beene injurious , not onely to the spirituall , but also to the temporall estates of most men ; for under colour of Church lands they have injuriously seized into their hands , much of the best lands in every County , so that there is scarce a Gentleman of any worth , whom they have not bereaved of some part of his inheritance , few daring to oppose their unjust demands ; and if any did , yet none able to maintaine their just titles , against their power and oppression . 31 By their wayes have they enivated and undone many families , destroyed and cast away thousands of soules , and moreover in their owne persons have beene a scandall to the Gospell , and a stumbling blocke even to the common enemy , by their swearing , cursing , drunkennesse , Sabbath-breaking , &c. having such servants usually in their Families , as are the most prophane in the Kingdome , few others countenanced by them , but such , and if any seeme to be of an holy life , he is scorned and persecuted by them . Thus they publishing and proclaiming themselves the children of Ishmael and Esau , wee most humbly beseech you as the true sons of Israel to take order with them as God shall direct , whom wee shall ever pray to be ayding , and assistant unto you in this great and glorious worke of reformation . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A97124e-220 * Teuk●bury . 
A45473	----	A vindication of Dr. Hammonds addresse &c. from the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius, in two particulars concerning [brace] the power supposed in the Jew over his owne freedom, the no-power over a mans own life ; together with a briefe reply to Mr. Iohn Goodwins Gbeisodikai, as far as concernes Dr. Hammond. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45473 of text R35984 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H615). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 128 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45473 Wing H615 ESTC R35984 15585294 ocm 15585294 103955 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45473) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103955) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1150:3) A vindication of Dr. Hammonds addresse &c. from the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius, in two particulars concerning [brace] the power supposed in the Jew over his owne freedom, the no-power over a mans own life ; together with a briefe reply to Mr. Iohn Goodwins Gbeisodikai, as far as concernes Dr. Hammond. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. [2], 44 p. Printed for R. Royston ..., London : 1649. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. -- Addresse to the generall and counsell of war. Ascham, Antony, d. 1650. -- Original and end of civil power. Goodwin, John, 1594?-1665. -- Gbeisodikai. War -- Religious aspects -- Christianity. A45473 R35984 (Wing H615). civilwar no A vindication of Dr. Hammonds addresse, &c. from the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius, in two particulars. Concerning the power supposed i Hammond, Henry 1649 21705 18 280 0 0 0 0 137 F The rate of 137 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF Dr. HAMMONDS Addresse , &c. From the Exceptions of EVTACTVS PHILODEMIVS , IN TWO PARTICULARS . Concerning The Power supposed in the Jew , over his owne Freedome . The No-power over a mans own life . TOGETHER WITH A BRIEFE REPLY TO Mr IOHN GOODWINS {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as far as concernes Dr. HAMMOND . LONDON , Printed for R. Royston , at the Angel in Ivie-lane . 1649. A VINDICATION OF Dr. HAMMONDS Addresse , &c. § . 1. THe late Author of the Originall , and end of Civill Power , under the name of Eutactus Philodemius , hath thought fit to question two things set downe by Doctor Hammond in his Addresse to the Generall , and Counsell of War . The first is this Affirmation , That the Jew under Gods own Government might wholly give up himselfe , and his Freedome to his Masters will ( the power of life being onely exempted ) and by having his eare bored , might of a free-man , become a slave for ever . § . 2. The second is this Question , Whether ever any man was by God or Nature invested with power over his owne Life , i. e. to take away his owne life , or to kill himself ? § . 3. This Affirmation , and this Question , he willingly acknowledges , and is content that the Question shall be interpreted a down-right Negation , That never any man was by God , or Nature invested with power over his owne life , or power to kill himselfe . And having thus confest the citation , as farre as concernes him , it remaines , that I proceed to justifie , both parts of it . And to that end , I shall think my selfe sufficiently fortified by two advantages , which that Authour hath been pleased to allow me in this matter . § . 4. First , that it is not any opinion of Doctor Hammond , but the plaine words of Scripture , which are under his name , thus opposed by this Authour in both places . The former is in terminis , Exodus 21. at the beginning , If the servant shall plainly say , I love my Master , &c. I will not goe out free , Then his Master shall bring him to the Judges , &c. And his Master shall bore his eare thorow with an awle , and he shall serve him for ever . And againe , Deut. 15.16 . And it shall be , if he ( i. e. the servant set free at the Sabbatick year ) say unto thee , I will not goe away from thee , &c. Then thou shalt take an awle , and thrust it thorow his ear unto the door , and he shall be thy servant for ever , and also to thy hand-maide thou shalt doe likewise . § . 5. That a plaine place of Scripture should be thus mistaken for an Assertion of Doctor Hammond , I am not permitted to suspect , because that Author hath to his mention of the Doctors Name added the testimony of Gen. 21. which , though it be a mistake , I suppose , of the Printer , for Ex. 21. will yet be a competent testimony of that Authors opinion , that Doctor Hammond had Moses on his side , and consequently , that both were to be involv'd by him in the same condemnation . § . 6. The same , I suppose , I may assume of the other Negation questioned by him , that 't is in Doctor Hammond , but the repeating of the 6. Commandement [ thou shalt not kill ] according to the latitude , wherein all Jewish , and Christian Writers have interpreted it to the prohibition of self-murder , as hath been shewed by him at large in another place . § . 7. Having mentioned this first advantage against this Author , sufficient certainly to secure Doctor Hammond from his blame , and to make any Apologie for him unnecessary , and well-nigh scandalous ( the Word of God being able to plead its owne cause , without the assistance of any humane Advocate ) I have yet the benefit of a second kindnesse allowed me by this unknowne adversary ; which , though Scripture were not of Authority with him , would encourage the Doctor not to fear the falling under his displeasure . That is , the unreconcileablenesse of those two opinions ( the one with the other ) which he is pleased to confront to Doctor Hammond , viz. that it should be unlawfull for a Jew to give up his Freedome , ( and that servitude should be , as he calls it , an unnaturall servitude ) and yet that it should be put in his power by God and Nature ( for that is to affirme it lawfull , and agreeable to Nature ) to take away his own Life , or to kill himselfe . For it being by Job mentioned as an Aphorisme of common Nature , that a man will for his life give all he hath ; and in the accounts and practises of all men , that of Liberty being part of that all ; It will consequently be unreasonable , and impossible for him that hath once affirmed the parting with ones freedome to be an unnaturall servitude , to deny the killing of himself to be an unnaturall murther ; And therefore , having so faire advantages before me , not onely the Scripture in terminis on my side , but this Adversary , by so easie a consequence , become my Second also , I am ( not unwillingly ) perswaded to tender a brief reply to those reasons , which seeme to have drawn this Author into this casuall dispute , and to endeavour the preventing of those Errours ; to which , a Philodemius , or popular disputer may in such an Age of Licentiousnesse betray others . § . 8. To the case of the Jewish Servant , giving up his freedome to his Master , ( which was by the Doctor mentioned out of Moses ) the Authour hath framed three Answers . § . 9. The first , That it cannot be affirmed upon good and pregnant grounds , that from nature the Jew had any such power , but that God onely permitted it to be so ; and the Jew , by this unnaturall servitude to his master , was a fit type of that slavery that man should be in unto Sin , to obey it in the lusts thereof ; for his servants we are whom we obey . § . 10. To this I Answer , That the affirmation of Moses in the Scripture , [ That this was permitted by God to the Jewes ] is to me a good and pregnant ground that the Jew had this power under Gods own Government , which is all that he affirmes to be affirmed by Doctor Hammond in that place ; and therefore , the putting in those other words [ Of the Jewes not having it from Nature ] seemes to be on purpose designed to take off from the clearnesse , and the pregnancy of the probation , and so onely to darken , but not to invalidate the argument . § . 11. But then secondly , I adde , that Gods permitting any thing to any man , is a pregnant argument , that from Nature that man hath that power : If by Power we mean a morall power , or power of doing it without Sin ; And if by Gods permission we understand his Approbation , as of a lawfull fact . For , thus it is certaine , that God never so permits , as to approve ( or not prohibite ) any thing , which by the Law of Nature may not be done without sinne . For the Law of Nature being the Law of God , as truly as any positive Law of his promulgating ; and God in all his Lawes being constant to himselfe , so farre as never to prohibit , and permit the same thing at the same time to the same men ; It is most certaine , that what God thus permits , Nature permits also , i. e. Leaves it lawfull to be done , or possible without Sinne . § . 12. But if by Permission this Author meanes no more then dispensation , or grant of present Impunity , such as in the Jewish Common-wealth was ( for the hardnesse of their hearts ) allowed in the businesse of divorce , or ( for the multiplying of them ) in polygamy , then it will sure rest upon him to prove , and not only , as he saith , to suppose , that God thus ( and thus only ) permitted it to be so : But this I shall suppose impossible to be proved , though it cannot lie upon me to demonstrate the Negative , nor shall I so much fear the probablenesse of his unprov'd groundlesse supposition , as to endeavour it . For indeed , what degree of likenesse is there betwixt those divorces and polygamies , ( which were such inordinate Liberties ) and this other of divesting himselfe of Liberty ? Only the same that is betwixt two Contraries . § . 13. I shall not need further to insist on this , both for the plaine words of Scripture , and because it is the acknowledgment of this very Author , page 18. That this may lawfully be done for the obtaining of a greater good , which being compared with Rom. 3. ver. 8. makes up a demonstration , that a man hath this power , i. e. that he may lawfully doe it . For 't is not the intuition of the greatest morall good , much lesse of the greatest advantage to my self , or any other , that may make that lawfull which in it self is unlawfull , or which by nature man hath not power to doe . § . 14. And therefore , when he addes , [ That in this the Jew was a fit type of mans slavery to sinne ] as t' will be easily granted , that he was ( as type signifies Image or Embleme ) so sure it will not prove that this servitude of the Jew , was an unnaturall servitude , any more then any other parts of the Judaicall Law , ( which either in the intention of the Law-giver , or by the wit of Man can be made an Image of any present state , or condition of men ) can by that one Argument be proved to be unnaturall . For , sure all types are not by that one evidence of their being types demonstrated to be sinfull , especially when they are instituted , or permitted by God , and by that appeare to be agreeable to his will , in Opposition to , or Variation from which all sinne , or Obliquity consists : Or if this charge must fall singly on this Type , but not on all others ( as sure the Passeover , which was a Type , was not yet unnaturall , and so of the rest ) then must this charge be proved by some other medium , then by this onely , that it is a Type ; and till that be produced , I must think this way of discourse ( which first supposes this giving up of the Jewes Liberty to be a Type , and then concludes it unnaturall for being such ) to be the proving of quidlibet ex quolibet , the same with his , which first supposes a live man to be a Picture , and then sends him a challenge for being such : Certainly such reasoning is too very loose , and light , to set any good Character on that cause that wants such supporters . § . 15. His second answer is yet a little more strange , and such as could not yet easily have been foreseene , or expected , That his having his ear bored was a punishment for his contempt of that Liberty , &c. T is sufficiently known that this boring of the ear was the ceremony of receiving a Servant among the Jewes ; and therefore , when David saith of Christ , But mine eare hast thou opened , 't is acknowledg'd , that thereby was denoted his taking on him the forme of a servant . This boring of the ear with an awle was no very painfull thing , sure not so much as Circumcision ; and yet 't would be a little strange , that when a Proselite was received among the Jewes with Circumcision , that should be deemed a punishment on him for his not continuing a Gentile , or that his Conversion to Judaisme , of which this was the Ceremony , should be thereupon counted an unnaturall Sinne : The answering such Arguments as these , would require a more chearfull , and pleasant humour , then the times , or occasion of these debates will well permit . § . 16. The last Answer lookes a little more demurely , That his giving himselfe up to be a slave for ever , did referre to , and terminate in the year of Jubilee , &c. and that he did not make himself irrecoverably a slave , &c. [ That this was to terminate in the year of Jubilee ] is said without farther proof , then onely of this untestified affirmation in a Parenthesis , that that was the year of his freedome from that servitude which the corruption of his own will had brought upon him , which is the proving a thing by a bare repeating of it in other words , and onely throwing a little durt upon it . For how doth it appear that it is a piece of Corruption ( for a man that loves his Master , as the Text saith , and is better pleased with his service , then with his former liberty ) thus to choose that which he likes best ? Or how comes the casting off Liberty to be a corruption of the will , when casting off yokes , and servitude is made capable of so good a Character ? Had the words of Saint Paul , speaking of servants , [ If thou canst be free , use it rather ] been brought to back this bare Assertion , there had been some tolerable excuse for such a begging of the question as this : But those words extend not to a command , that every man should be obliged to be free , that can , but onely to a permission , that , if he will rather use it ( i. e. preferre this Liberty ) he most lawfully , and commendably may . But this Authour hath not thought fit to make this Interpretation , or account of that place necessary to be given him . As for the truth of his Affirmation , that this Bondman with his ear bored , was released at the year of Jubilee , 't is that , which , as it doth not well consist with the words of Moses , [ He shall serve him for ever ] Exod. 21.6 . and Deut. 15.17 . so it is not proved by any other place , or made probable that [ for ever ] is not an absolute [ for ever . ] One place in Leviticus , there is Chap. 25.41 . which saith , that the poor Brother that is sold to be a bond servant , shall be free at the year of Jubilee , and proportionably the servant ( spoken of by me in Exodus and Deuteronomy ) is to be set free from that servitude , to which he was sold ( i. e. the forced and constrein'd , not purely voluntarily servitude ) in the seventh , or sabbatick year , and so by the same reason in the Jubilee , which is the great Sabbatick ( made up of seven times seven ) in the place of Leviticus . § . 17. But this Author must mark , that this person thus set free , is not the Jew of whom Doctor Hammond spake , but the other that hath made the voluntary surrender of his Liberty , he that , when the Sabbatick yeare comes ( or consequently the year of Jubilee , which offers him the same release ) resolves , that he will not goe out free , refuses to make use of the advantage of a Jubilee , and so hath no more releases behind ; and consequently by this act of his is in an irreversible estate , remains a servant for ever . And so this more specious answer appeares to have as little of truth , or substance in it , as the two former . § . 18. To which , yet I might further adde , That in case it were granted , that the next year of Jubilee gave this man release also , yet would not this avoid the concludency of this place for the lawfulnesse of giving up our Liberty ( which is the onely point in hand ) because he that can doe it for seven , or for fifty yeares , can surely doe it : and although having done it , he shall have Liberty , after that number of yeares , to retract , if he please , yet is this no obligation that he shall retract , but onely a priviledge that he may , which priviledge he may againe as lawfully deny himselfe to make use of , as before he did of his first Liberty . § . 19. Mean while the conclusion , or close of this Authors reasoning is a little more extraordinary yet . For having from ( the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of ) the Jubilee , inferr'd that he did not make himself irrecoverably a slave , he proceeds . [ And if so ( i. e. sure , if he made not himselfe a slave irrecoverably ) where is the warrant from God , or Nature , from passiing away his freedome , or Liberty at all ? and if so , how without recall , and irreversibly ? ] Is it possible this Author could think these conclusions demonstrated so logically , as that he should set them downe by way of question , which supposes them irrefragable at the first asking ? § . 20. For the first of them , is not the contrary most demonstrable ? that if he were a slave till the year of Jubilee , ( as t is confest he was , and withall that he was so by Gods permission ) then there is warrant from God for passing away his Liberty in some degree , and for some space , though not irrevocably . Doth not he serve at all , that serves not eternally ? or is that no warrant at all , which is such for a limited time only ? Then sure are we not at all permitted to be men , or warranted by God ▪ or Nature , to live in this world , because we have our Jubilee too , our time of manumission from hence . § . 21. And for the second , what is that but a plaine Circle , first to infer the [ not at all ] from the [ not irrevocably ] and then in same breath , the [ not irrovocably ] from the [ not at all . ] How reconcileable this is with the Authours popular title of Philodemius I dispute not , but resolve , it is not the particular merit which bestowed on him that other more regular of Eutactus . § . 22. And for the dexterity that is exprest in the conclusion of the whole section , [ That therefore , that absolute , and unreserved resignation of a mans native Liberty , &c. without any just condition , or adaequate exchange , ( which saith he , is hereby pleaded for by the Doctor ) can have no rise , or origination from God , or reasonable nature ] ( imposing on the Doctor directly against his sense , those words of so irrationall importance , [ without any just condition , or adaequate exchange ] I shall suppose that this was an effect of the necessary wants of his cause , and a discreet praevision that his conclusion could not subsist without such supplies , which made him venture on such indirect meanes . § . 23. For Doctor Hammond is not such an enemy to man-kind , as to plead for such irrationall actings , or to become his advocate that makes imprudent , or unthrifty bargaines , ( though by the strength of his free will to evill , he may possibly do so sometimes , and be obliged by his owne act , and justly suffer the inconveniences , and smarts of it ) but resolveth , that both the Campanians in their dedition , and the Barbarians in their request to the Romans , that they might have leave to become their servants ; and the Jew in Moses's supposition , that loved his Master , and preferr'd his service before his manumission , ( I shall adde my selfe also , who professe to prefer ( in my choice for my selfe ) subjection before absolute Liberty , nay , before Soveraignty it selfe , and believe it a farre more sober , and consequently rationall speech in Saul , 1 Sam. 9.21 . which exprest some aversation to Samuels proposal about anointing him , then that other of Absolons , O that I were a Judge , or King , &c. ) did all part with their Liberty upon adequate exchanges , such , as they ( which were the fittest judges what themselves thought ) did conceive to be the full worth of the commodity they parted with : And such a rationall power of parting with absolute Liberty for somewhat that I like better , ( i. e. for subjection to Government , which is , 1. in it selfe , farre removed from slavery ; and 2. is the onely way to secure men from the danger of it ) is all that that Addresse had occasion to assert , or plead for at that time . § . 24. One thing more there is , which I may be allowed to adde , ( having thus farre reply'd to all his answers ) that the conclusion which was in the Addresse inferr'd from that practice of the Jewes , was farther confirm'd by the practice of diverse Heathens , who can neither be excused by the pretence of a permission , or speciall dispensation from God to doe unnaturall things ( as he thinks may be affirmed of the Jew ) nor yet were observed by the most rational Historians to have done any thing contrary to Reason or Nature , in changing absolute Liberty for somewhat which seemed better , and more advantagious to them , to wit , for security , and protestion , i. e. in changing a state of common hostility , ( the unhappiest lot in nature ) for that other ( set down by the Apostle as the object of their Christian * pursuite , and emulation , and * contention ) a quiet setled peace . The advantage of which change , he that is not inclined to acknowledge , must be of a temper of minde , or body so distant from that , which God hath given me , that I shall not wonder , that that which seemes to me most demonstractively asserted , is to him so farre from being acknowledged such . I shall adde no more to the vindicating of the first proposition , till I meet with the temptation of better , or more dangerous arguments against it . § . 25. I proceed as briefly to the second , which is proposed in the Addresse by way of question , Whether ever any man was by God , or Nature , invested with power of his owne Life , i. e. with power to take away his owne Life , to kill himselfe ? The vindicating of which , I must acknowledge a taske , to which I did not expect , that the Doctor should be call'd ; having not , till now , been so fully convinced of the danger , and ill consequences of favouring the excesses of those mens wits , who have maintained paradoxes , or of the improvidence of those that have tempted others by the publishing of them . § . 26. For certainly about two yeares since , before the time , that the postthumous {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} : was set out , a man might in this Nation have adventur'd to have asked so calme a question [ whether a man might Lawfully kill himself ? ] and not have feared a challenge in Print for this injury , or encroachment upon the liberty of our Nature . And I conceive those Lawes of our Land , which have look'd on this selfe-slaughter , as an inhumane crime , and punish'd it after Death , with the deniall of Christian buriall , & a marke of reproach upon the grave , might , when time was , have been able to have come in to the assistance of so known a truth ; had not the sacred rites of Christian buryall been now so despised , and profaned , that the wanting them hath ceased to be esteemed a punishment among us ; had not the Custome of killing other men so harass'd our Consciences , and obliterated all the remainders of written , and unwritten Lawes , that we need not be wondred at , if the swords , which have been so flesht abroad , mistake their way sometimes , and return on the owners brests . And lastly , had not the deduction been so prone , and easie from the Generall , to the particulars , from the Lawfulnesse of a Nations destroying it selfe , to a single persons going and doing likewise , from the justifying of civil intestine slaughters of the publicke , to that other more tolerable crime of a single violence . § . 26. As it is , I shall not endeavour to perswade my selfe ( as the Pyrrhonian in Sextus Empiricus , would teach me to do ) that I was in a dream , when I read D. Hammond cited , and confuted for thus affirming ; I must rather provide for the encounter , and hasten to answer the arguments , which this Author hath offered against this branch of the sixt commandement ( as he met with it in the Doctors hands ) or else t will be possible this opinion may gather Proselytes also in this age , wherein nothing can be said so incredible , which some men doe not make a shift to take up , and believe very contentedly . § . 27. His first argument is drawne from the Doctors Concession , that man hath power from God and Nature over his owne body to cut , and lance it , and over his owne freedome to passe it away , from whence , if he doe any thing , he must undertake to conclude , that therefore he hath power over his life also ; And to doe that , he must make good these three things : § . 28. 1. That since the confutation of the former proposition , he hath now chang'd his minde , and agrees with Doctor Hammond , that a man hath from God or Nature power over his freedome to passe it away , ( for otherwise , though it will be an advantage against Doctor Hammond , who confest it , yet will it not be of use to himself who professeth the contrary ) and again that he hath forgotten , what in his very last period he had affirmed [ that God doth not intrust and allow any man to have power to destroy his owne image , i. e. to take away mans life , but him , or them whom he makes Gods , i. e. Magistrates to whom he deputes his owne place ] for sure it cannot be thought , that every private man in the community of Nature , is such a Vicegerent of God , or Magistrate . § . 29. 2. That the argument , à minori ad majus affirmativè , is valid , against all Logicke , viz : That he that hath power over the body , or over freedome , is supposed to have power over Life also , and so that the Surgeon , that may scarify the flesh , or cut off an Arme , may therefore as Lawfully slash the throate , and cut off the head also , and in like manner that the Master by being such , is become the Judge of his Servant , and hath among Christians that power of his Life , which he hath seldome been allowed among the worst of Heathens . § . 30. And 3. That God , which hath put something in our power , is thereby obliged to reserve nothing to himselfe ; Or that by giving us the usus fructus , or benefits of Life , he hath giving us the absolute dominion , and propriety of it also . § . 31. But without either of these 3 more difficult undertakings , the Authour hath attempted an easier way , by supposing that neither cutting of flesh , nor Parting with freedome may be endured by God or Nature , unlesse they referre to such an end , whereby a farre greater good is to be enjoyed , and obtained : that cutting or lancing ( without this necessary circumstance of a greater good ) is a step or degree toward selfe murther , &c. From whence the Conclusion , I suppose , must be , that by the same reason the Killing of ones selfe , may then also be conceiv'd allowable by God , when it is referr'd by me to such an end , whereby a far greater good is to be enjoyed , and obtained , but never else . § . 32. To which I shall make these clear Replyes , 1. That a thing directly forbidden by God , cannot be thought approveable by him , upon the referring of it to a morall ( much lesse if it be but an advantagious or profitable ) good end . Their damnation is just , that say , they may doe evill that good may come : And that this is not a begging of the question ; but that , indeed , self-homicide is evill , and forbidden by God , will be clear by remembring these three things , 1. That the command of not killing , is indefinite ; and that he that kils himselfe , doth certainly kill , that he that sheds his own bloud , sheds the bloud of a Man : and 2. That the Image of God residing on him ( which is the ground of this prohibition in Moses , Gen. 9.6 . ) is as truly so , when 't is beheld in the reflexion , as when in the direct line , in my self , as in any other man . 3. That the power of Life is Reserved a peculiar to God , and not communicated to the Creature , ( save onely to his Vice-gerent ) which may thus appear . God as the Creator of the World , and sole doner of life must be acknowledged to have the dominion over it : This dominion consequently is communicated to none but to those to whom by God it is communicated ; To the Magistrate this power is given by that Law of God , whereby he prescribes the putting certain Malefactors to Death ; and whereby he constitutues the Magistrate his Vice-gerent on Earth , and so the executioner of that Law , an avenger for wrath , Rom. 13. And whosoever will challenge the like power , must shew the like charter , and evidence ; and if he cannot doe that , that is sufficient to prove that he hath it not ; As 't is sufficient to convict any man of the injustice of any his claime to my estate , that he cannot shew any deed whereby it was convey'd to him from me ; And there need no other Affirmative proof against such an one , then that it was once in me , and it appeares not how it parted from me to any other . And therefore , till some evidence be produced , ( which I suppose will never be ) that this power of life is made over from God to every private man , the demonstration is abundantly clear , that that power is not in any private man any more over himselfe then others . And it is observable to this very purpose , that though the Stoicks , to teach their Disciples apathy , or courage against whatsoever events did talk of that sure remedy against all temporal pressures , the going out , or killing themselves , ( looking on it favourably as a refuge , or sanctuary from all those things which might otherwise be phansied unsupportable ) yet when they considered it this other way , ( as every thing , they said , had two handles ) i. e. in respect of God , who placed them here ; it was generally resolved by them , viz. by Seneca , and the wisest of them ( and the more foolish of that Sect , are seldome found to practice the contrary ) that we must not on our own heads desert our station , but maintaine that ground on which our Generall hath set us , and waite with courage and patience , till he think fit to command us off againe . As for the other two , power over the flesh , and the freedome , the cutting of one , and parting with the other , they are no degrees toward the taking away life , but on the contrary are used on purpose for the preserving of it , in its being , or well being , the one by the rules of physick , the other of policy ; and therefore is the power of those allowed us by God , and Nature , because they are thus instrumentall to that end , and submitted to our discretion , because they may be so . Thus are some things referred to the Stewards judgement , and put into his power , to dispose for the good of the Family , and yet others reserv'd peculiar , and sacred in the Masters own hands . Thus are my Writings put into my Lawyers hand , for him to use to the preserving of my Estate ; yet is not my Estate put into his power to dispose of it at his pleasure for some greater end . And the argument would be very infirme , because that power which the Steward , or Lawyer hath intrusted to him , ought not to be used by him , but in order to some good end ; that therefore , that which is not so entrusted to him , may be thus assumed also . Some rayes there have alwayes been communicated from Heaven to this Earth of ours ; and yet some Flowers of of that celestiall Crown , which have been reserved as sacred , and incommunicable . And so there will be no kind of weight or concludency in this present way of arguing , this ballancing of flesh or liberty with Life , till it appear also from the same , or equall evidence , that those are reserved by God , as Life appears to be . This certainly without any more help , is a full satisfaction to this argument . § . 33. But then secondly , & ex abundanti , the Killing my self is no way ordinable to good , 1. 'T is not ordinable to mine owne present worldly advant●ge , as lancing , and subjection may be , that is clear ; and that is a reason why God should not give us this Liberty , ( though if we were not able to render reasons , the wisdome of the Law-giver were reason enough ) and for future advantages to my selfe , the being with Christ , which is farre better , 1. that cannot be taken notice of by bare Nature , till that be Christianized : and then 2. according to the Christians rules , we have all reason to resolve that 't will not be purchast by any other way , but by that which God hath prescribed toward it , i. e. by lawfull unprohibited courses . It being evident , that the Crown which is held in Gods hand shall not be dispenced to any , but those which doe {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , strive lawfully , and that patience of waiting till God calls , is one of the Lawes that are thus prescribed in our {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . § . 34. As for advantages to others , the Publick-weal , or peace , 't is not imaginable , how the killing my self can be directly , or otherwise then by accident , ordinable to that ; whatsoever can be conceived of it , will be as sufficiently provided for by the Magistrates having power of life ; and that he may have from God immediately , as well as he can be supposed to have it from any act of collation from me , if 't were in my power . § . 35. Lastly , For any morall , or Christian virtue , or yet farther , the illustrating of the Glory of our Creatour , ( which alone deserve the title of good ends ) 't is not the having an unlimited power , that immediately , or directly contributes to these , but the making use of the limited powers we have , the imploying the lives which he hath given us , according to his will , and not the destroying them contrary to it , I shall not need to prosecute this . All that is in this place pretended by the Author to this purpose , is onely this , that a man may freely consent , and willingly expose his life to death for a greater , or publiker good . § . 36. Where by consenting I shall suppose him to mean a consent of the will to that action which immediately followes , i. e. to the exposing his life to death , ( and if by consent he should mean any thing else , as the consenting , that the other shall kill him , or the making it free and lawfull to that other , to take away his Life , then hath he put two very distant things together , and so 't is but the ordinary fallacy plurium interrogationum , and in that Notion of Consenting I shall anon shew that man may not , i. e. hath not power so to Consent . ) And to the proving of this , it is , that his remaining endeavours ( as farr as concernes Doctor Hommond ) are directed . And accordingly he saith , He will be so bold as to state the Question as it ought , i. e. to remove it from the words and sence wherein Doctor Hammond proposed it ( and in which it is that his whole discourse is grounded ) to those other words of his owne , most extreamly distant in sound and sence ; and in which I am as confident , that the truth is on his side , ( if Consent signifie no more then I take it to signifie ) as I am , that that truth doth not contradict those other truths , which by Doctor Hammond are superstructed on his foundation ; or that the Proposition , as 't is stated by the Doctor , is all that is necessary to be affirm'd for the founding of the rest of his discourse . § . 37. For I desire to know , whether there be no difference betwixt killing my self , and exposing my life to death ? If so , then it must be not onely lawfull so to kill my self ( which is all the Author demands ) but sometimes an act of duty , and necessity also : For so certainly ( in the assisting my Soveraign , or Country to hazard , and expose my life , when I am thereto lawfully called ; and so againe , to suffer Martyrdome in the confession of Christ , or discharge of any Christian duty , is not onely lawfull for me to doe , but I sinne if I doe it not . And yet I doe not perceive that this Authour hath laid this obligation , or necessity on himselfe , or any man else in any case to kill ( or lay violent hands upon ) himselfe , and so I suppose he is still of the Doctors mind , ( though he be willing to conceal it ) that there is a difference between these . § . 38. And if there yet want any farther light to the clearing of this difference between this [ having power of my owne life so as to kill my selfe , and that [ having power of my life , so as to expose it , or venture it in a good Cause ] I shall ( for the concluding of this Paper ) propose the plaine difference betweene them . § . 39. And that may be taken from the nature of the word [ exposing ] for that we know signifies no more , then to submit it to an hazard , and so to expose my life , is to hazard my life : In doing so , all that can be affirm'd of me , is no more then this , that I am willing , or content ( and by my actions expresse that willingnesse ) to lose my life , if God please to permit it to be taken from me . § . 40. When my life is thus lost , three things must necessarily concurre to it , 1. The Violence of the invader ; 2. The Providence of God permitting him to invade ; and 3. My not resisting , or my not using the meanes ( which were naturally possible for me to use ) to prevent , or avoid the violence of this invasion , as when Christ might have used Angels ( and another slight , and a third complyance , and caution ) but chooseth not to doe so . Of these three the onely efficient cause of the action ( of killing ) is the malicious violent invader ; sure neither the providence of God in permitting , nor my owne meeknesse , or obedience to Christ in following him , though it be to the very Crosse . § . 41. In this case , supposing that it be for a good End that I now expose my life ; it is also supposed , that the pursuance of that end is either duty in me , a thing that I am absolutely bound to , as the Confession of Christ , &c. or else that t is excesse of Charity , to which , though it be not under particular precept , yet the Intuition of some great , and glorious end doth so invite , and incline me , that t is heroicall Virtue in me to doe it , and that which ( though God doth not so require it of me , as that I sinne , if I doe it not , yet ) he hath promised to reward abundantly , whensoever 't is done for his sake . § . 42. In the former of these cases , when the pursuance of that good end is strict duty , as in case I am commanded to confesse Christ , or to assist my Prince in protecting my Country , There as my endeavour is required of me by that precept , so is my utmost endeavour , such as I must not remit , whatsoever the danger be ; And if that danger prove to be the utmost danger , even of my l●fe it selfe , yet the command of Constancy , of not fearing , or fainting , and the character of perfect love given by Saint John , that it casts out fear , and the denunciations against the fearfull , or cowardly , doe all joyne to extend my obligation , to pursue this so necessary End without any receding , and if the Crosse it self lie in my way toward this end , to take it up , i. e. willingly to submit to Gods Providence , which hath thought fit to call me to this Tryall , if it be even of resisting unto bloud . And so still all that I doe , is the constant , patient , chearfull submission to Gods Will ( in his providentiall disposing of my life , and in permitting the injurious to take it from me ) and nothing else ; an absolute choise of Obedience , but not of Death ; a sacrificing to duty all desire of Life , but not otherwise undertaking to dispose of it . § . 43. Hence is it that my venturing of my Life doth not clear , or free the Invader , from any degree of sinne , or guilt in thus taking it away from me . 'T was but a Sarcasme or Trope in Julians Souldiers , to say , they did not wrong the Christians by killing them , but onely hasten them to their desired home : And the Fathers were able to answer the Paralogisme by the rule in Ethickes , distinguishing betwixt a mixt , and absolute will ; and so concluding their slaughters to be Injuries , though they were willingly embraced , the Persecutors to be Persecutors still , though the other were Martyrs . § . 44. Which is a demonstrative proof , that 't is the Invader , not Sufferer , whose act the killing is supposed to be , and so that I am not in this case of exposing my Life , supposed to give any Consent that he shall kill me , or consequently to divest my self of the power of my life , or indeed to have any such power over it . For whatsoever is absolutely in my power to dispose of , that I may lawfully consent to part with ; That if I doe part with it , ipso facto , and jure * becomes his , to whom I part with it ( and if there be any errour in it , 't is chargeable on the giver , who was thus profusely Liberall above the proportion : ) And consequently for him to take and use it , is in him no sinne ; As that part of my Estate which is in my power , may by me be past over to another by gift , and being so , is lawfully possest , and enjoy'd by the receiver . § . 45. And therefore , I say , if the lawfullnesse of the exposing my Life would conclude me to have a power over it , it must be as perfectly lawfull for the Tyrant , into whose hands my Life ( in the confessing of Christ ) is by me exposed , to take that Life from me , as 't is for the poor man into whose hands my goods are by me put ( in obedience to Christs command of mercifulness ) to receive , and carry away those goods ; which being an absurdity too grosse to be defended by any , will , I suppose , incline this Author to discerne the distance betwixt the questions , as the one is by him , and as the other was by Doctor Hammond proposed . § . 46. And in like manner also , when the End pursued by me , is ( though not absolutely necessary , yet ) better and more excellent ; there the Precept of being faithfull unto death , and the promise of reward made to him tht layes down , or loses his life for Christs sake , doe as much oblige to constancy , at least , as much assure that such constancy shall be acceptable to God , ( and that the more by how much greater the hazards , and terrours , and temptations are to the contrary ) as when the particular matter of the action was under precept . And so that other accidentall difference will make no variation in the main , nor make it at all probable , that exposing my life heroically was not warranted by God , when exposing it necessarily , was supposed to be so : it being as certain that God doth warrant me to doe that which he commends , as what he strictly commands to me : And therefore what was said in the case of duty , doth as truly hold ( and so needes not to be repeated againe ) in this case of [ more excellent ] also . § . 47. Having thus far proceeded , it will now be unnecessary for me to answer the Arguments which this Author addes in this matter , because the Question being by him changed from that , which was proposed by Doctor Hammond ( and stated Negatively ) to another , which no man can be more ready to affirme , and assert then that Doctor ; It would be an impertinent nicenesse in him to refuse to have his Opinion confirmed by another mans reasons ; I shall rather wish that all his proofs were demonstrative , and effectuall to conclude , what Doctor Hammond affirms with him ; and onely briefly shew , that they are ineffectuall to prove what that Doctor denies , and that will soon be done by the most cursory mention of them . § . 48. For first , I grant with him that God permitted his owne Sonne to be put to death by the hands of violent , and unjust men , but see no consequence from thence , that Christ , as a Man might lawfully have taken away his own Life ; as for the phrase of laying down the life for the sheep , that sure signifies not the killing himself , for the goodnesse of the Shepheard consists not in that ) the cutting his owne throat , when the Wolfe invades the Flock ; but the making use of his Life to the utmost , wherein it may be advantageous to the Sheep , and venturing , and hazarding it in their defence , or quarrell ; yea , and contentedly suffering ( not acting in ) his own death , that he may be able to avert theirs . For this is the meaning of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to lay downe the life , ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to venture himselfe voluntarily into danger , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , in the notion in which the Greek Glossaries explain the phrase , from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , i. e. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Hesychius , and the Latine , Parabelanum animae suae esse , i. e. all one with {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) to expose it , not to be so solicitous for the defence of it , as to forgoe da●y , or charity , or care of the poor sheep intrusted to him , for the preserving of it . § . 49. A second Argument is by this Author touched on ( though not formally urged by him ) that the preserving whole societies from perishing is a good , and a publick end , and that the impunity of offenders being the readiest way to the dissolution , and destruction of societies , Nature is supposed to dictate that one man should rather justly die , than whole societies unjustly perish . This Conclusion , and Premisses , the Doctor doth , as the Author foresaw , most willingly acknowledge , but withall discernes not , how it proves that a man hath power over his owne life : It will be sufficient if God by any other meanes ( as by instating it in the Prince &c. ) do place that power of life in others . The utmost which this way of arguing can pretend to conclude , is , 1. That whatsoever any man hath in his own power , that t is reasonable for him to deliver up into the Governours hand , ( thus to make it easie , or possible to discharge his trust , and by these advantages to contribute to the publike quiet and weale . ) Nay 2. that God that hath the power of life , and sees how usefull 't is to have that vested in Governours , should consequently be supposed so to vest it ( And that he doth so , is the clear acknowledgment of the Addresse . ) § . 50. But sure it cannot extend so farre , as to make a man give ( or have ) that which he hath not , nor to restraine God from having the sole Originall power of that , which otherwise might be acknowledged to be vested in him . § . 51. As for the supposition , which the Author here addes on the back of this , [ In case 10 men in the community of Nature chose one to rule over them , and one of them thus spontaneously subjected shall murther one of his fellow Subjects ] ( whereupon he demands whether the ruler so set up may not by his own consent by virtue of that power he received from him among the rest , put such a Murtherer to death ) To this I answer , that the Governour may in this case put the Murtherer to death , but this not by virtue of any power , or consent of the Murtherer , but by authority from God , who alone hath the power of life ; In relation to which it is that the Governour is styled {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Minister of God , in this very notion , as he is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , an avenger for wrath or punisher of offenders . § . 52. That which is in the Subjects power the Governour may have by the Subjects consent , and by virtue of the power which he received from him ; And therefore it is that the power of violent resisting invaders , the right of repelling force by force , which God and Nature hath given the single man in community of Nature , is now , in case of submission to the Governour , parted with , and deposited by him , so far as refers to the Governor , and though it be founded in selfe-defence , yet he that thus violently resists the powers , shall receive to himselfe damnation . § . 53. But still that which is not in the Subjects power , is not , nay cannot be vested by the subject in the Governour , but flowes from an higher principle ( from him that really hath the power ) and comes from the Subjects consent , onely , as from the causa sine quâ non , or by way of resultance ; That as God communicates not this power of life to any but the Governour ; so that mans Consent , that hee should be his Governour , doth remotely ( and by way of condition , or qualifying of the subject to a capacity of receiving that power from God ) concurre to the vesting of that power in that person . Thus doth the temper of the aire contribute to the qualifying the slime , or putrid matter to receive influences from the Sunne , and then those influences beget life in it , and endow it with that higher principle , which the temper of the aire , that contributed all it could , ( having not thus much in its power ) could not be affirm'd to contribute to it . § . 54. And so you see the Doctors way of stating this question doth as fully provide for the punishing of Malefactors , and preserving of communities , as the supposing the power of life to proceed originally from the People , would be able to doe ; As he that affirmes the Soule in every birth to be infused by God , makes as sure a provision for Generation , and consequently for the preservation of the humane species , as they that suppose the Soul to be traduced from the Parents , as well as the Body . § . 55. His last Argument is from Rom. 5.7 . For a good man one would dare to die , i. e. saith he , would with the presence of a resolved Spirit die ; the word [ daring ] saith he , noting a presence of minde terrified with no dangers . To this Argument againe , as far as by the Author it can be extended , i. e. to the acknowledgement , or concluding of the lawfullnesse of a valiant couragious suffering of death , either for a publick good , or for some act of eminent private charity , I am fully of the Authors mind . § . 56. But the word [ dying ] in that place , signifying no more then submission of the Will , contentednesse , or willingnesse to suffer death , not by his owne , but by some other mans hands , an {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a taking those blowes ( though never so sharp and mortall ) on his owne shoulders , and brest , which were meant by the Enemy to another ( to the mercifull , or good man in that Text ) there is no Logick can conclude from hence , that a man hath any power over his owne life , to take it away from himselfe by any act of force , ( as {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} among the Attick Writers , is , saith Phrynicus , used {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , He that kils himselfe , takes upon him an Independent Authority over himselfe ) or to give it into another mans hands , so that he may without any farther Authority ( without any investiture of the power of the Sword from God ) lawfully take it from him . I shall conclude this with an observation of Boethius , that the love of life is not seated in the will of the Creature , but in the principles of Nature . That so our lives may not be ventured on the uncertainties & hazards of our owne passions , or satieties , which may incl●ne the will to prefer death sometimes , but in the instincts of that more constant immutable Rule , which alwayes prescribes the preserving of those treasures , by God and Nature entrusted to us . § . 57. Having made this short , and suddaine returne to this Authors reasonings , Doctor Hammond will leave the matter most willingly , where this Author hath placed it , at the feet of all ingenuous , and unprejudiced Readers , and will endeavour ( as unpassionately as any man ) to approve himself a Servant of Reason , and embracer , or friend of Truth , wheresoever he meets with it ; upon which score , he is content to acknowledge some Obligations to this Author , who hath occasioned this farther survey of his former affirmations , and given all other men some cause to be more confirmed in the perswasion and assurance of the truth of them . And thus much I conceive is sufficient to have said upon this occasion . § . 58. BUt it seemes the Readers quiet is not to be obtain'd so easily ; for while that which hath been thus said was under the Printers hand , Mr. John Goodwin's {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} came forth , and by the mention of Doctor Hammonds name twice in his Title page , gave reason to delay this Vindication so long , till it might appear whether 't would be usefull to adde any thing to it ( upon this new occasion ) by way of Post-script . And herein it hath proved a little unluckily , that this second Advocate of the same cause falling upon this passage in the Addresse ( the Subject of our present discourse ) hath yet in his judgement upon it so varied from the former Author , that as he hath yeilded the question hitherto debated , and confest that no man hath by nature the power over his owne life ; so he hath provided a new task for me , by denying the Doctors consequence from hence , [ that then this power cannot be derived to Kings by Men , or from the People . ] This I confesse is somewhat strange that that should be imagined derivable by men , or from the people , which at the same time 't is confest no man hath . I have lately learn'd a * Scotch Proverb from Master Henderson , and finde by search the meaning of it to be this plaine English , that nothing is derivable from any place , which was never there : and Mr. Goodwin acknowledges the strength of that consequence to stand in the authority of this Maxime , Nihil dat quod non habet , Nothing gives that to another which it hath not it selfe . And truly , I shall never desire a firmer basis for any conclusion of mine then such an acknowledged Principle as this . Should I finde any part of my possessions in M. Goodwins hands , and he justifie his Title to it , by pretending the donation , or sale from Philodemius to him , and I produce evidence that this was never in the possession of Philodemius , would there be any more required of me , to conclude consequently , that 't was not derivable from Philodemius to him ? would it not be a strange reply , to say , That this consequence depended on the Authority of a Topick Maxime ? The word [ Topicke ] I suppose to be here prefixt by him upon a designe of diminution , as Topicall is equivalent with probable , and oppos'd to demonstrative . But I hope this is not thus a Topick Maxime . Can any demonstration be more convincing , then that which is built upon a Principle , as acknowledg'd as any in the Mathematicks , and the contrary of which implies a contradiction [ to have , and not to have ? ] § . 59. As for the reason of denying this consequence , which Master Goodwin renders , because [ though no particular man hath by nature this power over his owne Life , yet as a member of community he hath , not simply a power , but a necessity lying upon him by way of duty , &c. to consent with others , that his life shall be taken from him ] 1. 'T is not to me imaginable , that he should have a necessity of duty lying upon him ▪ who hath not simply a power , meaning , as here he must , a power of doing it lawfully . And 2. For this power , or necessity of consenting onely ( as that differs frōthe power of giving ) this will be of no kind of force , unlesse it also appear that the Magistrate derives the power of life ( which is suppos'd to be in him ) from this consent of theirs , or that it is this consent of theirs , and nothing else which gives him that power . But this is so far from being proved , that it is not so much as affirm'd by Master Goodwin : And on the other side 't is clear , that the bare consenting that a thing shall be taken out of my hands , is very distant from the taking upon me to give it ; the latter pretends and supposeth a possession , or investiture in the giver , the former doth not in the Consenter ; and so , though the latter would be of some use ( if granted ) to inferre Mr. Goodwins conclusion , that the power is originally from the people , yet the former will be no way able to inferre it . § . 60. The matter will be very visible by example in any Trust , or Stewardship . The Lord intrusts to his Steward the keeping of a summe of money , after that he assignes it over to some other man by Bill of Attorney , and legally vests his right in that other . In this case the Steward formerly intrusted consents , that that other shall take what is thus by the Lord assigned to him , and indeed a necessity lies upon him by way of duty so to doe . In this case I shall ask M. G. from whom this money is deriv'd to this other ? from the Lord , or from the Steward ? I hope he will acknowledge from the Lord : The same againe , when the King delivers a Castle by way of Trust , to be kept by one of his Subjects , and after assignes it over to his Sonne , and the Subject that kept it , consents that the Sonne should have it , and so the Sonne enters upon the possession ; the case is clear , that 't is not from the Subject that the Sonne derives this possession ( though 't is as true that the Subject consents to deliver it up ) but from the King onely : and that Act of the Subject is no expression of any right in him , from him conveyable to the Sonne , but onely of his Trust , and subordination to the King . And this is generally the difference betwixt Investitures and Trusts : what is vested in me , I may give , or derive to another , what is intrusted onely , I cannot : the Servant cannot dispose of his Masters goods , yet that his Masters disposall may stand good , he may , and ought to give his consent . This is so grossely true , that 't is pitty any longer to insist on it ; and yet 't is the very thing that the whole point in hand depends on , and was therefore , I conceive , so industriously involv'd , and obscured by Mr. Goodwin . § . 61. After this , Master Goodwin insensibly glides into another peice of artifice ; The power of life , saith he , is eminently and virtually in the people collectively taken , though not formally . And againe , A man , and a body of men , have power over their owne lives Radically , and Virtually , though not formally . This period of Master Goodwin seemes to be a new way of Answer , by applying distinction to the Antecedent , as the former was by denying the consequence . The Antecedent was [ That no man hath by nature the power over his owne life , &c. ] from whence the Addresse concludes that therefore [ This power cannot be diriv'd from the people ] To this Master Goodwin first returnes his acknowledgement , That if the consequence be right , it is a clear case , that Regall power is not originally in the people , but conferr'd on the Ruler immediately from God . This is an acknowledgement in him of the truth of the Antecedent , and a doubt onely of the consequence , which accordingly he immediately proceedes to invalidate : And therefore 't is a little strange ( and an argument that his first attempt was not very successefull to him ) that he should now so soone returne to deny the Antecedent ▪ at least to distinguish of it , having before so absolutely granted it . But to passe over this , and allow him this liberty of recalling his bounty , let us examine the force of his distinction . § . 62. The force of this distinction doth not , I conceive , respect the Subject [ the people ] ( as if that might be taken in two notions , either singly , or collectively ) because presently , without that distinction , he speakes indifferently of [ A man ] and [ A body of men ] but it belongs to the Copula , or word [ Is ] and then it must be thus dissolv'd . The power of life may be said to be in a man two wayes , 1. Formally , 2. Eminently and Virtually , and Radically . This distinction of Formaliter , and eminenter hath been apply'd by Philosophers to the Sun , and Heavenly Bodies : of which it being by them resolv'd , that they are simple and free from those mixtures to which our sublunary bodies are subject , and yet it being apparent , that they warme and heat other things , it is thereupon defined , that they have not heat , or other qualities in them Formally , ( i. e. in that manner , or kinde , that fire is hot , or we are hot ) but Virtually , and eminently , i. e. that they have some other Virtue , or faculty in them , higher , or more eminent then that heat which is in inferiour bodies : and that that doth enable them to warme other things , though they are themselves such pure creatures , as not to have those grosse qualities in them . Whether this be rightly affirm'd , or onely nicely conjectured by Philosophers ( for I suppose there is little known of those distant bodies beyond conjecture ) I shall not now enquire , but onely desire to be taught by Mr. Goodwin , how this can be made appliable to the matter in hand , i. e. to the power of life and death . This power , we know , is in God first , and if in any Eminently , and Radically , and Virtually , certainly in him : And in the Supreame Magistrate formally , being actually inherent in him , though not Originally , nor in so eminent a degree as in God it is . But can it thus be said also to be eminently , &c in the People , i. e. that the People have in them some higher , and more eminent Virtue , or faculty then the power of every man over his own life ; and that that supplies the place of that formall power , and that by it the People beget , or produce the power of life in the Supream Magistrate , as truly , as , if they had it formally , they could doe ? This is the meaning of the distinction in the ordinary , and onely notion of it , and must be it , if it be rightly appliable ; but Mr. Goodwin interprets his meaning of it , so farre from this , so farre from importing , or concluding the People to have such an higher power or faculty ( to which [ Eminently ] and [ Virtually ] in opposition to [ Formally ] belongs ) that 't is indeed by him set downe as much inferiour to that power formally inherent . For thus he interprets it , A Man , and a body of Men , have power over their owne lives Radically , and Virtually , in respect whereof , they may render themselves to a Magistrate , and to Lawes , which , if they violate , they must be in hazard of their lives , &c. By this I discerne two things , 1. That by this eminent , Virtuall , Radicall power , Mr. Goodwin understands that ( which is farre enough from the meaning of those words , and ) which Logicians call a remote , or indirect power , ( as that is oppos'd to an immediate , or direct ) or rather a power , to which this effect is meerly accidentall , as if the patient were said to have power to cure himselfe , meaning thereby that he hath power to submit himself to the Physitian , who is able to cure him . And for Mr. Goodwin to assume the liberty of speaking thus largely , was not , I suppose , his want of knowledge in propriety , but his willingnesse to receive advantage from this abuse of words : And then 2. If this be the onely meaning of the four hard words , ( Eminently , Virtually , Radically , and Formally ) viz. that 't is in the power of men ( or the People in community of nature ) to render themselves to a Magistrate , and to Lawes , to which rendring 't will be consequent , that they shall hazard their lives upon violating those Lawes , then , I say , are Mr. Goodwin , and Doctor Hammond very well agreed ; for this his explication of that distinction is very reconcileable with those words of the Addresse . This giving up their ( i. e. the peoples ) Liberties to one , or more , makes that man , or men , a Ruler over them , and being a Ruler , to him belongs ( deriv'd from God , not from them ) the power of life which Gods decree hath instated in the Supreame Power , or Ruler , who is therefore in that relation of avenger for wrath or punishment , a Minister of God , Rom. 13. &c. For whence is it that their rendring themselves to a Magistrate , in Mr. Goodwins stile , brings upon them that hazard of lives , in case of violation of Lawes , unlesse it be that he that hath power of their lives , placeth that power in that Magistrate to whom they have rendred , or subjected themselves ? That this is God , and not the People , I will not conclude to be Mr. Goodwins opinion , because 't is his maine designe to prove the contrary , but that those words of his , and his distinction so explained will bear that sense , I mean , that they will be true , and acknowledg'd by him , that acknowledges the power of Life to be onely in the Supream Governour , deriv'd from God , I conceive sufficiently manifest ; & consequently , that though this power be said to be in the People remotely , improperly , and indirectly , and so in Mr. Goodwins notion of eminently , &c. yet 't is not from the People , but from God onely , that the Governour hath it . § . 63. The reply will be as ready , and easie also to all force , or concludency of his next Argument , that which is taken from the Peoples power , to make , or consent to the making of Capitall Lawes . For 1. Mr. Goodwin cannot be ignorant that it hath been sometimes in the power of Kings to make Lawes , without the addition of any consent of the people : such were the Principum placitae among the Romans : and after it was thought fit by Princes to lay some restraint on themselves , both that they might be better advised , and more readily obeyed , then , though the peoples consent hath been deem'd necessary , yet doth this belong onely to the regulating , and modifying the exercise of this power : the Fundamentall power it selfe of life , being in the Supream Governour , before the making these Lawes ; Now 't is very easie to distinguish betwixt these two , the power , and the Regulating of the exercise of that power ; the power in the grosse , and the determination of that power to this , or that particular action . The interposition of man in the latter of these , doth no way prejudge the sole priviledge of God , in the donation of the former of them : As the Grace of God is his peculiar , and proper gift ; and yet man may give Directions , and Rules , how we are to act by that Principle , what use it will best become us to make of that pretious talent entrusted to us . And therefore , for the great Noon-day-Truth which Mr. Goodwin induceth from these , and the like considerations , viz. [ That men by nature have such a power over their lives , as voluntarily , &c. to expose them to the stroke of publique justice , in case they shall offend , &c. ] This being granted , is of no force against Doctor Hammond , but doth with him rather suppose a Publique Justice able to strike , i. e. a power of life already vested in the Magistrate , before this consent of the People , or abstractedly , without respect unto it . And so still it is not from this consent of the People , that this power is deriv'd to the hand of Publick Justice , but from some other higher principle , viz. that of God , to whom {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the avenging , or punishing of offenders , peculiarly belongs , and no other , but in subordination to , and substitution from him . § . 64. And what if the King , as M. Goodwin next alledgeth , have no power to take away the life of his Subjects without cause , or for every cause , but onely such as by Law are punishable with death ; what if he cannot command them to be their own Executioners ? Doth it follow from hence , that therefore , he hath the power of life from the People , not from God ? Doth the power of God so consist in doing causelesse , or irrationall things , that nothing which is exercis'd moderately , or ordinately , can be imagin'd to come from him ? I shall suppose that God himselfe hath perfect dominion over the world ; and yet that he observes rules of all-justice , and goodness in the exercise , and dispensing of that power , and hath not power of doing any thing contrary to those rules of eternall Justice ; which he hath prescribed to himself ; which to do by all wise men hath been counted an act of imbecility , not of power . And consequently , how naturall is it that he should thus determine , and limit his deputies also ? give them power of life over their Subjects , and yet command them to exercise that power with that just temperament , which either naturall , or civill , or municipall Lawes shall dictate , and prescribe them ? And therefore Master Goodwins arguing is very loose , and unconcluding ; [ That if the power which the King hath over the lives of the poeple , were immediately from God , then he might lawfully execute the same , and take away the lives of men , without any mediating direction , or warranty from any Law . ] For sure the same God that gives the Magistrate the power of life , doth command him also not to throw away that pretious trust causelesly , makes him his Minister for wrath to them that doe evill , and contrary wise a rewarder to them that doe well , and though he subject him not to any earthly superior , but reserve him to his own severe tribunall , yet he subjects him to reason , and rules of Justice , and ( when he hath undertaken to governe by that Standard ) to the positive municipall Lawes of that particular Kingdome also , and hath been as particular in prescribing Lawes to the Prince , to avoid Oppression , or acts of Height , as to Subjects to abstaine from resistance . § . 65. As for that proofe which Mr. Goodwin produceth to enforce his arguing , viz. [ That the execution of no commission immediately issued by God , ought to be suspended upon , or determin'd , or regulated by any comission , or constitution of men . ] It is as far from truth , as it could well have been contriv'd to be : As will appear if it be considered ; that the word [ Commission ] 1. signifies not an absolute , or positive Command , but onely a power , or investiture of Authority ; or if a Command , yet that 2. onely an Affirmative precept , the nature of which is , that it binds not ad semper , and so consequently , may be suspended at some time , by the free will of him that hath the Commission , much more if any weighty reason interpose to determine his will . 3. That this Commission is onely Generall , and indefinite , without application to particular cases , referring that application to the conjuncture and concurrence of circumstances , ( which ordinarily are humane , and Politicall ; ) and consequently to the discretion of Rulers judging by those circumstances : The intervenience of which circumstances makes the particular exercise of that Commission convenient , and seasonable in one place , and at one time ; and consequently , where they do not intervene , there the exercise of it may be at that time , and place suspended as unseasonable . As when the shedder of blood is by God commanded to be put to death , and yet some men accidentally , and invountarily fall under that Title , it must be in the power of the Magistrate , to suspend the execution of that sentence , or else the Innocent must loose the benefit of the Citty of refuge , and run the same fortune with the most murtherous designer . § . 66. After this manner 't is clear , that Christ had a Commission from heaven to worke Miracles , to cure Diseases ; yet 't is particularly affirm'd of the infidelity of his Country-men , that that suspended the exercise of his power for some time ; He could not doe many mighty works there because of their unbelief , yet , I hope , this will no way be thought to argue , that Christs commission issued from his Country-men , or from the belief of men , ( though that were necessary , to the exercise of it ) or that Christ did ill in suspendi●g the exercise of his Commission . In like manner the people of Israel had from God not onely a commission , but command to put the nations to death , Deut. 20.10 . And yet on those of them that were left , 1 Kings . 9.20 . Solomon suspended the act of that commission , and onely levied a tribute of bond-service ver. 21. Once more ; I shall suppose a Generall to receive power of Martiall Law from the Soveraigne in any Kingdome , this power he is not willing to exercise , but by a cognizance of each malefactors cause before a Councell of Warre . Here 't is plain that that Councell of Warre suspends that exercise of the Generalls power upon a particular man ; but sure it will no way follow from thence , that that Commission , which was suppos'd to issue to the Generall from the Soveraign , doth now issue not from the Soveraigne , but that Councell of Warre ; and then no more will the possibility of suspending the exercise of the Kings Commission by Law , &c. conclude that Commission to issue from the People , and not from God . And therefore in the case which Mr. Goodwin hath been confident to referre to Doctor Hammond to Arbitrate [ Whether the King hath any Regular or just power over the lives of men , other then that which is proportion'd , &c. by the Lawes of the State ] I suppose the Doctor may agree with Mr. Goodwin , and yet never be enforc'd , or concluded by that concession , to question the Originall of the power from God , the difference being discernible between the Power it self , and every particular exercise of that power ; and the suspension of the latter , farre from including the evacuation , or cancelling of the former . § . 67. The same answer will clear Mr. Goodwins succeeding Plea , pag. 26. That if the power of Kings over the lives of men , were by immediate derivation from God , then must this power be uniforme , &c. in all Kingdomes whatsoever . ] This consequence is farr from all appearance of truth ; Because the power may be from God , and yet that God that gives the power , may leave it in the particular exercises of it , to be determined either by the arbitration , and free will , and prudence of the Governour , where there are no Lawes , or by the Regulation of Lawes , where there are such ; The Dimensum , or proportion of power over the lives of the Subjects , which a Governour claimes , consists not in indivisibili , in any certain , or definite point , but is that which may enable him to discharge his office of Ruler , i. e. to protect his people , and restraine their inordinacies . And as farre as Reason , and ( which are supposed to be a branch of that ) paticular Lawes , ( subordinate to Gods Word ) see it fit to extend the exercise of that power , so far may that Ruler regularly extend it ; And whatsoever proportion it be , that he is intrusted with by God , 't is not reasonable that he should irrationally extend the exercise of it . And this regulation of indefinite power by such prudent limits as these ( i. e. by the Vniversall law of Reason and Justice , or by the particular conclusions , which the wisdome of Law-givers hath thought fit to deduce from thence ) cannot justly be quarrell'd , as a retrenchment of power , any more , then the infinite goodnesse of God which permits him not to be able to do any thing which is contrary to that attribute , is a manicling , or restraining his Omnipotence , but is onely a cultivating and dressing of it , a paring off the excesses , and exorbitances of it , and leaving it a form'd channell , instead of a vast or unbridled Ocean . § . 68. And thus I suppose the nature of Angels or men , which have bounds of Virtue and Conscience , and Lawes prescribed them , within which they are to move , and not to range unlimited in the desert of their owne uncertain proposals , cannot thereby be said to have lost the liberty of their species , or to have received no powers from God in their creation , though some regulations ( it must be acknowledged ) they are under , and consequently , determinations and suspensions for the exercise of their powers . And what inconvenience the affirming of this will bring upon the Doctor , what hazard of blaspheming of God , &c. I must professe my self so tame , as not to fore-see , or imagine , howsoever M. Goodwins {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} hath helpt him to phansie such invisible Mormos , and Anakims in our passage . § . 69. Next , it is but affirm'd , and not at all made probable by Mr. Goodwin , that the Affirming the Kings power over the lives of the people to be by immediate derivation from God , is to smite them with blindnesse , &c. and not to discover to them the Dan and Bersheba ( I suppose he meanes by this trope , the due bounds and limits ) of such their power ] I am sorry Mr. Goodwin should think it fit that such popular harangues should be admitted to supply the place of reason , and shall briefly reply , That they that affirme the power of the Sword to be from God derived to Magistates , doe at the same time define , and affirme , that those Magistrates are to remaine rationall creatures , and to continue under the Soveraignty of Reason , and all the branches of that , as farre as their particulars are concerned in it , i. e. to be ruled by the Vniversall Lawes of Justice and Equity , by the Civill Sanctions which tend to the preserving of Societies , and consequently by the particular Locall , or municipall Lawes of any Country , which are supposed to have a peculiar propriety toward the preserving , and regulating of that People . § . 70. 'T will now be to little purpose to prove that these two affirmations are reconcileable , the one deriving the power of life to the Ruler from God , the other acknowledging the regulation of this power by these bounds ; For there is no kind of repugnance , or contradiction , nothing but accord and amity between them : The very Hand of God that conferres this power , gives this very direction , and Law for the exercise of it , that they that rule other men should themselves be guided by Reason in all their actions : And what that Reason is in each particular emergent , they are not alwayes , or onely , the Judicialls of Moses , which are fit to direct us , but the wisdom sometimes of Particular Laws , and Law-makers . And so there is small danger either of ensnaring Kings , or disturbing States , ( as he seemes willing to fear ) by this doctrine ; which though it define the Originall of this power to be from Heaven , can yet allow the regulation of this power for the Exercise of it to be of an inferiour , Humane , Politicall Orgination . § . 71. One Argument more Mr. Goodwin is pleased to take in to disprove the immediate derivation of this power of life from God . Because , saith he , that derivation which is immediate from God , can by no wayes be assisted , furthered , or promoted by any creature , or second meanes , but this derivation of that power of life is at least furthered by the act of the people in electing , &c. Ergo , I shall not examine the force of his ensuing probations , which have frailties enough in them , but shall be content to suppose the most he can wish , or imagine , viz. That the people doe elect , or choose their King ; In this case , saith the Doctor , The people give not the power of their lives to that King , but by giving up their Liberties , &c. to him , nominate him to that office of supreame power , which , wheresover it is , God superinvests with the power of life . This is the Doctors stating of the question in his Andresse , and thereby the separation is evident between the Act of the People in Electing the person of the Ruler , and the Act of God in conferring this power of life . All that can be said of the former of these is that that act of the people is the meanes of determining the Generall decree of God ( that Rulers shall ( as his Deputies ) have the power of life ) to this particular person , not that it is an assistent , or sociall cause in conveying this power to the Ruler , much lesse that it shall undertake to wrest this power out of Gods hands , and assume it into their owne ; but , I say , as a causa sine quâ non , or a previous preparation of the subject , by their choise qualifying the person to be thus invested , and impower'd by God . And so , though the people in this case are supposed to doe somewhat , i. e. to Elect , and that election to determine this power of Gods to this person , yet is this power derived solely from God , as the Addresse hath sufficiently explain'd , and not from any act of the People : And therefore the word [ Furthering ] in Mr. Goodwins Argument , may be taken ( as an equivocall word ) in a double sence , either to denote actuall assistance , or contribution of force , or efficacy , toward the production of the effect , viz. of the power of life in the Ruler : And in that sence it is not true , that the Act of the People in Electing , doth further this power , it being the sole act of Gods decree to give that power , and nothing else . Or else the word [ Furthering ] may be taken to signifie no more then preparing , or qualifying the Subject to a capacity of receiving this power from God , ( as John Baptist prepared mens hearts for the receiving of Christ , when he came , but had nothing to do in the mission of him , which was the sole work of God ) and thus indeed , the Election of the People may further the derivation of this power from God to such a particular Ruler ; And there is nothing more ordinary then for Gods workes to be thus furthered by second causes , or meanes , even his work of Grace , which he ownes most peculiarly . The resemblance made use of in the Addresse , is very commodious to clear this whole matter . In the Generation of a child , the parents are acknowledged to contribute much , to be not onely furtherers , but even efficients in the production , Yet is it commonly agreed , that God creates , infuses , and inspires the Soul immediately . I need not examine , or attest the truth of the ordinary opinion , that the soule comes from heaven , not from the Parents ; because I now use it as a resemblance onely , and that it may be allowed to be , though it should not be true , and thus far at least it will be argumentative , that the electing of the person of the Ruler by the people , doth no more conclude that the power of life is not superinfused and derived to the Ruler ( so chosen ) from heaven , then the parents begetting of the child is an argument , that the soule is not superinfused from God . Our Phoenomena may be all very happily solved by this way of setting it ; and M. G. exceptions superseded , and the conclusion cleared , which was the onely one , which the Addresse desired to infer by this consideration , viz. That whatsoever were supposed of the peoples electing their Ruler , yet the Supream power neither is nor can be in the community of the people by force , meerly of their Originall , or naturall Liberty , upon this firme ground ( not yet shaken by M. G. or Philodemius ) that the power of life , which is part of the Supream Power , is not part of the naturall Liberty , nor consequently either inherent in the Community of men , nor by them communicable to any Representative . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ▪ The onely thing , which this rejoynder ( as the former discourse ) was designed to demonstrate most irrefragably . § . 72. And having proceeded thus farre to make returne to M. Goodwins offers of reason , I shall not endeavour to make payment to his Scoffes , pag. 28. or vindicate Doctor Hammond from his charge of overweeningnesse , &c. Though 't is not at all intelligible to me , how those words in the Addresse ( For it is possible that I may put you in minde of an evident truth , which perhaps you have not taken notice of ] should be chargeable with this {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or interpretable to any farther sense , then onely this , That this truth so evident in Doctor Hammonds opinion , was not by him ●onceived to be sufficiently taken notice of , or laid to heart by them , to whom he then made his Addresse . And if that Doctor were therein mistaken , or if he be justly charged in his next page ( together with the rest of his perswasion , under the title of the whole Legion of the Royall Faction ) as the first-borne of that evill Generation of Flatterers , for producing plain Arguments of Reason , and Scripture to avert , that which appear'd to him a heavy Sinne , and Judgement , from a Nation ; I must then betake my selfe to my Prayers , that God will forgive me my more discernible sinnes , ( when innocencies , and good offices to mankind are become so culpable ) and get out of his company as soone as I can , who can so readily shift the discourse from reasoning to defaming , and supply with reproaches what was wanting in Arguments . § . 73. I am now come to an end of this debate concerning the Power of life , but cannot be so prudent , or thrifty of my paines , as to dissemble the other exceptions , which ( in this book ) Master Goodwin hath made to some other parts of the Addresse ; I shall give you as brief an account of them as is possible . § . 74. The fitst , is his dislike of that Critick annotation , as he stiles it , of the Royall Doctor , taking notice that the Supream Power , or Ruler is stiled by the Apostle , Rom. 13. the Minister of God , and not of the people ] How this comes to be stiled a Critick annotation , ( which supposes it a Grammaticall one , ( as {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , are the parts divisive of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) where there is no use made of Grammar to deduce it , nor indeed of any thing but of the plaine words , as they lie in the Text ) I have not the skill , or sagacity to divine . All that Doctor Hammond affirmes is this , that the Supream power , Rom. 13. is stiled by the Apostle , the Minister of God , and not of the people . And is not this manifest to any that looks on Rom. 13.4 . where he is twice stiled {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Minister of God , and is neither there , nor anywhere else stiled the Minister of the People . § . 75. But , saith M. Goodwin , This no way infringes the credit of his conclusion , that Kings are the Servants and Ministers of the People . The Apostles were the Ministers of God , and yet they preach themselves also the servants of Men , 2 Cor. 4.5 . and Ministers of the Saints , Rom. 15.25 . &c. To this I answer , that the phrase {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Minister of God , signifies a Minister of Gods Ordination , and Institution , and though it may signifie somewhat else , yet this is the onely notion wherein Doctor Hammond takes it in his Addresse , according to Rom. 13. of which he speakes , where the powers are said to be ordained by God , and to be his Ordinance . Now he that is thus a Minister of God , cannot be so also of the People , because these two Ordinations being incompatible , he that holds by one , must needs disclaime holding by the other . Another notion there may be of the phrase , as it signifies performing of service to God ; and so indeed the same Apostle that serves God , may be a servant of Men also , and to that , all M. Goodwins probations are directed , and though S. Paules {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , his carrying of almes , and contributions to the poor Saints , be no very proper instance to this purpose ; yet thus 't is acknowledg'd , that S. Paul may be a servant of Men , and performe offices of Humility to them , ( though by the way this Servant of theirs behaves himself sometimes very like a Master , and comes with a Rod when he sees it convenient . ) § . 76. But this is nothing to the purpose to infer the King to be {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Minister of the People in the former notion , i. e. a Minister of the peoples Institution ; and therefore all that M. Goodwin addes of the Reasons why the Ruler , Rom. 13. is not called the Minister of the people , is very extrinsecall to that purpose . The utmost that he can enforce from that place is , that the King attends on the publique good . But sure that will availe as little to prove that he is not a minister of Gods instituting , or one that hath the power from him , as the Shepheards waiting over the Flock , is a proof that he is ordeined , or instituted by his Sheep . § . 77. The next undertaking of M. Goodwin against Doctor Hammond , is to prove that the Civill Magistrate is by S. Peter call'd {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ; which he renders the Ordinance , or creature of Man because they receive their very being from the people as Kings , and as Magistrates . Doctor Hammond hath , I conceive , sufficiently vindicated that Text of S. Peter from this interpretation , and 't were easie to shew , that the phrase {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} must by all analogy be rendred Humane creature ; not Ordinance , or creature of Man ; by humane creature , meaning any part of mankind ; by creature of man , a thing of mans creating . The phrase to expresse the latter of these would be , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , taking Creature for production , or work , and Man for the artificer , or workman of it ; what is said in the Addresse , is sufficient to direct any sober man to a right understanding of that place . And M. Goodwins exceptions are very farre from perswading the contrary . As 1. [ That the King is there call'd Supream , not in respect of the community of the people , as , saith he , the Doctor supposeth , but as compar'd with subordinate Rulers . ] But this is of no force against the Doctor in that place , where all that he inferres from their title of Supream , is , that they are the very persons that are enstiled the Ordinance of God , Ro. 13. & that is the signall character which he mentions in that Text , without taking notice of any other aspect of the word Supream , or drawing any nice conclusion from it . § . 78. His second exception is against the concludence of a Negative Argument . Which I acknowledge an exception so far as to keep that Argument from being demonstrative , in case all the force of it were fetcht from the Negative ; But that Argument from the Negative ( or from the Governours not being said to be sent by the people ) is but praelusory and preparative to another more forcible branch of the Argument , viz. that ( on the contrary ) Supremacy is affixt to the King , and Subjection for the Lords sake , commanded to be paid him , ( as mission from him is affirmed of all other Magistrates ) And both those put together , the Kîngs being Supreme , ( i. e. inferior to none but God ) and Subiection being affirmed to be due to him for the Lords sake , ( i. e. because of the relation which he stands in to God , by whom he is said to be ordained Rom. 13. ) may well enough passe for a character of some remarke upon the King , and keeep the pretended rendring of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , from being the necessary importance of that text , or the Supreme power from being concluded to be originally in the people . § . 79. As for the groaning of the creation , or creature ] Rom. 8. which Doctor Hammond renders [ the hope of the heathen world ] t is not all M. Goodwins {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} that will render it an improbable interpretation . That the Heathen world ( though without hope , i. e. in a desperate condition in respect of salvation , as long as they remained in their idolatries ) were yet so capable of receiving benefit of Christs coming into the world , that Christ is called Desiderium omnium Gentium , the desire of all Nations , in Haggai , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the expectation of the Gentiles , in the Septuagints rendring of Jacobs Prophecie ; that they seeing their owne impure condition , desired the meanes of restoring their lost treasure , and consequently are said to desire Christ , without explicit foreknowing any thing of him , ( because that which they desired was no otherwise compassable , but by him ) is no nicety of the Doctors invention , but largely insisted on by S. Augustine in his Bookes De Civ : Dei ; and this one Consideration is Reply sufficient to all the inconveniences which M. Goodwin hath sprung in this interpretation . § . 80. As for the other difficulties which to him seeme to presse and resist the interpreting of the following words to this sense , they are not so solemnly mentioned by M. Goodwin as to owne my impertinence , if I should enlarge on them ; though I can assure him , that D. Hammond hath long since considered the whole Context , and is ready to give an account of the agreeablenesse of it to his present notion , whensoever it shall be seasonable . Only in favour to the Reader , he doth not unnecessarily obtrude it on him at this time , meaning to expect a fairer opportunity for that , and other the like dissertations . § . 81. But M. Goodwin upon the granting of this notion of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , for the heathen world , hath falne upon a speciall {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that however , It signifies the world under the consideration of being the creature or creation of God . And then he wonders why {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} should not signifie the Magistrate to be the creation of man , and how by this interpretation that conclusion of the Kings being the creature of the people , is avoided . To this I answer punctually , that M. Goodwin being the affirmer of this doctrine , [ That the King is the creature of the people ] and his proofe of it being those words of Saint Peter , where obedience is commanded to be paid {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as t is by him rendred , to every creation , or ordinance , or creature of man , It is certainly sufficient for D. Hammond ( to disprove this conclusion so inferred from that place of Saint Peter ) if he shall be able to mention another probable interpretation of those words , from whence that Conclusion will not be inferr'd ; especially if by other places of Scripture he make it manifest , that that interpretation is most agreeable to the analogie of that and other Scriptures . Now this hath D. Hammond done , by shewing that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is a phrase which needs not signifie any more then every man , or humane creature , not onely Christian , but Gentile , or Heathen also . Which if it be the entire notation of the phrase ( as at this time M. Goodwin is content to grant ) then sure is there no ground for him from thence to conclude , that the King is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in that other so distant sense , an ordinance or creature of the people . As long as M. G. conclusion depends upon that one onely notion of the phrase , so long , unlesse that be acknowledged the genuine sense of it , ( as certainly t is not , when another so distant from that , is supposed possible to be it ) there is no stability to be expected to that conclusion , whose premisses are thus forfeited by his own concession . § . 82. As for the Doctors Answer to the supposed Objection , ( where by the parallel command of honouring all , ver. 17. he infers the limitation of the subject , All to whom honour belongeth there , ( i. e. superiors , not inferiors ) and so here , every humane creature , ( i. e. every such , that is in place of Magistracie ) certainly M. G. hath failed much in his attempt to invalidate it , by affirming that that Apostle , in his command to honour all , supposeth a debt of honour due from every man to every man , according to that of the Rom. 12.10 . In honour preferring one another . For to this I answer , that the meaning of 1 Pet. 2.17 . cannot sure so properly be fetcht from Rom. 12.10 . as it may from the circumstances of the Text and verses on each side of it in the place of S. Peter . In the former verses , 13. and 14. the words clearly refer to the doctrine of obedience to Superiours , and so ver. 15. the mention of Gods will [ that by well-doing we should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men ] ( i. e. that by obeying of our Superiours we should take off the Scandall that lay on Christianity , as if it made men ill Subjects , ver. 16. ) doth plenarily belong also to the same matter . So again , honouring the King in the end of the 17. ver. and servants obeying their Masters , ver. 18. are very forward to concurre with this notion ; And the precept of loving the brotherhood , i. e. their fellow-Christians , and of fearing God ▪ ( from which feare the honour divolves upon his Vice-gerent ) will no way prejudice this notion of the honour there spoken of , that it belongs onely to the debt of inferiours to superiours ; and so that the [ All ] are onely those all that are thus capable of it . § . 83. As for the honouring of Widowes ( by Master Goodwin mention'd from Saint Paul to Timothy ) that sure is not appliable to this matter , since the honour there , is the relieving , or feeding of them , giving them that honour of supply , which is acknowledged to be another notion of the Word , not that which in the fift Commandement , and those other places , is the principall importance of it . § . 84. As little reason hath Mr. Goodwyn to conclude that the precept of being Subject one to another , 1. Pet. 5.5 . should not be a precept of obedience to Superiors , when the words immediately precedent are , Likewise ye younger submit your selves to the Elders , and those Elders , ver. 2. the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} & {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Pastors and Bishops of the Church . 'T is possible indeed , that the [ one another ] may be , Others beside Superiors , but sure t is not so probably so , when that which immediately precedes , is Submission to Elders , to which the subjection here added , is not a phrase of diminution , but of addition rather , and when Gods resisting the proud , that immediately followes , is , saith Saint Augustine , ( as in the Poet , debellare superbos ) the direct contrary to Subjectis parcere , the giving pardon , or grace to the obedient Subjects . And thus I conceive the parallel words of Saint Paul , Eph. ● . 21 . Submitting your selves one to another ] are most probably to be interpreted , to those among you who are in any relation of superiority , for so it ▪ followes immediately , ver. 22. Wives submit your selves to your own husbands , &c. Whereas , when he rerurnes to the husba●ds duty toward the wife , it is not submission but love only , v. 25. Other places I might easily mention , where the word ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) may very well signifie no more then others . So the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , confesse your faults one to another , Jam. 5.16 . cannot farther be extended then to a direction to the sick to make confession of his sins , whether to others simply , or to those others whom he hath injur'd , but obligeth not them that are in health to tonfesse their sins reciprocally or back againe to the sick , and so in the next words [ and pray {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , for one another ] that is , that the brethren in health should pray for them that are sick , and not reciprocally that the sick should pray for them in health , the end of the prayer there mention'd being {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that ye may be healed ; which end , and close doth , I conceive , confine the discourse to the sick first to confesse , and to the healthy , after to pray for the sick and no more . And so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , 1 Pet. 4.9 . notes hospitality to the strangers that wanted , and not mutuall , reciprocall entertainments one of the other : For though it is possible that it might note the inhabitants civility to the travailer first , and then that travailers repayment of the like , when he comes to be a sixt inhabitant , yet the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , strangers , being ordinarily taken as a species of men in want ( as besides some places of Scripture , I remember in Just : Mar : second Apolog : speaking of the offertory , he saith that by that meanes the Praefect became the guardian of strangers , &c. and of all that were in want ) I conceive {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is no more then kind to that sort of poore strangers , and that without any expectation of being entertain'd by them againe , for that the Almes-giver should expect that returne from the poore , or stranger , is both unreasonable and unchristian also . So Luke . 12.1 . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} cannot be taken reciprocally , that they which trod on others were also trod upon by them , but that one trod upon another agreeable to our present sense : so Act. 7. ●6 . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ; not that the person injur'd was injurious also , but onely that one injur'd the other . And yet more plainly , Rom. 2.15 . their thoughts excusing or accusing , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , where it cannot be imagined that the thoughts mutually or reciprocally accuse or excuse , the accusation belonging to the conscience , which accuseth the erronious will , but not in like manner to the will , that that should accuse the Conscience . These places are added ex abundanti ; That of Ephes. 5. will be able alone to serve the turne , if these others should not be thought to be demonstrative . I have thus briefly reply'd to these other exceptions of Mr. Goodwin as far as concernes that Place in Saint Peter , and I suppose have vindicated it from being the foundation of Mr. Goodwins beloved dogma ( which I shall desire him to shew to be the affirmation of any one ancient Father or Commentator on that place , or of any one place of Scripture b●sides , which might helpe to countenance it ) that Kings are the creatures of the people . § . 85. There are yet some old reckonings which Mr. Goodwin is willing to make even with the Doctor , and I must b●g a very Little patience from the reader to observe what account he hath given of them . § . 86. He begins with fair words of D. H. and acknowledgments , that having frequently heard of him , he never heard any thing but well and worthy of a man , his judgement in the grand state-question of the times onely excepted . That the discharge of his Conscience in obedience to the fift Commandement should be thus made an exception against the Doctor , he hath sure learnt {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} neither to think strange , nor take ill at M. G. hands , remembring that some of the Christians which were antiently in the world , in the absence of other visible crimes , were thought worthy of all reproaches for their common profession , or being Christians . One thing onely I shall suppose , I have the Doctors leave to assure M. G. that it was no speciall desire to engage M. G. which caused the particular mentions , and refutations of some passages in his bookes , but onely the opinion which he had , that they might probably prove matter of seduction to the reader ( and that seduction of a dangerous consequence ) if such necessary antidotes were not provided to avert , or prevent the danger . D. H. I suppose , is not over-fond of such disputes , or debates as these , and is never more in constraint , then when he lies under such engagements . § . 87. Some passages in M. G. Butchers blessing were a first great temptation to him , which , though resisted by the love of quiet , prepared him to receive more violent impressions from some remarkable sections in the Anticavaleirisme , And at last the fire kindled , and his pen gave testimony of it . § . 88. The particulars he then took notice of in M. G. were 1. His dexterities in evacuating the force of Tertullians testimonies concerning the patience , and non-resistance of the Primitive Christians , and these are at large refuted in the tract of Resisting &c. pag. 10. to pag. 20. Secondly , his strange affirmation of Gods hiding from the first Christians this liberty of resisting Superiours , as part of his counsell to bring Antichrist into the world , and his manifesting it to us now , as a meanes of casting Antichrist out . The latter of these two , D. H. conceived as strange , and as dangerous a Doctrine , as he ever met with , and therefore examined it to the bottome , Resist . pag. 21. to 28. These two maine matters of difference D. H. acknowledges to have managed against M.G. but conceive without any thing of asperity , or excesse in any kind , which should look like a particular desire of engaging M. G. And M. G. hath thought fit for many yeares to let these reckonings sleep without ever giving the least reply to either of them . And now that [ of Gods hiding of truths from the Ancient Christians , and the helping Antichrist to his throne ] hath not the fortune to be taken notice of at all . And for the other of Tertullian , though that be now mentioned , yet is it a little strange that no other return should be made to all the Doctors answers , save onely the transcribing of two or three pages from M. Rutterford , and M. Pryn , as from a paire of Royalists , in their two tracts of Lex Rex , and Soveragine power of Parliaments , which sure he could not believe will be of any Authority with the Doctor , though he is so pleasant as to mention the friendlinesse of their judgements , and the Doctors in case of the late King : Beside this transcription , there is but one passage in those dissertations of the Doctors , to which he thinkes fit to make reply , and that is a Grammaticall {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , taken notice of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by the Doctor , viz. M. G. attributing to Montanist , that he call'd himself the holy Ghost . This D. H. did conceive to be hastily written by M. G. and not agreeably to the rules of the Grammer , unlesse as in Smectymnus , Areopagi , are set for the Areopagites , so è contra , Montanist were set by M. G. for Montanus . In this casuall incidentall charge M. G. thinks himselfe very neerly concern'd , more it seems , then in giving account either of his Censure of Tertullians testimony of the Christians patience , or of Gods hiding of Truths , and assisting Antichrist . For to justifie the Grammaticalnesse of these words , [ Montanist who called himselfe the holy Ghost ] a great deale of paines is taken , and three whole pages spent on that affaire . T is not possible I should think fit to exercise my Reader by continuing such a Debate as this any longer , but shall think it abundantly sufficient to assure M. G. that the English remaines still unjustified , upon this ground , that the word Montanist is no possessive , and if he still have inclinations to dispute it , I shall propose him this parallel : M. Goodwin is a Christian , who dyed for the sons of the world , and aske him , Whether it be Grammaticall sense to have said this . As for the deep recriminatior against D. H. for using the word [ Resolve ] for concluding , or being satisfied within himselfe , &c. if this be any matter of ease on refreshment to M. G. 't were pitty he should be denyed the liberty to make use of it . § . 89. There now remaines but one particular , the Doctors accusing M. G. of flattery in the Elogies bestowed upon that action of the Army , ( collected in the Addresse , p. 6. ) Whether they were thus guilty , I shall no farther dispute , but leave it to the Reader to determine , having no other designe in this whole Reply , then that M. G. may resume the consideration of his actions , and of his arguments , and remember that the matters of these debates , are of such an importance toward the publike peace , that men of our profession owe an account to God for them . And for other passages of this Author , wherein the London-Ministers are concern'd ; I leave them to answer for themselves , and so conclude this Paper . THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45473e-190 page 5. page 18. Pract. Cat. l. 2. sect. 5. * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . * Data ●o ipso quo dantur , siunt accipientis . Iurist . Nam ne in animalibus quidem manendi amor ex animae voluntatibus verum ex naturae principiis venit , Nam saepe mortem cogentibus causis , quam natura reformidat , voluntas amplectitur , &c. de consol. Phil. l. 3. Pros. 11. pag. 22. * That cannot be brought But , that is not the Ben. Vi . Moschopul . Gram. Gr. 
A20463	----	Foure paradoxes, or politique discourses 2 concerning militarie discipline, written long since by Thomas Digges Esquire. 2 of the worthinesse of warre and warriors, by Dudly Digges, his sonne. All newly published to keepe those that will read them, as they did them that wrote them, from idlenesse. Digges, Thomas, d. 1595. 1604 Approx. 224 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 58 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20463 STC 6872 ESTC S109705 99845351 99845351 10245 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20463) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 10245) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1135:07) Foure paradoxes, or politique discourses 2 concerning militarie discipline, written long since by Thomas Digges Esquire. 2 of the worthinesse of warre and warriors, by Dudly Digges, his sonne. All newly published to keepe those that will read them, as they did them that wrote them, from idlenesse. Digges, Thomas, d. 1595. Digges, Dudley, Sir, 1583-1639. aut [4], 111, [1] p. By H. Lownes, for Clement Knight, and are to be solde at his shop at the signe of the holy Lambe in Saint Paules Churchyard, Imprinted at London : 1604. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Military discipline -- Early works to 1800. Soldiers -- Early works to 1800. War -- Early works to 1800. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Foure Paradoxes , or politique Discourses . 2 Concerning Militarie Discipline , written long since by Thomas Digges Esquire . 2 Of the worthinesse of warre and warriors , by Dudly Digges , his sonne . All newly published to keepe those that will read them , as they did them that wrote them , from idlenesse . Horace . Me castra iuuant & lituo tubae Permistus sonitus , bellaque matribus Detestata . Imprinted at London by H. Lownes , for Clement Knight , and are to be solde at his shop at the Signe of the holy Lambe in Saint Paules Churchyard . 1604. To the Honourable THEOPHILVS HOVVARD , Lord HOVVARD of Walden , sonne and heire apparent to the Right Honorable Earle of Suffolke , Lord Chamberlaine to his Maiestie . A Generall report ( worthy Lord ) of your honourable disposition bred in mee euen at my first cōming into France , an earnest desire to see you , which through your courtesy & my good fortune was happily effected : But when I perceiued with what vertuous industrie you indeauored to make the best vse , of your wel spent time , in those parts ; I cōceiued great hope to receiue much greater contentment , in so truly honourable acquaintance , and the tast I had of your fauours assureth me I had beene happy in my hopes , had not my vntimely returne , such were my vnfortunate crosses , depriued mee of the comfort I tooke , in the company of your admired vertue . Notwithstanding I haue hitherto fed my selfe with the hope of your returne &c. Hoc equidem occasum Troiae tristesque ruinas solabor , this shall bee my refuge . In the meane time as Lewes of France did his country friends rape roote , or as the Percian King did the poore mans Apple , I intreat your Lordship to accept these sleight discourses as a token of the dutifull respect I owe you : They are I know most vnworthy your Maiden patronage , yet my first fruites they bee , and I earnestly desire , that my first borne should beare your honours Name . Your Honors deuoted Dudly Digges . To the Reader . THat there are many faultes in these fewe leaues I doubt not , neither would I but you should finde fault , yet not maliciously with wrested and vnnaturall applications , yet not too peremptorily till you haue children of your owne : onely this , if you bee such a Merchant as hateth a Souldier , thinke it no victorie to picke matter of aduantage out of my weake handling of their good cause : If on the contrarie you loue the profession , take in good part these slight endeauors , till some one of better abilitie speak more effectually , and let this publike protestation assure you I am no dissembler , but one that heartily desireth to shew himselfe a louing countreyman to men that so well deserue the loue of their Countrey . Farewell . The First Paradox . That no Prince , or State doth gaine , or saue by giuing too small entertainement vnto Souldiers , Officers , or Commaunders Martiall : but doe thereby extreamely loose , and vnprofitably waste their Treasure , besides the dishonour and foiles , that necessarily thereof ensue . I Confesse sparing of Treasure , and all due prouidence for the preseruation thereof , to bee a thing verie necessarie , especially in the warres of this our age , where treasure is indeed becom Neruus Belli ; and therefore by all reasonable prouisions to be regarded . But there are in all actions some sparings , or pretence of profit , that are vtterly vnprofitable , fond , and foolish , and woorking effects cleane contrary to that end , for the which such pinching is pretended . As , who seeth not , that , if a husbandman ( that hath first allotted a reasonable proportion of graine , for euerie Acre of his arable ground ) shall ( of a couetous minde ) abate a quarter , or one third part of his due proportion of seede , thinking thereby to saue somuch ; who , ( I say ) seeth not , that by this foolish sauing in the seede , in the crop hee shall loose thrice as much , besides the hurtfull Weeds , that , for want of seede sufficient , grow-vp , and spoile the rest ? Or , if a Merchant , setting forth his Ship to the seas , fraught with Marchandize , shall know that ( to rigge her well , and furnish her with all needfull Tackle , furniture and prouision ) it will cost him full 500. pounds : Yet , of a coueteous and greedie minde to saue thereof some 100. pounds , or two , hee shall scant his prouision , wanting perhaps some Cables , Ankers , or other-like necessaries , and after ( by a Storme arising ) for fault thereof shall loose both Ship and goods . Who will not condemne this miserable foolish Merchant , that ( peeuishly to saue one hundred pounds , or two ) hath lost both ship and goods , perhaps of 10. times greater value ? Much more is the folly of this error in Martial causes , where the Tempests are as sodaine , and no lesse perrilous . And therefore such fond sparing , is farre more absurd in these Actions , than in eyther of those , of the Husbandman or Merchant . For proofe whereof , if I should produce Antique Examples out of the Romane and Graecian Chronicles of such Kings and Princes , as ( by such fond sparing of their Treasure ) had lost both their Treasure , and their Kingdomes also , I could easily make of this subiect a great volume : but for breuitie sake ( leauing many Antiquies ) I come to our present age and time , and to matters of our owne Remembrance , and Experience . For who knoweth not , What course the States of the Vnited Prouinces tooke , for payment of their souldiers , before the arriuall of her Maiesties Lord Generall , the Earle of Leicester . Who , for sparing , or to make ( as they pretended ) their treasour stretch , did pay their Bands after 48. daies to the Moneth , their pay being so scant and bare at 30. onely to the Moneth , as it was verie hard for souldiers , or Captaines , to liue honestly vpon it : And the same being now stretched to 48. daies , vtterly impossible for them to liue without Frauds in Musters , and pickories , besides on their Countrey and friends . Hereof it came to passe , that the honest , and valiantest men retired themselues from the warres , and the worst disposed Free-booters were readiest to enter with these base conditions . For such a Captaine ( as intendeth onely dishonestly , by Fraud and Robberie to enrich himselfe , to the ruine of his Countrey ) will especially desire to serue on such base conditions , as honestly it is impossible for euerie man to liue vpon : And so hauing iust colour thereby to shift , hath all these meanes ensuing infinitely to enrich himselfe . First , ( in the choise of his officers ) to get , or accept such Free-booters and Theeues , as ( onely to haue the name and priuiledge of a souldier , to escape the paine due by Martiall lawe to such vnsouldierlike persons ) will serue without pay , or with halfe pay . Then , euerie of these his officers Lieutenaunt , Ensigne , Serieants &c. ( being men of that Crewe ) will draw in as many also as they can of the same Moulde , to liue on pickorie without pay , and therefore very readie to serue in their loose manner with halfe pay . Of such Rakehels then the Captaine hauing rayzed an Ensigne , passeth his Muster , and is sent to his Garrison , or place of Seruice . Now , the Prince or State that is serued with such as will accept these vnhonest base conditions , is much deceiued , if hee thinke to bee souldierly serued . Viz. To haue their Watches and Wardes strong , vigilant , and carefull : For in steede of one thousand fiue hundreth souldiers past in Muster , they shall neuer finde fiftie on Guard , or Sentinels , vpon any Round : As all honest Serieant-Maiors , and other officers ( that haue past their Rounds ) can testifie : The rest ( if he keepe any more ) being eyther abroad in the country at the Picoree , or in the garrison more vnhonestly occupied , in abusing some honest Burgh●r his wife or seruants : ( for , to drudge in watch or ward the gallantest of this crew disdaine . ) If any faults bee complained off , the excuse is readie : Alas their pay is so small , as wee must winke at faults . But if at any time the Commissarie of Musters come with treasure to passe a Muster , ye shall euer finde them strong 150. present and absent orderly set downe in Muster Rolles . And for their Absents such formall Testimonials , Protestations , and oathes , as among Christians were horrible to discredit , and their fraudes so artificially conueyed , as will bee hard to trie : But the treuth is , Forgery & Periury are the first lessons such Freeboters learne , and then Pallardize , Murder , Treachery , and Treason are their Attendants . Heereof it came to passe ( for many yeares together ) that after the death of Don Iohn de Austria , the States lost such a number of Cities , Townes , Forts , Castles and Sconces , yea whole and entier Prouinces reuolted from thē , by reason of the exextorsions , oppressions , & robberies insolently committed on the Country people , and best Subiects , by these insatiable Cormorants , Lyons to their friends , and Hares in presence of their enemies , hauing not only , Linguas sed animas venales , manus rapaces , pedes fugaces , & quae honestè nominari non possunt inhonestissima , verè Galeati Lepores et Hyrudines Aerarij . And this base beggerly pay the onely ground-plot of all these horrible villanies , odious to God and man , and not tollerable in any Christian Gouernment . For , if Princes or States will giue such conuenient pay , as men of value , and honesty may sparingly liue-on without fraud and robbery , they may boldly execute Martial discipline , & purge their Army of these idle Drones , and carowsing picking Caterpillers : And in stead of these , they shall ( in short time ) haue their Ensignes compleat with valiant , honest , sober , loyall souldiers , that shall carefully and painefully in watch and ward execute their Martiall duties . The Earle of Leicester with his owne eyes beheld before Zutphen campe nigh Arnhem two or three Regiments of Scotts and Dutch in the States pay , sent for by Count Hollock as the most choise bands that followed him , hauing sixteene or eighteene Ensignes in their Regiments , and paid for nigh three thousand souldiers : That ( marching in ranke , and after embattailed ) were found not full one thousand , besides their officers . Now , if the States had paid truely but 10 Ensignes after 30. daies to the moneth , ( as her Maiestie did ) and by Martiall discipline haue kept them strong , they should haue had 500. more heads and hands to fight at least in such 10. than in these 18 Ensignes paid after 48. daies . And at the very same time , & the same place his Excellency saw eight English Ensignes embattailed in the same Field , that for heads of men were more than 16. of the other Ensignes , and for Armes & weapon ful double so strong : And yet these eight Ensignes stood not her Maiesty ( paying honourably ) in somuch as the other 18. so dishonourably paid by the States , by many thousand Gilders a moneth . Most foolish therefore , and peeuish is such sauing in these Martiall causes , being more absurd farre and fond than other of those my first Examples of the paltering Husbandman or miserable Merchant that stumbleth at a straw , and swalloweth a blocke , and by greedie pinching for a penny , fondly looseth or wasteth pounds . But that dishonour that falleth out in these actions is much more to bee respected : For , if eight Ensignes ( well and truely paid ) shall euer bee stronger in all Martiall encounters than 18. of the other : how much more honour shall it bee with eight Ensignes to haue performed any honourable action than to haue done the same with eighteene ? As contrariwise the foile , to loose eight Ensignes is farre lesse than to loose eighteene . Againe , if the States had rayzed a meane Army ( not of such Mercenarie vagabondes as would serue on any conditions , resoluing by pickorie and extortion to enrich themselues ) but of temperate , honest , painefull , valiant souldiers which full easily with sufficient and compleat pay they might haue done , and then haue kept a steddy hand on Martiall discipline , seuerely to haue punished such cormorants as should any way haue spoyled or extorted on the countrey Booer , or honest Burgher . They had neuer tasted those horrible Ruines of their townes and desolation of their countries , that afterwards for many yeares they did . For it was not the great Subsidies or Leuies made on Brabant , and Flaunders , and other vpland Prouinces by the States vnited that made them all reuolt afterward to the Prince of Parma , but onely these abuses , spoiles and pickories . For in Holland and Zealand they haue euer since , and doe still leuie as great and farre greater contributions than euer they did on those malcontēted Prouinces : But it was the wrongs , iniuries , Insolencies and Extorsions committed by this crew of degenerate bastardly souldiers or rather picke●s , the seruants or rather idolatrous slaues of their misbegotten Mistresse Madam Picorea that alienated the harts vtterly of these Prouinces . The people hauing reason to reuolt to the gouernment of Papists or Turks rather than to endure the outrages committed on them , their wiues and daughters by those their owne hirelings so deepely wounding them in wealth and honor . For what Tribute , Subsidie or Taske had not beene farre more tollerable to any honest or Christiā people than to haue such a crew of hell-hounds laid vpon them ? As , not content to haue the best chambers , beds , and fare that their host could yeeld them ; yea wine also bought and farre fet for them , but would enforce them to pay money also , and yet at their parting ( in recompence or their good Entertainment ) rifle them of all that was portable of any value , besides other indignities not to bee spoken of by honest tongues , or heard by modest eares . The horror of these villaines hath made Holland wisely and prouidently these douzen yeares and more yearely to giue ten folde greater contributions ( yearly I say respectiuely weighed ) than the greatest Subsidie or beneuolence that euer our Nation gaue during all these 34. yeares of her Maiesties most gracious and happie Reigne . The which they doe most frankly and willingly stil continue to maintaine the warres out of the bowels of their owne country , and to free themselues of those horrible oppressions which they sawe executed among their Neighbours , which wise Resolution of theirs God hath also so fauoured and blessed with extraordinarie aydes and fauors many waies , as these of Holland are not the poorer , but rather much richer than they were before the warres began , Notwithstanding their huge contributions are such , as in commō reason a man would thinke were able to begger any mightie Kingdome : That little countrey of Holland onely ( being for scope of ground and firme land not comparable with the least of any one of many Shieres in England ) yealdeth to the warres yearely a greater contribution than halfe the fiftie Shires of England euer yet did in any one yeare by any Subsidie . It is not therefore the great charges or contributions that beggereth or spoyleth any countrey , but the ill disposing of the Treasure leuied , and the ill gouernement of the Souldierie therewith maintained , which becommeth indeed more odious and intollerable to any Christian Nation or people farre , than any Tax or Subsidie that is possible to bee cessed or imposed on them : Neither is it the multitude of Ensignes that terrifieth the Enemy , but choise election of the Souldiery , and the true execution of Martiall discipline . Herof it hath come to passe that so smal handfuls of Spaniards ( while they were wel paid & discipline ) did at sondry times foile so many Ensignes of these Mercenary Freeboters : And contrariwise after those Spaniards fell to mutenies ( for want of pay ) and to committing of like extorsisions and insolencies on the Country people , they caused a sodaine reuolt of all the Prouinces . But for our owne Nation I holde it a Maxime most assured , and hardly by any one Example , to be disprooued : That euer wee receiued any foile where our Ensignes were compleat , but only in such places , and at such times , as our Ensignes were maintained ( not like the eight Ensignes before mentioned in the Earle of Leicesters time in her Maiesties pay ) but rather as the other eight in the States pay , as will bee found too too true , if it bee deeply examined . The like I say in pay of Officers and superiour Commaunders , that to giue them honourable and conuenient entertainment is not onely not vnprofitable , but most profitable and gainefull to any King , Prince , or State : And the contrary ( I meane by accepting or admitting such Commaunders or Officers as will offer themselues to serue for small or base entertainment ) is a thing vnto the King or State not onely dishonourable , and most hurtfull ( in respect of the seuice ) but also euen in regard of their Treasure onely most vnprofitable , damageable , and discommodious , as I will prooue by manifest and true reasons . But because the Discourse would be ouer-long & tedious , if I should particularly enter into the office or charge of euerie seuerall kinde of Officer or Commaunder , I will only choose two , of either sort one , which ( to coniecture and discerne of all the rest ) may aboundantly suffice to prooue my present Proposition . Among Commaunders therefore I will onely entreate of the Collonell or Maestro del Campo . And among chiefe Officers of the Comptroller , Censor , or Muster Master Generall . And first of Collonels I say , if they take vpon them that charge to command any conuenient number of Ensignes appropriat to their Regiment , it is fit their entertainment bee proportionall to their reputation and charge : The which as it farre surmounteth a priuate Captain , so ought his allowance to bee accordingly , as wel for maintenance of a conuenient Table , to entertaine the chiefe officers of his regiment . As chiefely such gentlemen of value as many times ( without charge or office to see the warres vpon their owne priuate expences ) will follow him . For if this Collonell , haue not such entertainment from his Prince or State , hee must of necessitie eyther spoyle or vndoe himselfe to maintaine that port is fit , which fewe in these daies will , or sor remedie helpe himselfe by tollerating frauds in Musters , and suffering the Captaines of his Regiment to keepe their bands halfe emptie : Out of the which both Captaines and Coronell may pay themselues double and treble the greatest entertainment that euer any King yet gaue , but not without the very ruine and vtter dishonour of their Nation . For what Captaine is there so foolish miserable , ( if hee make no conscience to gaine by robbing of his Prince or State ; ) that will not bee content to giue one halfe of these his foule and corrupt gaines , to enioy the other ? Knowing otherwise hee shall not onely quite loose that base gaine , if hee bee called to account for it , but his reputation and life also , if Iustice bee duely executed . But if by his chiefe Collonels fauour , hee may bee paid for 150. and keepe scarce 60. to defend his Ensigne , and so gaine a thousand pounds a yeare cleare , to giue the moytie yearely thereof to go scot-free with the rest , and escape the shame thereunto due , hee maketh a verie profitable bargaine if such dishonest lucre deserue the name of profit , which course of gaine is so much the more damnable and perrilous to bee suffered , because it vtterly discourageth the honest valiant Captaines , and enricheth the contrary : And so tendeth to the verie Ruine and ouertherthrow of all true vertue and value . For if the chiefe Commaunder bee so affected as hee will bee by any such deuice to supply his wants : In very gratitude and pollicy hee must most countenance those that yeeld him most benefit : And those Captaines may be most beneficiall to him , that ( by keeping their Bands most feeble ) doe most rob their Prince or State. And so the worst persons ( of such Commaunders ) must of force bee most fauoured and countenanced . Farther these Fauorites if they commit any other Extorsions on their Countrimen , Friends , or Allies , being entered into such a League with their Commaunders , it is likely they may finde the more Fauour also , and thereby more boldly by all deuices and extortions rake-in Wealth to maintaine themselues , their Patrones , and Followers in excessiue brauerie . Whereas the right valiant Captaine indeed , that ( keeping his Band strong and compleat with armed souldiers , gaining nothing aboue his bare Wages , nor will extort vnhonestly vpon any Friend or Allie , and his wages ( besides his meat and Atmes ) scarcely sufficient twice in a yeare to buy him a Sute of Buffe ) Remayneth as a Man contemned and disgraced : Where the other by his Robberies and pickories can florish in Monethly change of sutes of silke , dawbed with Embroderies of golde and siluer lace , and Iewels also : And so countenanced by such Commaunders Fauour , and by such other mightie Friends as his spoiles may procure . That 〈…〉 road and at home also generally this picking , 〈…〉 rousing Freebooter shall bee called a braue 〈…〉 ●●llant souldier , yea Fit to bee a Collonell or great ●●●●ander that can drinke , and dice &c , with the proudest : When the true , valiant , honest , and right Martiall Captaine indeed is not able in such riotous Expences to keep port with the others waiting Seruants . But whether these silken , golden , embroydered delicate Captaines ( with their demy feeble Ensignes ) Or the other plaine leather , well armed , sober , painefull , valiant Captaines ( with their compleat Ensignes of armed souldiers maintained as their companions ) shall doo their Prince or Countrey more honour at a day of Seruice ? If wee haue not yet learned , wee shall I doubt hereafter , if these abuses bee not reformed , with the dishonourable losse of many more English Ensignes , than all the Chronicles these 500. yeares before could tell vs of , to remaine for an vnhonorable monument of these our errors , to all posteritie . For I haue euer found it in my experience a Rule almost infallible among priuate Captaines : The more braue and gallant the Captaine is in his apparrell , and Wastfull in Expences , the more poore , feeble , weake and miserable ye shall for the most part finde his souldiers full of lice many times , & stinking for want of a shirt to change thē , when such Commaunders with some few Fauorites are ouer sweete and fine . And then is it any Meruaile if so braue and gallant a Gentleman ( perfumed perhaps with Muske and Syuet ) disdain to haunt the filthy Corps du gardes of ragged , lothsome , lowsie souldiers ? Or is it any meruaile then , ( where Captains giue this Example : ) If Lieutenants & Ensignes also do take their ease , and liuing in like delicacy , disdaine to associate themselues with their poore flocks . If Townes of great Importance haue beene lost by the cowardize of some one Corps du gard , that beastly haue abandoned without blowes , a ground of such aduantage as was defensible against any Royall Army : Onely , because at the approach therof , there was neither Captaine , Lieutenant nor Ensigne present on the guard , but a knot only of these poore Ghosts : And thereby dishonorably a town of great Importance lost , very experiēce ( me thinks ) should teach vs rather to choose such Captains as would so apparrell themselues , and regard their fellow-souldiers , as they should not disdaine their company , or abhorre their stinke . I haue read , that a worthy Generall of the Graecians , after hee had with a small Army of valiant , rude , plaine , sober , obedient souldiers conquered ten times as many of the rich , silken , golden , riotous perfumed Persians , abounding with horses and chariots and Armours of golde , because ( quoth hee ) the Persians were so delicately and daintily bred , as they were not able to abide the sauor of my souldiers arme-holes . I would therefore wish no Captaines chosen but such as should contemne vtterly such feminine delicacy in apparrell and wastfull riotous expences , and could be content to make himselfe a companion of his fellow souldiers , and think his honour consisted ( not in gay garments ) but in good Armes , in the strength of his band , in his trauels , paines , watchings , and aduentures , and not in c●rowsing or perfuming , or any other delitious , idle , or rather effeminate vnmanly vanitie . For as Marius the Romane Generall auerred : Munditias mulieribus , viris laborem conuenire : So , if Souldiers and Captaines would contend one to excell another therein , ( I meane in Military labours and carefull aduenterous endeauours , contemning all delitious pompes and idle ease , as effeminate and vnworthy their professions ) then should wee see a great alteration , both of the fortune and fame of our Nation which heeretofore hath euer been comparable with the best and most renowned . But the onely or chiefe meanes to bring this to passe , is , first to allow vnto the Generall and chiefe Commaunders so honourable and conuenient Entertainment , as may suffice to maintaine the port and honour of their place , without practising or consenting to any corruptions , especially such as vtterly disgrace the good , and enrich the bad , deface the painfull , carefull , sober , valiant Captaine , and aduance the idle , negligent , riotous coward . But aboue all things to haue him detested more than a coward , that ( of a base corrupt minde ) shall seeke to make his gaine by keeping his band feeble and weake , and by deceipts , fraud and periuries at Musters to contriue the same : For by this meanes hee doth not onely rob his Princes treasure , but is also guiltie of the bloud of those souldiers that are slaine for want of hands to fight when the honour of their Nation comes to triall . As all true Martiall Discipline therefore is not to be reuiued and put in execution among our Nation : So especially that part which concerneth this mightie and grosse abuse ( aboue all other ) ought most seuerely to bee regarded . And to the end Officers of Musters may by the Generall or chiefe Gouernours be countenanced in their honest proceedings ( for discouerie and correction of such abhominable frauds and Robberies as so vsually and shamelesly haue beene practized ) I would wish their owne particular bands ( where they haue any ) should alway bee allowed them without checke , for any default : presuming in honour they would bee the more carefull to bee an example to other , when they shall see themselues by their Prince so trusted . And then hauing lesse cause ( in respect of their priuate profit ) to fauour any such deceipt in others , there is no doubt , but ( hauing also honorable entertainmēt ) they will ( as they are by a double duty bound ) honorably aduance that course of discipline which shall make their Armies victorious , themselues famous , and their Countrey felicious ; especially if due regard bee had in the choise of such chiefe and principall Commaunders , who ought indeed to bee honorable and not base minded persons . And as good trees are not iudged by the blossomes , but by the fruits : So surely are men rather by their deedes than by shewes or partial Fame to be discerned : For , as in all other vocations , so chiefly in the warres by common Fame such Commaunders euer shall be most extolled of their Followers , as most content their humors . Now if Captaines humors in this age of corruption , be for the greater part infected or depraued , to make choise yet by common fame or opinion , should be an error exceeding great : For as in the pestilent Feauers & like violent diseases , the Patient many times doth farre better like that Phisition which suffereth him to take colde liquors , & other pleasing phancies , agreeable to his appetite , which as very poysons doo cause his death , than such a Phisition as prescribeth a seuere dyet , accompanied with such bitter Medicines as only is able to saue his life , and restore his health and strength . And as the error therein were great to choose a Phisition after such sick-mens appetites : so surely for reformation of these Martiall diseases , the error were no lesse absurd at the beginning , to choose such Generals or chiefe Commaunders by common Fame , or liking of most Captaines . But after Martiall discipline is againe in some good measure restored , & that Captaines begin to detest riotous expences in meate , drinke , and apparell ( as effeminate delicacie ) and contend who may exceede other in labour , paines , watchings , diligence , and vertuous Martiall Actions , hauing a right taste and sence in deede of true honour and Martiall valour , and wherein the same consisteth , and by some conuenient continuance of Exercise and vse made the same not greeuous but familiar vnto them : Then were there no more compotent Iudges ( of the abilitie and sufficiencie of a Generall , ) than such , as ( aduenturing their lyues with him ) haue greatest neede and vse thereof . But as that famous Generall and Censor Cato at Rome exclamed in his time , The publique had neede of a sharpe and mercilesse Phisition , and a violent purgation : And that therefore they were to choose ( not such Commaunders as should be gratefull and gracious , ) but resolute and seuere : So surely much more in this time and state of warres haue wee cause to proclaime such choise , or rather great Princes and Magistrates to haue especiall care and regard thereof . Now therefore if the Collonell or chiefe Commaunder be chosen such an honourable person , as of himselfe abhorres deceipt , feare God , contemne gourmandize and quaffing , and other more base and beastly pleasures , or effeminate delicacies , by the example of many worthie Romaine Generals , as also of that famous victorious Lacedemonian Generall King Agesilaus , it shall be easie for him ( hauing conuenient and honourable pay ) to banish these Monsters out of his Campe or gouernment , as vnworthie for Souldiers professing Armes , & fitter for the pompous rich slaues of Persia. But if contrariwise any chiefe Commaunders be persons that will winke at deceipts or fraudes in Musters , and make their profit ( as infinitely they may thereby ) no wonder if all the inferiour Captaines insolently put the same in execution , and keepe their Counsels and ordinarie Consultations how to exploite and execute those deceipts , and by all vnhonest practises , slaunders , and lybels , &c , to disgrace any Officer that shall oppose himselfe dutifully against it : And so their Bands continued euer feeble , weake , and miserable . Or if this Coronell or chiefe Commaunder be a person that hath no compassion on the poore priuate Souldiers , nor care to preserue and maintaine their lyues , but rather ( respecting how largely he may make his gaine by their deaths ( expose them to the Butcherie , yee shall presently haue almost all the Captaines regard thē lesse than dogges . Or if the Collonell or Generall ( forgetting that right Lacedemonian law , that whosoeuer did saue his life by flight in the field , was infamous euer after euen to his graue ) doo take so little shame ( of running away in the field ) as hee will haue for himselfe a horse of swift cariere alway in readinesse vpon any daunger to take his leaue : What meruaile if yee haue inferiour Captaines prouided for the like ? Yea many times Liuetenants , and Ensignes also ? And what is then to bee expected , but dishonourable flight , shame and confusion , whensoeuer they are roundly charged by any souldiers ? If the Collonell or chiefe Commaunder bee a man , that ( regarding wholy his profit ) will winke at the extorsions of his Captaines , they haue reason to spare him halfe their pay , or all their Imprestes , for that they can full easily ( from the Booer or Burgher vnder their crushing ) extort much more than the greatest pay any Christian King yet gaue , and thereby so enrich themselues with Golde and Iewels , as they haue no reason any more to hazard their life , but to prouide themselues good horses to escape away with their wealth whēsoeuer they shal be charged : Leauing their souldiers to the slaughter , by whose deaths also there may grow a good Diuidend , to bee shared among such artificial Fugitiues . If Coronels or chiefe Commaunders of their ease , pleasure or priuate respects holde it no disgrace or shame to bee absent from their Regiments : No meruaile if any inferiour Captains bee readie to follow such discipline also , and consequently all their Fauorites and persons best appointed . And then what meruaile if the silly Remnant of the feeble flocke ( hauing scarcely Sheepeheard or Sheepeheards Dogge left to take the care and charge of them ) become a pray to the Rauening Wolfe , that will not let slip so good an opportunitie . But if the Coronell or chiefe Commaunder himselfe be such a one as takes no shame in Field to saue his life by flight : It is not strange that Captaines vnder his charge should imitate his discipline . And then much lesse reason haue priuate souldiers to stand so much vpon their honour , or rather to die than turne their face . But if such indeed bee the true profession of a souldier rather to die reasolutely in his ranke , than turne his face , or cowardly by flight to saue his life . If this bee the dutie of the meanest and most priuate souldier , then how much rather is the Captaine , and much more the Coronell bound to such an honorable Resolution ? If in the most honorable and Martiall Nations of the World , Such cowardize in a priuate souldier hath beene noted with perpetuall shame , how much more ought it to bee detested in Captaines ? And then à fortiori in their Superiors . But if by corrupt custome and education in licentious loose warres , such principall persons bee growne so farre past Shame , as not onely to commit these base and vnsouldierlike errrors , but also ( that most miserable is ) in their ordinarie Discourses and banquets amids their Sacrifices to Bacchus at open Tables to vaunt of these their Stratagems , Recounting in how many Encounters , the places where , and when they fled gallantly , and spurred their horses in their Violent Retreits , who might runne swiftest : What shall wee say but that such degenerate shamelesse persons might ( with much better reason ) vant how many Bastinadoes they had receiued brauely ? For surely cowardize in a Man ( especially professing Armes ) hath euer beene accounted the foulest vice : As Incontinency the greatest dishonestie in a woman . And as an honest woman may fortune by violence to bee abused , and yet all her life time after cannot but blush to haue it spoken of : So though an honest man ( I meane a valiant man in the Field ) by violence and multitude of Enemies vnhappily should be enforced to turne his face : Yet ashamed should hee bee euer to heare it spoken of . But as that State were horribly wicked where women should aduant openly of their Incontinency : So , desperate is their disease that are so farre past shame to aduant of their cowardize : And miserable that State must needs become , where such impudency should bee tollerable for men professing Armes shamelesly to vaunt of their fearefull flights , or as they are termed in their new Discipline , Their violent retraitz . But ( that most lamentable is ) many times it may come to passe , that these impudent Runawaies being escaped ( consorting themselues ) shal by Rumors , letters , or printed Pamphlets perhaps sometimes disgrace those valiant men that resolutely died in the place , rather than they would shame themselues , and dishonour their countrey with a cowardly flight . And then such Fugitiues ( extolling one another with Heroicall names , hauing also by their former pikories store of crowns to purchase friends , by such Thrasonicall Stratagems ) of the ignorant multitude bee counted gallant souldiers , and fit for newe imployments . An error of all other the most daungerous : That ( contrarie to all Martiall discipline ) that fault that deserueth death or dishonourable disarming vnder a Gallowes , should bee honoured with new imployments , or greater credit . But as the disgrace of a few Ringleaders of Runawaies and other corruptions would wonderfully repaire the honour of any Nation : So the tolleration of them , and much more the imploying of them again in new charges by their Example may breed effects most dangerous and fearefull , if in time ( by due execution of right Martiall discipline ) such weeds bee not eradicate . The Lacedemonians ( by due obedience to their Martiall lawes ) were become the most mighty and puissant State of all the Graecians , which then for Heroical prowesse surmoūted all the world besides , as by the multitude of their victories on the Orientall Nations , and Asiaticall mightie Empires is apparant : Whose huge Armies and innumerable Forces they vanquished in a number of Battailes with a very few , but choise , painefull , sober , well trained and disciplined Bands , being accustomed from their infancy to trauaile , paines , sobriety , and hardnes . And by the same custome and education learned also with all dutie to obey their Superiors , Reuerence the Elders , and to feare nothing but shame and infamie : And of all infamies none so great to a man there as cowardize , being by their verie lawes noted with disgrace perpetuall to his death that ran away from his Enemies in the field , or saued his life by flight : Which fault was held so soule and base , as the very Mothers abhorred and renounced them , yea and some with their owne hands haue killed such of their sons as by flight in the field haue saued their liues , as Traitors to their countrey , and dishonorable to their parentes : Yea they were disgraded from all honour and imployment , marked by shauing of halfe their heades and beards , derided and disdained of all their countrimen , and lawfull for all men to abuse and beat them as seruiceable Slaues . These were the shames ordained for Fugitiues in those warlike Nations . Whereupon a King of theirs being demanded how it came to passe that the Lacedemonians so farre excelled all others in prowesse and armes ? Because ( quoth he ) they are taught from their infancy not to feare death , but shame . As Marius also that famous Romane Generall said of himselfe , hee had learned to feare nothing but Infamy . They therefore that by education in lawlesse warres grow so impudent as to vant of their foiles and flights ( which by true Martiall lawes , especially in leaders and Commanders should bee noted and punished with perpetuall shame ) are so farre of frō true Souldiery , and Martial honor as they are fitter ( like most dangerous contagious sheep ) to be expelled & seuered in time , lest they infect with their leprosy the whole troup & Military flock : howsoeuer the corruptiōs of this age & ignorāce of the dāgers that ensue by contēpt of true Martial honor may excuse or delay their due punishmēt or shame for a time . For if a chief Commander shal neither blush to saue himself by flight , nor corruptly to make his gain by the death of his poore Souldiers through Frauds , periury , and deceipt in Musters : his readiest plot to grow rich and puissant is , presently so soone as hee can finger his souldiers pay , or Princes Treasure , To deuise some desperate vnfeasible Seruice , where he may bring his Fantery to haue their throats cut , and then hauing choise horses to saue himselfe by flight , and his confederate Fauorites with the pay of the dead , they may banquet and riot their fill , and haue so great Masses of Treasure to make friends , as none of these Tragedies can come to vnripping , if once it bee perswaded lawfull or intollerable for a Generall or chiefe Commaunders to saue themselues by flight . But the tollaration thereof and of these Fraudes and abuses in Musters , and the immeasurable sweete gaines that bad consciences see they may make thereby ( if they can also shake of shame , and extinguish true Martiall discipline ) is the chiefest ●● use of all base and dishonorable corruptions , and will still encrease such impudency and insolency as corrupt persons by sufferance will grow vnto : Which ought so much the more seuerely and speedily with the sword of Iustice and true Militarie Lawes in time to bee corrected , as the continuance doth make the disease more desperate and perrilous to their State , and more hard to bee recured , when wealthie wickednes thereby getteth such authoritie and purchaseth such parties , as after by Iustice shall hardly bee suppressed , vnlesse the Souereigne Maiestie or Ephores of the State in time I say minister the bitter Medicine , that onely must cure this pestilent and contagious sicknesse . For if Demetria of Sparta with her owne hands killed ( for cowardize ) her sonne Demetrien as a degenerate Monster not worthy to bee called a Lacedemonian or to walk on the earth , being ( as she said ) a monument dishonourable to his countrey and parents , and the like done by diuers other Ladies and worthy Women of that State to their owne children , for abandoning onely of their Ranke , to saue their liues when they were forced with violence and Multitudes of their Enemies : What could these woorthy women haue done to such sonnes as premeditately before hand prouided them horses of swift carrier to saue themselues , so soone as they shall finde any danger growing . Or if this fault of Flying or abandoning their Rank only hath beene in a priuate souldier so abhorred , as his owne Mother hath executed Martiall Iustice vpon him , with detestation of his cowardize as vnworthie to drinke of the Riuer Eurotas , or to beare the name of a Lacedemonian : How much more is the same to bee detested in a Commaunder , On whose error or cowardize the liues of so many as are vnder his charge dependeth , besides the dishonour of his Nation ? Or if that fault could receiue in that Martiall Nation no excuse , though they were enforced therto by the violence and Multitude of their enemies : How much more abhominable is it in them that of purpose before hand are prouided of their meanes to runne away and abandon those for whose safetie it were their duty to sacrifice their liues ? And by leauing their souldiers to the butchery , to make their excessiue gaines by the payes of the dead and Robberie of their Prince and Countrey . If so many woorthie Generals both Greekes and Romanes ( that full easily at sundry battailes might haue escaped and saued their owne liues ) haue refused vtterly both horses and all other meanes offered them to saue themselues , and chosen rather ( when all hope was past ) to sacrifice their liues among their troupes , than to returne to yeeld a dishonorable account of the blood of their souldiers : How much more should wee abhorre such as not onely commit these base errors , but impudently also are not ashamed to make their vauntes thereof ? If Manlius Torquatus when his sonne was challenged by a chiefe Commaunder on the contrary side , ( onely because without leaue he did accept the particular Combate , although hee had the Victorie , and strake of his Enemies head in sight of both Armies ) would neuerthelesse haue executed the Martiall law vpon his valiant Son ( Onely ) because he brake one point of Martial discipline : What reward doo wee thinke this Generall would haue bestowed on one of our shamelesse Fugitiues ? If this famous Generall so highly respected the honor and safety of his countrey , as hee resolued to execute the lawes Martiall of this his onely and most valiant sonne : Not for any cowardize or corruption , but onely for want of due obedience ( in accepting without leaue the Combate ) choosing rather to depriue himselfe of his onely sonne and incomparable Iewell , than the Martiall discipline of his countrey should in the least point bee corrupted . How much more hath the sacred Maiestie of a Prince and honourable Ephores of any State cause with seueritie in time to see due execution of Martiall Iustice on such ( as not mooued by Magnanimitie or hautie courage , but contrariwise of a corrupt custome and base minde , for lucre , pleasure , or ryot onely ) commit ( premeditately ) not one but many of those grosse and shamfull abuses and breaches of true Martiall discipline : That in those daies and States the most inferiour souldier of an Armie for feare of perpetuall shame would not : Faults I say so farre surmounting this error of the worthy Manlius sonne , as the foulest leprosie or pestilent Feuer doth the Ephimeris Ague , Tending indeed not onely to the robbing of their Prince and publique Treasure , and to the spoyle and betraying of their fellow souldiers ( Men many times of better valour and woorth farre than such Leaders or superiour Commaunders ) but also to the vtter ouerthrowe of all true Martiall valour , and dishonour perpetuall of their Nation , and smally tending to the vtter ruine of their Prince and Countrey . But to passe ouer infinite honorable Praecedents of Antiquitie , to returne againe to our owne Age , I say , That euen by experience of the warres , and Nations of our owne time it is manifest , that these abuses and corruptions haue beene the verie ruine of the Realmes and States where they haue beene practized , as in time they will be also of all other that shall admit the continuance of them . And first for France that woorthy souldier Mounsier de la Nôe in the Military Discourses plainely sheweth , how with these ciuill warres these corruptions there began , and by what vnlawful Generation Mistresse Picorea was at Boygenye first begotten , which bastard in short time had such a Multitude of Seruants both in France , and after in the Low-Countries , as they created their mistresse a Ladie : And that mightie Ladie Madam Picorea hath now so many braue seruants , ( not onely among the French and Dutch , but of other Nations also ) as it is to bee feared they will make her a Queene , to the Ruine of all Kings , Queenes and Realmes that shall endure her , and not suppresse in time both her , and her shamelesse presumptuous , lewde , licentious seruants . What extreeme misery they haue within these thirtie yeares reduced all France vnto , wee see : What desolation in Flaunders , Brabant , and other base countrey Prouinces , by the Ruines remaining , is manifest . Shal wee suffer her and her followers also in our Nation , to see what they can likewise doo of England ? Absit omen . But the French Prouerbe saith most truly ; Qui par son peril est Sage celuy , est Sage malhereux : And , Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . He telleth of an honorable Executiō done by that worthy souldier the Armirall of France in hanging vp a Captaine & 5 or 6 other chief seruāts of this basterdly lady Picorea adoring their gallows with their booties , which honorable souldier ( Shattillion I meane ) he commendeth highly to haue beene a most fit and meete Phisition to cure this Maladie : For hee was ( saith La Nòe ) seuere and violent , neither could any Fauour or vaine friuolous excuses take place with him if the partie were faultie : Which is indeed the onely way to cure it , For it is most fond and vaine to imagine that eyther by verball perswasions , or printed Lawes or proclamations it is possible to cure this fore , but with armed Iustice some of the Ring-leaders must be seized and roughly chastized , to bring a terror vpon the rest . For if these mischiefes ( saith that woorthy Souldier ) were like to other crimes , where men ( condemned by publique Sentence ) are quietly content to bee led by the Executioner to receiue their due , they might full soone bee banished . But they fare more like a rough and restife horse , that ( being touched with his Riders spurre ) lasheth , yerketh , and biteth , and therefore such a Iade must roughly and rigorously bee corrected and made to know his fault : For if ye spare him or seeme to feare him , hee will sure vnhorse you , for generally these Militarie vices are presumptuous . And if they smel you feare them they will braue you : But giue them the terror of Lawes , and their due punishments seuerely , and so shall you cure their maladie . For most mercifull is that rigour , that ( by dispatch of foure or fiue ) many saue the liues of so many hundreds , or rather thousands , and recure such a pestilent contagion as is able in time to subuert the most mightie Realmes and Monarchies . When yron is fouly kankored , it is not inough to annoint it with oyle , but it must bee roughly and forcibly scoured and polished , to make it returne to his perfect brightnes . And if in Pleuresies and other like corrupt exulcerations wee haue no remedie but to open a veine , and content our selues to part with many drops of our blood to saue the whole bodie from destruction : So must we be content ( though it were with the losse of many such corrupt persons ) to recure our Militarie bodie from vtter confusion : Seeing thereupon dependeth the health or ruine also of the whole politique body of the Realme : For the French haue a true Prouerbe . Le Medicin piteux fait vne mortelle plaie And most wisely the Poet. Obsta principijs , serò Medicinaparatur , Cum mala per longas inualuêre moras . As France and Flanders both our next Neighbours by their calamities may teach vs , where no kinde of abuse or corruptions haue beene practized : Their Bands not 40. for 100. strong . Which kinde of Picoree Mounsier de la Nôe termeth Desrober enfalquin non pas engentilz homes : But of gentlemen all piciories ought indeed to be detested , as fitter for base minded slaues , than honouable free minded souldiers . But for other extortions and Robberies vpon the poore Payzants , Booers , or husbandmen , it were as hard to name any one kinde that hath beene omitted , as to recite particularly euery sort that hath bene executed by these insatiable cormorants , whose maw is neuer full though their gourmandize be infinite , besides the defacing of so many goodly Churches and stately Pallaces in the countrey , as by the Remnants of their Ruines is to bee seene , and the Ransacking of Villages , Castles , Townes and Cities , and infinite outrages otherwise committed in all places where this misbegotten Ladies seruants or filching followers could lay their gracelesse hands . But seeing the first pretext and colour they had in France to engender this monster , and since in the base countries to foster her , was by reason of want onely of conuenient pay : Which enforced euen the most famous Generals of our time ( I meane the Prince of Condee , and the Prince of Orange ) at the first to tollerate these cankers , which after wrought the very Ruine , of those States . It is a singuler warning to King and Princes that haue Realmes to commaund , that not yet so farre corrupted , and able to yeelde maintenance for honest and right Martiall souldiers , by no meanes ( for want of conuenient wages , stipend , and pay ) to giue any colour or excuse to this degenerate bastardly kinde of Seruitors , or rather Pickers , to excuse their corrupt Artes , or Diuellish craftes and abuses . And for their Subiects of all degrees rather to giue double and treble Subsidies yearely to continue an honourable pay , for maintenance of sober , valiant , painefull , honest , obedient souldiers in true Martiall discipline , than to become a praye to these mercilesse carrowsing , degenerate insatiable monsters . And it is to bee hoped the present King of Fraunce ( if God blesse him with any obedience of his Subiects ( as were to bee wished , and his constancie in Religion , and other Heroicall vertues meriteth ) will no doubt by all due meanes in his Territories endeuour to procure a Reformation of these horrible disorders , which is yet vtterly impossible for him to redresse , being in that state , by long continuance growne to a most difficile and hard cure . But as the Estates of the vnited Prouinces ( by meanes of such bad pay and collections of corruptions in their Martiall or rather mercenarie Commaunders ) did also for many yeares together continually lose by peacemeale a number of strong Fortes , Towers , and Prouinces in their possessions , being driuen almost on euery side downe into their Marches where they were enforced to implore her Maiesties present ayde to escape their impendent ruine : So , hauing of late ( by honourable Example of her Maiesties Bands ) well reformed that their base kinde of pay , and in part thereby also their other abuses ( which of late yeares hath crept in among their Enemies ) haue beene able to make head and recouer againe , many of those important places that before they lost : Repayring thereby somewhat the fault of their former Errors . Yet when I perswade to giue vnto all Colonels and such like chiefe Commaunders such Entertainment as may suffice them contentedly to liue , without seeking so much as ( by tolleration or suffering of Frauds to enrich themselues , or to supply their wants . It is no part of my meaning to haue Collonels so commune , or such multitude of needlesse Officers , as in disorderly warres hath beene accustomed . For one Collonell or Maestro del Campo may very well suffice for three or foure thousand men , and the contrarie is but an abuse and embasing of that name which should not bee bestowed but on olde souldiers of iudgement and experience , able to discharge a place of that importance . And this Officer hauing ( for himselfe , his Martiall , his Serieant Maior , and other necessary chiefe Officers of his Regiment ) conuenient allowance to maintaine on honourable Table , the inferiour priuate Captaines may and ought to content themselues with meaner port till ( by vertue and desert ) they bee aduaunced to higher place : And ( abhorring all vanitie in apparrell , and wastefull expences in baser appetites ) endeuour themselues by trauell , care , good Armes , and trayning of their companies ( in right Martiall exercises and exploits in the Field vpon their Enemies ) to make their value knowne , and by such Aemulation one to excell another , whereby they may bee chosen and aduanced to higher offices : The priuate Captaines place being indeede but the first steppe toward Martiall honour : And therefore not to bee accompanied with such pompe , as now is too too vsuall . It may perhaps be replied . So long as men are content to accept these glorious names only ( without any charge to their Princes purses , or crauing any encrease of pay ) it is a small matter to content phantasies with Feathers . I answere , it it a matter of farre greater consequence than is conceiued : For , first it embaseth those degrees of honor which chiefly should allure right Martiall mindes , and makes them seeme vile , when they are so common as they fall to the the lot of persons vnworthy such degree , and so grow in contempt ; and not affected after by the true honourable mindes : Besides wanting maintenance for the due port of that place , they are enforced to bee patrons to all or many of those disorders and abuses before mentioned , vnlesse they would choose to vndoo themselues and friends to maintaine it otherwise , which fewe I thinke now a daies vse to doo . Farther hauing once taken a greater name , they disdain euer after to serue in any inferiour calling , fitter indeede for their Experience : And so become persons altogether vnprofitable , and to maintaine those glorious names enforced ( by shift of braine ) to trie conclusions : And so by all these meanes the cause of greater inconueniences . I conclude therefore by all these reasons before alleaged , and the successe of plaine experience also ( both of old time , and in our owne age ) that as it is more honourable for the Prince , and most necessary for the aduancement of the Seruice , to haue all chiefe needefull Commaunders to haue such compleat Entertainment , as they may ( without extortion or corruption in themselues , or alteration of abuses in others ) maintaine their place with Reputation , and execute Martiall discipline with seuerity . So discharging their duties honorably and honestly they shal saue at least one third part of the royal or publike Treasure , and yet the forces ( though not in shew of Ensignes to scare Dawes ) yet in armed hands to conquer Enemies farre more strong and puissant than those multitudes of colors farced with Freebooters or other seely vnarmed Ghosts or disordered Mutinous persons , that by licentious education will scarcely endure the paines of Watch and Ward , or abide the due execution of any true Martiall discipline . And as these superiour Gouernours and Commaunders ( doing their duties ) are worthie of all reputation , credite , aduauncement , and honour : So contrariwise , after they haue conuenient entertainment , if they shall be found the Patrones or Pandars to such corruptions and abuses as tend to the ruine of all true discipline Militare , I would wish them disgraded , and with all shame disarmed as vncapable euer after to their graue , of any true Martiall honour . And for proofe of this Proposition in all the chiefe officers also of an Armie , for a taste of the rest hauing chosen to treate of the Martiall Censor , or generall Comptroler of Musters . I say there are of this kinde of Officers ( as likewise of all others ) two sorts : The one , honest , iust , fearing God , & respecting the honour , commoditie , and aduauncement of their Princes Seruice . The other , neither iust , nor honest , nor possessed with any Feare or Reuerence of God : but ( ayming onely at fauour , wealth , and aduauncement in this corrupt world ) care not what becomes of the Seruice , so they may by any meanes enrich themselues , and purchase friends to backe them in all their vnhonest proceedings . But more briefely or plainly to set forth the different or repugnant pathes of these two sorts of Officers , I cannot better than by these Briefe Conferences of the Good and Bad ensuing . A conference of a Good and Bad Muster-maister , with his inferiour Commissaries of Musters , by the fruites to discerne the Tree . The Good. THis Officer will not willingly serue , but with such a competent & conuenient entertainment both for himselfe and for his inferiour Commissaries , Clerkes , and Substitutes , as hee neede not take Bribe or Beneuolence , or depend on the fauour of any , but the Generall alone . This Officer will bee in his Expences temperate , rather sparing than wasting : that hee bee not by want enforced to straine his conscience , and deceaue his Prince . This Officer seeketh by all meanes to cause the Generall to establish Lawes and Ordinances , whereby orderly Entrances and discharges of Souldiers may bee registred , and thereby neither the Prince , nor the Souldier abused . This Officer deliuereth these Lawes to his inferiour Commissaries with other strait particular Instructions , and calleth them to account how they haue discharged their Duties . This Officer will not set down any penny check certaine vpon any Captaine or Band without apparant proofe : and for such as cannot bee decided , wil respite them to farther triall , That neither Prince , Captaine , nor Souldier be defrauded or iniured . This officer if any such doubt arise in the Checques as hee cannot determine by the Lawes established , hee either desireth the Resolution of the General , or that it may bee determined by a Counsell at warre , or some Commissioners , especiallie aucthorized to assist him . This Officer ( if the Captains shew any reasonable cause to be relieued out of the Checques , either in respect of the losse of horse , or armour in Seruice , or such like that deserueth consideration ) hee presenteth his proofes thereof , together with his checke to the Lo : Generall , desiring his Lordship to haue honorable cōsideration thereof . This Officer ( if hee see ouermuch familiaritie betweene anie of his Commissaries and Captaines ) is presently iealous of them , and calleth them to account : And if hee finde them conniuent or faultie , presently displaceth them , or if he finde no other proofe but vehement suspition , yet remoueth them to another Garrison , and placeth such other in their roomes , as may sift and examine their former behauiour . This Officer , as hee would not ( to gaine a Million ) doo anie Captaine apennie wrong , so wil he not for the fauour of the greatest persons in the Armie , or his neerest kinne or friends staine his conscience to abuse his Prince one pennie : and therfore presents the Checque truly as he findes it , and leaues all fauour to be shewed by the Lord Generall onely . This Officer procureth orders also to bee established for trayning of the Souldiers , and himselfe requireth the Captaines to performe them : And to encourage men to doo well , will not spare out of his owne purse to giue rewards to such shott as by proofe hee findes the best marke-men . This Officer will not accept penny nor penni-worth of any Captaine , or Souldier , more , than the fee due to his Office , and that not as a beneuolence secretly , but as his due openly . This Officer reposing himselfe onely on GOD and his cleere conscience , laboreth not to make other friends but his Prince and Generall : And for the Generall himselfe will not straine his conscience any way , though hee bee sure of many enemies and small backbiting and euen to his Prince for faithfull seruice store of false backebitings : yea the Swanne must bee made a Crowe , and the Faulcon a Bussard . This Officer as hee is thus precise himselfe as neyther to giue penny for such an Office , nor to receiue Bribe or Beneuolence more than due fees : So maketh hee a matter of conscience whilest hee carrieth such office to giue to any of his honourable friendes any present , lest they or others should haue cause to suspect , hee did it to bee borne-out in any lewde Action . The Bad. This Officer careth not howe little Entertainment certaine hee haue for himselfe or his Substitutes : presuming hee can make what gaine hee list of his Office : & make such Friends thereby also , as may beare him out of his lewdnes . &c. Such an Officer hauing so good meanes to get immeasurablie by playing the good-fellowe , wil spend infinitely , especially in keeping company with such as must ioyne with him in deceauing the Prince . Such an Officer can no more abide Lawes and Ordinances in Musters , than lucrous Captaine , saying , It barreth the Officer of his discretion , whereby the Office ought to be directed , & braue men gratified . Such an Officer likes none of these strict Courses , saying , Among Martiall men a man must play the good-Fellowe , and not to be too pinching of a Princes purse . Such an officer calleth this Examination nice Curiositie , and sayeth , So there bee some Checques for fashion sake it is no matter : make them little enough that the Captaines be not angry , and all is well . One good-fellowe must pleasure another . Such an Officer saith , It is great folly to loose that prerogatiue of his Office , to resolue these doubts as he sees cause ; And to subiect him selfe to Commissioner that is Maister of the Musters himselfe . Such an Officer will bee Chauncellor himselfe , & neuer trouble the Lord Generall with these matters , who hath matters of greater importance to thinke vpon : saying , Princes purses may not be spared , & braue men must be rewarded , & Officers must get loue & honor by dealing bountifully . Such an Officer likes none of these seuere Iealousies , but liketh well such Officers as be plausible and gratefull to the Captaines , knowing the Captaines bee liberall , and will not be vngratefull to him , seeing hee mindes and hath good meanes to requite their curtesie tenne folde out of the Princes purse . Such an Officer , being of another molde , will none of these melancholie courses : hee will pleasure his Friends , and crosse his Enemies , and make them know he is an Officer can please or displease thē : but displease he will not for all that , and for his excuse alledgeth that Princes Cookes may giue a good fellowe a piece of Beefe , and the Butlers or Cellarers a cup of Wine or Beere , and that he wil shew his Friends a cast of his Office . Such an Officer will none of this , saying , it is but a turmoyling of Captaines and souldiers , and intruding on the Captaines Offices to offend and discontent them , and that braue men should not be comptroled , or the imperfection of their souldiers discouered by such open exercises , and that such expences are foolish , and make more Enemies than friends . Such an Officer wil accept any thing money or ware , so it come secretly : and like a good-fellow will ( on the Princes purse ) requite it tenfolde , as easily he may doo , and none but his fellowetheeues able to accuse him . Such an Officer will not onely for the Generall , but for any other person of authority strain his conscience any way , and to all other Captaines also so kinde and liberall of his Princesse her Maiesties purse , as he is generally extolled for a braue man ; An honorable Officer , an honorable minde , yea & his Prince also whom he deceiues horribly shal be perswaded the Daw is an Eagle , & the Cucko a Nightingale . Such an Officer hath no melancholy conceipt , but as hee will take lastly , so will hee giue frankly to thē that cā beare him out : and such a one as Captains , Collonels , great Officers and all shall extoll , how shall his Prince but like of too , considering the more he robs , the more friends he maks , & the more he shal be praised : So as if there were no God , the honest were indeed to be begged for a right natural foole . But this Conference of either kinde I hope it appeareth plainly both how many Enemies the honest must of necessitie in this age of Militarie corruptions drawe vpon him : And likewise how great a multitude of friends the vnhonest may make by their confederacy with others of that humor in robbing of the Prince or publique Treasure : And therefore how necessarie it is that aswell the honest bee honoured with Entertainment and maintenance answerable to their reputation and credit of their place , as the contrarie well sifted and extraordinarily punished in terror of abuse . But as it is apparantly best for the honor of any Prince or State to haue this honest office so backed with honourable Entertainment & authority as he may boldly without feare or regard of any offence controll fraud , thereby to enforce all Captains to keep their Bands compleat , or dul to checke their defaults aswell for Armes as men : So is it also asmmuch for the profit & benefit of the king Prince , or State ( in respect of the sauing of their Teasure , which no way in the world shall bee so extremely and vnprofitably wasted , as by the ignorance , confederacie or abuses of these Officers , if they be vnskilful , base-minded or dishonest : As none can better testifie ( if they wil truly confesse their errors ) than the States of the Low-Countries , who I think haue had ful exeperiēce of the extreme mischief ensuing by imploymēt of base cōmissaries with poore wages , in place of so great trust & importāce . But somwhat to say of our own Nation , omitting theirs , I thinks there is no indifferent person but will confesse , That in the Earle of Leycesters time of Gouernment , the English Bands generally in the Queens pay ( a very few excepted ) were maintained euer farre stranger than eyther before or since , and great reason it should be so : For as neither her Maiestie , nor any Prince of Europe euer paid more iustly and honorably than in his time , hauing euery foure or six moneths at farthest till the last , a full pay : So was there also so facile & easie meanes for all Captains in her M. pay frō time to time thē stil to supply & Reinforce their Bands without the Captains charges , as neuer was neither before nor since . For besids the 40 , Footbdās & 10 Cornets of horse ( by contract in her Ma. pay ) there was euer at the charge of the countrey also many other English Ensignes all the Earle of Leicesters time , somewhile 20 , somtime fortie , and sometime 70 , Ensignes at a time , which being by the States as extreme badly paid then , as the Queenes Maiesties were honorably & well : Any English souldier that could get out of their Bands into the Ensignes of her Maiestie thought themselues aduanced from Hel to Heauen . Hereof it came to passe that all the Earle of Leicesters time the Captains in her Maiesties pay needed not to send into England for souldiers at great charge , for their leuying , arming , & transporting to supply their Bands as since they haue : but continually Suite was made vnto thē by souldiers of this ill paid voluntary Bands to be receiued into the Queens Maiesties pay : For those soldiers would rather frely forgiue their own pay to their Captains , thā tary in the States pay , if they could obtain a place in any of her Ma : Bands : And so the Captains of her Maiesties Bands ( without any charge at all ) had meanes then still to maintaine and keepe their Ensignes compleat , which ( neither before nor since ) they euer could ( without their charges in sending for and transporting of new souldiers out of England ) for the which they can haue no allowance but vpon speciall petition to her Maiestie . Farther the Earle in his time of Gouernment tooke such courses to make the Captaines keepe their Bandes strong , as neuer were before nor since . For at the first , finding many Bands of fooftemen left vnto him extream weake , not 60. souldiers in a Band of 150. and halfe a doozen such Bands at one Muster and one place : his Excellency gaue a generall day to all Captaines in her Maiesties List to haue their Bands reinforced strong , or else to be checked according to to their weaknes at the next future Muster : As they should likewlse for his time receiue the benefit for the time past , not to bee checked , if they were found compleat , and strong for Seruice at that their appointed day . This generally made them all , or the greatest part contend , who might Reinforce their Bands strongest . Againe his Excellency ( being both Gouernour for the States , and Generall for her Maiestie ) had the commaundement of both forces , and thereby caused Musters Generall in his time to bee alwaies made of all souldiers in euery Garrison at one instant : Whereby the souldiers in the States pay could not fraudulently bee lent or borrowed to fill the Queenes Bands at Musters , as otherwise they might haue doone . There was also such Ordinances for Musters established by his Excellency as neuer the like in those Prouinces ( or better in any other ) can be shewed , to enforce the Captaines that for feare of due checke ( if for their owne credit any Reputation otherwise they would not ) to keep their Bands compleat : By which Precedents the States haue since much reformed their Militia . And with all so honourable Entertainment allowed the Muster-Master General at that time , as ( if he would haue but winked willingly at corruptions ) he had beene worthie of all shame and blame : Who thereby ( hauing conuenient meanes , carrying a seuere hand ( according to his dutie ) to execute his office iustly , was so maligned of the licentious sort of Captaines , as they would vow to keepe their Bands more than compleat , rather than he should haue a penny checke out of their Bands toward his Entertainment , The honest therefore and honourable ( for their owne commendation ) and the licentious and malignant ( for feare of checke and enuie against the Muster-Master ) contend all , who might keepe their Bands fairest . And yet I thinke there will bee found more checks certaine , notwithstanding in the Earles gouernment fiuefolde for respectiue time , than other before or after ; When the Bands were farre weaker , besides the checkes respited to farther Examination , which would haue amounted vnto much more , if by conning practises they had not procured his disgrace . But as the bestowing some time of a thousand or two thousand pounds a yeare on the maintaining of Sluces and Milles for the drayning of Marshes , may in some Leuelles by clearing of the waters encrease their goodnesse & value of their grounds twentie thousand pounds a yeare to be bestowed on these necessarie Engines may leaue them so insufficient as they shall not bee able to drayne the waters . And thereby the whole leuell of Marshes improfitable , or many score thousand of pounds in their value yearely lost . So fareth it in the due maintenance of these important Officers in causes Militarie . The Like I say of the Marshall and Serieant-Generall , and many other , who if they haue wil and skil to execute their duties without regard of offence to the bad and licentious in matter of Iustice , and vse their office as they ought , to aduance the profit and seruice of the Prince ( which without compotent and honourable Entertainment is not to bee expected ) they may not onely be able ten-folde in the aduancement of the Seruice to deserue their wages , but euen ( in sauing of Treasure ) requite it ten-folde also . And therefore soundly may conclude , That neither the sparing of Seede by the fond Husbandman , nor the pinching of pence before mentioned by the miserable Merchant , in the rigging and furnishing of his Ship , Nor want of due allowance for Drayning of Marshes by conuenient Engines is halfe so fond and absurd , as the omitting of such necessarie Officers in Martiall causes , Or the sparing of such Entertainment as should enable them to discharge their offices iustly and honourably , That by corrupt and lucrous pettie companions may be managed to the extreme Robbing of the Prince , and confusion of all true Martiall discipline . For euen as in this office of Censor or Comptroller-Generall of Musters a corrupt person may with farre greater gaine giue his Prince two thousand pounds a yeare to farme that Office thā an honest officer can take two thousand pounds yearely Entertainment for him and his Substitutes faithfully to discharge it : So shall the 2000 , pounds giuen by the Prince to such a one , bee ten-folde more gainfull and beneficiall to his Seruice , than the 2000. pounds taken : Which by due consideration of the frauds and deceipts practized , and by mee at large in a particular Treatise thereof alreadie reuealed , And hy the very triall or experiences alreadie made ( duely weighed ) will euidently appeare . And therefore may truly say , that aswell for the profit of all Princes and States , as for the honour and aduancement of the seruice , it is fit this Officer ( as likewise all other Officers or Commaunders of like importance and necessitie ) should haue such conuenient Entertainement for the Reputation of their place , as they may ( without feare or regard of any ) syncerely censure and controll all deceipts and abuses , by whom soeuer they finde then boulstered or patronized . And hauing indeed such allowance as the Reputation of their place requireth , if any such be found ( for any respect ) to become partie or pander of such corruptions and Robberies , whereby the Royall Treasure should bee vnduly wasted , the forces enfeabled and Martiall discipline corrupted Tanquam reum lasae Maiestatis , I would haue such a one Exemplarly to bee corrected with all blame and shame . And for a finall conclusion of this true Paradox may confidently confirme . That the most thriftie , and sparing course that any Prince or State can take to continue a warre , ( without wasting of their treasure , or ouer-burdening of their Subiects with intollerable Taxes ) is still to allow all necessary Commaunders , Officers , Captaines , and Souldiers such conuenient , large , and sufficient Entertainment , as men of true value and honestie may indeed rest therewith contented : And then to execute seuere Martiall Discipline on all frauds , Robberies , and Extorsions , without respect of Persons . The second Paradox . That the Antique Romane and Graecian discipline Martiall doth farre exceede in Excellency our Modern , notwithstanding all alterations by reason of that late inuention of Artillerie , or fire-shott . And that ( vnlesse wee reforme such corruptions as are growne into our Moderne Militia , vtterly repugnant to the Ancient ) wee shall in time loose vtterly the renowne and honour of our Nation , as all other also that haue or shall commit or tollerate like errors . WHereas among many Captaines and Commaunders of the newe Moderne Martiall Discipline , it is maintained for a Maxime : That all ancient Romane or Graecian Militarie Lawes and Orders of the Field ( aswell for Gouernment , as trayning of their Souldiers ) are for the warres of our age meere Mockeries , and that the fury of the Ordinance and other rare . Inuentions of our time is such , as hath enforced a necessarie change of Discipline and Order in all those matters : I thinke it fit to open the Error and absurditie of this opinion , held eyther of such as of ignorance discommend that they neuer vnderstood , or vnaduisedly are miscaried with the authoritie of others , or of malitious subtilty seeke to aduance such opinions , as may reduce all Martiall Actions to a turbulent confusion , whereby such corrupt , base minded persons ( as seeke the warres for gaine ) may excessiuely enrich themselues , euen with the ruine of their countrey . I therefore to the contrarie auerre : That neither the furie of Ordinance , nor any other like inuentions of this our age , hath or can worke any such alteration : But that the auncient discipline of the Romane and Martiall Graecian States , ( euen for our time ) are rare and singuler Praecedents . And that many such customes as wee haue taken vp ( contrarie to those honorable and right Martiall Praecedents ) will worke our vtter shame and confusion , if we should encounter with such warlike Troops and souldiers as their discipline then bred : And yet not impossible but facile for any King in his owne Realme ( especially of our Nation ) by those ancient Praecedents to select and frame a Militia as farre surmounting in value vulgar Moderne as the Lacedemonian , the Macedonian , or any other Graecian did the effeminate Persian , who in sundrie battailes haue vanquished them when in number they were double , treble , yea manifold the greater , and in wealth and riches farre exceeding . And to enter into the opening of this truth ( so much repugnant to the conceipt generally receiued of the greater multitude professing Armes ) First I say , That like as in all other Artes and Sciences it is a matter of verie great importance to haue sure grounds and true Principles without abuse or error . So in this Art Military ( whereupon dependeth not onely the liues of so great multitudees , but also the defence or ruine of the greatest Realmes & Monarchies ) it were to be wished that men were not to be misled with such false and fraudulent opinions as may bring-forth fruits most poysonous and perrilous . Seeing therefore by the ciuill warres which haue risen in this our age , diuers disorders haue spung vp , and for want of abilitie to make due pay to souldiers , the Generals and chiefe Commaunders to haue beene enforced to tollerate many abuses which in time haue growne vsuall , and by vse of some disciples ( bred in such lawlesse discentions ) not onely learned and practised , but peruersely maintained to bee not onely tollerable , but also laudable , yea farre excelling the auncint discipline of the Romane and Greeke Armies . This error because it tendeth to the aduancing of vice : and defacing of vertue , to the extolling of many corrupt new practised abuses and licentious delicacies , and the reiecting or contemning of the sober painefull , strict , seuere , and sacred Militarie discipline of the Antiquitie . I thinke it fit to touch some principall points , wherein the Moderne Militia ( which I reprooue ) doth dissent from the Antiquitie ( which I commend ) and propone as a Praecedent for vs to imitate : That any Souldier of iudgement ( not caried wilfully with corrupt affection ) may see , how farre awrie they are , that somuch extoll the one , or disdainefully contemne the other . But first ( lest I bee misconceiued ) I must explaine a little farther , My meaning not to bee precisely to binde our Nation , or any other , to the same very Rules or Lawes which the Romanes or any Graecian State was ruled by , which most florished in Martiall prowesse , I thinke the same as great an error as that of some Diuines , who would haue all Nations ruled by the verie same politique Lawes and paynes that Moyses praescribed to the Iewes or people of Israell . For albeit those diuine Lawes were prescribed by the infinite wisedome of GOD himselfe , and for those people ( no doubt ) the most conuenient , yet , as times , and States , and dispositions of Nations are variable and different , So may the paines or punishments bee made more seuere or remisse , as the Magistrates and choise members of each State , ( assembling as Physitions to cure the maladies growing in the bodie of their Realmes ) shall finde conuenient : So as they make nothing Lawfull that is by Lawes Diuine prohibited , for that were flat impietie . So say I also , there is in the discipline Militarie of those Martiall States-antique , many things , which ( according to the nature and disposition of our people ) wee may mitigate or encrease , alter or accommodate . But the dissent in the verie chiefe grounds and principall Axiomes of the Art Martiall ( as such men of warre of the new Discipline doo ) I holde it a daungerous error , and fit to bee effectually regarded , and speedily reformed . Neyther is it any part of my meaning , and to taxe or reprooue all Generals , Commaunders , Collonels or Captaines that serue in these our Moderne warres , as men corrupted or depraued with these erronious opinions . For my selfe in mine owne experience haue knowne many , that highly esteeme the auncient and true Martiall Discipline , and condemne as much the intollerable abuses that haue growne in by the late intestine & ciuill discentions . As in France , how much that worthie Prince of Condie and Admirall Shattilion abhorred those disorders which in their time began ( and are since growne to their ripenesse or rather full Rottennesse ) may partly appeare by their Campe-Lawes , sauouring altogether of the Antique true Martiall Discipline , as farre forth as the corruptions of this age , and their wantes to pay their Troopes would permit . As by that I haue at-large set-downe in my Stratioticos touching their Militarie lawes , more manifestly will appeare . Likewise in the Militarie Treatize of that famous Generall , Guillame de Bellay Seignior le Langey of Discipline Military , more euidentlye dooth appeare : Howe much hee disliked also of the corrupt customes in his time , growne into the warres of France , and how hee laboured to reduce it to the perfection of those auncient Martiall States , that for many hundred yeares together ( hauing made that Art and profession , and thereby mightily aduanced their Realmes in Fame , honour , and wealth , and also encreased their Territories ) had indeed attained to the high perfection thereof . How much also that famous Prince of Orange disliked with these moderne abuses ( albeit for want of meanes to pay , and also authoritie sufficient to gouerne as hee would , hee were enforced to tollerate in his Mercenary Commaunders many of those corruptions ) my selfe know by that I haue diuerse time , heard , euen from his owne mouth , besides that appeareth otherwise by his Remonstrances and Military Ordinances . The like I could say of many of our owne Nation , Men of honour , experience and value , that both know and acknowledge how necessarie it were to haue a Reformation of Moderne abuses , and Restitution of true Martiall discipline , but are loath to make themselues odious to such multitudes , as ( hauing beene bred-vp in those base , easie , corrupt lucrous customes ) would extremely hate such a Gouernour , or Commaunder as should crosse their profit , and in his owne Regiment first with seueritie begin such Reformation : Which is indeed not to bee performed but by the authoritie and Maiestie of a Prince and Royall State , that is able both to pay and punish . So farre am I therefore from condemning all Commaunders of this age , eyther of our owne Nation or theirs , for Patrones of these Moderne corruptions and basterdly degenerate Souldierie , as cleane contrariwise in mine owne experience and knowledge I can cleare many : Hauing my selfe knowne and conferred with diuers of our owne Nation that asmuch abhorre them , as that famous souldier of France Mounsier de la Nôe , whom I haue my selfe also heard , aswel in his priuate speeches , as since in his Military discourses discouer his extreme dislike of such our modern vnsouldierly corruptions , which neuerthelesse my selfe saw hee was in part inforced to tollerate , euen then , when hee was Martiall of that mighty Armie by the States leuied against Don Iohn de Austria , and the Prince of Parma in Brabant vtterly against his will and liking . I can therefore the lesse blame any such of our Nation , as beare for a time with these errors , when they see ( by contending for redresse without sufficient authoritie ) they shall little preuaile , and yet make themselues extreme odious . But for such as will not onely tollerate , but ( of purpose to make profit by them ) will impudently maintain their moderne costomes good , and better for this age , than the Auncient , As I know them most hurtfull members , So I cannot but wish such bad Patriotts reformed by better reason , or in time reiected as infected sheepe , that are able with their leprosie and infection to corrupt great multitudes , to the excessiue danger of their Prince and State. First therefore to shew some principall points , wherein the Moderne Militia I speake of , dissenteth from the Ancient by mee commended , I say . 1 It was a very laudable custom of Antiquity to haue in their States or Realmes Cōscriptos milites their chosen enrolled souldiers , not of the base , loose , abiect , vnhonest sort , by Cornelius Tacitus wel termed Purgamenta vrbiū suarū , but of the honest , well-bred , and renowned Burghers and other country Inhabitants that had some liuing , Art , or trade to liue vpon when the warres were finished , aswell to haue them practized and trained in all Martial exercises before they came to deale with their Enemies : As also that hauing somewhat to loose , they more dutifully and obedienly behaue themselues during the Seruice . And hauing whereupon to liue when the warres were done , neede not commit such Pickories , extorsions , and Outrages , as the common crew of such Caterpillers and Vermine doo : As , ( hauing nothing at home to loose , or Art to liue , ) seeke the warres onely ( like Free-booters ) for rauine and spoile . 2 I say , it was also a commendable custome in those States and common-weales to choose Captaines and Commaunders of credit and account in their Countries , Cities , or Townes , that might traine and exercise neighbours in all Martiall and Militarie Exercises at home , before they led them to the warres : whereby the very children in those States ( only by looking on ) knew farre better both the vse of euerie sort of weapon , and how to march and raunge themselues into any forme of battell , yea , how to defend themselues ( like souldiers ) from euery kinde of charge or assault of their Enemies , farre better I say than many of our braue men that haue haunted such licentious warres or pickories many a yeare . 3 I say also that it was a commendable course to make such choise of Captaines in those Antique warres ( as being men of Reputation of the same countrey or Citie from whence their souldiers were leuied , might haue the greater care to performe their duties towards their countrimen and neighbours , among whom they should liue at their returne from the warres , and thereby receiue euer after vnto their death from them and their friends , eyther conuenient praise and loue , or infamie and hatred as their Gouernement had merited ) So in these daies that the Captaines are become not onely the leaders , but also the Pagadores or Pay-Masters of their Bandes , there is greater cause to haue them chosen not onely of skill and reputation , but also of abilitie to aunswere an accompt of such Treasure as shall come to their handes , for the payment of their souldiers : Seeing otherwise ( if they bee base-minded corrupt persons ) they may full easily wrong , starue , and waste their Souldiers many waies , to make their owne profit by their death and consumption of their Band , especially where fraudes in Musters by lewde custome shall also growe tollerable . For if any such Captaines bee chosen as eyther haue nothing of their owne at home to liue vpon , or neuer meane to turne into the Countrey , whereas the Souldiers were leuied , to receiue from them and their friendes the honour or infamy , the loue or hatred that their behauiour hath merited what hope is there that such a one will leaue the excessiue sweete gaine hee may make by the fliecing or rather flaying of his flocke , and not ( according to the Moderne Discipline ) scrape and rake-in what hee may to liue afterward : hauing neither land liuing , nor Art otherwise to maintaine himselfe when the warres are done . 4 Likewise where Captaines were rightly chosen of such Reputation and credit as is before repeated , that they had a speciall care in health and sicknesse to prouide things necessarie to preserue the liues of their Souldiers ( being their Tenaunts or Neighbours , that euer after to their death would honour and loue them for it , and the kindred and friends of those Souldiers also , whensoeuer it came to any fight with the Enemie , they were euer most assured and faithfull to such Leaders , and they likewise to them . In such sort as it was almost impossible to breake such a knot ef vnited mindes : but being otherwise leuied ( as too too commonly in our Moderne warres hath beene accustomed , where the Captaine neither knowes his Souldiers , nor the Souldiers their Captain before the Seruice , nor euer meane to meete againe when the warres are ended ) As the loue is small betweene them , So is their fidelitye and confidence much lesse . And as the Captaine taketh small care to prouide for them eyther in health or sicknesse for any necessaries to preserue liues , So haue as smal deuotion to aduenture their liues for him or his honour ( to whom indeed the chiefe reputation of their good seruice alwaies should redound ) But rather in all Encounters with the Enemie , how to make shift by flight to saue their liues . If then these kinde of Captains also ( very prouidently foreseeing the worst which is likely to happen ) will not bee vnprouided of a beast , to run-away , trusting rather to the legs of his horse than to all the hands in his Band : What can bee conceiued ? But that heereof chiefely it comes to passe , that in these moderne warres wee heare of so many violent Retraits , ( For so in their new discipline they terme that which in the olde warres was called shamefull flight ) I meane when the Captaine and some of his Officers spur-away on horsebacke , and the rest throwe away both armour and weapons to leape ditches the more lightly , and are shamfully slaine without resistance : and many times by multitudes ( pressing to get boats ) do drowne themselues . Now whether such accidents bee too vsuall or no , I referre it to their owne consciences that most boldly will commend this base moderne discipline . And if it be true whether there bee any more likely cause thereof than the diffidence before recited betweene the Captaine and his souldiers , and the want of shame ( which in the Antique Souldiery was euer accounted the highest vertue ) But now by depraued custome in our licentious degenerate warres vtterly lost and abandoned : and such accounted brauest men that are become of all others the most impudent . 5 I say also it was a most honorable order to haue it punished with great shame in any souldier to lose or throw-away his Armes , being held among the Graecians a perpetuall disgrace for any priuate souldier so much as to loose his Target . But if now both Captaines and some chiefe Commaunders also of the Moderne new Militia will bee much offended to haue any of their Band so much as checked by the Censor or Muster-Master for lacke of his Curates or Caske . And to encourage either to leaue their Armes , wil seldome themselues euer weare any , but take it for a great brauerie and Magnanimitie in Seruice to bee seene vnarmed . What shall I say but that indeed ( for them that neuer meane to fight , but to escape by flight ) to bee the lighter for a swift carrier , it is a verie politique inuention and a gainfull Discipline . 6 It was also an honourable course of Antiquitie ( besides the choise of the Captaines of such credit in their Townes & Countries at their entring also into Seruice ) to binde them and their Souldiers all with a sacred solemne Militarie oath , being holden no better than a thiefe or Free-booter that followed the warres , vnlesse hee were enrolled vnder some Ensigne , and had receiued his Militare oath , whereby hee vowed both obedience and fidelitie , and rather to die than dishonourably to abandon his Leader and Ensigne . But in such new Discipline these ceremonies are scoffed at , and Captaines chosen sutable to their loose depraued Soulderie , 7 It was also a laudable custome to haue the Captaine cary his own Armes in his Ensigne , besides the Ensignes of the Regiments which were among the Romans alway Eagles . And that hee that lost his Ensigne should bee held a disgraced man , not fit to carrie Armes till hee had wonne like honour againe . But now in our new Militia in stead of Ensignes we haue learned to carry colours , because many Captaines perhaps are yet to winne their Armes , and thereby make small account to loose their Maisters colours , which may bee one cause ( among many other ) that the Spaniard within these 20 or 30 yeares can make his vant of the taking of more English Ensignes , than I thinke they could truly these 500 yeares before . 8 It was also a most laudable Discipline , wherby men from their infancye were taught in those Martiall Schooles rather resolutely in the Field to die , than to saue their liues by flight , the Mothers detesting and abhorring their owne children that saued their liues by flying : yea and some with their owne hands doing execution on such children of their own as were Fugitiues , rather than they would haue so dishonourable a Monument ( as they said ) to their parents and country to walke vpon the earth . But if in our Moderne Militia this error bee thought so small , as many such braue men will among their cups vsually vaunt thereof , and recount at how many places they haue fled and runne away : Taking as it were a glory to tell who had fled fastest , the chaunge is ouer great . As in the ancient Martial States it was ( euen in a priuate souldier ) held a perpetuall shame to haue ronne away , or somuch as onely abandoned his Ranke wherein hee was placed ( vnlesse it were to step forward into the place of his precedent fellow slaine ) So in a Captaine or Superiour Commander it is much more dishonorable and shamefull : Which hath caused many famous Generals ( that ful easily might haue escaped & saued themselues ) vtterly to refuse horses offered , and all other meanes to flye , and haue voluntarily sacrifized themselues with their souldiers . But if in our new Militia many braue souldiers ( as they are tearmed by their owne crewe ) will not shame to vaunt : In how many places they haue escaped by flight ( belike of Zeale to fight againe for their countrey ) the change indeed is great . 10 In the Antique Militia it was a shame for a Leader or Commaander of footmen to bee seene mounted on any horse of seruice , but eyther a foote , or for his ease ( being wearied ) on some small Nagge , which no man could suspect was any way reserued to escape by flight . But if in such Moderne Militia ye shal haue both Captaines and Collonels on horses of swift carrier mounted , and brauely leading their men euen to the place of Butcherie , and then to take their leaue ( vnder pretence to fetch supplies ) The Discipline is greatly altered . And yet these shamelesse Fugitiues perhaps highly commending one another ( when the valiant men that resolutely died in the place , by slaunderous inuentions shall be lewdly defaced ) These Fugitiues I say may bee aduanced , and the valiant disgraced , or at least buried in obliuion . 11 In these Antique Martiall Commonweales they vsed to make Statuas and Epigrams in their honour that resolutely died in the Field for the seruice of their countrey : and detested such base minded cowards as saued thēselues by flight . But if contrariwise wee burie their names in obliuion that valiantly died in the field , and extoll Fugitiues , and thinke them not vnworthy of new charges : There is a great alteration indeed of Martiall Discipline . 12 In the auncient Martiall States and Monarchies , there were publike places of Exercise , where the youth ( before they went to the warres ) vsed to inure thēselues to more heauie armes and weapons farre than the vsuall for seruice , making thereby their ordinarie Armes seeme light and easie to them . But if such Patrones of the new Discipline scoffe at these painefull exercises ( because they neyther trouble thēselues nor the souldiers with the wearing of such Armes ) it seemeth that as they of the Antiquity prepared themselues to fight and conquer . So these Moderne Commaunders to escape and carowse with the dead paies of their slaine Souldiers . 13 The Antique Martiall discipline was to range their Souldiers into forme of battaile by due proportions of Rankes , teaching the succeeding Rankes ( where any of the former were slaine ) to reinforce their places maintaining their first Ranks still full with armed handes of fighting men in Martiall order . But if such Ringleaders of the Moderne pudled discipline , as would haue all brought into a confusion , scoffe at such order & Ordinances , & say , there is no better way to make a battaile than aduance 4 pikes , & make their Souldiers runne in and fil them : And that all other Arithmeticall Rules ( for speedie dispatch thereof ) are vnfeazible toyes , because their owne skills will not reach it as a matter they neuer set their wits vpon . Whether they were fitter to fould sheepe , or embattell Souldiers I leaue it to the censure of honourable & right Martiall Commaunders . 14 The discipline was to reduce their Armies into sondrie Battalions and sundry seuerall Frounts whereby the General and his chiefe Officers and Collonels might orderly bring new succours to fight , and relieue such as were tired or weakned by slaughter , and so to renue many fights upon the Enemy still with corragious fresh men till they had entier victorie . And for that cause had they so many Fronts and seuerall kinde of Commaunders , as Turmarum Praefectos , ouer their Principes , Hastatos & Triarios : Tribunos Militum also Drungarios or Chiliarchas , Turmarchas Merarchas , Celerum Praefectos , and many others as in my Stratioticos is set down more lagely for their Fanterie onely : Whereon those right Martiall Nations reposed their chiefest trust , and yet no idle Leaders or Officers , but euerie one to so necessarie a purpose as they might not conueniently bee spared . But if such men of warre of the new Mould scoffe at all these Ordinances and Supplies , saying : A battell is woon and lost in the twinkling of an eye at the first ioyning , and therefore needlesse : Wee may indeede confesse it too true , where they bring their braue men like flocks of sheepe hudle confused to fight , or rather to flight : The battaile is many times indeed gotten before the crossing of pikes . The terror onely of Armes glistering is sufficient to scare such pilfering vnsouldierlike Freebooters . 15 The auncient discipline was euer to encampe their souldiers close together strongly , and so orderly to deuide their Quarters , and set downe their Regiments : As their campe was like a well fortified Towne , where ten-times so many Enemies durst not assault them . But our new discipline , to lodge our Armie in Villages farre and wide a sunder , as euery Captaine may be prouided most for his ease and commoditie like pettie Princes , and thereby in no place more easily defeated than in their owne lodgings . 16 The auntient Martiall men thought it not dishonourable with their owne hands to Entrench their Capms . And their great Generals would take the Shouell in hand themselues when occasion so required . But our braue men of the new Discipline disdaine to bee Pioners , and will rather lodge abroad in villages at their pleasure and ease like gallant fellowes , where they may take their pleasure , and carouse lustily . 17 The auncient Discipline reposed their chiefe confidence in their Fanterie , whom they so trained , armed and ordered : As twentie or thirtie thousand footemen forced not of fiue times so many horsemen . But as our footmen of the new Discipline are armed and ordered , a thousand horse is able to defeat fiue times as many such footmen . And yet might the footmen of our time carry weapons of farre greater aduantage against horse being well ordered , than were knowne in those daies . So great is the error of the Martial Discipline of our age among such Leaders , as haue beene trayned-vp in Freebooter warres , and haue vowed their seruice to their Ladie Picorea , being carelesse of any thing appertaining to Victory and Honour , respecting rather their owne priuate profit and commoditie . 18 The auncient Martiall Discipline tended chiefely to this scope , to carry such an Army to the Field , as boldly durst march on all grounds , as well Champion , as by Straights . And in Ordinance readie to fight with the Enemie by their exercise , order , and assurance , not doubting of victorie . But the scope of such Moderne Discipline seemeth to bee rather to carrie men ( so lightly armed and loosely disciplined ) as they may bee nimble to stray abroad to picke and steale , and to escape by flight , when they are charged with any Enemie of force . And as for losse of Ensignes or shamefull flight , they make it a trifling matter , being readie to doe as much againe at any time . 19 The auncient Discipline would neuer suffer any souldiers to go abroad to spoile , but with Leaders and commaunders to direct and guide them : hauing intelligence before hand , which Quarters was best replenished with commodities needfull for the Army , and then sent such forces as might not faile to set it in , or honourably defend themselues if they were encountred . But this new discipline will send their souldiers to spoile by handfuls , without Captaine , Lieutenant or Ensigne to guide them : if they get any Pickorie , the Captaine hath his share : But if their throats bee cut , the Captaine will haue their pay , aswell due before their death as after , by mustering them absent , &c , til the Muster-master discouer it . And whereas such a Captaine should bee disarmed , and by the Prouost hanged for such abuse : By this new Discipline hee will raile at the Muster-master lustely , if hee cheeke him onely the stollen pay . 20 The auncient true Martiall Discipline was , That all Prayes ( so orderly in the warres takē ) should be brought to one place ; where Magistrates and Officers of purpose appointed should dispose thereof for the Ransoming of prisoners , and the remounting of such as had their horses slaine in Seruice , and for reward aswell of those that made the Stand , as of those that fet in the pray . But in our new Discipline it is Catch who catch may , and no order in the world for distribution of the pray for any publique vses , nor for redemption of prisoners , or remounting of such as in Seruice lost their horses . 21 The auncient Discipline was that no armed man on paine of death should step out of his Ranke in time of Seruice , to catch or spoile , which they easily obeyed , because by their Martiall Discipline then , they had as good reward out of the pray ( that stood in battaile armed ) as the loose men that brought it in . But in our Moderne warres ( where no such order is established , but Catch who catch may ) there is nothing but confusion : Which cannot be but to their vtter ruine and shame . Whensoeuer such vnsouldierly Freebooters shall encounter with any Enemie of good gouernment . 22 By the auncient Discipline ( besides the reward of the souldiers which was left to the discretion of the Generall ) there were euer great masses of Treasure brought home to the publique Treasurie to maintaine the future warres , and thereby no Cesses or Subsidies on the people for many yeares together , by reason of the treasure so saued and gained by their well disciplined warres . But if by our Moderne Discipline of Land Seruices the Prince or State hath no benefit by the spoiles , but is riotously wasted among such Freebooters and their assotiates and the best souldiers least part of the pray , and by such disordered warre , no ceasing of Taxes or Subsidies , but continuāce or rather encrease of both , in al Realmes and States serued by such spoilers : It is easie to discerne which were the better Discipline for the Prince and people . 23 By such auncient Discipline Kingdomes and States by their warres haue encreased their wealth , and their Subiects haue growne more wealthie and mightie . But by our Moderne warres both Prince and Subiects grow poore , & few of these vnruly vnsouldierlike Free-booters ( how hugely soeuer they get by their corruptions or abuses ) grow wealthie by it , for , Badly gotten is euer commonly worse spent . 24 The scope of the auncient Martiall Discipline was chiefly to preserue the publique Treasure of the coūtry , and to maintaine the warres on the treasure gotten by conquests on their Enemies . But the scope of our Moderne Discipline seemeth to bee to enrich priuate Captaines and Commaunders , and to conuert both the spoiles & the wages of the souldiers also to their particular benefits . And so new Taxes and Subsidies of necessitie still on the people to maintaine the warres . 25 The auncient Generals and great Commanders had their chiefest care how to preserue their own people which caused them so carefully to arme them , traine thē , and entrench them strongly , &c. saying the held it more honorable to saue one of their owne Souldiers than to destroy ten Enemies . As they likewise sought to make their Souldiers and Countrey wealthie , respecting nothing for themselues but the honour onely of well-doing . But in our Moderne Discipline it seemeth , The more of their Souldiers are wasted and consumed , the richer grow such Commanders as by deceipts in Musters haue the conscience to conuert all the dead payes to their own profit : Which wicked game of all other is most abhominable before God & perrilous to any State : the strength and glory of a Prince onely consisting in the multitude and force of his people which are wasted and consumed by such Moathes and Caterpillers . 26 These auncient worthie Generals and Commaunders in the Field bent their wits and inuentions onely for such exploits as might be honourable and profitable to their countrey . But if Commaunders of the new discipline deuise onely Exploits to waste and consume the Treasure of their Prince or State : And care not ( to supply their owne prodigall Expences ) though they spoyle their friends thereby , not onely doing their best to breake amitie and make more Enemies to their Prince and Countrey , but also commit such foolish spoiles as their Prince or State shall bee sure to repay again double and treble any commoditie or aide they receiued thereby . This abuse surely ought to bee amended . 27 In those auncient right Martiall States wee shall heare of Generals and Dictators ( after they had deposed Kings conquered great Princes , and brought home to the Treasure of the countrey mightie masses of Gold & Siluer ) were neuerthelesse contēt to returne home to their poore houses , no whit enriched in wealth , but only in honour , liuing soberly and temperately as before on their priuate patrimony , and scarcely a peece of Siluer-plate to be seene in their own houses , that haue brought in millions to their State and Realme . But if in our Moderne Discipline wee shall see pettie Commaunders ( that neuer brought into their Princes Realme or State the hundred part of any such masses of Treasure , but rather haue had their share in wasting huge sums to little purpose ) to abound in brauery , wast infinitely in all kinde of vanities , that I say no worse , And more Siluer dishes on their Table than Quintus Dictator or Scipio that conquered Hanniball and razed Carthage : It seemeth these men serue themselues , as the other did their countrey . 28 Wee may read of Romane Generals that by conquering some Prouinces brought so great a masse of wealth to the publique Treasurie of Rome , that it ceased Taxes , Tributes , or Subsidies there for many yeares . But if our Moderne Militia ( cleane contrarie ) doo still waste and consume the publique Treasure , and bee the cause not of ceasing , but rather of encreasing of Tributes or Subsidies on their countrey , the difference of Discipline indeed is great : But which were the better for the honour and commodity of our Prince and countrey , is easie by the wise , honest , and right honourable to bee discerned . By the Auncient Discipline little Macedonie conquered all the large and spacious Orientall Empire of the proud , rich , & populous Persians : And that smal Realme of Rome subdued so many Nations vnder their obedience in Europe Africke , and Asia , and made Tributarie so many mightie Kings , as their Monarchie was of the whole world admired : And that their discipline Militarie was the chiefe or onely cause thereof : That famous Romane Emperour Alexander Seuerus in his Oration to his Souldiers declareth , saying . Disciplina Maiorum Rempub. tenet , quae si dilabatur , Et nomen Romanum , & Imperium amittemus . If then not onely by the censure or prophesie of that famous Emperour , concerning , that State , but by verie experience also in our owne age of many others our Neighbours round about vs , wee may plainely beholde the successe of this corrupt degenerate Moderne Militia , so repugnant to the Auncient : It were wilfull blindnesse not to discerne which were the better . And no lesse negligence to permit the continuance of so daungerous a disease . 30 Wee shall also read of Generals in those warlike Common-weales , that so highly esteemed of the Martial Discipline of their Nation , and were so zealous therein , as they would not haue it violated in the least point . As Manlius Torquatus that would haue executed his own sonne for encountring in particular combate with his Enemie without leaue , and before the Signall of battaile giuen ; Albeit hee had the victorie and strake-of his enemies head in the sight of both Armies , to the great encouragement of the Romanes , and terrour of the contrarie side , that tooke that particular Encounter as Ominous for the successe of the battaile , as it fell indeed out , to the great honour of the Romanes , and vtter ruine of their Enemies . Yet after the victorie this honourable and famous Generall , considering the daunger that might haue fallen out if his sonne had not beene victorious , and that the discipline Romane was broken by this attempt ( to fight without licence ) hee would not spare it in his owne sonne , but commaunded the Serients to apprehend him , and ( after hee had beene whipped with rods ) to bee openly executed : wherein hee so constantly perseuered , as his whole Victorious Armie on their knees could scarcely obtaine his pardon . If then this breach of one point onely of Militarie obedience ( committed of Magnanimitie and noble courage , and aboundance of Zeale to his countrey ) was in those daies so seuerely censured : As the father would not haue pardoned his owne sonne , notwithstanding by his happie successe also hee was the chiefest cause of that honourable victorie . What shall wee say of such Ring-leaders of corruptions in the new discipline , As shall not of any such Magnanimitie or haughtie courage or Zeale to their countrey , but of a base , corrupt , and lucrous minde breake not one or two , but many points of Martiall Discipline , and therby not get victorie , but more than once or twice receiue those dishonourable foiles and disgraces , that for shame in those daies no priuate souldier would neuer returne home to abide the due shame and disgrace of . What can be said ? But that it is high time to haue these important Errors looked into , least the same succeed heere , which in all other States haue done , where Martiall Discipline hath beene so neglected , and corruptions triumph vnpunished . It were infinite to recite all the disorders of our Moderne warres , and would require a long Treatise to lay-open all the commendable Ordinances , Customes , and prouisions of the famous Graecian and Romane Armies , whereby they honoured and immortalized their Generals , and amplified and enriched their States and Countries . But these few notes may suffice to shew how great a difference there is betweene the one and the other . Neither is it my meaning to call in question the doings of any particular persons , but onely to open the daungerous error of that opinion : That the loose customes of our time should be better than the Auncient : Or of such excellency as wee neede no reformation or amendement . For I doubt not by due consideration of these few by mee recited it is manifest how great a difference there is betweene that Auncient Discipline ( whereby meane and poore Estates were aduāced to mighty Monarchies ) And these Moderne corruptions ( whereby flourishing States haue beene spoyled and defaced , and mightie Realmes and Empires brought to ruine . ) But because some Patrones of these new corruptions ( for defence of their bad cause ) alleage : That the late famous inuention of Great Artillerie and Fireshott , vnknowen to the Antiquitie , and so farre surmounting all the Auncient Romane and Graecian Engines both in terror and effect ) hath necessarily enforced so great an alteration of Armes , Weapons , and Militarie Order , as the discipline also must cleane chaunge : I thinke it fit to set downe some of their chiefe and principall Reasons . 1 First therefore ( say they ) it is now to small purpose to weare Armes , seeing the furie of the Fireshott is such , as no Armour is able to holde it out . 2 It is vaine to make Battailes or Battalions in such order and forme ranked , as among the Graecians or Romanes were accustomed . Because the furie of the great Artillerie is such as it o●●●eth , breaketh and dissolueth all Orders or Ordinances that yee can imagine to make : And therefore experience hath taught us ( say they ) to leaue those massie Bodies of armed Battailes that serue but for Buts for the great Artillerie to play upon : And to seeke more nimble and light Fanterie that may bee readie to take and leaue at their pleasure . 3 And for the seueritie of Discipline in the warres ( they say ) it is like the Phrensie of some Diuines , that would haue men in this world passe an Angelicall life , without any fault or errors : which being so farre aboue the nature of man to performe : In aspiring to it many times they commit more foule and grosse faults than the vulgar sort , that neuer reach at such perfection : and thereby become ridiculous to the world as they also will bee that shall attempt such praecise Discipline Militarie , as is vtterly impossible to put in execution , and vnnecessarie for this our age , where Weapons and Orders of the warres are so altered and changed . These are the most effectuall Reasons that euer I could heare alleaged on that side to maintaine their hereticall opinion . But as there is no cause so bad , but may by finenesse of wit be cleered and made appeare probable . So is there no doctrine so false but by craft & subtilty of mans inuentions shall bee made plausible and to appeare matter of good truth . These reasons indeed at the first appearance seeme probable , but being duly weighed are no thing woorth . 1 And first for leauing Armes in respect of the furie of the Fireshot which no portable Armor is able to resist , is both friuolous and false . For there are many reasons to vse conuenient Armes , albeit that were true that they profited vs nothing against the Fireshot . For they defend vs from the Launco , from the Pike , the Halberd , the Iauelin , the Dart , the Arrow , and the Sword : yea and from the greater part of the fireshot also that any way endaunger vs in the field : I meane euen the portable and indifferent Armor that is made ( n●t of Musket or Caleuer proofe ) but onely against the Launce and Pistoll . For the greatest part of the fireshot that touch the bodies of any man in the field , graze first and strike vpon the ground : And from all such shot , a meane Armor verie portable and easily to bee worne by any souldier , sufficeth to saue a mans life , as ordinary experience in the field daily teacheth . For indeed to lade men with armes of Musket proofe ( I am of their opinion ) were not possible to endure , and meere folly to put in vre for many respects : too long to commit to writing in this place . But this light and meane Armour is still to bee continued in all battailes and battalions that shall encounter with Pike or Launce , because it assureth the life of man greatly from all other weapons , yea and from the most part of the fireshott also . 2 Neyther is there any Martiall Commaunder of iudgment , that will obiect his Battailes or Battalions as a But for the great or small Artillerie to play vpon : But will alway aduance forward their owne shot and lightest armed loose men to encounter their enemies shot , and surprize his Ordinance before the battailes or battalions come within daunger of the Artillerie great or small , to bee plaied on at Poinct Blanke . And thereby shall the enemie bee enforced eyther to put forward his Light-horse or Fanterie before his great Ordinance to guard and defend them : Or else they shall bee possessed or cloyed . If hee protect them with horse and foote of his owne from surprize , then may the Squadrons march on safely , and so ( by good discretion ) the armed battailes are in no daunger at all of their Enemies Artillerie , but may aduenture forward in safety to backe their owne shott and light armed , which were sent to surprize or cloy their enemies Artillery . And thē without any more annoyance of the great Ordinaunce , the Battailes come to ioyne with Launce , Sword , or Pike , as in olde time in auncient warres hath beene accustomed . Farther all men know ( that are of skill or experience ) that great Artillerie verie seldome or neuer can hurt any footeman , that vpon giuing fire onely doo but abase themselues on their knee till the volew bee past , being much more terrible to vnskilfull and vnexpert new Besoignes , than any way hurtfull to trayned Souldiers . And therefore ( as is apparant ) no reason in respect eyther of the great or small Artillerie or Fireshott eyther to leaue conuenient armes , such as the Antiquitie vsed , and were able to march withall many hundred miles , or such Battalions as the Romanes vsed . If any man will obiect that Ruytters with their Pistolles , and Argoletires with their Pettronels , ( which the Romanes had not ) would beat your massie Phalanx of Pikes ( vsed by the Graecians ) downe to the ground , without receiving any dammage at all by them . Heereunto I say , if we had not eyther Pistolles or Lances on horsebacke to encounter these Ruytters and Argoletires , they said somewhat . Or if we had not Musketers on foot to empale or line our battailes , that should more spoile their Squadrons of Ruitters before they could approach nigh the place where they should discharge their pistols . For there is no souldier of iudgement that commendeth the ancient Romane or Graecian Discipline that would haue vs reiect all Moderne weapons to cleaue to theirs onely . But embracing the Moderne fireshot also to leaue the abusing of them , and vsing them rightly to vse still the auncient and right Martiall Discipline also of the Romanes and Graecians . Wee see ( long since the fireshot hath beene vsed ) that the Zwitzers notwithstanding haue continued their massie battailes of armed pikes like the Gaecian Phalanx , and verie honourably dischargd themselues both in Italie , France , and Germanie . In such sort as the Emperour Charles & the French King both relied on them greatly , and to this day ( of the Mercenaries ) they carry the reputation with the best . So that no furie of the fireshot hath euer caused them to leaue their massie Phalanx by the Graecians vsed . How much lesse then should the Romane Order of Battallions feare our Fireshot ? Nay rather is it not the most excellent ordinance that possibly can be imagined ? As well to open themselues ( without disorder ) to giue a way to their Fireshot to saly forth , and retire in safety without any daunger of any charge by their Enemies horse , and so more fit and conuenient for our warres and weapons now in vse , than they were for the weapons of that age wherein they were first practized ? And if neither the small nor great artillery of our age could euer make the Zwitzers or Launce-Knights to leaue their massie mayne Battaile or Phalanx , but that in all warres they haue so honourably discharged themselues , as all Princes are glad to embrace their friendships and aydes : how much more wold they haue excelled , if they had reuiued also the Roman Embattailing in Battalions , which they inuented onely to defeat the Macedonian and Graecian Phalanx . 3. Now for the 3. Inuectiue against their Phrenzie that would haue in Souldierie or Diuinitie such refined Discipline , as is impossible for men , and more fit for Angels . I answere I am indeede of their opinion , that it is fantasticke and phanaticall to aduise such a Discipline any way , as is impossible for men to obserue . But if the Graecians and Romanes also ( being men in flesh as we are ) many hundred yeares together did obserue and keepe such Discipline as I perswade , Then I cannot see any such impossibility as they inferre , Or would make Princes beleeue . But the truth is , it is not for the profit or priuate benefite of such mercenarie Commaunders as most cōmonly manage the wars of our age , to haue that honorable auntient seuere discipline reuiued , which is the cheefe impedimēt . Yet somewhat also I confesse in Europe the great wealth that most Nations are in this age growne vnto , and the delicate education of their children from their infancie doth make that seuere discipline more strange vnto vs , and somewhat more difficile to put in execution , As all things of highest Excellencie are also accompanied with greater difficultie . But if it be compared with the greatnes of the good that therby shall ensue , and the great necessity without delay to haue it done , ( If we esteeme libertie and abhorre to be slaues to strangers ) it may perhaps be found more easy far than at the first it seemes . Or if at first for meaner faultes we mitigate the paines , and by conuenient degrees proceede to cure the maladie that groweth too too dengerous , we shall at least do some-what if not the best , which is rather to be wished than naught at all . But because these Patrones of the new Militia haue one-other arch Argument ( a Verisimili ) to abuse the world withall ; I will also set it downe with such answere as briefly may open the fallacie thereof , and the necessitie of Reformation without delay . The fourth Reason . If ( say they ) the alteration of weapons considered , there were any better Discipline for the warres , the inuention of man is so excellent in this age , and their wittes so refined , as they would put it in vre , aswell as they haue inuented these fire-weapons , So farre exceeding all their Antique Romaine Rammes , Scorpions , Balistes , and Arcubalistes , as we see those old Engines now ( in respect of them ) meere toyes : Euen so is also their auntient Discipline , in respect of the rare Militia moderne of our Age. To this reason of theirs I answere : That no doubt the inuention of man in this age is in deede excellent , and farre exceeding the former ages for 500. or 1000. yeares past : as may appeare by all Artes and Sciences that haue of late more flourished than in a thousand yeeres before . But if we haue regard to the more auntient times of the triumphant Graecian States , and Rothose mane Empire , we shal finde for al Arts & Sciences ages far excelling ours , & no persons of our age ( either for learning or Chiuallrie ) yet comparable with them : If comparing the actions and bookes of the one and the other , we will by the fruites iudge vnpartiallie of the trees . But euen as Diuines , Phisitions , Lawyers , Philosophers , Mathematicians , and Rethoricians , and all other ( studious of any liberall Sciences in our age ) are inforced to repaire vnto those antique fountaines , where all Arts liberall were in their high perfection : So surely for the warres much more we ought , Seeing there was not one Science or Art then , more reduced to her full and supreme perfection . Neuerthelesse I deny not , that the Commaunders of our time for that scope and end perhaps they shot at , haue finely framed a Discipline as profitable & perfect , as the antique was for theirs . For in this our age ( especiallie these fortie or fiftie yeares , since the Emperour Charles left his Martiall actions : And our renowned King Henry the eight , and Francis the French King dyed ) there hath scarcely beene any King of Europe that hath at any time in any royall war gone to the field himselfe , but only committed their Martiall actions chiefelie to the execution of their Lieuetennauts and inferior Commaunders , which must of necessitie make great alteration . For where a King is Oculatus testis , he seeth that which his Lieuetenants wil neuer acquaint him with , being not for their commodities . When Kings goe to the warres themselues , they see what is profitable or discommodious for themselues and their Realmes , and aduance such Discipline as may be most beneficiall to them and their State , As their Deputies will such Discipline as may be most commodious for themselues , howsoeuer it be good or bad for their King or State. Againe in this our age Kings generally haue made their warres ( not so much with their owne people , as with mercenaries and hired Souldiers . Who haue reason for their priuate benifite to vse a gouernment and Discipline farre different from that they ought & would if they were led and commaunded by a King of their owne . Their scope perhaps for the most part being to enrich themselues . Howsoeuer the successe of the wars be for the King or State that paies them . I deny not but the Moderne Discipline and Customes for inriching of themselues , ( I meane of Superior Commaunders ) is most singular and refined to the vtmost . As , If a Generall will be content his Captaines shall keepe their Bands halfe emptie , and yet by fraudes in Musters make his Prince or State pay nigh compleate . If he will suffer them to pill and spoile the Countrey where they lie , oppressing their friends more than their enemies . If when he hath fingred their pay , he will be content to leade them , or haue them led to some butcherie , where most of their throats shall be cut , that their dead paies may be shared among the Leaders . Or generallie for all those pointes of the moderne custome or discipline repugnant to the Antique : who seeth not they are as finelie and wittelie inuented for the profit and commoditie of the mercenarie lucrous Commaunders , as possibly can be deuised : and surelie the wit of men can inuent no more than hath beene , To pretend cunninglie the benefite of the Prince and State they serue , and yet finelie indeede to inrich themselues with the impouerishing and very ruine of their Prince or State that payeth thē . And surelie if Mercenary ( Leaders that serue not for any Zeale , conscience , or duetie they owe to that Prince or Countrey , but only seeke the warres for gaine ) haue framed such a discipline , I cannot so much blame them though they carrie no such Lacedemonian or Romane resolution ( rather to dy in the fielde , than saue themselues by flight ) But choose rather to inrich themselues and their confederates by such escapes , hauing thereby the sharing of all their dead Souldiers paies without contradiction , Seeing dead dogges barke not . But after they haue learned abroad in these mercenarie warres this foule , base , couning and corrupt cowardly Discipline , to bring it home into their natiue Countries : who seeth not it must of necessity worke in time the very ruine of their State ? For as a woman that hath once made shipwracke of her honestie , easilie maketh a relaps : So fareth it in these mercenary Fugitiues , that hauing once cast away shame ( which onlie or cheifelie maketh men resolutelie to sacrifice their Liues for their Countrey ) afterward become so far past shame , as they hold it no disgrace by shamefull flight at any time to saue themselues . This error alone creeping into England ( if euer we be inuaded by a puissant Enemie ) is sufficient vtterly to ouerthrow the State : For it is the honorable resolution of our Nation ( To conquere or dye in the fielde ) that must deliuer England , If we be inuaded by a forceable Enemie . For we haue no such multitudes of strong Townes as other Countries : Our Armes and weapons are our wals and Rampiers . We therefore of all other Nations ought to reuiue the auntient most Honorable Lacedemonian Resolution . To account the shame of dishonorable flight worse than ten deathes . But seeing it is hard in this age of delicacie to worke in mothers that honorable Spartan Resolution ( To abhorre their own children that were Fugitiues ) Yet surelie for all men to detest their company , And for Magistrats to disgrace them , ( as persons vnworthy euer after to beare Armes ) is a thing not onelie necessarie , but of such necessity as ( if it be omitted , and not in time put in due execution ) I doubt we shall too late repent it when all remedie will be past : the Wiseman saith not Had I wist . My meaning is not to call in question any priuate persons of our Nation , for any errors committed in forraine countries : for surely these foule depraued customes were growne so common among the Mercenary Seruitors of all Nations , as many valiant men by Example of others their Superiors or Leaders haue fallen into them . But when we come to serue ( not mercenarie for pay of strangers ) but our naturall Prince and Country , ( to whom we owe our bodies and liues ) it is fit this part of auntient true Martial Discipline be seuerelie reuiued and published , and remerkable Exampels made vpon the first breakers , As also a due reformation of all such other abuses , fraudes , and deceits , as allure men thereunto , and tend to the robbing of our Prince , the defacing of true valour , and aduancing onely of subtile , base minded , lucrous cowardly caterpillers , tending finallie to the very ruine and ouerthrow of the honour of our Prince and Nation , & faelicious estate of our Countrey . I meane not at this time to enter into the meanes how this Discipline should be reformed , or how Souldiery should be made obediēt , for it would require a great volume : but by that I haue read of the Roman & Greeke warres , and by mine owne experience conferred with the opinion of other worthie Souldiers and great Commaunders of our owne age I dare boldly affirme and with good reasons and authoritie maintaine , That it shal be much more easie to frame such an honorable Militia or Souldiery by a leauie of our Contrey-men ( neuer in warres before ) than of such as haue bene depraued and corrupted in the loose , lewde , lucrous , licentious liberties of the warres of this time : As by that I haue more at large set downe in diuers parts of my Stratiotic●s concerning the offices and dewties of euery seueral degree from the priuate Souldier to the Generall , and the Military lawes of seuerall Nations ) there set downe also , more euidently will appeare . This much only in this place I may ad . That albeit Premium and Paena be most Souereigne medecines to cure all Vlcers and infections that happen to the politique bodie of any State , whether it be in ciuill or Martiall causes , yet Example speciallie with our Nation is the cheife . For as in the meanest matters ( if it be but only in apparrell , or attyres ) the Example of our Court is able to reforme or deforme the whole Land , and by bare Example only to doo tenne times more than Proclamations , threatnings , and Statutes paenall : So in Martiall causes much more wee haue regard to such actions as great Commaunders doe , which in Court are fauoured , aduaunced , or countenanced . If they doo well , full easely will all inferiors conforme themselues : But if they either by custome continue courses inconuenient , or by facilitie of nature be seduced but to tollerate onlie the abuses which are too currant in these daies , and not seuerely chastise the delinquent without regard of pleasing or discontenting the diseased multitude ( how good lawes so euer be established , or proclamations made ) it is in vaine : For the loose licentious sort iudge them either published onely for fashion sake without regard whether they be obserued or no , or els their lewde faction to be so strong as Magistrates dare not punish them : And either of these conceiptes ioyned with the profit and sweetenes these licentious Commaunders make by their corruptions , is sufficient to embolden them more audaciouslie still to put their fraudes in execution : But , what succeedeth thereof , by example and experience in all ages we may behold . First in Rome ( by reason of the Ciuill warres between Caesar and Pompey , and after beetwne Augustus Caesar , Anthony , Brutus and , Cassius ) the Martiall Discipline grewe to corruption , no one side daring to vse the auncient due seueritie , lest they should reuolt to his aduersaries . But what ensued , after the right Martial Legions were decaied , and a licentious Praetorian Guard maintained ? but the ruine of that famous and mightie Empire , ransacked , and spoyled by the Hunnes , Gothes , and Vandales , the most base of all the Barbarous people that they before had conquered . The like I might particularlie set downe of diuers of the most Martiall Graecian common-weales , if we had not our next neighboure the mightie Kingdome of Fraunce ( euen in our owne age , by the very like depraued Customes first learned among the Italians , and nourished in that Realme likewise by Ciuil discentions ) brought into most lamentable miserie . A spectacle to stirre-vp all Princes ( while they may ) to preuent those calamities whic● 〈…〉 will be too late . For after ciuill warres were once begunne , 〈…〉 the King , nor the Prince his enemies , could keepe 〈◊〉 seuere hand on Martiall iustice , lest these dissolute So●●●diers should reuolte , and so were indeede rather Suppliants than Commaunders of their Armies : which beeing for the most part composed of mercenary hirelings , deuised all meanes prodigally to maintaine themselues , whatsoeuer became of their Prince , or Countrey , the successe whereof wee see . And that is that Moderne discipline which so greedilie the licentious of all Nations swallow vp , and are infected withall by the contagion of such as they haue conuersed with , Tending chieflie to the maintenance of themselues inexcessiue riotous wastings , and to the vtter ouerthrow of all Princes or States that shall beserued with them . To conclude therefore this true and needefull Paradoxe , I hope ( by the conference of these fewe repugnant points of the Auntient and Moderne Martiall Discipline ) It doth sufficiently appeare . That as the latter are deuised wholly for the profit of corrupt persons ( and both dishonorable and extreame dangerous to any State or Realme that shall endure them , So the former which I haue named of the Antiquitie ) are both for the honour , profit and aduancement of the seruice of any Kinge or State that shall embrace them . And therefore too apparant ( not only by euident discourse of reason , but also by plaine experience and successe in other Realmes & States ) That where such abuses & corruption of true Martial Discipline shall be permitted , there can in time ensue no better than confusion & vtter ruine . And yet nothing doubt , but that our Nation , As by nature it is as warlike as any other vnder the Heauen ( hauing in times past while they were trained & led by honorable Generals , conquered their enemies being tenne to one , as appeareth by the Chronicles and confessions of our very enemies themselues ) So hereafter also ( by due regard in choice of such Commaunders , and redresse of such moderne Errors ) we shall leaue to our posteritie also like monuments of Fame , as haue beene left to vs by those our right Martiall and Honorable Auncestors . The third Paradox . That the sometimes neglected souldiers profession deserues much commendation , and best becomes a Gentleman , that desires to liue vertuously , or die Honorablie . Proeludium . I Will neither deny , nor commend , my loue to Poetry , some little idle time spent in it for my priuate recreation I repent not , it hath good vse , and is a good exercise for busie yonge heads : The noble adorner of that practise Sir Phillip Sidney though he liued an age before me , I yet honor , I loue his memorie , and in my best wishes to my Countrie , I sometimes sadly wish our Nobility and Gentrie would be his followers : yet being as he was a man of Armes by nature , a quem Pallas nutriuit in antris , of Pallas bringing vp , one that suckt milke from both her brests , a learned souldier ; I would he had left the patronage of Poetrie to some more priuate spirit , and saued me a labor by bestowing his much better witte on some requisite Apologie for souldiers , whose profession is now as much contemned as to be a b Graetian , or as a Scholer was wont to be in Rome , whose name is as vnpleasing as c Iehan in France , or d Ione in Naples , whose nature is esteemed so vile , that some men thinke it iustice to make a conuertible reciprocation betwixte them and wandring houseles men : But when I call to minde howe e Homer the best Poet chose as the best subiect to describe f Res gest●s regumque ducumque & tristia bella : The exployts of Captaines , Kinges and dismall combatinges . Tyrtaeusque mares animos ad Martia bella versibus exacuit . And how mens mindes to Martiall fight , Tyrtaeus did with rimes excite . When I remember how Leonidas and his companions had in memoriall of their euer to be remembred seruice certaine Poeticall songs sunge by the Graetians how euen the g rude inhabitants of Hispaniola like our auncient Bards haue their customarie rimes , Ad praelia excitantes auorum gesta recitando , to quicken their courages by reciting the acts of their forefathers ; all which I know Sir Phillip Sidney so great a scholer , could not but know : then loe I enuie not the Muses good happe , that had one of Mars his followers to be their Champion : since his worthie deeds and honorable death assure me he would haue spared that defence , if he had not assured himselfe that it was Poetries best vse h Vt dignos laude viros vetet mori . To labour that the memorie of worthy men may neuer die . Sure then I thinke some thankefull Poet , that hath drunke store of Castalian liqour and is full of fury , cannot doo better than in requitall of his kindnes indeuour i Vt gratus insigni referat Camena , dicenda Musis proe●lia . To singe in verse excellinge wars worth the Muses telling . Nor needes he feare to want attention , vnlesse he want a Poets wit to tell the contents of his booke in proaeme with k Bella per Aemathios plus quam ciuilia campos &c. I singe the Ciuill warres tumultuous broyles &c. Assuredly had it befallen me , l in bicipiti somniasse Pernasso , to steale a nap amongst the rest in the top of the mountaine , or si quid mea carmina possent , if my verses were of any vertue , I would desire to write some worthy souldiers praise in dust and bloud as dù Bartas hoped to doo Henrie of France his in Pampeluna . But foole that I am . m I neuer dranke of Aganippe wel nor euer did in shade of Tempe sit . Nor am I able to perswade our Poets to intreate of warres indeede . n Praelia virginum Sectis in iuuenes vnguibus acrium Dum cantant vacui . While idlely they sing the scarres that yonge men catch in wenching warres . What then , shall souldiers want their due , because I want abilitie to doe them right ? shall I not speake what I can , because I cannot speake what I would ? no sure , that were iniustice , this were folly . Horace can tell . o Est aliquidprodire tenus , si non datur vltra . T is somewhat to doe somewhat , though not well . It is inough sor me to breake the Ice , and let the world see what may be said for the warres and souldiers when one whose whole kyndred almost by Father and Mother lost their liues or spent their liuings in the wars , is able through bare loue without learninge , without Arte to speake as fellowes in defence of Souldiers . I euer thought nothing worse for Gentlemen than idlenesse , except doing ill , but could not at the first resolue how they might be fitliest busied : To play the Merchants was only for Gentlemen of Florence , Venice , or the like that are indeede but the better sort of Citizens : ploughing and grazing I esteemed worse than mechanicall occupations : the Court was but for fewe , and most of thē liued too luxuriously : to study or trauel was good , but directed to this ende , that they might be fit for some profession the thing in question : For Diuinity they many times thought themselues too good , and I was sure they were most times vnfit : Lawe was but a mony getting trade , and Physicke a dangerous tickle Arte , at last I thought on the warres , where the learned might perfect their contemplation by practise and the vnlearned helpe that defect by well gotten experience : and this was my 15 yeares meditation : afterwards that impression was strengthned dayly by the remembrance of my fathers courses , by the experience of some other occurrents and by the obseruation of as many things as my litle reading encountred that might make for that purpose . So I grew to affect scholers such as would speake that , that might be vnderstoode , and could reduce their studie in histories the Mathematickes or the like from speculation to practise for the profitable pleasure of their friendes or honorable seruice of their Country . I liked trauelers so they would be silent , yet were able when time serued to discourse iudiciously of the state and power of more Countries , of the strēgth and situation of more Cities , of the forme and force of more seuerall fortifications , than other Corkeheaded counterfeits could recken vp of Bonna robbas Bordeaus or apish fashions : aboue all the perfection of the endeuors of the former 2. I loued souldiers , such as hated Cheating , Drinking , Lying , whooring , Prating , Quarreling and lewde behauiour . And either maimed , growne olde or wanting imploiment , had retired themselues to some priuate ( perhaps poore ) life , but that they liued contented : and though mine owne ability were then in minoritie , my heart esteemed him not a Gentleman , would suffer such as these to want ought he could helpe them to : thus I spent the fiue yeares following . And now my almost freede body is readie for the warres which I before resolued was most fit for men of my place : But want of imploiment imposes on me an vnacceptable idlenesse which I sorrily passe-ouer with laughing at the lamentable folly of our besotted Gētry ; one thinks it is commendation to weare good cloathes with iudgment , another for that he is a handsome man , a third for cunning carding , but if some youth of hopeful expectation attaine some skil in Musicke , some tricks in Dauncing or some Fencing qualitie , the World consisting most of Women-fooles and cowards will peremptorily pronounce this compleate Gentlemās worth too great for one Cronicle . p At quis ferat istas Stultiae sordes But who can quietly Indure such foppery . I that desire a man should be more worth than his cloathes , the inside best , I that thinke it my good fortune to haue small skill in ga●●ing , I that hate vnnecessarie qualities , as the q Aegyptians did Musicke for making men effeminate , cannot but dislike our Gentry should be of Taylors meere creation or spend there time in pastime or make their recreation there vocation , me thinkes our Citie-Gentlemen as for their slouthfull life , the French-men scoffing terme thē might for their recreation sometimes read how Phillip reprehended Alexanders skill in singing . How s Anthisthines condemned Ismenias his playing on the Flute , or the like Examples and so learne to leaue mispending of their pretious time into too too well affected fruitlesse courses They might remember how much one t Alexander did in poore 12. yeeres , what u Scipio was ere he was twenty foure and weghing well how z●ni●-like their actions imitate their Forefathers whose honour they vniustly challenge me thinks they might euen hate themselues for letting the world see they haue the leasure to spend whole daies at cardes yet haue done nothing worthie memory saue idely wasted their wealth to purchase infamy . But you whose Countrey life hath best affinitie with your true calling the warres as least subiect to luxurie as most affected of auntient Souldiers can you not loue hunting because it resembles the warres but you wil neuer leaue hūting ? is there more Musicke in a stinking curres howling qualitie than a Drumme or Trumpet ? will you in these times giue men occasion to aske whether your Countrey haue no Men you make so much account of Dogges that your life seemes brutish still with Dogges & your discourse vnreasonable still of Doggs ? O rather let the Example of our Great Great Maister that worthely loues hunting as the Noblest sport yet only followes it at vacante times teach you henceforth to vse your sports as sports and not still to dwell in them nor in the taedious discourse of them . But whither doth contempte of follie carry me ? Both th' one & th' other sort of our decaied Gentry , haue but the bare name of some auntient house but few sparks of English vertue they are so farre from being Gentlemen they neither speake nor liue like men , yet if their charmed Sences can indure to heare of remedy as * Phillip was put in minde of death or x Xerxes of the losse of Sardis . I le play the young-man once , and crye to them in the middest of their vaine life and idle talking , Remember z Pyrrhus whose life and studie spent and imploied in military affaires doth shew what course of life best fits the better sort of men , who being askt who plaide best on the Fluite , Python or Cephesias answered wisely though indirectly , Poliperchon in his iudgment was the best Captaine to teach the standers-by how noble spirits should discourse . O then remember Pyrrhus , be as you ought your selues , leaue vanity & let your liues your words be warlike , your truest honour will be to be Souldiers , and your most vertuous course of life the warres . But alas , as through the indirect proceeding of desparate Censurers , men oft condemne the warres for murdering our men , and wasting our mony in lingring fruitlesnesse , where many times the fault is in our souldiers disabilitie , poore hunger-starued snakes halfe dead ere they go out of England : such as were a cumber rather than an ayde to the auncient Romaines : such as with our moderne a Spaniardes are sent a yere or two to take hart at grasse ( as we say ) in Italy , before they suffer them to come to seruice , whereas most times the corruptnes of Officers ( such as seeke the wars for gaine only , and make no conscience to cousin Princes , and the ignorance of leaders , such decayed vnthriftie gallants as to gett a little money by the sale , spoile or slaughter of their Companies make meanes to be fauorabl● sent , from the Court to the Camp , as Commanders , before they knowe how to obey ) are true causes of extraordinarie spoile of Treasure , of making the warres seeme ( if not be , dilatorie and fruitlesse : So on the other side , those officers , those Captaines , and those Souldiers , being in their kinds the worse part of our people , are indeed of such inuincible lewdnes that either dronelike sucking wax only frō sweetest flowers , or worse cōuerting holesomest things to poyson , they only vse the warres as naughty ●en doe learning , to increase their wickednesse . Pro●●ing the axiome in Phylosophy most true , b Quicquid recipitur , recipitur secundum modum recipientis . That which is receiued , is receiued according to the qualitie of the receiuer : so that men seeing them spende that most vitiously which they got most lewdly are readie grounding themselues on their example to raile at souldiers as a profession of licentious lawlesse libertie , and repute souldiers for dissolute rakehels in whom there is c Nulla fides pietasue , noe feare of God , no thought of goodnesse . Yet as the studie of Philosophie was not to be condemned , because some Phylosophers were d Epicures , as the name● of Kings was not to haue bin hated because Tarquine was a Tyrant : No more I thinke are souldiers to be contemned or their profession ill esteemed of for that some bawdiehouse Captaines or alehouse souldiers liue loosely ; e or for that many that followe the warres of our time where discipline is too too much corrupted are such as only liue by the warres and so indeuor gaine by all the meanes they can saue honest courses : For were our military discipline as in truth it ought of that powerfull sanctitie that our armes the most perfect politicke bodies might for the goodnesse of their lawes and orders and the iustnes of their exscucion , attaine their true perfection of surpassing the best ruld Citties in Ciuilitie , that our Commanders like the auncient Romans that held their faith more firme with enemies than some men now doe neerest bonds of duetie and alleagiance , might know it is their office to punish euen their deerest freinds offences , that our souldiers worthely indeuoring in God their Prince or Countries quarrell to exchange their liues for honor onely might learne to account it their greatest honor to be an honor to their calling by performing the necessarie duties of their calling . Then as the Romaines with their victories droue away barbarisme out of our countries by leauing vs a patterne of more ciuill life , from their warlicke gouernmēt , of which most parts of Europe yet to this day retaine some remnants I see not but it might please God to reward our industrie by making our conquering swordes the instruments to plante religion amongst Turkes and infidelles , and reforme the errors of wandring Christians , when they seeing our souldiers such as the f Indians did Albuqueria and his company of Portingalls may stedfastly beleeue that God omnipotent as they did that King worthy , that hath such vertuous seruāts : thē would our warriours like true aunciēt souldiers striue to be religious , vertuous , full of honesty , and we might iustly thinke with the g Thessalian those of our countrimē most dull and sottish that went not to the warres : or say with the h Aetolian the warre is better farre than peace for him that hath a minde to proue an honest man. For then our Campe would be a schoole of vertue where ( by dutifull obedience ) men should be trayned vp and taught what appertaind to wise cōmanding : where religion perhaps the cause of the quarrell should be so feruent , that men would thinke it their cheifest ioy , in midst of greatest miseries , to haue the feare of God their meditation and an vnspotted life their comfort . For thē the memorie of Alexander that the night before the battell with i Darius cald for Aristander to winne the fauour of Gods with sacrifice : or of k Aeneas . — Quo iustior alter Nec pi●tate fuit , nec bello maior et armis : Than whom there was none more vpright in goodnesse , nor more great in fight . that in Virgil leaues his companions busied , et l Arces quibus altus Apollo Praesidet horrendaeque domus Secreta Sibillae antrum immane petit &c. To high Apollos temple hies and to those dreaded mysteries . the horride vault where Sibil lies &c. Or of m Camillus that would begin and end his skermishes with prayers , or of the n Romans whose victories built Churches , with whom contempt of the Gods was a certaine signe of ouerthrow ; would make our souldiers call to minde it is their dutie to be as earnest in holy workes of piety , as they were zealous in their superstition , they blindly did they knew not what , and though through the soules strugling to ascend from whence it came , there arose some sprakes , that gaue them light to see there was ens entium : a power aboue all humane power that lookt for reuerence , yet wanting meanes to apprehende that rightly , their best endeuors proued but fruitles workes of darkenesse , but out of doubt our Christan souldiers as they haue much more hope , more helps , and more incitements , I do presume are much more truely and more earnestly religious . These haue assurāce grounded on infallible witnesses that they serue the only true and euerliuing God that giues the victory to thē that rightly call vpon him for it , and rewards plentifully those that deserue it . These by the orders of their discipline , as helps to their weakenes , cōforts to their miseries , and Ministers of Gods blessings haue necessary Leuites to performe to them all rites that may prepare them , that are in health and therefore lesse hindred frō being prepared for death that hourely hāgs ouer them . To assure them when they sometimes beseiged suffer famine as fearefull as that of o Ierusalem , as great as King p Sous his souldiers that would not sorbeare drinke to gaine a Kingdome , yet choose to die miserably , rather than yeeld to change their faith ▪ that that faith shal be rewarded with a happy crowne of Immortalitie . To teach thē that to be sometimes for Christs cause made gallis●aues , where with the constant spirits of true Christian souldiers they indure afflictions , that would make softehearted men such perhappes as speake against souldiers , euē forsake their great captaine Iesus : is a sure meanes to gaine in exchange of those bonds the freedome of Heauen . To exhort them last of all if by Gods mercifull preseruation when death came a tithing on any side , whē multituds of enimies encōpassed them about , they proue the sole remnant of many hundreds , to returne to their natiue Countrie there to dye in peace , that whiles they liue they cannot haue a better president to imitate than the worthy Captaine q Cornelius . Besides these Minesters , these souldiers haue the Scriptures , where contemning play bookes and base pamphlets vnfit studies for dying men ) they may reading learne to imitate r Iosua before the battell , that prayed the Israelites might not be deliuered into the hands of the Amorites : or s Moses in the battell that lifted vp his hands to heauen for victorie : or t Dauid after the battell that praised God the author of his conquests with ioyfull songs of thankesgiuing : where they may reading learne to giue continually all honor and religious worshippe to that God v That teacheth their fingers to fight and their hands to Battell , euen in the midst of their armies from whence he pleases to appropriate vnto himselfe one of his great & glorious titles w The Lord of Hostes. But perhaps some one obseruing how great y Anthony , did sacrifice himselfe to luxurie , or hauing reade the true cause of x Charles the 8 of Fraunce his posting pilgrimage to Paris when he should haue gone for Naples may thinke he sees good reason to condemne a souldiers religion as consisting of too much Deuotion to shee Saints : I must confesse the folly of some souldiers in time of Idlenesse hath giuen some colour to the fable of Mars and Venus , but I cannot see how the profession , can deserue that imputation : for either that fable is a Poets mere fiction , and so not to be credited , since through their lyinge madenesse euen Heauen i● selfe is defiled , or els is grounded on some naturall cause , and then as Sol and Mercurie the Patrons of Poets Lawiers and the like are in the Celestiall Globe neerer to Venus as oft in coniunction and for their naturall proprietie more concordant , In reason me thinkes those Poets , Lawiers , and the like that leade Vitam sedentariam , a quiet life , sleepe their fill and eate their meate at due seasons must of necessitie be much more subiect to incontinency than Souldiers , that may well with z Scipio contemne lasciuiousnesse , since thinking still how to conquere men , their leasure serues them not to become slaues to women , a that may learne of Scanderbreg to liue long vnmarried and yet most honest , that their bodies may be the stronger and better able to do or suffer what pertaines to Souldiers : that may as b Pericles willed Sophocles euen keepe their eies from lusting , their course of life being of such singlnes that they are seldom or neuer troubled with the sight of womē that are last of all daily mortifyed with colde , hunger losse , of blood , and perpetual labour : so that if c Henry the maiden-King of Portingal could , they may well be per totum vitae spatium libidinis expertes euen al their life time free frō incontinēt-desires , at least able with d Alexander to resist the temptatiō of a Philoxenes or an Ephestion though their temper were as hotte as Alexanders that by reason of heat brethed forth sweete sauors . And yet not neede to coole their complexions with too much liquour : the death of e Clitus and the burning of Persepolis may assure them Alexanders drunkennes drowned al his other vertues : f so Seneca pronounced his happie rashnesse farre from fortitude , tainted with cruelty , the badge of Cowardize , and I may well condemne his wisedome for loosing the benefite of his victory which g Caesar the best Captaine thought was only this , victis donare salutem . For to bestoe Life on the vanquishtfoe . It is an idle fond infirmity fit for immodest h Babilonish women that first drinke then daunce &c. or for vnwise womenish men louers I meane twixt whom and drunkards there is such affinity that i & in ebrietatē amans , & in amorem ebrius procliuis admodum , the louer is soone drunke , the drunkard apt to be in loue : But the ouerthrow of the victorious k Scithians in Iustine hath made me euen from the infancy of my reading , afraide to think such weakenesse should be in a Souldier , as was in those l German●●s Pantaleon speakes of that after many valiant exploites falling to drinking on Saint Martins day were al slaine by the Turkes that inuaded them , as the Graecians did Troy where the inhabitants were m vino sommoque sepulti . Dead in a deepe And drunken sleepe . Let the barbarous n Brasilians drinke drunke before they enter into consultations , let their light heads be far from bringing forth weightie counsailes : but you in whose hands consists the safety of kingdomes , whose affaires stande so tikle that as o Gui●●ardine obserues One commaundement ill vnderstoode , one order ill executed , one rashnesse , one * vaine voice euen of the meanest Souldior carries oft times the victory to those that seemed vanquished , keepe you your wittes about you still perfect and still readie to settle vnexpected Accidents , though some Vsu●ers of your names waste their substance as the p west - Indians do their money in their quaffing cups and then like true vnthrifts such as was Meligallus a Knight of Rhodes endeuour treacherously post Patrimonium patriam subuertere after the ouerthrow of their owne estates to betray their countrey ; though the weakenesse of some men be such that they first and surest learne the infirmities of the Countreies where they liue , as some auntient Trauellers were wont to do lying of the Cret●ans , perfidiousnesse of the Carthaginians , or effeminatnes of the people of Asia , as some moderne doo affected grauity of the Spaniard . Reueng and ielous●y of the Italian , and waste and lauish of the French , as some of our Souldiers haue done freebooting mutining and the like disorders in the Ciuill warres of the French Leaguers , as some haue and do this carousing qualitie by seruing among the Dutch. Yet let your setled iudgments discerne a difference twixt vertue and those mentioned vices , let your wisedome direct you to contemne their folly that betray their owne by drinking to anothers health , let it assure you though somefooles like the r Indian Chirihichenses thinke him most valiant that drinks most , it can be little praise to you to make your bellies hogs-heads , or your braines spunges , you may and ought to shew far truer and farre greater fortitude by liuing vertuous Cōquerers of such vicious affections that so you may dye without feare of death your countries faithfull Champions , & go as Plutarch tels of s Romulus armed to heauen , and 〈◊〉 be as t Solon thought of Tellus more happy than the richest King. For this forescore yeeres-olde u Hippodamus aduised by his king to leaue the warres , and turne into his countrey , replied he knewe not where to dye more happilie than in the wars defending of his country : For this the yong vnmaried x Graecians part of Leonidas his gallant followers refused to shun a certaine danger & returne vnto their friends in safety , saying they came to fight and not to carry newes , For this I cannot chuse but attribute great honour to the warre , that is of power to make both old and young so honorable . y Par ill● Regi , par superis erit Qui stiga tristem non tristis vidit . He is a King or more than mortall man That vnappalde , pale death incounter can . And they shall be most happy x Quos ille Timorum Maximus haud vrget lethi metus . To whom of all feares chiefe The feare of death doth work no griefe . This is the perfect point of fortitude , this is the hardest point in all Philosophy , yet surest learnd by practise and oftnest put in practise in the wars , where priuate Souldiers like that z German in Osorius wil be sore wounded yet not retire til they dye or conquere where Captaines bury themselues in their own colours or like a Bayard fight till death seaze on them , yet desire to dye with their faces against their enemies ; where sometimes both Captaine and Souldiers like b Leonidas and his companions dine with a resolution vndismaide , to sup in Heauen , & die all of them so happy , that none remaines to carry the vnhappie newes . These then and such as these are Souldiers , for these are Chronicles , and such as these are ( by c Licurgus lawes ) esteemed only worthie to haue Epitaphes ; so now I see why d Pyrrhus trained vp his three Sonnes to be Souldiers ; while he himselfe did liue and dye a Souldier ; and why within e Rome no man might be buried that had not bene a Souldier : so now I thinke when Alexander dying left his crowne f dignissimo , vnto the worthiest , he did intend a Souldier , when the most Indians of Hispaniola bequeath theirs g fortissimo vnto the valiantest , they can intend none but a Souldier : and h Pyrrhus when he tolde his Sonnes he should succeede that had the sharpest sworde , did onely meane that Sonne that prooued a Souldier : for why ? should Pyrrhus haue resigned his Scepter to a Sonne as Iohn of Armenia did to a brother belli ignaro viro , a man vnexperienced in militarie affaires , there might haue well be feared a desolate subuersion of his state like that , that thereon followed , in the Kingdom of Armenia . But he that saw the Romans growe from small beginnings to a mightie nation by continuall warre , and found that for increasing of their fame , riches and power , their loue was setled on the warre ; had reason to traine vp and seeke to leaue an heire that might maintaine his quarell and resist the Romans force with force , their warre with warre : and hauing so established his Throne , plentie of sutors would haue come from neighbouring Princes if not for loue , for feare , if not for feare , for profits sake , to winne such a succeeders Amity . For as it is reported of k Tubanama an Indian King , that he protested solemnly , he euer loued the Spaniards , because he hearde their swords were sharper farre than his : so I remember when at the selfesame time , the seuerall prouinces of l Graecia , sent seuerall Embassadors to the Persian Artaxerxes , whose frendshippe all affecting , all indeuored by all the meanes they could to gaine : the King did voluntarily preferre the Thebā cause and Pelopid●s sute before the rest , because the fame went they were the best practised of & most skilfull souldiers of all the rest , litle respecting the power of the Athenians , or the wealth or number of other of the Citties , who for want of militarie practise , neither knew how to vse their nūber , nor their powerful weath : so then for power in the warre it is , one Kingdome is preferred before an other , and strangers euermore do most respect those strangers that are warryers . The poore Artificers , the Mechanicke Switzers were not long since of most meane estimation till that prouoked by an iniury of m Charles the last Duke of the house of Burgundy like horses ignorant of their owne strenght they entered the feilde and got a victorie whose sweetnesse so inticed them on to continue in that course to such there aduantage , that since that time some of the greatest n Princes of Christendome haue vied thousandes of Crownes to gaine their freindeshippe , that in the warres of o Italie the victorie did ofttimes follow their inclination , that last of all , all Europe at this day respects them well , and him the better whose freinds they professe themselues . Thus the lowcountrimen ( a name not many yeeres agone vnknowne ) were once p reputed a dull lazie yea a base Nation of poore handicrafts men , contemned of their neighbouring enemies & respected of their friendes no further than necessitie inforced , yet after that as they professe their Lords seueritie had forced them against their willes to take vp weopons for their owne defence , they in shorte time redeemed so their reputation that their most powerfull neighbours were content to vndergoe inuirious imputations for protecting thē , whom men that lookt a squinte vpon the cause esteemed too much disobedient , & since that time the warre that gaue life to their force hath so encreased their might , that for this but on part of their power their strenght at sea , t is thought they cannot want good freinds to backe them . Since then the benefit of power skill and practise in the warre is such that by it the poore haue growne rich , the weake strong , and those that were reputed vile haue got an honorable reputation , since all sorts of men are either through feare earnest or through loue willing to entertaine frendly amitie with those especially that are renowned for it , since last a Commonwealth through it may growe frō small beginnings to vnlookt for height as that of q Rome , audendo et agendo , by daring and doeing rose from nothing to be Maisters of the world , who is he that remembers how r Romulus euen in Romes infancie , did lay foundations of Romes greatnesse , by choosing out of his followers , those that were able to beare armes to be enroled into legions , that will not wish if he wish well to his Country , that his countries gouernors would prouide so , for their Citties that they may neuer want souldiers to fight for them so long as they haue Citizens to dwell within them . For my part when I remember how the s Roman state , as it encreased in power did euermore encrease the well deserued respect it bare to souldiers , so that though while the weakenesse of their poore beginning lasted they only gaue them titulary rewards triumphs to Generalles , and to each priuate souldier that deserued it a seuerall Garland , yet in the yeere of their Citties age 347 , at the taking of Anxur the Wolsces Towne , they ordained for them a certaine paye e publico which was augmented aftetwardes by Caius Gracchus and doubted after him by Iulius Caesar , so that in processe of time besides the gift of the gouernement of infinite Townes Prouinces and Kingdomes , besides the sending forth of t Colonies one cheife vse whereof was Vt praemijs milites veterani afficerentur : that olde souldiers might be rewarded , and besides the ordinarie allowance for those legions that liued in Rome , the Emperour u Augustus allotted out certaine portions of lande for those that had beene souldiers to maintaine them in a continuall readinesse to doe him and their Countrie service . When I remember how in Imitation of those Romans the auncient Kings of the * Gaules gaue to their souldiers Mannors in the Countrie where they liued as Lords ouer the peasants their Tennants , and were tyed to come with a certaine nomber of followers according to the quality of their land to serue as voluntaries at their owne charge so long as the warre lasted , a custome yet obserued by their ofspring the Gentrie of France : when I remember how perhappes in imitation of those Gaules , William the Conqueror gaue to his followers our Gentries Auncestors distincte circuites in sondrie places of seuerall Landes of inheritance ▪ one of the heires of which distribution is reported since that time to haue produced a rusty sword as the euidence by which he held his liuing : when I remember how the Kings of France vsed Knighting and when that was corrupted in the Ciuill warres of the houses of x Burgundie and Orleans inuented new orders of Knighthood , as new honors to rewarde souldiers : When last I call to minde how gentlemen and their Coats of Armes tooke their originall from the warres as may appeare by z Agrippaes obseruation that in Heraldry the best coates cōsist of sauage beasts to testifie the bearers nobility gotten by his courage : as saith he , the Gothes caried a Beare , the Saxons a Horse , the Romans an Eagle , the Cimbri a Bull , and each particular Gentleman thinkes it nothing honorable to carry a Sheepe , a Lambe , a Clafe , or such like peaceable creature that is not Militiae signum , a token of warfare ; Then my zeale to the warres and my loue to souldiers is so reuiued that I can scarse forbeare wishing , that in Engiand as in Scythia none might drinke of the feasting cuppe , or as in Carmania none might marry that had not slaine an enemy to his country : or as amonge the Turkes that none might be esteemed noble for Antiquity , but for their proper vertue : or as olde decrepite men were vsed among the a Trogloditae mētioned in Diodorus Siculus , that each yong scapethrift that is Telluris inutile pondus , a burden to the earth that can doe nothing wel , saue that that is passing ill might be tyed by the necke to an Oxes taile and so strangled as well worthy so shamefull a death for doing nothing worthy of life . But on later and wiser consideration I finde it nothing comely that a Ciuill Country should breake her owne customes to imitate a barbarous people , yet euen these examples with those before mentioned may liuely testifie how necessary al antiquitie esteemed Pramiaet honores rewards and honors , to nourish and hold vp the Arte of warre , one of the cheifest pillars of a Common-wealth I cannot therefore but most seriously wishe that our King a worthy in the worthiest kinde of Learning as he is the flower of two Stemmes of most renowned warlicke auncesters , whom God hath giuen vs , b To goe out before vs and fight our battelles , to whom the King of Kings c Et mulcere dedit fluctus et tollere ventos . Giues power as well as to appease with calmes , with stormes to stirre the seas . Would when it shall please his wisedome adde life , I meane practise to our Militia that oft dyes at least decaies much through secure idlenesse , and that then the paie of England that is as honorable as any Nations may not be detained from or gelded before it come to the hands of poore souldiers by base vnworthy Captaines , nor the due of honest Captaines be with helde or lesned through the fraudulēt corruptiō of Decitefull officers ; but that seuerity of military discipline may be reuiued to cut of those rotten members , those adulterate counterfeites whose basens hath made true souldiers contēptible , and that true souldiers euen in times of peace may bee as much respected as their vertuous worth deserues . For then as by d Licurgus institution it was in Sparta our free noble spirits will betake them to the sworde & launce , & leaue al other occupatiōs vnto white liuerd men : thē our yong mē will exercise thēselues as e Coriolanus did , in running , wrastling , riding , and the like warlike sports : and our olde men shall be fathers of great experience : so that with vs as with the f Brasilienses the yong men shall execute valiantly , the wise Counsaile of the olde men : then our gentlemen remembring in what foughten field , or for what speciall seruice their Auncestors receiued their badges of honor , will fall to imitate those honorable Auncestors and knowing how poore a credite t is g Aliorum incumbere famae , for to relie on other mens desert will striue rather to haue Effigies tot bellatorum , the images of their warlike auncestors , liuing in their hearts than dead and smoake dried in their houses : h Then our countrimen like Marcellus in Rome or the i Mamertines in Sicilie , may perhaps haue honorable name deriued from Mars : Then it may be as many of one name as were of k Williams at our King Henrie the second his Sonnes feast in Normandie , or as many of one family as were of the l Medcalfes at on assize in Richmondshire will vowe themselues like the 300. Fabij in Rome to fight for their Countrie : m at least we shall haue many breathren , ( noble slippes of some noble stocke ) that like the Norrisses of honorable memorie , will striue to be famous for dying valiant souldiers in the bed of honor , rather than infamous like some beasts vnworthy to be named in the same discourse For their noted idle , if not worse life . Then we shall haue many Captaines , such as were the Greekes and Romans , and our souldiers shall be as much renowned for valour , honesty and mutuall loue as was the holy bande at n Thebes : And then nowe conquests shall make forreinors ashamed to laugh at vs when we tell of our forefathers victories in France , and our displayed ensignes shall keepe vs from blushing at our slothfull life : For then those true souldiers that whiles the warres serue but as sinckes to ridde away Purgamenta vrbium , lye hid like Diamonds heapt-vp in dunghills couered with weedes , shall be as rich Gemmes set in gold and worne and beautified by the comfortable reflex●ion of the rising Sunnes smilinge beames , and in the meane time this may their comfort though like old English words they be now out of vse , yet o Multa renascentur quae nunc c●cidere cadentque Quae nunc sunt in honore . They will be in request that are neglected , and they contemned that are nowe respected . The time will come their countrie will leaue fawningly to offer vp hir wealth to those her vnworthy children that liue by sucking drie their Parents bloud , and rather motherlike respect those sonnes that are hir Champions , and seeke to perchase her ease with painefull industrie , her honor with effusion of their bloude , her safety with losse of life . The fourth Paradox . Et multis vtile bellum . That warre sometimes lesse hurtfull , and more to be wisht in a well gouernd State than peace . Sweete I knowe is the name of peace , more sweete the fruition , to those ease-affecting men that foolishly imagine it the greatest point of wisdome to enioy the benefit of present time , though one of better iudgmet tell them : a Isthuc est sapere , non quod ante pedes modo est videre , sedetiam illa quae futura sunt prospicere . T is wisdome not to cast our eyes On that , that iust before vs lies , But to foresee and to prouide For harmes that one day may betyde . Some others without repect of publike benefite , measuring the happinesse of the state wherein they liue by their owne particular contentment do most eagerly make warre against warre , the apparant enemy to Persiā luxurie , whose sworne slaues they liue . And besides these the greatest part of men , blinded like these , doo tremble at the name of warre , for feare of his companion charge : not vnlike some wretched pennie-fathers , that in time of this our contagion , by resisting contributions fitting for the ordering of infected persons , are oft occasion of impouerishing themselues and their whole towne , of endaungering their owne and many hundred honester mens liues . But if it may appeare on better deliberation , that the warre , b Est de longe temps & continue encor , & durera en sa force iusqu a la fin du monde Is of great antiquitie , continues yet , and will remaine in full force to the ending of the world , so that wee may well put it of , but cannot put it away , since like a torrent of waters it rises as occasion forceth here & there , and may a while be stayed , but encreasing so , breakes out in the end more violently , and as Virgil saith , c Sternit agros , sternit sata laeta boumque labores Praeeipitesque trahit siluas &c. The fields it ouerflowes , the corne is dround . Plowmen their labour loose , trees fall on ground &c. Then it brings with it a confused desolation , whereas without daunger at the first , it might haue passed on by little and little in a continuate quiet course . If it may appeare , that luxurious idlenesse is much more to be feared than those monstrous bugbearers words I sometimes heare alleaged to disswade men from the warres , the meere inuentions of fainthearted and effeminate men , that they may haue some colour for their dishonorable sloth . If last of all it may appeare , that in a iust and good quarrell , which cannot likely want a warre wisely managed , cannot but bee infinitely profitable : I thinke there is none that honours his King , wishes well to his countrey , or desires fame ; but will farre preferre the shedding of his bloud , to procure his Kings honour , his countries safetie , or his owne reputation , before the sorded sparing , lazie liuing , or foolish delaying of those blinded men I mentioned . For my owne part , I euer disliked those patient pleasing Chirurgions that with fond mildenesse suffer small hurts to fester , & grow dangerous : I euer feared lest temporizing ( like looking on our neighbors burning house ) would suffer the fire to come home to our owne doores , and then I feare our poore louing sheep wil too late see , they onely fed themselues fatt for the slaughter , when men most resolute , shall rather bee , determinate to doo , than skilfull how to . Then I feare our conquestes past will little profit vs , when ease like rust in our Armour shal haue eaten into and corrupted our valor when by discontinuance of practise , wee shall bee vnapt for seruice , yea by reason of the often change of the course of our warres directly ignorant , and that ignorant vnaptnesse will dismay the most confident : Then it may bee feared wee may too late repent our former negligence , our secure idlenesse , our sparing of a little to the endangering of all , when wee see our selues at length enforced to vndergo the danger with disaduantage which in time with ods , our side we might easily haue repelled : then we may wish we had imitated the Romanes wisedome , that foresaw inconueniences a farre of , and would not to auoid present warres , suffer mischiefes to grow-on , d they inuaded Philip and Antiochus in Graecia lest othewise they might haue been enforced to deale with them in Italy . But my words perhaps are to these peace-louers as winde that shakes no corne , assuredly I know it hard to disswade bewitched men from ease and pleasure , two seducing Syrens in whose beastly seruitude too too many are inthralled past recouerie : yet those worthy spirits in whose breasts the sparkes of our forefathers courage are not yet extinguished whose swelling hearts are ready to protest their English vertue hates effeminate , longs to shew it selfe in some laborious course of valiant industrie : They I doubt not will soone call to minde how dishonourable it was to the e Aegyptians vnder Ptolomie : Depositis militiae studijs , otio & desidia marcescere . To pine away in sloth and idlenesse , neglecting militarie profession , or how vnprofitable it was to the f Lydians to liue in peace . Quae gens industria quondam potens , & manustrenua , effaeminata mollitie , luxuriaque virtutem pristinam perdidit : which nation was once famous for valor and industrie , but they drownde the reputation of their auncient vertue in effeminate and luxurious delicacie . And with a feeling remembrance of those or the like examples , pray with mee that those , and the like inconueniences fall not on vs : that wee may not suffer our enemies or neighbours to grow too mightie , whilest carelesly wee our selues waxe weake and degenerate through sloth and case , vnder the colour of a quiet life : I doubt not but their hopes are like to mine . For as that great Captaine g Pyrrhus did in some particulars well correct the vaine v●ine voluptuous life of the Tarentines , so since God hath giuen vs a Gouernour as valiant as , but much more wise than Pyrrhus : I hope , and my hope is strengthned with confidence , that that valor will incite , that that wisedome will direct our King , to take in hand the reformation of our idle life , more daungerous than that of the Tarentines : In better manner and to better purpose , then did that Pyrrhus . A worke worthie a King , that can bee worthily effected by none , but such a King , in whom there is all worthinesse . But heere mee thinkes I heare some obiect to mee the succesfull felicitye of the peaceable Reigne of our late Queene , whose happie memorie , and euer to be admired gouernment , farre bee it from my thankfull thoughts to touch with the lest tittle of disgrace , whose wisedome such obiectors too too saucely diminish producing her as an enemie to Militarie profession : her sex indeed , and in her later time fulnesse of daies might well excuse farre greater ease ; yet see ( that which these blinde men stumble ouer ) from the first to the last in seuerall parts of Christendome , she euer found meanes to traine vp her better and more forward subiects in varietie of seruice ; that so they might prooue good members of her Estate , and profitable seruants for her potent Successor : So wise men know , besides that many daungers were kept farre of , this Realme was still tollerably furnished with skilfull souldiers , and prudently rid of many inconueniences : yet I must confesse the open shew of peace bred diuers corruptions , yet such as all States how euer wisely gouerned where peace is are of necessitie subiect to . Who seeth not to what riot in apparrell , to what excesse in banqueting , to what height in all kinde of luxurie , our countrey was growne , when the flower of England , the gentrie and better sort , whom the meaner stroue to imitate , for the most part idlely , if not lewdly brought vp , confirmed in their dissolute life , by superfluitie of ill example , became so exceeding foolish , that hee which eate good meat , and ware good clothes , and did some one thing worse , was ordinarily amonst them accounted most happie : How many of our elder brothers consumed whole and goodly patrimonies at dice and cards , hauing no other meanes to passe their time , as I haue oft times heard diuers of them penitently ( but too late ) complaine : how many of our younger brothers in all sorts of riotous expences , did in small time consume their portions , which otherwise imployed in vertuous courses might soone haue equalled their elder brothers sonnes , and then exclayming against their parents , that dealt indeed too well with such vngracious children , fell to lewde courses , and oft times came to such vntimely ends as I shame to tell : and of both these , the likeliest plants to prooue were most of all peruerted , the spirits of best hope , did soonest step awry . So h Caesar in his yonger daies , was most prodigall , he grew indebted 700. thousand crownes . So i Cimon in his former time was most riotous , and for it defamed thorow the whole Citie of Athens : yet see , the warres redeemed the one & he became a most renowned General : the warrs reclaymed , the other & he proued as valiant as Themistocles , as wise as was Milciades . Thus we may read that Silla , Alcibiades , and diuers other carried themselues most lasciuiously , most wantonly in peace , till the warres taught them to liue like souldiers : And like these ( I thinke ) some of our countreymen , for spirit no whit inferiour to Caesar , nor towardnes to Alcibiades , might in time haue proued renowned souldiers and extraordinarie instruments of their countries honour , had they not for want of imployment , to our publike losse , and their priuate ouerthrow , spent their yonger yeares like Cimon in riotous behauiour , and their age like Lucullus in luxurious idlenesse : so that Iuuenal had hee liued in their time might haue truly said . k Nunc patimur longae pacis mala , saeuior armis Luxuria incubuit . &c. Now wee indure the discommoditie Of our long peace opprest by luxurie . worse farre than warre . But these were such whose finer mould was vncapable of drudging courses , who perhaps as l Peter Martyr obserues of the Spaniards , thought it Specialem nobiliū praero gatiuam vt otiosi , ac sine vlla exercitatione praeterquā bellicavitam degerent . The speciall priuiledge of a gentleman to liue solitarily , free from al professions , saue that of armes . This was indeed an auncient custome of our Gentry , till peace made some , of Gentlemen become Boores , who forgetting that their truest honour came by armes , liued as they said to themselues , some grasiers , some ploughmen , all basely sweating in the pursuit of drosse , hating the name of honour because it asked cost , and such as these robbing poore farmors of their practise , like weeds in vntild land , haue and still doe spinge vp in peace the patron of their basenesse , yet such as these might call to minde what Ciuill contention , rest and want of forraine warres occasions , they might remember bow many haue beene vtterly vndone by vnnecessary law brables , weighing well the nomber of those that haue shot-vp deciding such controuersies , men I know whose laborious study deserues much commendation , but whē I thinke how m Plutarch praises the Cornithians whose temples were adorned not with the spoiles of the Graecians , their freinds , their neighbours , vnhappie memories , but dekt with trophies of their victories against the barborous people their aduersaries ; then I wish those necessary members of peace , whose good parts I reuerence , had rather gotten their wealth by the sworde from forraine enemies , like our worthy Auncestors , then so to haue growen great , through their Countrimens contentions . Now besids this priuate contention whose nurce is peace , euen that peace is oftimes mother of more perilous dissention , when idlenesse ministers each actiue humour fit occasion of working , to the indangering of diseased , to the distempering of most healthfull bodies , when quite security giues busie heads leasure to deuide the common-wealth into contentious factions ; so that as in n Solons time at Athens , the people of the mountaines desiring this forme of gouernement , the men of the vallies that ; to both which the inhabitants of the sea-coast maintaine a cōtrary : all catch hold of the opportunity peace offers to plot , and put in practise their seuerall proiects for the aduancement of their perticular , though with the weakning of the publike state , and in the end like o Pyrrhus disordered elephants , some rūning backeward , some forward , and the rest standing still , the confusion of their actions me thinkes resembles well the Indian dannce described by p Benzo where diuerso modo singuli vestiuntur et alij hoc , alij illo modo corpus circumagunt , nonnulli crura at tollunt , aliqui brachia , alius caecum , alius surdum effingit , rident alij , alij plangunt &c. Where all are clothed after sondrie fashions , one turning his body this way , another that way , some lifting vp their legs , some their armes , one playing the blind man , another the deafe , some laughing , some weeping &c. But the danger of these differences is the greater because not sensible , till strangers that growe through them couragious , take the aduantage of them , and then too late we may remember Liuies warning by the example of q Ardea that such dissention hath beene more hurtfull to sundry Citties , than fire , famine sicknes or the sworde , or what other calamitie cā be imagined while we too soone forget the last aduertisement dying r Scanderbeg gaue his sonne , in these words worthy to liue euer . Nullum tampotens validumque imperium quod non corruat quandoque vbi mutuis odijs praebetur locus . There is no gouernment so well established , that will not suite it selfe , if once it harbor partiall emmieties . These enmities haue beene instruments in most Countries ouerthrowes , they ouertake vs in our securitie like secret fiers in the night , and are therefore more to be feared , they steale on vs by degrees hidden in the deepnesse of our rest , like the consumption in a body vnpurged , vnexercised , that is indeede lesse painefull yet proues more mortall than most diseases ; they are as plentifully bred in peace s as Crocodiles in Aegypt , and would in time proue as pr●uitious , but God that for mans good prouides the Ichneumon to destroy the egges of the one before they bee hatched , hath left vs a perfect remedie to dissipate the other , if wee bee not to our selues defectiue ; to wit , forreine warre , a souereigne medicine for domesticall inconueniences , wherby those stirring heads that like the t Spaniards Bellum quam otium malunt , ideoque si desit extraneus domi hostem quaerunt . Desire warre rather than quietnesse , and therefore fall out at home if forreine foes bee wanting : shall haue more honest and more acceptable meanes to busie themselues , when as u Osorius saith : Commune periculum facile omnium animos ab intestinis seditionibus auocabit , ad commune malum propulsandum : The generall daunger will soone withdraw mens mindes from intestine garboiles to resist the generall mischief , both which appeared in that wise proceeding of the w Senate of Rome in Coriolanus time that by this means appeased all diuisions , euen then when as y Liuie obserues heat of contention betwixt the people and nobilitie had made , Ex vna ciuitate duas : Of one o●e two Cities . For the populousnesse of that Citie , by reason of their peace occasioning a dearth and famine , and their idlenesse stirring vp lewd felowes to exasperate the desperate need and enuious malice of the meaner sort , against the nobility , whose pride & luxurie grown through sloth intolerable , caused them to contemne and iniurie the poorer people , in the end the fire brake forth hard to be quenched , and then the Senate hauing as I may say bought wit by this deare experience , were at length enforced to flie to this medicine , which wisely applied before , had well preuented all those causes , and their vnhappie effectes . Then they resolued on a warre with the Volsces to ease their City of that dearth , by diminishing their number , and appease those tumultuous broyles , by drawing poore with rich , and the meane sort with the Nobilitie , into one campe , one seruice , and one selfesame daunger : sure meanes to procure sure loue and quietnesse in a contentious Commonwealth , as that of Rome was at that time . Yet euen then there wanted not home tarrying housdoues , two peacebred tribanes Sicimus and Brutus , hindred that resolution calling it crueltie , and it may be some now will condemne this course , as changing for the worse : some that wil much mislike a body breaking-out should take receipts of quick-siluer or mercurie , that may endanger life : yet they cannot but knowe euen those poysons outwardly applied are souereigne medicines to purge and clense , and therefore hauing a good Physition , I must professe , I thinke it much better to take yeerely Physicke , when the signe is good and circumstāces are correspondēt , that may worke with some litle trouble , our health and safetie , than through sordide sparing , or cowardly feare of paine , to omitte happy opportunities of remedy , & so suffer our bodies perhaps crasie alreadie , so to sincke that death followes or at least some grieuious sickenesse , asking farre deeper charge , bringing farre greater torment , especially since the sickenesse of a state , were it as great as a palsie may by a skilfull Physition be purged and euacuated at an issue in some remote part . I cannot but therefore commend x Camillus wisedome for beseeging the Cittie of the Faleriens , though it were so strongly scituated , so well stored with victual , and so fortified with all manner of munition , that the secure Citizens walkt vp and downe the Cittie in their gownes , since not regarding the winning of the Towne as appeared , by his ouerslipping weightie aduantages his intente , only was to keepe his Countrimē busied about some thing , lest otherwise repairing to Rome they might growe through peace and idlenes seditious , & so raise some ciuil tumult : This was as Plutarch wel obserues a wise remedy , the Romās euer vsed to disperse abroad like good Physitions the ill humours that troubled the quiet state of their Commonwealth : Ce qui s' est antrefecis pratique ' apres les gueres ciuiles des Anglois , which hath beene sometimes put in practise after the ciuill warres of England , as z Master La Noüe deliuers . If then those men that maruaile how Philip the second that wanted not his ouersight was euer able to possesse Spaine in tollerable quietnesse , his people hauing beene of olde time as their dealing with the Romans shewes of a rebellious disposition , the continuance whereof made a Ferdinand of Portugal refuse to be their King , and b Iohn the second wish a wall as high as heauen betwixt his people and them , which turbulencie continues yet , euen in the better of them , how euer some maintaine the contrarie , as some yeares past was manifest , by the ambitious and seditious pride of Alanso Iulian Romero and some other Spanish Captaines , when Don Iohn of Austria consulted for passing his army out of the Low-countries into Italy , as hath not long since sundry times appeared by the mutenous reuolts of his c oldest souldiers for want of pay : If yet I say those men that maruaile so , would by that rule of the Romans examine that Phillips proceedings in imitation of his father Charles the fi●●t , It wil euidētly appeare that he procured the place of Spayn and his own safety by keeping his actiue subiects in continual employment , farre from home , where their Eagle-like piercing eyes might not come to prie into his Actions , nor malitiously obserue the distates his gouernment occasioned . Hee did not forget that the Satute of d Pericles was grauen with a helmet on to hide the deformitie of his onion-like head , nor that that e Pericles sent 60. Gallies euery yeare to sea , and many hundreds of men away by land , to rid his Citie of idle persons : but making vse of both , receiued the fruit of both , besides this further benefit , that as weeds in England proue oft good sallets in France , those his male contented and suspected subiects , while they were at home , by their industrious life vnder seuerity of Military Discipline became of good members , and were for their experience not vnworthily accounted as readie souldiers as most in Christendome , which opiniō was vndoubtedly a great strength to king Phillips enterprises , making the temporizing Venetians and other States of I●a●●●ore ●ore affraid than needed . Then howsoeuer some may bee disswaded by f Catoes liuely demonstration of Carthage too neere neighbourhood , from drawing on vs such an enemie as may in lesse than three daies sailing knocke at the gates of our great Citie : and others in remembrance of some actions past , may seem to dislike sending our forces so farr from home that for want of fresh supply of men or other necessaries , the voyage how auspitious soeuer the beginning bee , wanting sure footing , must of necessity proue as a fading bubble : I for my part leauing the election of our warres as a matter scarce fit to be thought on by so yong a head as mine , to the mature consultation of our Senate , and iuditious resolution of our Souereigne , with more loyall zeale to my King and Countrey , than loue ( which I confesse is great ) to the warres , wish , and with faith wish , that our setled state may reape infinite commoditie by that g politique rule , grounded on Ccipio Nasicaes desire to haue Carthage stand , that for the reasons Scipio then alleaged , wils euery Kingdome to prouide it selfe an enemy as the h Romans had many whose fall was their aduancement , as the i Athenians had them of Samos whose inuasion appeased their domesticall tumults , as last of all the k Macedonians had the Thracians and Illirians : Quorum armis , veluti quotidiana exercitatione indurati gloria bellicae laudis finitimos terrebant : With whose hostility as with a daily exercise they were so hardned that their neighbors liued in awe of their renowned valor : that so feare of the enemie may keep our people from ease and luxurie , the fatall ruine of States and Countries , yea sometimes l conquering Armies that dealing with that enemie in imitation of l Alexander after Darius ouerthrow , our men of warre may be so trayned and kept in vre that for want of practise the life of all Arts , but most necessary , in the most necessarie Arte of warre , our warlike discipline decay not , and so sincke , if not the estate , yet the honor of our state and Countrey . But heere whether to haue one and the same still or rather variety of enemies be more requisite would aske a more particular discourse to decide , o than this generall Paradox may admitte : Licurgus knowing the inestimable benefite of military practise , was desirous his people should haue warre but not with one and the same Nation lest they might be blamed as p Ag●silaus was by Antalcidas , for making the Thebans against their willes by continuall inuading them to his owne hurt , skilfull souldiers ; yet some may thinke it best grapling with one whose strength we know , whom by conquering we know how to ouercome , whose fashions our souldiers are vsed to , but I dare not speake all I could , lest my meaning be applyed as I would not , this I say , since it was truely said of the Romans , q Magis bellantes quam pacati habuerunt deos propitios : That they were more fortunate in warre than peace : It was wisely ( I thinke ) fained of r Romulus that the Gods told him his Citty should proue the mightiest in the world , so it were raised by warres , and increased by armes , and well confirmed afterwards by s Proclus , deliuering the same to the people as a message from Romulus after his Deifiyng to perswade them indeede to warre , which this politicke Roman and that worthy king foresawe was like to be most beneficiall for them : this I say , since t Plutarch rightly saies that Citties by warring with their neighbours , become wise in their carriage and learne to affect good gouernment : it was not vnwisely doone of Robert the second of Scotland to will his Peeres and subiects in his last will and Testament , to haue peace neuer aboue 4 yeeres together in respect of the benefit he had found and should receiue by continuall excercise in military matters . That then I may shut vp this short and slight discourse seeing that to speake of peace perpetuall in this world of contention , is but as Aristotles foelix , Xenophons Cyrus , Quintilians Orator , or Sir Thomas Moores Vtopia , a matter of mere contemplation , the warre being in this iron age u si bienenracinèe qui ' il est impossible del l' en oster , Si non auec la rume de l' vniuerse . So well ingrafted that it is impossible to take it away without a vniuersall destruction : seeing that the quarrelles of this world are either of Christians against Turkes , and infidelles , in defence of Christ Crucified , which ought neuer , and I assure my selfe shall neuer be extinguished till the names of those dogges be cleane extirpated : or between Chrians , with such inueterate malice and irreconcileable wrongs for titles so intricate , as in mans witte is to be feared will neuer be appeased , satisfied , decided , seeing that many of the Princes of this world , though they talk of peace and amitie to winne time , til their proiectes come to full ripenesse , seruing their turnes with that sweete name which they know is likely to blindfolde ease-affecting people , yet in their hearts desire nothing lesse : when as some of them weakened with the violent courses of their hereditary ambition , that can neuer be tamed , seeke peace as a breathing only to recouer strength : others warely repecting our encreased greatnesse , and their owne vnsetled state make faire shewes now , but are like enough here after vpon aduantage to proue false hearted : others hauing gotten much wealth , gayned much reputation , encreased their power , and maintayned their libertie by the sworde , will neuer endure the losse of these by hearkning to peace , since last there neuer wanted coulorable pretences to breake those truces , that like the * Parthians promises are only obserued , quatenus expedit , as farre as is expedient , and made like that of the y Samnites who entertained peace with the Romans , non quod pacem volebant , sed quia non erant parati ad bellum : not that they desired peace , but because they were vnprepared for warre . Let me not be blamed if I speake what I thinke , and as the scope of this discourse directs , deliuer , that is more safe and honorable ( making a league with some of them , so that necessitie of state may force them to be faithfull ) to keepe some other of them at the swords point , while fearing our strength , or their owne feeblenes , cauponantur pacem , they but chaffer for peace , rather than by tēporizing giue them time to turne tables , and fall on vs , when our leaders shall be waxed old , and the nomber of them much diminished , when our best souldiers shall be raw Besognios brought to some execution of importance , before they were fitte to learne what was fitting for thē to doe , when our discipline corrupt before shal be cleane rotten and as little worth as our cancred rusty weapons at a day of seruice , whē our ships of warre one of the greatest strengths & honours of our kingdome , shal for couetous desire of gaine , be easlyer in one yeere turnd to hois of Burdē , thā cā be reduced back againe , to doe our Countrie seruice in an other 5 and 40. whē our sea-men shal be few , and skilfull only in their owne ordinarie course , passing directly as they are bound at best seasons : where as long voiges , liuing at sea , varietie of weathers , change of Climates , searching and sounding all harbors , bayes , creekes , and corners , with ships well stored with men , is it that brings forth store of skilfull Maisters , skilfull pilots , skilfull Marriners , when last of all our people shal be more luxurious through such dangerous securitie , more contentious among themselues , more carelesse of the honour of the State , and in conclusion more ready to receiue some fatall ouerthrowe than euer heeretofore . These therefore and infinite other weighty considerations spinging freshly out of my zealefull regarde of my countries welfare , and the desire I haue to aduenture the shedding of my bloud might I be once so happy in my Kings seruice , makes me with feruēcie of spirit wish his maiestie may euer haue as x Charles the 8 of Fraunce had once , Infinite multitudes of men , resolute of mindes , for seruice apte , of faith assured , of willes tractable , for commaundment obedient , and lastly bearing all one common desire , to com● their liues to any danger for the glory and greatnes of God & their King. And that our cōmon-wealth may neuer want many such worthy Patriots as will valiantly when time serues , hazard themselues , their freinds , and their best fortunes , in paineful industrie to procure their countries assured safetie , that their example may make our Gentry ashamed of their much dissolute , degenerate dishonorable courses , the scoffing stocke of proude cōtemning forreine Nations , that so desiring earnestly to shewe the world their swords can cut as keene as their forefathers , by this first steppe to such desire , they may professe with me and that with constancie , z Militia est potior : the warre is better farre : Pulchrumque mori succurrat in armis . And thinke how worthelie they die that armed die . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20463-e7510 a Pallingen in Ariete . b Montag . lib. 1 Essay . 25. c Idē Essay . 42. d Guichard . 1. lib. e Hora : de arte Poetica . f Ibidem et Iusti● Histo. g Pet. Marti : Dec : 3. Cap. 7. h Hora. Od. 8 lib. 4. i Idem . k Luna : lib. 1. l Perseus . m Sir Phillip Sidney . n Hora : Od : 6. lib. 1. o Idem lib : 1. Episto . p Iuuena . Sat. 1. q Diodor. Sicu . lib. 10. Cap. 3. Vn Gentle home de ville . Plutar in vita Dari : s Ibidem . t Idē in Alexan. u Idem in Scipiet Leo Impera cap. 28.78 . I. E. Cincinatus alluding to Caesars speech to the strangers Plutar. in vita Peric . * Plutar. x Herodat . in Terpsicore . z Plutar. in Pyrrho . a Estate of English Fugitiues . b Arist. lib. 2. de A●nimi . Cap. 2. c Lucan : lib. 3. d Plutar : libel . contra . Epicu . e Tit. Liui. De. 1 lib. 2. f Osor. de reb . gestis . Emanus : Histo : lib : 10 : g Plutar : in . libell . declaratione lib : h Idem in lib : de dictis et factis Lacaedemo : i Quin● : Curt : lib. 2 k Virgil. lib. 1 l m Tit : Liui : lib. 5 Deca : 1 : n Pluta : in lib. de Fortuna Roman : ●eo Imper. Cap : 20 : 47 : & . 75 : & Cap : 18 : 18 : o Iosc : de bel : Iud. lib : 6 : Cap : 24 : et : 16 : p Plutar : in vitae Lycur : : q Acts of the Apostles . Cap. 10. r Iosua . Cap. 7. s Exod. Cap. 17. verse 11. t Sam. 2. Cap. 22 v Psalm . 144 ver . 1. w Issai . Cap. 1 Ierem. Cap. 11. y Platar : in vita Antoni . x Guichard : lib. 3. z Plutar. in vita Scipi . a Mar. Barles . lib. 6. b Plutar. in Peric . c Osor. de rebus gestis Emanu . lib. 2. d Plutar. in Alexan. e Quint. Curt. lib 5. f Lib. 2. de benefic . Cap. 13. g Luca. de bel . ciuili . lib. 6. h Quint. Curt. lib. 5. i Heliod . Histo. Aethio : lib. 3. k Iusti. Histo. lib. 1. l Lib. 2. de reb . gestis Ioannit . m Virgil. lib. 2. Aenea . n Osor. lib. 2. de reb : gest : Emanuel . o Lib. 4 ▪ * The victorie lost at Perousa . Guichar . lib. 3. p Their Amigdala are their mony . Pet. Martir . De● 5. Cap. 4. r Pet. Marty . Dec. 8. cap. 8. s Plutar. in Romul . t Plut. in vita Solon . u Idem in lib. de dict : & fact . Laca●emon . x Ibidem . y Sene : in t●●g . Agamem . z Lib 22 dereb . gest . Emanuel . a Montag . lib. 1. Essay . 3. b Apud Thermopilas . Diod. Sicu . lib. 21. c Plut. in Licur . d Idem in Pyr. e Lin. 2. Des recrech dela Franc. f Q. Curt. & Plut. in Alexan. g Pet. Marty . De 3. cap. 9. h Plutar. in Pyr. Pantal de reb . gest . Ioannit . lib. 4. k Pet. Martyr . Dec. 3. Cap. 3. l Plutar : in Pelopid . m Histor. de Co●mes . Liure . 5. Chap. 2 n Histoire des Dernies . troubl : liur . 2 o Guiehard : Histo. p Baptist : Lenchi : in politicis obseruat . The King of France and Queene of England . q Tit : Liui : De : 3. ilib . 2. r Plutar : in Romul : vita . s Rosin : Romani Antiquitat : lib. 10. Cap : 11. t Idem lib : 2● . Cap. 23. u Sueto : in Aug : vita : * Lui : 2 : de● Recerch : de la Fran : x Lecerch . de la Fran. z Lib. de . vanit : scienti . a Lib. 2. Cap. 3. b Sam. 1. cap. 8. ver . 20. c Virg : Aeneid : lib. 1. d Plutar : in Lycur . e Idem in Corio . lan . f Osor : lib. 5. de reb . gest : Emanuel . h Plutar : in Marcell : i Idem in Pyrrh : k Montag : Liure 2. Essay . 42. l Camde : Br●ita : in Richmond . m Tit. Liui : De : 1. lib : 2. n Plutar. in Pelopid . o Hora de arte poetica . Notes for div A20463-e13400 Lucan . 1. a Ter : in Adelph : Act : 3 : sce. 3. b La Roque . li. 1. Du māniement : de l' art militaire . c Virgil : lib. 2. Aeneid . d Machiauel : Princ : cap. 2. e Iustin. Histor : lib. 6. f Idem lib. 3. g Plutarch : in vita Pyrrh . h Plutar : in Caesa : vita . i Idem . in Cym● : vita . k Iuuenal : lib : 2. sat . 6. l Cap. 1. Deca . 6. m In Timoleō : vita . n Iin Solon : vita . o Idē in Pyrrho . p Noua noui orbis historia . lib : 2. Cap : 16. q Ti : Liu : lib : 4 : Deca : 1. r Mar : Barles : in vita Scanderb : s Diod : Sicu : lib. 2 Cap. ● . t Iustin : Histor. lib. 44. u Lib. 9. de reb : gest . Emanuelis . w Plutarch : in Coriola : vita . y Lib. 2. Deca . 1. x Plutarch : in Camill : vita . z Discours : politi : 9. a The Paraenetical discourse . b Ibidem . c In the Low-countries 2000 at one time . Estates of English Fugitiues . d Plutarch : in Peric . e Ibidem . f Appian . g La Noue Discour . polit : & militar . 9. h Machiauel : Prin : cap. 29. i Plutarch . in vita Alcibiad . k Iustin : Histor. lib. 7. l As Annibals at Capua . l Quint : Curt. lib. 6. o Plutarch : in vita Lycur . p Ibidem & in lib : de dict : et fact : Lacad . q Ti : Liui : lib. 3. Dec. 1. r Plutar : in Romul . s Ibidem . t Lib : de vtilit : capiend : ex hostibus . u La Rocque liui . 1 : du maniement de l' Art militaryre . * Iust : Histo : lib. 42. y Ti. Liui : lib : 8. Deca . 1. x Guichard : Histo : lib. ● . z Hor : sat . 1. Virgil : Aeneid : X. 
A57465	----	Sir Walter Rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping, invasive war, the Navy Royal and sea-service : with his apologie for his voyage to Guiana. Selections. 1667 Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. 1667 Approx. 203 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A57465 Wing R171 ESTC R14127 12594334 ocm 12594334 64026 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A57465) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64026) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 702:1) Sir Walter Rawleighs judicious and select essayes and observations upon the first invention of shipping, invasive war, the Navy Royal and sea-service : with his apologie for his voyage to Guiana. Selections. 1667 Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. [8], 42, 4, [61], 46, 69 p. Printed for A.M., and are to be sold by Robert Boulter ..., London : 1667. Imperfect: frontispiece lacking in filmed copy. Lowndes notes the first edition London, 1650, as "having four distinct titles" and the edition of 1667 as being issued "with a new general title." Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Royal Navy. War -- Early works to 1800. Naval art and science -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2003-07 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Sir WALTER RAWLEIGHS JUDICIOUS AND Select Essayes AND OBSERVATIONS UPON The first Invention of Shipping . Invasive War. The Navy Royal and Sea-Service . WITH HIS Apologie for his voyage to Guiana . Virtus recludens immeritis mori Caelum , negatâ tentat iter viâ . Hor. LONDON , Printed for A. M. and are to be sold by Robert Boulter at the Turks-head in Bishops-gate street , near the Great James . 1667. To the Reader . IT is apparent that nothing do's more Eternize men upon Earth , then their Writings . The Statues of the Romane Emperours time has moulderd to ashes , quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata Sepulchris ; and Tombes themselves the Fates obey . But Caesars Commentaries , the Dictates of Marcus Aurelius , the Workes and glories of those Men and Ages we see perpetuated to all posterity . It is truly said , that Bookes shew in a little time what Experience teacheth not but with the expence of many yeares ; and how miserable had we been , had not the industrious Pens of severall Authors ( famous in their times ) buoyd up and left us Traces to follow them in the paths of Vertue . In every Generation there wanted not some , the flame of whose Torch is yet unextinguished : and I may with modesty appeale , whether the Century of yeares in which this worthy Author lived , may not equall ( I would have said transcended ) some Ages that wanted such a Person to transmit it to Posterity as renowned Raleigh was . It cannot be accounted either arrogancy or ostentation in Augustus Caesar who dying , desired of his friends that stood about his Bed , That when he expired they would give him a Plaudite , as if he were conscient to himselfe he had plaid his part well upon the Stage . Nor will it offend any I am sure to say , That this most worthy Heroe truly deserved the Plaudites and Encomiums of the Amphitheaters of the whole Universe . T was well observed by him that writ the lives of so many Noble Greekes and Romans , They are wise that in Tragicall Events doe carry an invincible heart , reasonably obeying Necessity and a more high Providence then that of Man. And aswell by another , The greatnesse of the mind never sheweth it self more cleerly then amongst the wounds of Fortune . How fitly appropriate these sayings are to him , let them judge that knew his actions . But I come not here to give a Character of our Author ; that were but to hold a Candle in the Sun , or by drawing shadows to hinder the cleare beauty of the Picture . Reader , thou hast enough of him in his History of the World , which speaks him to Fame ; only thou mayst herein truly lament , That Fortune was so bitter to him and us to deprive us of that happinesse in snatching him hence before his perfecting that glorious worke : However it may prompt thee to value at a higher rate this his Posthume Production . Now it is not unlikely , that Custome expects something should be said in Commendation of these following Discourses , that would wrong rather then adde to their worth : No , Raleighs very Name is Proclamation enough for the Stationers advantage who , prays thee to believe this to be ( what the Worke it selfe will assure thee ) the legitimate issue of so excellent a Father . But to keepe thee longer from the thing it self , were by deteyning thee in the Porch to envy thee the delight of the Fabrick . A Discourse of the invention of Ships , Anchors , Compasse , &c. The first Naturall warre , the severall , use , defects , and supplies of Shipping , the strength , and defects of the Sea forces of England , France , Spaine , and Venice , Together with the five manifest causes of the suddaine appearing of the Hollanders , Written by Sir WALTER RAWLEIGH . THat the Ark of Noah , was the first Ship , because the Invention of God himself , although some men have believed , yet it is certaine , That the world , being planted before the Flood , the same could not be performed without some transporting vessels ; It is true , & the successe proves it , That there was not any so capacious nor so strong to defend it self against so violent , and so continued a powring down of raine , as the Arke Noah , the Invention of God himself , or of what fashion or fabrick soever , the rest withall mankind perished , according to the Ordnance of God. And probable it is that the Anchors , whereof Ovid made mention of , found on high Mountains : Et inventa est in montibus Anchora Summis ; were remaining of Ships wrackt at the generall flood . After the Flood , it is said , that Minos , who lived two discents before the War of Troy , set out Ships to free the Grecians Seas of Pyrats , which shews , that there had beene either trade , or Warre , upon the Waters before his time also . The expedition of the Argauants was after Minos , And so was the plantation of Tyrene in Africa , by Battus , who was one of Iasons Companions , And that the Tyrians had Trade by Sea , before the Warre of Troy , Homer tells us . Others give the first Dominion upon the Waters to Neptune , who , for the great exploits he did in the service of Saburne , was , by after ages , called the God of the Seas . But the Corinthians ascribe the invention of Rowing vessells , to a Citizen of their owne called Amaenocles , And that the first Navall Warre , was made betweene the Samiens and Corcyriens . Ithicus History changed into Latine by St. Hierome , affirmes that Griphon the Scythian , was the inventor of long Boats , or Gallies , in the Northerne Seas ; And Strabo gives the advise of the Anchor , with two Hookes to the Scythian Anacharsis , but the Greeks to Eupolemus . It is also said , that Icarus invented the saile , and others other pieces , and parts of the ships and Boats , whereof the certaine knowledge is of no great moment , This is certaine , that the Sons , and Nephews of Noah , who peopled the Isles of the Gentiles , and gave their owne names to many of them , had vessells to transport themselves , long before the daies of Minos ; And for my own opinion , I doe not thinke that any one Nation ( the Syrian excepted ) to whom the knowledge of the Arke came , as the story of the creation did , soone after Moses , did find out at once , the device either of ship or Boate , in which they durst venture themselves upon the Seas : But being forced by necessity to passe over Rivers , or Lakes , they first bound together certaine Reeds or Canes , by which they transported themselves : Calamorum falces ( saith D : Siculus ) admodum ingentes inter se conjungunt . Others made Raffes of Wood , and other devised the Boate of one tree called the Canoa , which the Gaules upon the River of Roan , used in assisting the transportation of Hannibals Army in his enterprise of Italie : Primum Galli inchoantes cavabant Arbores ( saith Livie ) But Polydor Virgil , gives the invention of those Canoas , to the Germains inhabiting about the River of Danubius , which kind of Hollow trees , Isidor calls Carabes . The Brittains had Boats made of Willow Twigs and covered on the out side with Bullock hydes , and so had the Venetians ; of which Lucan primum cana salix , &c. Malefacto , &c. And Iulius Solinus Navigant autem Vimineis alveis quos circundant ambitione tergorum Bubalorum : The same kind of Boats had the Germains ( saith Isidor ) who in his time committed many Robberies in them : But whosoever devised the Canoa among the Danubians , or among the Gaules , sure I am , that the Indians of America , never had any trade with either of these Nations , And yet from Fuobushers straits , to the straits of Magalaine , those Boats are found , and in some parts of that length , As I have seene them rowed with twenty Oars of a side . The truth is , that all Nations how remote soever , being all reasonable creatures , and enjoy one and the same Imagination and fantasie , having devised according to their means and materialls the same things . The Eastern people , who have had from all Antiquitie , the use of Iron , have found out the Sawe , And with the Sawe , they have sundred Trees , in Boards and Plancks , And have joyned them together with Nayles , and so made Boats and Gallies safe and portable , So have they built Cities , and Townes of Timber and the like in all else . On the contrary , the West-Indies and many Nations of the Africans , wanting means and materialls , have been taught by their own necessities to passe Rivers in a Boate of one Tree , and to tye unsquared Poles together , on the top for their houses , which they cover with large leaves , yea the same Boats , and the same buildings , are found in Countries , two thousand miles distant , debarred from all commerce , by unpassable Mountains , Lakes , and Deserts ; Nature hath taught them all to choose Kings and Captains for their leaders , And Judges . They all have lighted on the invention of Bowes and Arrowes , All have Targets and woodden Swords : All have instruments to encourage them to fight : All that have Corne beate it in Morters , and make Cakes , baking them upon Slatestones : All devised Lawes without any grounds had from the Scriptures , or from Aristotles Politiques , whereby they are governed : All that dwell neere enemies impale their villages to save themselves from surprize , yea besides the same inventions , All have the same naturall impulsions , They follow nature in the choice of many wives , and there are every where among them , which out of a kind of wolvish ferocitie , eate mans flesh ; yea most of them beleive in a second life , and they are all of them Idolaters in one kind or other . For the Northerne parts of the world , It was long ere they grew to any perfection in Shipping , For wee read that Hingest , and Horsa , Came over into this Land in long Boats , in which for the first being called in by the Brittains , they transported five thousand souldiers . And that after they came with a supply of ten thousand more Shipt in thirty vessels , which the Saxons call Keeles , And our old Historians Cogiones , And in Caesars time , the French Brittains who were then esteemed the best Brittaine Sea men , had very untoward Tubs in which they made Warre against him . For they tooke the winds in Sailes of Leather , heavy and unplyable , And they fastned their ships to the ground , and rid at Anchor with Cables of Iron Chains , having neither Canvas , nor Cordage . In so much as the best of them which were of Vannes , are described with high heads raised up deformedly above the rest of the buildings , to which kind of forme that they were constrained , the reason is manifest . For had their Cables of Iron chains held any great length , they had been unportable , And being short , the Ships must have sunck at an Anchor , in any streame of weather or Countertyde , And such was their simplicitie in those dayes , As instead of accommodating their furniture to their Ships , they formed their ships to their furniture ; Not unlike the Courtiers of this age who fit their Bodies and their Feet to their Doublets and Shooes , and not their Doublets and Shooes to their Bodies , and Feete . The Pomerlanders inhabiting the South part of the Baltick , or Eastland Sea , used a kind of Boate , with the prowe at both ends , so as they need not to wend or hold water , But went on and returned indifferently , of which : Tacitus Suionum hinc Civitates ipso in oreceano praeter viros armaque Classibus valent ; forma navium , eo differt , quod utrinque prora paratam semper appulsui frontem agit : Nec velis ministrantur ; nec remos in ordinem lateribus adiungant . Solutum ut in quibusdam fluminum & mutabile ut res possit hinc vel illinc remigium : Next are the Cities of the Suionum which are mighty at Sea , not only in men and armes , but in Fleete : The forme of their vessels differ in this , That a Prowe at each end enables them to row forward either way alike : Neither use they Sayles , nor place their oars in order upon the sides , but carrying the oare loose , They shift it hither and thither at pleasure , as is the manner in some Rivers , Yea at this time both the Turkes and Christians use these kind of Boats upon the River of Danubius , and call them Nacerne . True it is , that before Caesars Invading of this Land , we doe find that the Brittains had not any shipping at all , other then their Boats of Twigs covered with hydes as aforesaid . The Saxons when they were drawne in by the Brittains , came hither by Sea. And after that time finding that without Shipping they could neither defend themselves nor exercise any Trade , They began to make some provision for a Navy , such as it was , which being first considered of by Egbert , Alfred , Edgar , and Etheldred , augmented it , and how true it is , I know not , but it is written of Edgar , that he increased the Fleete , he found , two thousand six hundred saile : After whom Etheldred made a Law , That whosoever was Lord of three hundred and ten hide Land , should build and furnish one ship for the defence of their Country . Notwithstanding all these provisions , the Danes invaded them , and having better ships then they had , made their way for a new conquest . The Normans grew better Shipwrights then either of both , and made the last conquest of this Land , a Land which can never be conquered , whilst the Kings thereof keep the Dominion of the Seas , which Dominion I doe not find , that it was ever absolute , till the time of Henry the Eight , But that we fought sometime with good , sometime with ill successe , as we shall shew hereafter more particularly . But omitting the dispute of the first Navigators , Certaine it is , that the Invention of the compasse was had from our Northerne Nations , were it from the Germans , Norvegians , Brittanes , or Danes , for even to this day , the old Northerne words are used for the division of winds upon the quarter of the compasse , not only by the Danes , Germans , Swedes , Brittanes , and all in the Ocean , that understand the termes and names of the winds in their owne language : But the French and Spanish called the sun rising winds , East or East , and the sunne setting winds West , the rest North and South , and so by the same termes , In all the Divisions of Southeast , Northeast , Southwest , Northwest , and the rest . And if we compare the marveilous great transportations of people by the Saxons , Angles , Danes , Gothes , Swedes , Norwegians , especially and other . And how many Fleets for supplies , have been set out by them , with the swarmes of Danes aswell in our Seas , as when they invaded and conquered Scicilie , together with the Colonies , planted by the Tyrians in Africa , as else where , and of the Carthaginians the Sons of the Tyrians in Spaine . It s hard to judge which of these Nations have most commanded the Seas , though for priority Tribullus , and Ovid give it the Tyrians . Prima ratam Ventis credere docta Tyros , And Ovid , Magna minorque fere quarum Regis altera Gratias ; altera Sydonias uterque sicca rates . And it is true , that the first good Ships were among the Tyrians , and they good and great Ships , not long after the Warre of Troy , and in Solomons time , they were of that account as Solomon invited Hiram King of Tyre , to joyne with him in his Journey into the East-Indies , for the Israelites till then , never traded by Sea , and seldome if ever after it , and that the Tyrians were the chiefe in that enterprise , It appears in that they were called Nautas peritos maris , in the Hebrew ( saith Iunius ) homines navium , And in our English Marriners . It is also written in the second of Chronicles the eight . That Hiram sent Solomon Ships , Et servos peritos maris , And servants skilfull of the Sea , whereby it is probable , that the Tyrians had used the Trade of East-India before the dayes of Solomon , or before the Raigne of David , when themselves commanded the Ports of the Red Sea , But the Edumaeans being beaten by David , and the Port of Ezion-Geber , now subject to Solomon , the Tyrians were forced to make Solomon the cheife of that expedition , and to joine with him in the enterprise . For the Tyrian had no passe to the Red Sea , but through the territory of Solomon , and by his sufferance . Whosoever were the inventers , we find that every age , had added somewhat to ships , and to all things else . And in my owne time the shape of our English ships , hath been greatly bettered . It is not long since the striking of the Top-mast ( a wonderfull great ease to great ships both at Sea and Harbour ) hath been devised , together with the Chaine pumpe , which takes up twice as much water as the ordinary did , we have lately added the Bonnett , and the Drabler . To the courses we have devised studding Sayles , Top gallant Sayles ; Sprit stayles , Top stayles , The weighing of Anchors by the Capstone is also new . We have fallen into consideration of the length of Cables , and by it we resist the malice of the greatest winds that can blow , Witnesse our small Milbrooke men of Cornewall , that ride it out at Anchor , half Seas over betweene England and Ireland , all the winter quarter , And witnesse the Hollanders that were wont to ride before Dunkirke , with the wind at Northwest , making a Lee shoare in all weathers : For true it is , that the length of the Cable , is the life of the Ship in all extreamities , and the reason is , because it makes so many bendings and waves , as the Ship riding at that length it is not able to stretch it , and nothing breaks that is not stretched . In extreamity , we carry our Ordnance better then we were wont , Because our Netheroverloops are raised commonly from the water , to wit , betweene the lower part of the Port and the Sea. In King Henry the eights time , and in this present , at Portsmouth the Marie Rose , by a little sway of the Ship in casting about , her Ports being within sixteene Inches of the waters , was overset and lost , and in her that worthy Knight Sir George Carew , Cozen Germaine to the Lord Carew , and with him ( besides many other Gentlemen ) the Father of the late renowned , Sir Richard Greenevile . Wee have also raised our second Decks and given more vent thereby to our Ordnance , tying on our Nether-overloope . We have added crosse pillars in our Royall ships to strengthen them , which be fastned from the Kelson to the beams of the second Decke , keepe them from setling or from giving way in all distresses . We have given longer Floares to our Ships , then in elder times , and better bearing under water , whereby they never fall into the Sea , after the head and shake the whole body , nor sinck sterne , nor stoope upon a wind , by which the breaking loose of our Ordnance or the not use of them , with many other discommodities are avoided . And to say the truth a miserable shame and dishonour it were for our Shipwrights , if they did not exceed all other , in the setting up of our Royall Ships , the Errors of other Nations being farre more excusable then ours . For the Kings of England have for many years been at the charge to build and furnish a Navy of powerfull Ships , for their owne defence , and for the Wars only . Whereas the French , the Spaniards , the Portugalls , and the Hollanders ( till of late ) have had no proper Fleete belonging to their Princes or States . Only the Venetians for a long time have maintained their Arsenal of Gallyes , & the Kings of Denmark , and Sweden , have had good Ships for these last Fifty years , I say that the forenamed Kings , especially the Spaniards and Portugalls , have ships of great bulke , but fitter for the Merchant then for the man of Warre , for burthen then for Battaile : But as Popelinire well observeth , the forces of Princes by Sea , are Marquess de Grandeux d' Estate , Are markes of the greatnesse of an Estate : For whosoever commands the Sea , Commands the Trade : whosoever Commands the Trade of the world : Commands the Riches of the world and consequently the world it selfe : yet can I not deny , but that the Spaniards being afraid of their Indian Fleets , have built some few very good ships , but he hath no ships in Garrison , as his Majestie hath , and to say the truth , no sure place to keepe them in ; But in all Invasions he is driven to take up of all Nations , which comes into his Ports for Trade . The Venetians while they attended their Fleets , and imployed themselves in their Easterne Conquest , were great and powerfull Princes , and Commanded the Maritimate parts of Croatia , Dalmatia , Albania , and Epirus , were Lords of Peloponesus , and the Islands adjoyning , of Cyprus , Candia , and many other places , but after they sought to greaten themselves in Italie it self , using strangers for the Commanders of their armies ; The Turkes by degrees beate them out of all their goodly Countryes , and have now confined them ( Candia excepted ) to a few small Grecian Islands , which with great difficulty they enjoy . The first honour they obtained , was by making Warre upon the Istrii by Sea , and had they been true to their spouse , to wit the Seas , which once a yeare they marry , the Turks had never prevailed against them , nor ever been able to be siege any place of theirs , to which he must have transported his armies by his Gallies . The Genowaies were also exceeding powerfull by Sea , and held many places in the East , and contended often with the Venetians for superiority , destroying each other in a long continued Sea Warre , Yea the Genowaies were the most famous Mercenaries of all Europe , both by Sea and Land for many years . The French assisted themselves by Land with the Crosbowers of Genoa against the English , namely at the Battaile of Cressie , The French had 12000 Crosbowers Genowaies by Sea. With their great ships called the Carrecks of Genoa , they alwayes strengthned their Fleets against the English , But after Mahomet the second had taken Constantinople , they lost Caffa , and all Taurica , Chersonesus with the whole Trade of the Euxine Sea , and although they sent many supplies by the Hellespont , yet having often felt the smart of the Turks Cannon , they began to slack their succours , and were soone after supplanted : yet doe the Venetians to this day , well mainetaine their estate by their Sea forces , and a great losse it is to the Christian Common-weale in generall , that they are lesse then they were , And a precipitate Counsell it was of those Christian Kings their Neighbours , when they joined in League against them , seeing they then were , and they yet are , the strongest Rampiers of Europe against the Turks . But the Genowaies have now but a few Gallyes being altogether degenerate , and become Merchants of mony , and the Spanish Kings bankers . But all the States and Kingdomes of the world have changed forme and pollicy . The Empire it selfe , which gave light to all principallities , like a Pharo's , or high Tower to Seamen , is now sunck downe to the levell of the soyle . The greatnesse which it gave to the Church of Rome as before proved , was it which made it selfe little in hast , And therefore truely said ; Imperium amore Religionis seipsum , Exhausisse , The Empire being also elective and not successive , The Emperors in being made profit of their owne times , and sold from the Empire many Signiories depending on it , and at so easy a rate , as Lucca freed it self for ten thousand Crownes ; and Florence for six thousand Crowns ; The rest , the Popes ; then the Hauses , and lastly the Turks have in effect ruined . And in which severall Inundations many pieces have been recovered by other Princes and States . As Basill , Zurick , and Bearne , by the Switzers ( omitting many others ) Metz Tholouse , Verdum , by the French , Groigne Aix la Chapple , Zuphen , Deuenter , Newengen , in Gilderland , Wesell , Antwerpe , And many other places by the Spaniards ; and by the States , Dantzick and other townes of importance by the Polack . Insomuch as it is now become , the most confused estate of the world , Consisting of an Empire in title with territory , who can ordaine nothing of importance but by a dyet or assembly of the Estates of many free Princes , Ecclesiasticall and Temporall ; in effect of equall force , divers in Religion and faction , and of free Cities and Hanstownes , whom the Princes doe not more desire to Command , then they scorne to obey , Notwithstanding being by farre lesse then they were in number and lesse in force and Reputation , as they are not greatly able to offend others , so have they enough to doe ( being seated farre asunder ) to defend themselves , of whom hereafter more particularly . The Cassilians , in the meane while are growne great , and by mistaking esteemed the greatest , Having by Marriage , Conquest , practize , and purchase , devowred all Kingdomes within Spaine , with Naples , Sicilie , Millaine , and the Netherlands , And many places belonging to the Empire and the Princes thereof . Besides the Indies East and West , The Islands of the West Ocean , and many places in Barbary Guiena , Congo and else where . France hath also enlarged it self by the one half , and reduced Normandy , Brittaine , and Aquitaine , withall that the English had on that side the Sea , together with Languedocke Foix , Armignac , Beerne , and Dolphine . For this Kingdome of great Brittaine : it hath had by his Majesty a strong addition , The posterne by which we were so often heretofore entered and surprised , is now made up ; and we shall not hereafter need the double face of Ianus to looke North and South at once . But there is no stare growne in hast , but that of the united provinces , and especially in their Sea forces , and by a contrary way to that of France , or Spaine , the latter by Invasion , the former by oppression ; For I my self may remember when one ship of her Majesties , would have made forty Hollanders strike sayle , and to come to Anchor . They did not then dispute De mari libero , but readily acknowledg'd the English to be Domini maris Brittanici : That we are lesse powerfull then we were , I doe hardly beleive it , For although we have not at this time 135 ships , belonging to the subjects , of 500 tuns each ship , as it is said we had in the 24. yeare of Queen Elizabeth , at which time also upon a generall view and muster , there were found in England of all men , fit to beare armes , eleaven hundred and seaventy two thousand , yet are our Merchants ships , now farre more warlike and better appointed then they were , and the Navy Royall double as strong as then it was , For these were the ships of her Majesties Navy at that time . 1. The Triumph . 2. The Eliz : Ionas . 3. The white Beare . 4. The Phill : and Mary . 5. The Bonaventure . 6. The Golden Lion. 7. The Victory . 8. The Revenge . 9. The Hope . 10. The Mary Rose . 11. The Dreadnaught . 12. The Minion . 13. The Swiftsure . To which there hath been added . 14. The Antelope . 15. The Foresight . 16. The Swallow . 17. The Handmaide . 18. The Gennett . 19. The Barque of Bullen 20. The Ayde . 21. The Achates . 22. The Falcon. 23. The Tyger . 24. The Bull. We have not therefore lesse force then we had , the fashion and furnishing of our Ships Considered : For there are in England at this time 400. saile of Merchants fit for the Wars , which the Spaniards would call Gallions ; to which we may adde 200 saile of Crumsters , or hoyes of Newcastle , which each of them will beare six Demiculverins , and foure Sakers , needing no other addition of building , then a slight spar Decke , fore and afte as the Seamen call it , which is a slight Decke throughout , the 200 , which may be chosen out of 400 , by reason of their ready staying and turning , by reason of their windwardnesse , and by reason of their drawing of little water , And they are of extreame vantage neere the shoare , And in all Bayes and Rivers to turne in and out : These , I say , alone , well manned , and well Conducted , would trouble the greatest Prince of Europe to encounter in our Seas , For they stay and turne so readily , As , ordering them into small squadrons , three of them at once , may give their broad sides , upon any one great ship , or upon any Angle or side of an enemies Fleet , They shall be able to continue a perpetuall volley of Demiculverins without intermission , And either sinck or slaughter the men , or utterly disorder any Fleet of crosse sailes , with which they encounter . I say then if a Vanguard be ordeined of these hoyes , who will easily recover the wind of any other ships , with a Battaile of 400 other warlike ships , and a Reare of thirty of his Majesties ships to sustaine , relieve and countenance the rest ( if God beat them not ) I know not what strength can be gathered in all Europe to beat them . And if it be objected , that the States can furnish a farre greater number , I answer that his Majesties 40 ships , added to 600 before named , are of Incomparable greater force , then all that Holland and Zeeland , can furnish for the Wars . As also that a greater number would breed the same confusion , that was found in Zerxes Land Army of seaventeene hundred thousand souldiers : For there is a certaine proportion both by Sea and Land , beyond which , the excesse brings nothing but disorders and amazement . Of those hoyes , Carvills , or Crumsters , Call them what you will , there was a notable experience made in the yeare , 1574. in the River of Antwerpe , neere Rummerswaell , where the Admirall Boysett with his Crumsters overthrew the Spanish Fleet of great Ships Conducted by Iulian Romero , So contrary to the expectation of Don Lewis , the great Commander and Lieutenant of the Netherlands for the King of Spaine , as he came to the bancks of Bergen to behold the slaughter of the Zelanders . But contrary to his expectation , he beheld his Armado , some of them sunck , some of them thrust on the shoare , and most of the rest mastered and possessed by his enemies . Insomuch , as his great Captain Romero , with great difficulty , some say in a skiffe , some say by swymming , saved himselfe . The like successe had Captaine Werst of Zeeland , against the Fleet which transported the Duke of Medini Coeli , who was sent out of Spaine by Sea , to governe the Netherlands , in place of the Duke of Alva , For with twelve Crumsters or Hoyes of the first troope of 21. sayle , he tooke all but three , and he forced the second ( being twelve great ships filled with 2000. souldiers , ) to run under the Ramakins , being then in the Spaniards possession . But whence comes this dispute ? Not from the increase of numbers , Not because our Neighbours breed more Marriners then we doe , Nor from the greatnesse of their Trade in all parts of the world , For the French creepe into all corners of America , and Africa , as they doe , and the Spaniards , and Portugalls , imploy more ships by many ( fishing trades excepted ) then the Netherlands doe . But it comes from the detestable covetousnesse of such particular persons as have gotten Licences , and given way to the transporting of the English Ordnance . Fuit haec Sapientia quondam , publica privatis secernere , Sacra profanis . And that in so great abundance , as that not only our good friends the Hollanders , and Zealanders , have furnished themselves , and have them lying on their Wharfes to sell to others ; but all other Nations have had from us , not only to furnish their Fleets , but to Garnish all their Forts and other places , fortifying their Coasts ; without which the Spanish King durst not have dismounted so many pieces of Brasse in Naples and else where , therewith to Arme his great Fleete in 88. But it was directly proved in the Lower House of Parliament Anno of Queene Elizabeth . That there were landed in Naples above 140. Culverins English , since which time also , and not long since , It is lamentable that so many have beene transported into Spaine . But those that belike then determined it , and the transporters , have now forsaken the Country , and though the procurers remaine , I am resolved that they also have forsaken the care of his Majesties Estate , And the honour of this Nation . I urge not this point as thinking it unfit , to furnish his Majesties good friends and Allyes , who have had with us one common enemy for many yeares ; But all politique Estates have well observed this precept : Ut sic tractarent amicum ; tanquam inimicum futurum : For what are all the Ships in the world to be valued at , other then a company of floating tubs , were they not furnished with Ordnance , either to offend others , or defend themselves ? If a Ship of a thousand runs had in her a thousand Muskateers , and never a great Gun ; with one Crumster , carrying ten or thirteene Culverins , she may be beaten to pieces , and her men slaughtered . Certainly the advantage which the English had by their Bowes and Arrowes in former times , was never so great , as we might now have had by our Iron Ordnance , if we had either kept it within the Land , kept it from our enemies , or imparted it to our friends , moderately ; For as by the former we obteined many notable victories , and made our selves masters of many parts of France , so by the latter we might have Commanded the Seas , and thereby the Trade of the world it selfe . But we have now to our future prejudice , and how far to our prejudice I know not , forged Hammers and delivered them out of our hands , to breake our owne Bones withall . For the conclusion of this dispute , there are five manifest causes of the upgrowing of the Hollanders and Zelanders . 1. The first is , the favour and assistance of Queene Elizabeth , and the Kings Majesty , which the late worthy and famous Prince of Orange , did alwayes acknowledge , and in the yeare 1582. when I tooke my leave of him at Antwerpe , After the returne of the Earle of Leicest : into England , And Monsieur's arrivall there , when he delivered me his Letters to her Majesty ; He prayed me to say to the Queen from him , Sub umbra alarum tuarum protegimur : for certainly they had withered in the Bud , and sunck in the beginning of their Navigation , had not her Majesty assisted them . 2. The second cause was , The imploying of their owne people in their Trades and Fishings , and the entertaining of strangers , to serve them in their armies by Land. 3. The third is , the fidelity of the house of Nassawe , and their services done them , especially of that Renowned Prince Maurice , now living . 4. The fourth , the withdrawing of the Duke of Parma twice into France , while in his absence he recovered those strong places of Zealand , and Frizland , as Deventer Zuphen , &c. 5. And the fifth , the imbarging and confiscating of their Ships in Spaine , which constrained them and gave them courage to Trade by force into the East and West Indies , and in Africa , in which they imploy 180 Ships , and 8700 Marriners . The successe of a Counsell so contrary to their wisdome that gave it , as all the wit , and all the force the Spaniards have , will hardly ( if ever ) recover the damage thereby received . For to repaire that ruine of the Hollanders trade into both Indies the Spaniards did not only labour the truce : But the King was content to quit the Sovereigntie , of the united Provinces , and to acknowledge them for free States , neither holding nor depending on the Crowne of Spaine . But be their estates what it will , let not them deceive themselves in believing that they can make themselves masters of the Sea , For certainly the shipping of England , with the great squadron of his Majesties Navy Royall , are able in despight of any Prince or State in Europe , to Command the great and large Field of the Ocean . But as I shall never thinke him a Lover of this Land , or of the King , that shall perswade his Majesty from imbracing the amity of the States of the united Provinces : ( For his Majesty is no lesse safe by them , then they invincible by him : ) So I would wish them , ( Because after my duty to mine owne Soveraigne , and the love of my Country , I honour them most ) That they remember and consider it , that seeing their passage and Repassage , lyes through the Brittish Seas , that there is no Port in France , from Callice to Flushing , that can receive their ships , that many times outward by Westerly winds , and ordinarily homewards , not only from the East Indies , but from the Straits , and from Spaine , all Southerly winds ( the Brises of our Clymate ) thrust them of necessity into the Kings ports , how much his Majesties favour doth concerne them , for if ( as themselves confesse in their last treaty of Truce with the Spaniards ) They subsist by their trades , the disturbance of their trades ( which England can only disturbe ) will also disturbe their subsistance . The rest I will omit , because I can never doubt , either their gratitudes or their wisdomes . For our New-castle trade , ( from which I have digressed ) I refer the Reader to the Author of the trades increase , a Gentleman to me unknowne , But so far as I can judge , he hath many things very considerable , in that short treaty of his ; yea both considerable and praise worthy , and among the rest , the advise which he hath given for the maintenance of our Hoyes , and Carvills of Newcastle , which may serve us , besides the breeding of Marriners for good ships of Warre , and of exceeding advantage , and certainly I cannot but admire , why the Impositions of five shillings should any way dishearten them , seeing there is but one Company in England , upon whose trade any new payment are layd , But that they on whom it is laid raise profit by it , The Silkemen , if they pay his Majesty twelve pence upon a yard of Sattin , they not only raise that twelve pence , but they impose twelve pence or two shillings more upon the subject , so doe they upon all they sell of what kind soever : as all other Retaylers doe , of what quality or profession soever : And seeing all the Maritimate provinces of France , and Flanders , all Holland and Zealand , Embden and Breame , &c. Cannot want our New-castle , or our Welsh Coales , The Imposition cannot impoverish the transporter ; but that the buyer must make payment accordingly ; And if the Impositions laid on these things , whereof this Kingdome hath no necessary use , as upon Silkes , Velvets , Gold and Silver Lace , and cloaths of Gold , and Silver , Cut works , Cambricks , and a world of other trumperyes , doth in nothing hinder their vent here : But that they are more used , then ever they were , to the utter impoverishing of the Land in generall , and of those Poppinjayes that value themselves by their out sides , and by their Players coats , Certainly the imposing upon Coales , which other Nations cannot want , can be no hinderance at all to the Newcastlemen , but that they may raise it againe upon the French and other Nations , as those Nations themselves doe , which fetch them from us with their owne shipping . For conclusion of this Chapter , I say that it is exceeding lamentable , that for any respect in the world , seeing the preservation of the State and Monarchie , doth surmount all other respects , that strangers should be permitted to eat us out , by exporting and importing both our owne Commodities , and those of Forreigne Nations : For it is no wonder we are overtopped in all the trades we have abroad and far off , Seeing we have the grasse cut from under our feet in our fields and pastures . FINIS . A Discourse of the Originall and fundamentall cause of Naturall , Customary , Arbitrary , Voluntary , and necessary War , with the misery of invasive Warre . That Ecclesiasticall Prelates , have alwayes been subject to Temporall Princes , and that the Pope had never any lawfull power in England , either in Civill , or Ecclesiasticall , businesse , after such time , as Brittaine was won from the Roman Empire . THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War , which may be defined the exercise of violence under Soveraigne Command , against withstanders force , Authority and resistance , being the essentiall parts thereof , violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguisht from Robbery and the like outrages : yet consisting in relation towards others , It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance , whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves , or yeilding Malefactors ; as for Armes , Discipline , and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of War prosperous , they are only considerable in degree of perfection , since naked savages fighting disorderly with stones , by appointment of their Commanders , may truly and absolutely be said to War. Neverthelesse , it is true , that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth , pawes , horns , and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men , so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive Armes , as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist . And it might seeme happy , if the sword , the Arrow , the Gun , with many terrible Engines of death , could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that Lordly rule , which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things . But since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self : It is needfull that against the wit and subtilty of man , we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes , ( wherein many Beasts exceed us , ) but helping our strength with art and wisdome , strive to excell our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures . The necessity of War , which among humane Actions is the most lawlesse , hath some kind of affinity , and neere resemblances with the necessity of Law. For there were no use at all , either of War or of Law ; If every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe , and were withall so punctually just , as to performe what he knew requisite , and to rest contented with his owne . But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong , by any skill of Lawyers , with multiplicity of clauses , and provisoes , That it may be secure from contentious Avarice , and the malice of false seeming Justice : It is not to bee wondered , that the great Charter , whereby God bestowed the whole earth upon Adam , And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah , being as breife in word , as large in effect , hath bred much quarrell of interpretation . Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation , may be unregarded by the most of men , yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts , And so passionatly imbraced by their greedy desires , As if every one laid claime for himself unto that , which was conferred upon all . This appeared in the Gaules , who falling upon Italy under their Captaine Brennus , told the Roman Ambassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title , and that valiant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get ; That they wanting Land therewith to susteine their people , And the Tuscanes , having more then enough , It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand , if it were not yeilded quietly . Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers , that there is no taking of possession more just , then In vacuum venire , to enter upon Land unhabited , As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands : Then may it be inferred , that this demand of the Gaules , held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view . For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled , why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly ? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the Southerne , undiscovered continent , because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana , or about the Straits of Magalane ? why might not the like be done in Africk , in Europe , or in Asia ? If this were most absurd to imagine , Let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the Territory , and increasing the number of Inhabitants , what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner , That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth , nor capable of a greater multitude ; Untill this can be concluded and agreed upon , one maine and fundamentall cause of the most grievous Warre that can be imagined , is not like to be taken from the Earth . It were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victualls and other helps , a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new feare , or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them : But what shall perswade a mighty Nation to travaile so farre by Land , or Sea , over Mountaines , Deserts , And great Rivers , with their Wives and Children , when they are , or thinke themselves , powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand , and inforce others into the Labour of such a Journey ? I have briefely shewed in an other worke , that the miseries accompaning this kind of War , are most extreame . For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall . And although the uncertainty of tenure , by which all worldly things are held , minister very unpleasant meditation ; yet is it most certaine that within 1200. yeares last past , all or the most of Kingdomes to us knowne , have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations , being either over whelmed by new Collonies that fell upon them , or driuen , as one wave is driven by an other , to seeke new seates , having lost their owne . Our Westerne parts of Europe indeed have cause to rejoyce , and give praise to God , for that we have been free about 600 years , from such Inundations , As were those of the Gothes , Humes , and Vandalls , yea from such as were those of our owne Ancestors , the Saxons , Danes , and Normans , But howsoever we have together with the feeling , lost the very memory of such wretchednesse , as our Fore-fathers endured by those Wars , of all other the most cruell . Yet are there few Kingdomes in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred yeares . It were an endlesse labour to tell how the Turks , and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world , having spoiled every where , and in most places Eaten up all , as it were by the roots , Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people , the very names , language and memory of former times . Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it , there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the Load upon others , by right or wrong . For ( to omit the danger of Pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng ) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses , and contempt of death , as the Torments or Threats of famine whereof the Warre that is grounded upon this generall rem●dilesse necessity , may be tearmed the generall , the Remedilesse , or the necessary War. Against which that our Country is better provided ( as may be shewed hereafter ) Then any civill Nation to us knowne , we ought to hold it a great blessing of God , And carefully retaine the advantages which he hath given us now . Besides this remedilesse or necessary Warre , which is frequent , There is a Warre voluntary , and Customeable , unto which the offering party is not compelled . And this Customary Warre , which troubleth all the world , giveth little respite or breathing time of peace , doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest . For Covetous Ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath , supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not . Wherefore if two bordering Princes have their Territory meeting on an open Champaigne , the more mighty will continually seeke occasion , to extend his limits unto the further border thereof . If they be divided by Mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops , And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots . If Rivers run between them , they contend for the Bridges , And thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck . Yea the Sea it selfe must be very broad , barren of fish , and void of little Islands interjacent , else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the Kingdomes which it severeth . All this proceeds from desire of having , and such desire from feare of want . Hereunto may be added , That in these Arbitrary Wars , there is commonly to be found , some small measure of necessity , though it seldome be observed , perhaps , because it extendeth not so far , as to become publique . For where many younger sonnes of younger Brothers , have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves , and where many men of Trade or usefull possessions , know not how to bestow themselves for lack of Imployments , there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State ( howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed ) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected Members . It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it , if means be wanting , whereby to drive convenient participation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers . In such cases there will be complaining , Commiseration , and finally murmur ( as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the ground upon publike misgovernment ) unlesse order be taken for some redresse by the sword of Injury , supposed to be done by Forreigners , whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare . And in this case I think it was , that the great Cardinall Francis de Amiens who governed Spaine in the minority of Charls the fift , hearing tell that 8000. Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algier , under Don Diego de Vera , made light of the matter : Affirming , that Spaine stood in need of such evacuation , forreigne Warre serving ( as King Fardinard had been wont to say ) like a potion of Rubarbe , to wash away Choler from the body of the Realme . Certainly among all Kingdomes of the earth , we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then Spaine , of having the veines opened by an enemies sword : The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humors . Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled , but mainteineth still growing upon it ( like a tree , from whose plants to fil a whole Orchard , ) have bin taken as many , as it can well nourish . And to say what I think , if our King Edward the third , had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with English the Towns which he won , As he began at Calice driving out the French , the Kings his Successors , holding the same course would by this time have filled all France , with our Nation , without any notable emptying of this Island . The like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the French in Italy , or almost of any others , as having been verified by the Saxons in England , and Arabians in Barbarie ; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent ? surely they dyed not of old age , nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature . But famine and contagious diseases , the sword , the halter , and a thousand mischiefs have Consumed them . Yea many of them perhaps were never borne : for they that want means to nourish Children will abstaine from marriage , or ( which is all one ) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women : or otherwise make unequall or unhealthy Matches for gaine , or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing , which in nature is a curse , to have their wives barren . Were it not thus , Arithmeticall progression might easily demonstrate , how fast mankind would increase in multitude , overpassing as miraculous ( though indeed naturall ) that example of the Israelites , who were multiplyed in 215. yeares , from seaventie unto 600000. able men . Hence we may observe , that the very propagation of our kind , hath with it a strong insensive , even of those daily Wars , which afflict the earth . And that Princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity , speake often more truly then they are aware , there being indeed a great necessity , though not apparent , as not extending to the generality , but resting upon private heads . Wherefore other cause of Warre meerly naturall there is none , then want of roome upon the earth , which pinching a whole nation , begets the remedilesse Warre , vexing only some number of particulars , It draws on the Arbitrary : But unto the kindling of Arbitrary Warre , there are many other motives . The most honest of these is , feare of harme and prevention of danger . This is just and taught by nature , which labours more strongly in removing evill , then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good . Neverthelesse , because Warre cannot be without mutuall violence : It is manifest , that allegation of danger and feare serv●s only to excuse the suffering part , the wrong doer being carried by his owne will. So the Warre thus caused proceeds from nature , not altogether but in part . A second motive is , Revenge of injury susteined ; This might be avoided if all men could be honest ; otherwise not . For Princes must give protection to their Subjects and adherents , when worthy occasion shall require it , else will they be held unworthy , and unsufficient : then which there can be to them no greater perill . Wherefore Caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side , and the opinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard , for his friends , was doubted on the other side , alwayes chose rather to venture u●on extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector . Yea by such maintenance of their dependants , Many Noblemen in all formes of Government , and in every mans memory have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue . Neither have meere Tyrants been altogether carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers , those Subjects of theirs , whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used , as no better then slaves . For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves , if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men : To remedy this , it were needfull that Justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to Denizons . But contrariewise we find , that in many Countreys ( as Muscovie and the like ) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction , as they fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation . Sir Thomas Moore said , ( whether more pleasantly or truely I know not ) that a trick of Law had no lesse power then the wheele of fortune , to lift men up , or cast them downe . Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by meere casualty , then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice , Because these are accompanied with sense of indignity , whereof the other are free : when Robbers break open a mans house and spoile it , they tell the owner plainly that money they want , and money they must have : But when a Judge corrupted by reward , hatred , favour , or any other passion , takes both house and Land from the rightfull owner , And bestowes them upon some friend of his owne , or of his favorite , He saies , that the rules of Justice will have it so , that it is the voice of the Law , the Ordinance of God himselfe . And what else doth he herein , then by a kind of Circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get releife ; must it not astonish and vex withall , any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the Judge and the Theefe , then in the manner of performing their exploits ? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality . In such case an honest Subject will either seeke remedy by ordinary courses , or awaite his time untill God shall place better men in office , and call the oppressors to account . But a stranger wil not so , he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barbary , neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante , or whether Mulisidian himself can contemne the Kingdome , his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him , and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can , and returne the injury ten fold , upon the whole Nation from which he received it . Truth it is , that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the Gates of forreigne Lords , then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates ; Nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad , as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling Vice - Admirall , Customer , or publique minister at their returne . Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yeild unto their proper Governour , I will not here define , or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home , or whether from despaire of such redresse , as may be expected in their owne Country , in the hoped reformations of disorders , or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe the Domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations , or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the Injustice of their owne Rulers , though it were shamefull , for feare of faring worse , and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum : As slanderers of men in authority , wheresoever it comes ; As there can be but one Allegeance , so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must . According to that of the Slave in an old Comoedie : Non sum servus publicus , my Master bought me for himself , and I am not every mans man. And this opinion , there is no Prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne Subjects . Yea such as are most Rigorous to their owne , Doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers , because it were a matter of dangerous Consequence , that the People should thinke all other Nations to be in better case then themselves . The breife is , Oppression in many places weares the Robes of Justice , which Domineering over the naturalls , may not spare strangers , And strangers will not endure it , but cry out unto their owne Lords for releife by the Sword. Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong , though it meerly consist in the will of man , without any inforcement of nature . Yet the more to quicken it , there is usually concurrent therewith , A hopefull expectation of gaine . For of the amends recovered , Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong , but commonly all runs into the Princes Coffers . Such examples as was that of our late Queen Elizabeth of most famous memory , are very rare . Her Majestie when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva , in the Netherlands , And by King Philip in Spaine , arrested , Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England , that amounted unto a greater value : Neither was she contented that her Subjects should right themselves as well as they could , upon the Spaniards by Sea , But having brought King Philip within foure or five years , to better reason , though not so far as to Restitution ; She satisfied her owne Merchants to the full , for all their losses out of the Dutchmens goods , and gave back to the Duke what was remayning . This among many thousand of her Royall Actions , that made her glorious in all Nations , though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her Princely Justice , to the skies : yet served it not as a President for others of lesse vertue to follow . It were more costly to take patterne from those Acts , which gave Immortall renowne to that great Queen , then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke , in the self same busines , who kept all to his owne use , or his Masters , Restoring to the poore Dutch Merchants not one penny . It falls out many times indeed , that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by War the wrongers of his people , Then the losse of his People did amount unto . In such cases it is reason , that he satisfy himself , and let the people ( whereto commonly they are apt ) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge . But when victory makes large amends for all , it Royally becomes a Prince , to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertooke the Warre . For besides the purpose it were now , to teach how victory should be used , or the gaines thereof Communicated to the generall content . This being only brought into shew , that the profit thereby gotten , is a stirring provocation to the redresse of Injuries by the sword . As for the redresse of Injuries done unto Princes themselves , it may conveniently ( though not alwayes , for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their owne honour ) be referred unto the third motive of Arbitrary Warres , which is meere Ambition . This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars , then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever , though it least partake of nature , or urgent necessity of State. I call not here alone by the name of Ambition , that vaine glorious humour which openly professeth to be none other , and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue ( for the examples are not many of that kind : ) But where occasion of Warre is greedily sought , or being very slight is gladly entertained , for that increase of Dominion is hoped thereby , we should rather impute the Warre to the scope at which it aimeth : then to any idle cause pretended . The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soone get the mastery over all Sicilie , And have a faire entrance at pleasure into Italy : Which to prevent they made a Warre upon the Carthaginians ; this feare I call Ambition , Had they not trusted in their own Armes , hoping thereby to enlarge their empire , but being weaker , and more afraid indeed , they would have feared lesse . For Colour of this Warre they tooke the Mamertines , A Crewe of Theeves , and cut throats into their protection ; Whom being their associats they must needs defend . But had not their Ambition been mightier then their Justice , they would have endeavoured to punish these Mamertines , and not to protect them . Innumerable are the like examples : Know ye not ( said Ahab ) that Ramoth Gilead is ours ? He knew this before , and was quiet enough , till opinion of his forces , made him looke into his right . And of this nature ( though some worse then other in degree ) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King , And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror , broken titles to Kingdomes or Provinces , Mainetenance of friends , and Partizans , pretenced wrongs , and indeed , whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest : But of old time ( perhaps before Helen of Greece , was borne ) Women have been the common Argument of these Tragedies . As of late Ages in our parts of the world , since the names of Guelf , and Ghibeline , were heard , The right of St. Peter , that is the Popes Revenews and Authority . This last and other of the same kind I know not , how patiently they will endure to be ranged among Ambitions quarrels : For the Warre that hath such foundation , will not only be reputed , free from worldly Ambition , Just , and honourable , But holy , and meritorious : having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins , Release from Purgatory , And the promises of the life to come , As may be seen in the Popes Crociata . The truth is , that the Saracenes , affirme no lesse of the Warres , which either they make against Christians , or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due , I thinke the honour of devising first this Doctrine : That Religion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword , would be found appertaining to Mahomet the false Prophet , sure , it is , that he and the Caliphes following him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty Empire , which was in faire way to have inlarged , untill they fell out among themselves . Not for the Kingdome of Heaven , But for Dominion upon Earth . And against these did the Popes , when their authority grew powerfull in the West , incite the Princes of Germany , England , France , and Italie . Their chiefe enterprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land. In which worthy , but extreamely difficult action , it is lamentable to Remember , what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed , with very small benefit unto the Christian State. The Recovery of Spaine ( whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens , ) had been a worke more availeable to the men of Europe , more easily mainetained with supply , more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon Kingdomes further removed , more free from hazard , and Requiring lesse expence of Blood. But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger , nor diverted from this to a more commodious businesse , by any motives of profit or facility , for the Pulpits did sound in every Parish Church with the praises of that voyage , as if it were a matter , otherwise far lesse highly pleasing unto God , to beare Armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors , or for the Deliverance of poore Christians oppressed with slavery , then to fight for that selfe same Land , wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and Dyed : By such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular vertue they performed ( though not without exceeding great losse of men ) and held that Kingdome some few generations . But the Climate of Syria , the far distance from the strength of Christendome , And the neer Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the Mahometans , caused that famous enterprise , after a long continuance of terrible War , to be quite abandoned . The care of Ierusalem being laid aside , it was many times thought needfull to represse the growing power of the Turke by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and Common-wealths , And hereto the Popes have used much perswasion and often published their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so Religious . Yet have they effected little or nothing , and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe . For it hath been their Custome so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to Religious Armes by converting the Monies , that have been Leavyed for such Wars , to their owne services , and by stirring up Christians one against an other , yea against their owne naturall Princes , under the like pretences of serving God and the Church , that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits , And would not believe that God was carefull to mainetaine the Pope in his quarrells , or that Remission of sins past , was to be obteined by Committing more and more grievous , at the instigation of his suspected holinesse . Questionlesse there was great reason , why all discreet Princes should beware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the Robes of Sanctimonie . It was the Rule of our Blessed Saviour , By their works you shall know them , what the works of those that occupied the Papacie , have been since the dayes of Pepin and Charlemaine who first enabled them with Temporall donation , The Italian writers have testified at large . Yet were it needlesse to Cite Machiavell , who hath Recorded their doings , and is therefore the more hatefull , or Guicciardine , whose works they have gelded , as not enduring to heare all that he hath written , though he spake enough in that which remains . What History shall we Read ( excepting the Annales of Caesar Baronius , And some books of Fryars , or Fryarly Parasites ) which mentioning their Acts doe not leave witnesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters . How few Kingdomes are there ( if any ) wherein by dispensing with others , transferring the right of Crowns , Absolving Subjects from alleageance , and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded , they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs ? The shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends , And the more shamelesse justification by their flatterers , makes it needfull to exemplifie , which I had rather forbeare , as not loving to deale in such contentious arguments , were it not follie to be modest in uttering what is knowne to all the world . Pitty it is , that by such demeanour they have caused the Church ( as Hierome Savanarola , and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne prophecied ) to be reformed by the sword . But God would have it so . How farre the Popes blessing therefore did sanctifie the enterprise upon Ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to Judge . As for the honourable Christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their Warre , they had not only the redresse of injuries and protection of their oppressed Brethren , But the repelling of danger from their owne Land , threatned by those misbeleivers when they invaded . If the Popes extortions ( which were not more forcible then those of Peters the Hermits ) added spirit unto the action : yet altered they not the grounds of the Warre , nor made it the more holy . Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo , the tenth , beare witnesse of this , who out of politick feare of the Turkes violence urged a Religious contribution towards a Warre to be made upon them . The necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswaded the Conquest of Palestina . But too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money , That the Sums which Pope Leo thereby raised and converted to his owne uses , have made his Successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day . Pius the Second , formerly well knowne by the name of Aeneas Silvius , was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages , who neverthelesse in a Warre of the same Religious nature , discovered the like ( though not the same ) imperfection . His purpose was to set upon Mahomet the great , who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the Warre over into Greece , to prevent the danger , threatning Italie . In this action highly Commendable , he intended to hazard his owne person , that so the more easily hee might win adventurers , who else were like to be lesse forward , as not unacquainted with such Romish tricks ; Yet was not his owne devotion , so zealous in pursuit of this holy businesse , but that he could stay a while , and convert his forces , against Malatesti Lord of Rimini , letting , Scanderbeg waite his Leisure , who had already set the Warre on foote in Greece . For ( said he ) we first subdue the little Turke , before we medle with the great , He spake reason if we regard policy . But attending one to Religion find we not , that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome , a like pleasing to God , as would have been the holy Warre , against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith ? So thought all the rest of those Bishops . And so much more ( upon their severall occasions ) declared themselves to thinke it , by how much they were commonly worse men then this Aeneas Silvius . And good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe , or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise . For the naturall Constitution of their estate ( I meane since the age of Pepin and Charlmaine , or the times not long foregoing , hath urged them all hereto ; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd , by their own private natures , and thereby have swa●●ved from the rule of policy . To speake in generall , whosoever hath dominion absolute , over some , and authority lesse absolute over many more , will seeke to draw those that are not whol●y his owne into intire subjection . It fares with politick bodies as with the physicall ; each would convert all into their owne proper substance , and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed . We need not Cite Philip the Father of Alexander , nor Philip the Father of Perseus , Kings of Macedon for examples . Of which the former brought the Thessalians , the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage . Philip the second of Spaine is yet fresh in mind , who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands . Exceptions may be framed here against one , of the honest , quiet , or timerous disposition of some Princes , yet that all , or the most are thus inclined , both reason and experience teach : yea even our Cities and Corporations here in England , such as need the protection of great Men , Complaine otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence , either in searching into their private estates , or behaving themselves master-like in point of government , But never hath authority better means to enlarge it self , then when it is founded upon devotion . And yet never doth authority of this kind , worke to raise it self unto meere dominion , untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming , then indeed . The Leviticall Priests , in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves , any Temporall or Coactive power Nor advanced their Miters against the Crowne of Israel . They well understood what authority God had committed unto them and rested therewithall content . Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late ; The Popes flatterers labouring to prove , That the high Priests of old were not meerly Subject unto the Kings of Iuda , and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary . But whatsoever befell in those dayes , when there was no King in Israel , that is , before the Reigne of Saul , or after the Captivity of Babel , sure it is that the sons of Aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of David , And acknowledged them their Lords . As for the race of the Maccabees , that held both the Kingdome and the Priesthood at once , It falls not within this Consideration ; the first thereof ( of whom I read ) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the getting of Temporal possession , was ( if nor Mahomet himselfe ) Abubachar the Successor unto Mahomet , This man having obteined by help of his friends , the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet , made it one of his first works to dispoile poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet , and heire of his great riches , taking al from him by this pretence , That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdome , unto him also belonged the Succession in wealth . And this grew presently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law. But howsoever it were then decided , we see now the Muphti of high Prelate , who is the only Oracle among the Turkes in Spirituall matters , lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan . Neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of Abubachar , hath not lost all force , for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands , of Prophets or deceivers which got that name , that never rested untill they became Kings . The Seriph in Barbarie , was one of the last : who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man , afterward found means to become a Captain , and Lord of a small Territory ; And finally increased his followers , and withall his bounds so fast and so far , as having made himself King of Morocca , he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy , ( lately his Soveraigne ) that both Fesse and all Kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse ; and this he made good by winning all sooner after . Whether the claime which the Popes laid to a Supremacie over all Kingdomes and estates , had not affinity with the principle of Abubachar , Let other men Judge that their practises to mainetaine it , have been sutable to those of Seriffo , all Historians doe testifie . For when Pope Gregory the second , procured the Citie of Rome , and some other places in Italie to Rebell against the Emperour Leo , the third , what other colour used he , then that himself had Excommunicated Leo , as an ungodly Prince , for breaking downe Images , that were worshipped in Churches , when for this treason Paul the Exarch , Leiutenant unto the Emperour , besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lumbards , by what other art did the Pope remove the siege , then by perswading the Lumbard with a Tale of Peter , and Paul , that had consecrated the Citie of Rome with their pretious blood . Thus was devotion made the Cloake for treason ? And thus did the Popes first slip their necks out of the Emperours coller . Within very few years after this , by the like Religious pretext were those Princes of France , Charls Martell , Pepine , and Charlemaine , won to assist the Papacie , against the Lumbards , yea , to give unto St. Peter , the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italie , And not restore them to the Emperour , from whom the Lumbards had gotten them . And thereunto Pepine , was perswaded for his Souls health . Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse , done a notable good office for Pepine before , when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick , And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead , by saying , That rather he should be King who did the Kings duty , then he that did it not . In like manner did Pope Leo recompense the benefits of Charlemaine , by setting him up as Emperour in the West against those of Constantinople : But in these mutuall offices , the Popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which Pepine and Charlemaine had before acquired . Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in Principallity ; That was held yet in vassallage unto themselves . Now this could not satisfie the ambition of that See , which gloried falsly to be the only See Apostolique . For as the Reputation of the Romane Prelats grew up in those blind ages under the Westerne Emperours , much faster then true piety could raise it , in former times when better Learning had flourished ; So grew up in them withall a desire , of amplifying their power , that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall matters . Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemaine , they began to neglect the Emperours consent in their Elections . And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France , either too much patience or too much weakenesse , they were bold , within seaventy years to decree , That in the Creation of Popes , the Emperour should have nothing at all to doe . Having obteined this , It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole Clergie in all Kingdomes . But the worke was great , and could not be accomplished in hast , for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome ; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather ( as mainetainers of the Papacie , would now have them called ) Monsters to succeed one another , and attaine by the faction of Cut-throats , and Strumpets , St. Peters Chaire , despised that hypocrisy , which the world abroad did Reverence as holinesse . Likewise the Empire falling from the line of Charles , to the mighty house of Saxonie , was so strongly upheld by the first Princes of that race , as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring Prelats . Yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity . The Polonians , Hungarians , and some other farre removed Nations , had yeilded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall , even to those Popes whom Italie knew to be detestable men . As for the Romane Citizens they were chastised by the sword , and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord , though they knew not by what right . Long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed , Because they knowing the Lewdnesse of their Prelate and his Court , their devotion , unto him ( the trade by which now they live ) was very small . Because also they were the Popes domesticall forces , against which no Prince doth happily contend . But finally the Popes Armes prevailed , or when his owne were too weake , the Emperours and other friends were helping . Contrariwise against Emperours and other Princes , the sword of the people even of their owne Subjects hath been used by teaching all Christians in our Westerne world a false Lesson . That it is lawfull and meritorious to rebell against Kings excommunicated and deposed by the Pope . This curse was first laid upon the Emperour , Henry the fourth by Pope Hildebrand or Gregory the seaventh . It is true ( as I said before ) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort . For Leo being excommunicated was not withall deposed ; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects . And one may say , That the Germane Empire deserved this plague , Since the founder thereof had given countenance to the Popes Rebelling against their Soveraigns the Emperours of Constantinople . Howsoever it were when Hildebrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne Henry the fourth , there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord , against the Counterfeited name of St. Peter ; Wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before Hildebrand , upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his presence , Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution , then by submitting his estate unto the Popes good pleasure , what was his fault ? He had refused to yeild up to the Pope , the investiture of Bishops , and Collation of Ecclesiasticall dignities within his dominions , a right that had alwayes belonged to Princes untill that day . It were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after ; Notwithstanding this submission . In breife the unappeasable rage of Hildebrand and his Successors , never left persecuting him , by raising one Rebellion after an other ; yea his owne Children against him , till dispoyled of his Crowne , he was faine to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers , promising to earne it in a Church of his own building , by doing there a Clarks duty , for he could serve the Quire , And not obteining this , he pined away and dyed . That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully , then cruelly , For he had to terrifie him , the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chiefe Prelate among the Germans . Who was condemned of heresie , for having denyed that the Emperour might be deprived of his Crowne by the Popes authority . If Princes therefore be carefull to exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions , who can blame them of rigour ? This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten , might have been omitted , had it not been seconded with many of the same nature . But this was neither one Popes fault , nor one Princes destiny ; He must write a story of the Empire , that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind , As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth , whom they had set up against his Father , what horrible effusion of Blood they caused , by their often thundering upon Fredericke , And how they rested not untill they had made the Empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years . These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperour after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome , though he were therero urged by the Electors . For ( said he ) our Caesars , have gone to Rome , As the foolish Beasts in Aesops Fables went , to the Lyons Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward , but not the like of their returne . The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperours held , all of them , or almost all neglecting that Coronation . Good cause why ; Since the Popes ( besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ceremony ) Arrogated thence unto themselves , that the Empire was held of them in Homage , And dealt they not after the same fashion with other Kingdomes ? What right had St. Peter to the Crowne of Sicily , and of Naples ? The Romane Princes wonne those Lands from the Saracens , who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Constantinople ; The same Romanes had also been mighty defenders of the Papacy in many dangers , yet when time served , the Pope tooke upon him , as Lord Paramount of those Countryes , to drive out one King , and set up another , with a Bloody confusion of all Italie ; retaining the Soveraignty to himself . In France , he had the daring to pronounce himselfe superiour unto the King in all matters both Spirituall and Temporall . The Crowne of Poland he forced to hold of his Miter by imposing a subjection in way of penance . For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slaine . For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and ( more strangely ) for a Refusall of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his Holinesse had appointed , he imposed the like penance upon England . Also when our King Edward the First , made Warre upon the Scots , word came from Rome that he should surcease : for that the Kingdome of Scotland belonged unto the Popes Chappell . A great oversight it was of St. Peter , that he did not accurse Nero , and all heathen Princes , whereby the Popes Chappell might have gotten all that the Devill offered , and our Saviour refused . Yet what need was there of such a banne : Since Fryar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru : That all the Kingdomes of the Earth were the Popes , who had bestowed more then halfe thereof upon the King of Spaine . If the Pope will have it so , it must be so ; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis , Increase and multiply and fill the Earth , As spoken to Noah , and his Children , not as directed only to Tubal , Homer , and Phatto , the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians , Gothes , and Moores , of whom the Spanish blood is compounded . But of such impudent presumption in disposing of countryes farre remote , And whereto the sword must acquire a better title , the mischiefe is not presently discerned . It were well if his Holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of War , among those that respected him as a Common Father . His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and another , or between Kings and Subjects , doe speake no better of him . For by what right was it , That Fardinand of Arragon won the Kingdome of Navar ? why did not the Confederacie , that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France , and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice ? why did not the like between England , and France , hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis ? Was it not the Pope who did set on the French , to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians ? Why was it not the same Pope , who afterwards ( upon desire to drive the French out of Italie ) excommunicated Lewis , and his adherents ? By vertue of which Excommunication Fardinand of Arragon seized upon Navarr . And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France ? But this was not our Kings fault more then all the peoples . We might with shame confesse it , ( if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers ) That a Barque of Apples blessed by the Pope , and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the War upon France , made all our English hasty to take Armes , in such sort as the Italians wondred , and laughed to see our men , no lesse greedy of those Apples ( then Eve , was of the forbidden fruit ) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust War. Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Popes tumultuous disposition , but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected . Now for his dispensing betweene Kings and their Subjects , we need not seeke instances far from home . He absolved our King Iohn of an oath , given to his Barons and people . The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to King Iohn . King Henry the third , had appeased this Land ( how wisely I say not ) by taking such an oath , as his Father had done ; swearing as he was a Knight , A Christian , and a King. But in a Sermon at Paules , People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance , the Popes dispensation being there openly read , which pronounced that Oath voyde . Good cause why . For that King had the patience to live , like neither Knight , nor King , But as the Popes Tenant , and Rent-gatherer of England . But when the same King adventured to murmure , the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance . And make him know , what it was to winch and play the Fredericke . Thus we see what hath been his Custome to oppresse Kings by their people , And the people by their Kings , yet this was for serving his owne turne . Wherein had our King Henry the sixt offended him ( which King Pope Iulius would after for a little money have made a Saint ) Neverthelesse , the Popes absolving of Rich : Duke of Yorke from that honest oath , which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the Kings ruine . And therewithal those long and cruell Wars betweene the Houses of Lancaster , and Yorke , and brought all England into an horrible Combustion . What he meant by this , I know not , unlesse to verifie the Proverbe ; Omnia Romae venalia , I will not urge the dispensation , whereby the Pope released King Philip , the second of Spaine , from the solemne Oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the Netherlands , though this Papall indulgence , hath scarce as yet left working , And been the cause of so many hundred thousands slaine , for this last forty years in the Netherlands . Neither will I urge the Pope encouraging of Henry the second , and his sons , to the last of them against the French Protestants , the cause of the first three Civill Warres , And lastly of the Leavyings of Byrons , in which there hath perished no lesse number , then in the Low-Countryes . For our Country it affords an example of fresh memory , since we should have had as furious Warre , as ever both upon us , and amongst us , in the daies of our late famous Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth , if Pope Pius his Bull , Could have gored , as well as it could Bellow . Therefore it were not amisse to answer by a Herald , the next Pontificall attempt of like nature , rather sending defiance ( as to an enemy ) then publishing answers as to one that had here to doe , though in deed he had never here to doe ( by any lawfull power ) either in Civill or Ecclesiasticall businesse , after such time as Brittaine was won from the Romane Empire . For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall Councills , that the Bishop of Rome , should be Patriarch over these quarters , yea ; or it were supposed that the forged Canons , by which he now challengeth more then precedency , and primacie , had also been made indeed : yet could this little help his claime in Kingdomes , that hold not of the Empire . For those right holy Fathers , as in matters of Faith , they did not make truth , But religiously expounded it : so in matters of Ecclesiasticall Government , they did not create provinces for themselves ; But ordered the Countries which they then had . They were assemblies of all the Bishops in the Romane world , and with the Romane dominion only they medled . Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbraced in all Countryes , As it ought likewise to be entertained , if the same had been in like sort illustrated , not by them , but by a generall Councill of all Bishops in the great Kingdome of the Abissines , which is thought to have been Christian even in those daies . But it was not requisite , nor is , that the Bishops of Abissines , or of India , should live under direction of the Patriarch of Alexandria , and Antioch . Questionlesse , those godly Fathers of the Nicene , And of the Calcedonian Councill so thought . For they tooke not upon them to order the Church Government in India , where St. Thomas had preached , nor to range the Subjects of Prester Iohn ( as we call him ) under any of themselves ; much lesse to frame an Hierarchie upon earth , whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in Spirituall obedience . If Constantine or his Successors the Romane Emperours could have wonne all Asia : like it is that in Councils following more Patriarchs would have been ordeined for the Ecclesiasticall Government of that large continent , and not all those vast Countryes have beene left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople . But since contrariwise , the Empire became looser , the Patriarchs whose Jurisdiction depended upon the Empire , become loosers also . We grant , that even in the times of persecution , before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies , there was given especiall honour to the Bishops that were over the chiefe Cities ; That unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the Church ; But this honour was no more , then a● precedence , a dignity without Coactive power , extending no further then to matter of Religion , And not having to doe , save in the generall way of Christian love with any strangers . We therefore , that are no dependants of the Empire , ought not to be troubled with the authority ( be in what it may be ) with any assemblie● of godly Fathers ( yet all Subjects o● that Empire , ordeined for their owne better Government ) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome , As the Islanders of Iersey , and Garnsey , doe him of Constance in Normandie , that is nothing at all : since by that French Bishops refusall to sweare unto our King , those Isles were annexed to the Diocesse of Winchester . FINIS . Excellent Observations and Notes , concerning the Royall Navy and Sea-service . HAving formerly ( most excellent Prince ) discoursed of a Maritimall voyage , and the passages and incidents therein , I thinke it not impertinent nor differing from my purpose , to second the same with some necessary relations concerning the Royall Navy , with the Services and Offices thereto belonging . For , as the perfection and excellency of our Shipping is great and remarkeable , so the imperfections and defects of the same by use and experience of late years , have been found to be divers and inconvenient , as it falls out many times in the circumstances of Land-service by the change of Armes , diversities of Fortifications , and alteration of Discipline . And therefore for the due reformation , many things are necessarily and particularly to be spoken and considered of in their Order . In regard whereof , I will first begin with the Officers , and therein crave pardon ( if in speaking plainly and truly in a matter of so great importance ) I doe set aside all private respects and partiality . For in that which concerns the service and benefit of my Prince and Country , I will say with Cicero , Nil mihi melius , nil mihi Charius . And therefore not justly to be taxed with any presumption for medling with matters wherein I have no dealings nor charge . For that in the affaires of this nature , every good Subject is deeply interessed , and bound in Conscience and duty both to say and doe his best . Of the Officers of the Navy . FIrst therefore , it were to be wished , that the Chiefe Officers under the Lord Admirall ( as Vice-Admirall , Treasurer , Controller , Surveyor ; and the rest ) should be men of the best experience in Sea-service , aswell as of judgement and practise in the utinsells and necessaries belonging to shipping , even from the Batts end to the very Kilson of a Ship. And that no kind of people should be preferred to any of these offices , but such as have been throughly practised , and be very judiciall in either kind of the above named services ; but we see it oftentimes to fall out otherwise . For sometimes by the speciall favour of Princes , and many times by the mediation of great men for the preferment of their servants , and now and then by vertue of the purse , and such like means , some people very raw and ignorant , are very unworthily and unfitly nominated to those places , when men of desert and ability are held back and unpreferr'd , to the great hinderance of his Majesties service , to the prejudice of the Navy , and to the no little discouragement of ancient and noble able servitors , when favour or partiality shall eat out knowledge and sufficiency , in matters so neerly concerning the service and safety of the Kingdome , wherein all private respects should be laid apart , and vertue truly regarded for it selfe . Of the building of Ships . SEcondly , it were no lesse behoovefull for his Majesties service , and for the strength of the Navy , that no Ships should be builded by the great , as divers of them have been ; For by daily experience they are found be the most weake , imperfect , and unserviceable Ships of all the rest . And it is not otherwise to be presumed , But as the Officers would bee thought to be very frugall for his Majesty in driving a bargaine by the great at a neere rate with the Shipwright , So likewise the Shipwright on his part will be as carefull to gaine by his labour , or at least to save himselfe harmlesse , and therefore suite his worke slightly according to a slight price . Out of the which present sparing and untimely thrift , there grows many future inconveniences and continuall Charge in repayring and reedifying such imperfect slight built Vessells . The proofe and experience whereof hath been often found in new Shipps built at those rates , but so weakly , as that in their voyages , they have been ready to founder in the Seas with every Extraordinary storme , and at their returne been enforced to be new built . But seeing the Officers of the Admiralty doe hold ( by the grace of his Majestie ) places of so good Credit and benefit , it is their parts therefore ( being well waged and rewarded for the same ) exactly to look into the sound building of Ships , and to imploy their care and travell aswell in the oversight thereof , as to provide that all things else belonging to the Navy be good and well conditioned : For the strong and true building of a Ship is not to be left barely to the fidelity of a Marchanticall Artificer ( the chiefe end of whose worke in his owne Accompt is his profit and gaine ) but some Superior Officer ought to have a further regard in that businesse , if he be such a one as hath more judgement in the building and conditioning of a Ship , then devotion to his owne ease and profit . Moreover if any decayed Ship be intended to be new made , it is more fit and profitable to make her a size lesse then she was , then bigger ; For then her beams which were laid over-thwart from side to side , will serve againe , and most of her Tymbers and other parts will say well to the building of a new ship . But if she should be made a size bigger , the Tymber of the old will be unprofitable for that purpose ; we find by experience , that the greatest ships are least serviceable , goe very deep to water and of marvellous Charge and fearefull Cumber , our Channells decaying every year . Besides , they are lesse nimble , lesse maineable , and very seldome imployed . Grande Navio grande fatica , saith the Spaniard , a ship of 600 Tuns will carry as good Ordnance , as a ship of 1200. Tuns , and though the greater have double her number , the lesser will turne her broad sides twice , before the greater can wend once , and so no advantage in that overplus of Ordnance . And in the building of all ships , these six things are principally required . 1. First , that she be strong built . 2. Secondly , that shee bee swift . 3. Thirdly , that she be stout sided . 4. Fourthly , that she carry out her Guns all weather . 5. Fifthly , that she hull and try well , which we call a good Sea-ship . 6. Sixthly , that shee stay well , when bourding and turning on a wind is required . 1. To make her strong consisteth in the truth of the Workeman , and the care of the Officers . 2. To make her sayle well is to give a long run forward , and so afterward done by Art and just proportion . For as in laying out of her bows before and quarters behind , she neither sinck into , nor hang in the water , but lye cleare off and above it , And that the Shipwrights be not deceived herein ( as for the most part they have ever been ) they must be sure , that the Ship sinck no deeper into the water , then they promise , for otherwise the bow and quarter will utterly spoile her sayling . 3. That she bee stout , the same is provided and performed by a long bearing Floore , and by sharing off above water even from the lower edge of the Ports . 4. To carry out her Ordnance all weather , This long bearing Floore , and sharing off from above the Ports is a chiefe Cause , Provided alwayes , that your lowest Tyre of Ordnance must lye foure foot cleare above water when all loading is in , or else those your best pieces will be of small use at the Sea in any growne weather that makes the Billoe to rise , for then you shall be enforced to take in all your lower Ports , or else hazard the Ship. As befell to the Mary Rose ( a goodly vessell ) which in the days of King Hen. 8. being before the Isle of Wight with the rest of rhe Royall Navy , to encounter the French Fleet , with a suddain puff of wind stooped her side , and tooke in water at her Ports in such abundance , as that she instantly sunck downeright and many gallant men in her . The Captaine of her was Sir George Carew Knight , who also perished among the rest . 5. To make her a good Sea-ship , that is to hull and trye well , there are two things specially to be observed , the one that she have a good draught of water , the other that she be not overcharged , which commonly the Kings Ships are , and therefore in them we are forced to lye at trye with our maine Course and Missen , which with a deep keel and standing streake she will performe . 6. The hinderance to stay well is the extreame length of a Ship , especially if she be floaty and want sharpnesse of way forwards , and it is most true , that those over long Ships are fitter for our Seas , then for the Ocean , but one hundred Foot long and five and thirty Foot broad , is a good proportion for a great ship . It is a speciall Observation , that all ships sharpe before , that want a long Floore , will fall roughly into the Sea and take in water over head and Ears . So will all narrow quartered ships sinck after the Tayle . The high charging of ships is it that brings them all ill qualities , makes them extreame Leeward makes them sinck deep into the water , makes them labour and makes them overset . Men may not expect the ease of many Cabbins and safety at once in Sea-Service . Two Decks and a half is sufficient to yield shelter and lodging for men and Marriners and no more charging at all higher , but only one low Cabbin for the Master . But our Marriners will say , that a Ship will beare more charging aloft for Cabbins , and that is true , if none but ordinary Marryners were to serve in them , who are able to endure , and are used to the tumbling and rowling of ships from side to side when the Sea is never so little growne . But men of better sort and better breeding would be glad to find more steadinesse and lesse tottering Cadge worke . And albeit the Marriners doe covet store of Cabbins , yet indeed they are but sluttish Dens that breed sicknesse in peace , serving to cover stealths , and in Fight are dangerous to teare men with their splinters . Of harbouring and placing the Navy . THere are also many and great reasons why all his Majesties Navy should not in such sort be pen'd up as they are in Rochester-water , but only in respect of the ease and commodity of the Officers , which is encountred with sundry Inconveniences for the Sea-service , the dificulty being very great to bring them in or out at times of need through so many Flats and sands , if wind and weather be not very favourable . Besides , they must have sundry winds to bring them to the Lands end , and to put them to the Seas , which oftentimes failes , and causeth delay when hast is most needfull . For if any service be to be done upon the South parts of England , as the Wight , Portsmouth , the Islands of Garnsey and Iersey , or Westward towards Devon-shire or Cornwall , or towards Wales or Ireland , It is so long ere his Majesties shipping can be brought about to recover any of these places , as that much mischiefe may be done the while . For the same winds that bring in the Enemy , binds in our shipping in such sort , as that oftentimes in a months space they are not able to recover the neerest of any of these above named Coasts . But how perillous a course it is , is easily discerned , and as easily remedyed , seeing there are besides so many safe and good harbours to disperse and bestow some of the Navy in , where they may ever lye fit for all services , As Portsmouth ; Dartmouth , Plymouth , Falmouth , Milford and divers others , All of them being harbours very capable and convenient for shipping . But perhaps it will be alleadged , that they cannot ride in any of these so safe from enemies as in Rochester-water , because it reacheth far within the Land , and is under the protection of some Blockhouses . To which I answer this , That with very easie care and provision , they may in most of these places ride sufficiently secure from any forraine practises . And I doe not meane that all the whole Navy should be subdivided into all these Ports , but that some halfe dozen or eight of the midling ships , and some Pynnaces should lye in the West , and yet not in any Port so neere the Sea , as that in a darke night they may be endangered by enemies with fire or otherwise , but in some such places as Ashwater is by Plymouth , where an Enemy must run up a fresh River , a dozen miles after he hath passed the Forts of the Island , and the Alarum given , before he can come where they lye at Anchor . In which River the greatest Charack of Portugall may ride a Float ten miles within the Forts . But if regard be only had of their safe keeping , and not also of their readinesse and fitnesse for service , then let them never be sent abroad to be hazarded against the Enemies forces ; for therein they shall be more subject to casualitie and danger , then by lying in any of these harbours above specified . But certaine it is , that these Ships are purposely to serve his Majesty , and to defend the Kingdom from danger , and not to so be penn'd up from Casualitie , as that they should be the lesse able or serviceable in times of need . And therefore that objection favours not of good reason , but rather of selfe respect in the Officers , who are all for the most part well seated neer about Rochester . But the service of his Majesty , and the safety of the Realme ( in my poore opinion ) ought to prevaile beyond all other respects whatsoever : and to him that casts those needlesse doubts , it may well be said , pereat qui timet umbras . Of the needfull expence in manning the Navy and other inconveniences by placing all the Fleet in Rochester-water . IF the service of the Shipping lying for any of these places above named , or for Spaine , or for the Islands , they are enforced of very necessity to presse the best and greatest part of their men out of the West Countries , which is no small charge in bringing them so far as between that and Rochester , and then when they are imbarqued at Rochester , their charge is againe redoubled in their pay and expence of victualls , before the Ships can recover so farre as Plymouth , which many times is long a doing , for they doe ever usually touch at Plymouth in all Southerne voyages , for the furnishing many Sea-necessaries , which that Country doth afford . And therefore for so many Ships as should be there resident , the Charges of Conduct Money for Marryners , of wages and of victualls , would be well saved for all that time , which is spent betwixt Rochester and Plymouth . Besides , it were to be presumed , that Enemies would not be so troublesome to the Westerne Coasts , nor that Country it self would be so often dismayed with Alarums as they have of late years been , if some of his Majesties good Ships were resident in those parts . If therefore in his Majesties wisdome it should appeare fit , to bestow some of his Shipping in any of these Harbours aforenamed , it shall be very needfull likewise that there be a Magazin of all manner of necessary provisions and Munitions in the same places , according to the proportion of the Shipping that there shall be resident , whereby such defects as by accident may fall out , shall upon any occasion be readily supplyed without delays or hindrance of service : And that withall in the same places , some Officers belonging to the Admiralty be there alwayes attendant , otherwise it would be found very inconvenient to be enforced ever to attend such helps and supplies as must come so far off as London , when it may more easily and with lesse charge be effected in places where they ride . Of great Ordnance . IT was also very behoovefull , that his Majesties Ships were not so overpestred and clogged with great Ordnance as they are , whereof there is such superfluity , as that much of it serves to no better use , but only to labour and overcharge the Ships sides in any growne Seas and foule weather . Besides many of the ships that are allowed but twenty Gunners , have forty piece of brasse pieces , whereas every piece at least requires foure Gunners to attend it , And so that proportion of Ordnance to so few Gunners , very preposterous : For when a Ship seels or roules in foule weather , the breaking loose of Ordnance is a thing very dangerous , which the Gunners can hardly prevent or well looke into , they being so few , the Gunnes so many ; withall we doe see , that twenty or thirty good brasse pieces , as Cannon , Demicannon , Culverin , and Demiculverin , is a Royall Batterie for a Prince to bring before any Towne or strong Fortresse . And why should not we as well thinke the same to be a very large proportion for one Ship to batter another withall ? which if it be , then may his Majesty ratably save a great part of the Ordnance throughout every Ship , and make the Navy the more sufficient and serviceable , and thereby also save a great deale of needlesse expence in superfluous powder and shot , that is now pretended to be delivered out according to this huge and excessive proportion of Artillery , whereof if many had not been stricken downe into Holt in many voyages and ( especially in this last journey to the Islands ) divers of the Ships , weight , Heaft , and Charge thereof , would have foundered in the Sea : wherein I report me to such as have served in them , and saw the proofe thereof . For this journey to the Islands , did most of all others , discover unto us these experiences and tryalls in the Royall Navy , for that it was the longest Navigation that ever was made out of our Realme , with so many of the Princes Ships , and tarrying out so late in the year , whereby both the winds and Seas had power and time throughly to search and examine them . Besides many times , there is no proportion of shot and powder allowed rateably by that quātity of the great Ordnance , as was seen in the Sea-Battaile with the Spaniards in the yeare 88. when it so neerly concerned the defence and preservation of the Kingdome . So as then many of those great Guns wanting powder and shot , stood but as Cyphers and Scarcrowes , not unlike to the Easterling hulkes , who were wont to plant great red Port-holes in their broad sides , where they carryed no Ordnance at all . Of Calking and sheathing his Majesties Ships . THere is a great error committed in the manner of Calking his Majesties Ships , which being done with rotten Ocum , is the cause they are Leaky , and the reason is this , for that they make their Ocum wherewith they Calke the seams of the Ships , of old seere and weather-beaten ropes , when they are overspent and growne so rotten , as they serve for no other use but to make rotten Ocum , which moulders and washes away with every Sea , as the Ships labour and are tossed , whereas indeed of all other things , the most speciall & best choice would be made of that stuffe to have it both new and good , for that sparing to imploy old rotten Ropes , is a great defect either in the building of new Ships , or in the repairing of old , and is the cause why after every journey they must be new Calked . And therefore it were much to be wished , as a thing fit for his Majesties service , profitable for the Navy , and happy for those that shall serve in them , that the whole Navy throughout were all sheathed , as some of them are . The benefit and good whereof for Sea-service is manifold , and no lesse frugall for his Majesty in making his Ships as strong and lasting thereby , as they are otherwise good of sayle . And then shall they never need ( scarcely once in ten years ) this new Calking and repayring which now almost every yeare they have . And hereof let the censure be taken of the best Seamen of England , and they will not vary from this opinion . Of Victualling . AS his Majesties due allowance for Victualling of ships is very large and honourable , and would be greatly to the incouragement and strengthning of the Marriners and Souldiers that serve in them , if it were faithfully distributed , the Sea-service ( indeed ) being very miserable and painfull , So againe as it is abused and purloyned , it is very scant and dishonourable to the great slander of the Navy , to the discouragement of all them that are prest thereunto , and to the hinderance of his Majesties service . For that many times they goe with a great grudging to serve in his Majesties Ships , as if it were to be slaves in the Gallyes . So much doe they stand in feare of penurie and hunger ; The case being cleane contrary in all Merchants ships , and therefore the Purveyors and Victuallers are much to be condemned , as not a little faulty in that behalfe , who make no little profit of those polings which is cause very lamentable , that such as sit in ease at home , should so raise a benefit out of their hunger and thirst , that serve their Prince and Country painfully abroad , whereof there hath a long time been great complaining , but small reformation . Of Beere Caskes . THere is also daily proofe made , what great inconveniences growes by the bad Caske which is used in his Majesties ships being commonly so ill seasoned and Conditioned , as that a great part of the Beere is ever lost and cast away , or ( if for necessity it be used ) it breeds Infection , and Corrupts all those that drinke thereof . For the Victuallers for cheapnesse will buy stale Caske that hath been used for Herring , Traine Oyle , Fish , and other such unsavory things , and thereinto fill the beere that is provided for the Kings Ships . Besides the Caske is commonly so ill hooped , as that there is wast and leaking made of the fourth part of all the drinke were it never so good , which is a great expence to his Majesty , a hinderance of service , and a hazard of mens lives , when the provision failes so much and answers not the Accompt . The which might easily be redressed , if the Caske for his Majesties Shipping , were purposely hooped in such sort as Wine Caske is , or else hooped with Iron , which would ever serve and save that continuall provision of new Caske , which now falls out every voyage . But this course were more profitable for his Majesty then for his Officers , and therefore unpleasing to be spoken of , But yet such as serve in the Ships have good cause to wish the reformation thereof . Of the Cookroomes in his Majesties Ships . ANd whereas now the Cookroomes in all of his Majesties Ships are made below in hold in the wast , the inconveniences thereof are found many wayes by daily use and experience . For first it is a great spoile and annoyance to all the drinke and victualls which are bestowed in the hold , by the heat that comes from the Cookroome . Besides , it is very dangerous for fire , and very offensive with the smoake and unsavory smells which it sends from thence . Moreover it is a great weakening to a ship to have so much weight and charge at both the ends , and nothing in the Mid-Ship , which causeth them to warpe , and ( in the Sea-phrase ; and with Marriners ) is tearmed Camberkeeld : whereas if the Cookroomes were made in the Forecastle ( as very fitly they might be ) all those Inconveniences above specified , would be avoyded , and then also would there be more roome for stowage of victualls , or any other necessary provisions , whereof there is now daily found great want . And the Commoditie of this new Cookroome the Merchants have found to be so great , as that in all their Ships ( for the most part ) the Cookroomes are built in their Fore-Castles , contrary to that which hath been anciently used . In which change notwithstanding , they have found no inconvenience to their dressing of meat in foule weather , but rather a great ease , howbeit their Ships goe as long voyages as any , and are for their burdens aswell mann'd . For if any stormes arise , or the Sea grow so high as that the Kettle cannot Boyle in the Forecastles , yet having with their Beere and Bisket , Butter and Cheese , and with their pickled Herrings , Oyle , Vineger and Onions , or with their red Herrings and dry Sprats , Oyle and Mustard , and other like provisions that needs no fire , these supply and varieties of victualls , will very sufficiently content and nourish men for a time , until the storme be over blowne that kept the Kettle from boyling . Of Mustering and pressing able Marriners . AS concerning the Musters and Presses for sufficient Marriners to serve in his Majesties Ships , either the care therein is very little , or the bribery very great , so that of all other shipping , his Majesties are ever the worst manned , and at such times as the Commissioners Commissions come out for the pressing of Marriners , the Officers doe set out the most needy and unable men , and ( for Considerations to themselves best knowne ) doe discharge the better sort , a matter so commonly used , as that it is growne into a Proverbe amongst the Saylers , That the Mustermasters doe carry the best and ablest men in their Pockets , a Custome very evill and dangerous , where the service and use of men should come in tryall . For many of those poore Fishermen and Idlers , that are cōmonly presented to his Majesties Ships , are so ignorant in Sea-service , as that they know not the name of a Rope , and therefore insufficient for such labour . The which might easily bee redressed ; if the Vice-Admirall of the Shire where men are mustered , and two Justices had directions given , to joyn with the Muster-masters for the pressing of the best men whom they well know , and would not suffer the service of their Prince and Country to be bought and sold , as a private Muster-master would doe . Besides , the Captains themselves of the Ships , if they bee bare and needy ( though pitty it were that men of such condition should have such charge committed unto them ) wil oftentimes for Commodity Chop and change away their good men , and therefore it were fitly provided to bridle such odd Captains , that neither they themselves , nor any of their men , should receive his Majesties pay but by the pole , and according as they were set downe in the Officers books when they were delivered without changing of any names , except to supply such men as are wanting by death or sicknesse , upon good testimonie under the hands of the Master , the Boat swayne , the Master Gunner , the Purser and other Officers of the ship . For it neerly concerns them to looke well thereunto , having daily use of them . Of Arms and Munition . IT were a course very Comfortable , defensive and honourable , that there were for al his Majesties ships a proportion of Swords , Targets of proof , Moryons , and Curatts of proofe , allowed and set downe for every ship according to his burthen , as a thing both Warlike , and used in the King of Spains ships , the want whereof as it is a great discouragement to men if they come to any neere fight or landing , so would the use thereof be a great annoyance and terrifying to the enemy . And herein should his Majesty need to be at no extra-ordinary expence : For the abating of the superfluous great pieces in every Ship , with their allowance for Powder , Match and Shot , would supply the cost of this provision in very ample manner . Of Captains to serve in his Majesties Ships . AT al such times as his Majest . ships are imployed in service , it were very convenient that such Gentlemen as are his Majesties owne sworne servants , should be preferred to the charge of his Majesties Ships , Choice being made of men of valour , and Capacitie ; rather then to imploy other mens men , And that other of his Majesties servants should be dispersed privately in those services to gaine experience , and to make themselves able to take charge . By the which means his Majestie should ever have Gentlemen of good accompt his owne servants , Captains of his owne Ships , instead of pettie Companions and other mens servants , who are often imployed , being ( indeed ) a great indignity to his Majesty , to his shipping and to his owne Gentlemen . For that in times past , it hath been reputed a great grace to any man of the best sort , to have the Charge of the Princes ship cōmitted unto him , and by this means there would ever be true report made unto the Pr. what proceedings are used in the service , which these meaner sort of Captains dare not doe , for feare of displeasing the Lords their Masters , by whom they are preferred , or being of an inferiour quality , have no good accesse to the Presence of the Prince , whereby to have fit opportunity to make relation accordingly . But now forasmuch as I doubt not , but that some contrary spirits may or will object this as a sufficient reason to infirme all those points that I have have formerly spoken of , and say unto me , why should his Majesty and the State bee troubled with this needlesse Charge of keeping and maintaining so great a Navy in such exquisite perfection , and readinesse ? the times being now peaceable , and little use of Armes or Ships of Warre , either at home or abroad , but all safe and secure , aswell by the uniting of the two Nations , as by the peace which we hold with Spaine , and all other Christian Princes . To this I answer , that this ( indeed ) may stand ( at the first sight ) for a prettie superficiall argument to bleare our eys , and lull us asleep in security , and make us negligent and carelesse of those causes from whence the effects of peace grows , and by the vertue whereof it must be maintained . But we must not flatter and deceive our selves , to thinke that this Calme and Concord proceeds either from a setled immutable tranquillity in the world ( which is full of alterations and various humours ) or from the good affections of our late enemies , who have tasted too many disgraces , repulses , and losses , by our forces and shipping , to wish our State so much felicity as a happy and peaceable government , if otherwise they had power to hinder it . And therefore though the sword be put into the Sheath , we must not suffer it there to rust , or stick so fast , as that we shall not be able to draw it readily when need requires . For albeit our enemies have of late years sought peace with us , yet yet hath it proceeded out of the former tryall of our forces in times of war and Enmity . And therefore we may well say of them as Anneus ( Pretor of the Latines ) said of the Roman Ambassadours , who seemed curious and carefull to have the League maintained betweene them ( which the Roman estate was not accustomed to seeke at their neighbours hands ) and thereupon saith this Anneus , unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi ex cognitione virium & nostrarum & suarum . For with the like consideration and respect have our late enemies sought to renew the ancient friendship and peace with us . And well we may be assured , that if those powerfull means whereby we reduced them to that modesty and curtesie as to seeke us , were utterly laid aside and neglected , so as we could not againe upon occasion readily assume the use and benefit of them , as we have done , those proud mastering spirits , finding us at such advantage , would be more ready and willing to shake us by the ears as enemies , then to take us by the hands as friends . And therefore far be it from our hearts to trust more to that friendship of strangers , that is but dissembled upon policy and necessity , then to the strength of our owne forces , which hath been experienced with so happy successe . I confesse that peace is a great blessing of God , and blessed are the Peacemakers , and therefore doubtlesse blessed are those means whereby peace is gained and maintained . For well we know that God worketh all things here amongst us mediatly by a secondary means , The which meanes of our defence and safety being shipping , and Sea-Forces , are to be esteemed as his guifts , and then only availeable and beneficiall , when he withall vouchsafeth his grace to use them aright . FINIS . Sir Walter Rawleigh his Apologie . IF ill successe of this Enterprise of mine had bin without Example , I should have needed a large discourse and many arguments for my Justification , But if the atempts of the greatest Princes of Europe , both among themselves and against the great Turk , are in all moderne Histories left to every eye to peruse . It is not so strange that my selfe being but a private man , and drawing after me the chaines and Fetters whereunto I have been thirteen yeares tyed in the Tower , being unpardoned and in disgrace with my Soveraigne Lord , have by other mens errours failed in the attempt I undertooke . For if that Charles the Fifth returned with unexampled losse , I will not say dishonour , from Algire in Africa : If King Sebastian lost himselfe and his Army in Barbary : If the invincible Fleet and forces of Spaine in Eighty Eight were beaten home by the Lord Charles Howard Admirall of England : If Mr. Strozzi the Count Brizack the Count of Vinnnoso and others , with the Fleet of fifty eight sayle and six thousand Souldiers , encountered with far lesse numbers could not defend the Terceres . Leaving to speake of a world of other attempts furnished by Kings and Princes . If Sir Francis Drake , Sir Iohn Hawkins and Sir Thomas Baskervile men for their experience and valour as Eminent as England had any , strengthned with divers of her Majesties ships , and fild with Souldiers at will , could not possesse themselves of the Treasure they sought for , which in their view was imbarked in certaine Frigotts at Puerto Rico , yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty Negroes upon the Mountains of Vasques Numius , or Sierra de Capira in their passage towards Panania : If Sir Iohn Norris ( though not by any fault of his ) failed in the attempts of Lysbone and returned with the losse , by sicknesse and otherwise , of eight thousand men . What wonder is it , but that mine ( which is the last ) being followed with a company of Voluntiers who for the most part had neither seen the Sea nor the Warres , who , some forty Gentlemen excepted , had we the very scumme of the World : Drunkards , Blasphemers and such others as their Fathers Brothers and freinds thought it an exceeding good gaine to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds , knowing they could not have liv'd a whole yeare so cheape at home : I say what wonder is it , if I have failed , where I could neither be present my selfe , nor had any of the Commanders ( whom I most trusted ) living , or in state to supply my place ? Now , where it was bruted , both before my departure out of England and by the most men beleived , that I meant nothing lesse then to go to Guiana : but that being once at liberty and in mine owne power , having made my way with some Forraigne Prince I would turne Pyratt and utterly forsake my Countrey . My being at Guiana , my returning into England unpardoned , and my not takeing the spoile of the Subj . of any Christian Prince , hath ( I doubt not ) detroyed that Opinion . But this is not all : for it hath been given out by an hypocritticall Theife who was the first Master of my shipp : And by an ungratefull Youth which waited upon me in my Cabbin , though of honourable worthy Parents : and by others : That I carryed with me out of England twenty two thousand peices of twenty two shillings the peice , and thererefore needed not , or cared not to discover any Mine in Guiana , nor make any other attempt elsewhere : Which Report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship , and so spread through all the ships in the Fleet which staid with me at Trenidado while our Land-Forces were in Guiana , had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most miserable fashion ; For it was consulted when I had taken my Barge and gone a shoare ( either to discover or otherwise as I often did ) That my ship should have set saile and left me there , where either I must have suffered Famine , been eaten with wilde beasts , or have fallen into the hands of the Spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the English , which came thither but to trade only , had formerly been . To this Report of Riches , I make this Protestation , That if it can be prooved , either now or hereafter , that I had in the world , either in my keeping or in my power , either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise , above one hundred peices when I departed London , of which I had left forty five peices with my wife , and fifty five I carried with me : I acknowledge my selfe for a Reprobate , a Villaine , a Traitor to the King , and the most unworthy man that doth live , or ever hath liv'd upon the earth . Now where the Captaines that left me in the Indies , and Captaine Baily , that ran away from me at Cancerota , have , to excuse themselves , objected for the first , That I lingered at Plimouth when I might have gone thence , and lost a faire Wind and time of the yeare , or to that effect . It is strange that men of fashion and Gentlemen should so grosly bely their owne knowledge : And that had not I lived nor returnd to have made answer to this Faction , yet all that know us in Plimouth and all that we had to deale withall knew the contrary . For after I had stayed at the Isle of Wight divers daies ; the Thunder , Commanded by Sir Warram St. Leger by the negligence of her Master , was at Lee in the Thames ; and after I arrived at Plimouth , Captaine Pennington was not come then to the Isle of Wight , and being arrived there , and not able to redeeme his Bread from the Bakers , he rode back to LONDON to intreat help from my wife to pay for it , who having not so much money to serve his turne , she wrote to Mr. Wood of Portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds , which shee soone after payd him , without which ( as Pennington himselfe protested to my wife ) he had not bin able to have gone the journey : Sir Iohn Ferne I found there without all hope of being able to proceed , having nor men nor mony ▪ and in great want of other provision , insomuch as I furnished him by my Cozen Herbert with a hundred pounds , having supplied himselfe in Wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to Plimouth : and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest Deane of Exeter Doctor Sutcliffe . Captaine Whitney , whome I also stayed for , had a third part of his victualls to provide , insomuch as having no mony to help him withall I sold my Plate in Plimouth to supply him . Baily I left at the Isle of Wight , whose arrivall I also attended here some ten or twelve daies as I remember , and what should move Baily only to leave me as he did at the Canaries , from whence he might have departed with my love and leave , and at his returne to do me all the wrong he could devise , I cannot conceive ; he seemed to me from the begining not to want any thing , he only desired of me some Ordnance and some iron-bound Caske , and I gave it him ; I never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindnesse to my knowledge : It is true , that I refused him a French Shallop which he tooke in the Bay of Portingall outward bound , and yet after I had bought her of the French , and paid fifty Crownes ready mony for her if Baily had then desired her he might have had her ; But to take any thing from the French , or from any other nation , I meant it not . True it is , that as many things succeeded both against Reason and our best endeavours ; So it is most commonly true , that men are the cause of their owne misery , as I was of mine , when I undertooke my late enterprise without a pardon for all my Company , having heard it avowed in England before they went , that the Commission I had , was granted to a man who was Non Ens in law , so hath the want thereof taken from me both Armes and Actions : Which gives boldnesse to every petty Companion to spread Rumours to my Defamation and the wounding of my Reputation , in all places where I cannot be present to make them Knaves and Lyars . It hath been secondly objected , That I put into Ireland and spent much time there , taking care to Revictuall my selfe and none of the rest . Certainly I had no purpose to see Ireland when I left Plimouth , but being encountered with a strong Storme some eight Leagues to the Westward of Scilly , in which Captaine Chudleyes Pinace was suncke , and Captaine King thrust into Bristoll : I held it the Office of a Commander of many ships , and those of divers Saylings and conditions , of which some could Hull and Trye , and some of them beat it up upon a Tack , and others neither able to doe the one nor the other , rather to take a Port and keep his Fleete together , then either to endanger the losse of Masts and Yardes ; or to have it severed farre asunder , and to be thrust into divers places . For the attendance of meeting them againe at the next Randezvous , would consume more Time and Victuall , and perchance the weake ships might be set upon , taken , or disordered , then could be spent by recovering a Harbour , and attending the next change of wind . That the dissevering of Fleets hath beene the overthrow of many Actions , I could give many Examples , were it not in every mans Knowledge . In the last Enterprize of worth , undertaken by our English Nation with three Squadrons of ships , Commanded by the Earle of Essex , the Earle of Suffolke and my selfe , where was also present the Earle of Southampton , If we being storme-beaten in the Bay of Alcashar or Biscaye had had a Port under our Lee , that we might have kept our Transporting ships with our men of War , we had in all likelihood both taken the Indian Fleet and the Asores . That we staid long in Ireland it is true , but they must accuse the Clouds and not me , for our stay there ; for I lost not a day of a good Wind : and there was not any Captaine of the Fleet but had Credit or might have had for a great deale of more victualls then we spent there , and yet they had of me fifty Beeves among them and somewhat else . For the third Accusation , That I landed in Hostile maner at Lancerota ; Certainly Captaine Baily had greate want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back , for I referr my selfe to Mr. Barney , who I know will ever justifie a truth , to whom ( when he came to me from Captaine Baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest ) I made this answer , that he might land them if it pleased him , or otherwise keepe them aboard , for I had agreed with the Governor for a proportion of victuall which I hourely expected : And it is true , that the Governor being desirous for to speake with me with one Gentleman with him with their Rapiers only , which I accepting , and taking with me Leivetenant Bradshaw , we agreed : that I should send up an English Factor ( whose ship did then ride in the Roade ) and that whatsoever the Island could yeeld should be delivered at a reasonable rate ; I sent the English Factor according to our agreement , but the Governour put it off from one morning to an other , and in the end sent me word , that except I would imbarque my men which lay on the Sea side , Slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our Provisions : I did so , but when the one halfe were gotten aboard two of our Centinells forct , one slaine and the English Factor sent to tell mee that he had nothing for us , whom he still believed to be a Fleet of the Turks , who had lately taken and destroyed Puerto Sancto . Hereupon all the Companies would have marched toward the Towne and have sackt it , but I knew it would not only dislike His Majesty , But that our Merchants having a continuall trade with those Islands , that their Goods would have bin stayed , and amongst the rest , the poor English man riding in the Road having all that he brought thither ashore , would have been utterly undone . Hereof I complained to the Governour of the Grand Canaries , whom I also desired that we might take water without any disturbance , but instead of answer , when we landed some hundred men , far from any habitation , and in a Desart place of the Island , where we found some fresh water , there Ambush was layd , and one Fisher of Sir Iohn Fernes ship wounded to death , and more had been slain had not Captaine Thornburst and Master Robert Hayman my sonnes Lievtenant , two exceeding valiant Gentlemen , who first made head against them , seconded by Sir Warham Sentleger and my Sonne with halfe a dozen more , made forty of them runne away . From hence because there was scarcity of water , we sayled to Gomarrah , one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the Islands and the best Port : The Towne being seated upon the very Wash of the Sea , at the first entrance of our ships , they shot at us , and ours at them , but as soone as I my selfe recovered the Harbour , and had commanded that there should be no more shooting , I sent a Spaniard a shore ( taken in a Barque which came from Cape Blanke ) to tell the Governour that I had no purpose to make warr with any of the Spanish Kings Subjects , and if any harme were done by our great Ordnance to the Towne , it was his fault , which by shooting first gave the occasion . He sent me for answer that he thought we had beene the Turkish Fleet , which destroyed Puerto Sancto , but being resolved by the Messenger that we were Christians and English , and sought nothing but water , he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take , if he might be assured that we would not attempt his Towne-Houses , nor destroy the Gardens and fruits ; I returned him answer that I would give him my Faith , and the word of the King of Great Brittaigne my Soveraigne Lord , that the People of the Town and Island should not loose so much as one Orange or a Grape without paying for it , I would hang him up in the Market-street . Now that I kept my Faith with him , and how much he held himselfe bound unto me : I have divers of his Letters to shew , for he wrote unto me every day And the Countesse being of an english Race a Stafford by Mother , and of the house of Horn by the Father , sent me divers presents of fruits , Sugar , and Ruske : to whom I returned because I would not depart in her debt ) things of greater value ; The old Earle at my departure wrot a Letter to the Spanish Ambassador here in England how I had behaved my selfe in those Islands . There I discharg'd a Barke of the grand Canaries taken by one of my Pinnaces coming from Cape-Blank in Africa , and demanding of him what prejudice he had recieved by being taken , he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of sixe Duckets , for which I gave him eight . From the Canaries , it is said That I sayled to Cape de Verte knowing it to be an infectious place , by reason whereof I lost so many of my men ere I recovered the Indies ; The truth is that I came no nerer to Cape de Vert then Bravo , which is one hundred and sixty Leagues off ; But had I taken it in my way , falling upon the Coast or any other part of Guiana , after the Raines , there is as little danger of infection as in any other part of the World , as our English that trade in those parts every yeare doe well know ; There are few places in England or in the world neere great Rivers which run through low grounds or neare Moorish or Marsh grounds , but the People inhabiting neare , are at some time of the yeare subject to Feavers , witnes Woollwich in Kent and all down the Rivers on both sides , other Infection there is not found either in the Indies or in Affrica , Except it be when the Easterly wind or Breefes are kept off by some High Mountaines from the Vallies , wherby the ayre wanting motion doth become exceeding unhealthfull as at Nomber de Dios and elsewhere . But as good successe admitts no Examination , so the contrary allows of no excuse , how reasonable or just soever . Sir Francis Drake , Mr. Iohn Winter and Iohn Tomas , when they past the Streights of Malegan , meeting with a storme which drove Winter back , which thrust Iohn Thomas upon the Islands to the South where he was cast away , and Sir Francis nere a small Island upon which the Spaniards landed their cheins & murderers , from Baldivia , and he found there Phillip an Indian who told him where he was and conducted him to Baldivia , wher he took his first prize of Treasure , and in that ship he found a Pylot called John Grege who guided him all that Coast , in which he possest himselfe of the rest , which Pylot because he should not rob him of his Reputation and knowledge in those parts ( desisting the intreaties and teares of all his Company ) he set him a shore upon the Island of Altegulors to be by them devoured . After which passing by the East-Indies , he returned into England , and notwithstanding the peace between Us and Spaine , he enjoyed the Riches he brought , and was never so much as called to accompt for cutting off Douly his head at Porte St. Iulian having neither Marshall Law nor other Commission availeable . Mr. Candish having past all the Coasts of Chyle and Peru , and not gotten a farthing , when he was without hope , and ready to shape his course by the East homewards , met a ship which came from the Phillippines at Calestorvia , a thousand pounds to a Nutshell . These two in these two Voyages were the Children of Fortune , and much honored ; But when Sir Francis Drake in his last attempt might have landed at Cruces , by the river of Chyagre within eight miles of Panama , he notwithstanding set the Troups on land at Nomber de Dios and received the repulse aforesaid , he dyed for sorrow . The same successe had Candish in his last Passage towards the Streights . I say that one and the same end they both had , to wit Drake and Candish , when Chance had left them to the tryall of their owne Vertues . For the rest I leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge , by what neglect or errour of mine , the Gold Mine in Guiana which I had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed , for after we had refreshed our selves in Galleana , otherwise in the first discovery called Poet Howard , where we tarried Captaine Hastins , Captaine Pigott , and Captaine Snedall , and there recovered the most part of our sicke men . I did Imbarque sixe Companies of fifty to each Company in five shipps , to wit , the Encounter , Commanded by Captaine Whitney , in the Confidence by Captaine Woollastone , into two Flyboats of my owne , Commanded by Captaine Samuell King , and Captaine Robert Smith , In a Carvill which Companies had for their Leaders Captaine Charles Parker , Captaine North , My Sonne , Captaine Thornhurst , Captaine Penjuglous Lievtenant , and Captaine Chudlyes Lievtenant Prideux . At the Tryangle Islands I imbarked the companies for Orrenoque between which and Calliana I lay a ground twenty four houres , and if it had not been faire weather we had never come off the Coast , having not above two Fathome and a halfe of water : Eight Leagues off from whence , I directed them for the River of Surniama , the best part of all that Tract of land between the river Amazones and Orrenoque , there I gave them order to trim their Boates and Barges ; and by the Indians of that place to understand the state of the Spaniards in Orrenoque , and whither they had replanted or strengthened themselves upon the entrances or elsewhere ; and if they found any Indians there , to send in the little flyboate or the Carvill into the river of Dissebecke , where they should not faile to find Pilots for Orrenoque , for with our great ships we durst not aproach the Coast we having been all of us a ground , and in danger of leaving our Bands upon the shoules before wee recovered the Tryangle Islands as aforesaid ; The Biggest Shipp that could Enter the River was the Encounter , who might be brought to eleven foote water upon the Bar , we could never understand neither by Keymis , who was the first of any Nation that had entered the maine mouth of Orrenoque nor by any of the Masters or Marriners of our Fleet , which had traded there ten or twelve yeares for Tobaccho : For the Chudley when she came nere the Entrance , drawing but twelve foote , found her selfe in danger and bore up for Trinidado . Now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why I my selfe had not gone up with the Companies I sent , I desire hereby to give them satisfaction , that besides my want of health and strength , and having not recovered my long and dangerous sicknesse , but was againe fallen into a Relapse , my ship Stoalde and layd a ground at seaventeene foote water , 7 Leagues of the shore , so as the Mr. nor any of my company durst adventure to come neare it , much lesse to fall between the shoules on the south side of the Rivers side , and sands on the North side called Puncto Anegado , one of the most dangerous places in all the Indies : It was therefore resolved by us all , that the five greater ships should ride at Puncto Gallo in Trinidado , and the five lesser should enter the River , For if Whitney and Woollaston at eleven foote lay a ground three daies in passing up , in what case had I been which drew seaventeene foote , a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of Ordnance , besides this impossibility , neither would my Sonn nor the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen have adventured themselves the River ( having but one moneths Victualls and being thrust together a hundred of them in a smale Flyboate ) had not I assured them that I would stay for them at Trinidado , and that no Force should drive me thence , except I were suncke in the Sea or set on Fire by the Spanish Gallions , for that they would have adventured themselves upon any other mans word or resolution , it were ridiculous to beleive . Having in this sort resolved upon our enterprise , and having given instructions , how they should proceede before and after their entrance into Orrenoque , Keymis having undertaken to discover the Myne with six or eight persons in Sir Iohn Fernes Shallop , I better bethinking my selfe and misliking his determination gave him this order , viz. Keymis , whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into Orrenoque to passe to the Myne with my Cousen Harbert and six musketteers , and to that end you desired to have Sir Iohn Fernes shallop , I doe not allow of that course , because you cannot Land so secretly but that some Indians on the River side may discover you , who giving knowledge of your passage to the Spaniards you may be cut off before you can recover your Boate , I doe therefore advise you to suffer the Captaines and the Companies of the English ●o passe up to the Westwards of the mountaine Aio , from whence you have no lesse then three miles to the Myne , and to lodge and encampe between the Spanish Towne and you , if there be any Town neer it , that being so secured you may make tryall what depth and bredth the Myne holds , and whether or no it answer our hopes . And if you find it Royall , and the Spaniards begin to Warre upon you , then let the Serjeant Major repell them if it be in his power , and drive them as far as he can . But if you find that the Myne be not so rich as it may perswade the holding of it , and draw on a second supply , then shall you bring but a basket or two to satisfy his Majesty , that my designe was not Imaginatory but true , though not answerable to his Majesties expectation , for the quantity of which I never gave assurance , nor could . On the other side , if you shall find that any great number of Souldiers be newly sent into Orrenoque , as the Cassique of Caliana told us that there were , and that the Passages be already Forc'd so that without manifest Perill of my sonne , your selfe , and other Captaines , you cannot passe toward the Myne , then be well advised how you land , for I know ( that a few Gentlemen excepted ) what a Scumme of men you have , and I would not for all the world receive a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of our Nation ; I my selfe for my weaknes cannot be present , neither will the Company land , except I stay with the ships , the Gallioones of Spaine being daily expected . Pigott the Sergeant-Major is dead . Sir Warrham my Leiftenant , without hope of life , and my Nephew your Sergeant-Major now but a young man : It is therefore no your judgement that I Rely whom I trust God will direct for the best . Let me heare from you as soone as you can , you shall find me at Puncto Gallo dead or alive , and if you finde not my ships there , yet you shall find their Ashes ; For I will fire with the Gallioones if it come to extreamity , But runne away I will never . That these my Instructions were not followed , was not my fault , But it seemes that the Sergeant-Major , Keymis and the rest were by accident forced to change their first resolution , and that finding a Spanish towne or rather a village , set up twenty mile distant from the place where Antonio Berro the first Governour by me taken in my first discovery who had attépted to plant to meet some two Leagues to the Westward of the Mine : They agreed to land and encamp between the Myne and the Towne , which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was , and meaning to rest themselves on the Rivers side till the next day , they were in the night set upon and charged by the Spaniards , which being unlooked for , the Common sort of them were so amazed , as had not the Captaines and some other valiant Gentlemen made a Head and encouraged the rest , they had all been broken and cut in pieces . To repell this force putting themselves in order , they charged the Spaniards , and following them upon their retreat they were ready to enter the Town , ere they knew where they were , and being then charged againe by the Governour , and foure or five Captaines which lead their Companies ; May Sonne not tarrying for my Musketiers run up in the head of a company of Pikes , where he was first shot , and pressing upon a Spanish Captaine called Erinetta with his sword ; Erinetta taking the small end of his Musket in his hand strucke him on the head with the stock and feld him , whom againe Iohn Plesington , my Sonnes Serjeant , thrust through with his Halbert , at which time also the Governour Diego Palmeque and the rest of the Spanish Captaines being slaine , and their Companies divided , they betooke themselves into a house , or hold adjoyning to the market place , where they slew and wounded the English at their pleasure , so as we had no way to save our selves ; but by firing those houses adjoyning , which done all the Spaniards ran into the bordering Woods , and Hills , keeping the English still waking with perpetuall Alarums . The town such as it was being in this sort possest . Keymis prepared to discover the Myne , which at this time he was resolved to doe , as appeareth by his Letter to me of his owne hand writing hereafter inserted ; he tooke with him Captaine Thornhurst , Master William Herbert , Sir Iohn Hambden , and others , but at his first approach neer the banke where he meant to Land , he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his Company , hurt six others , and wounded Captaine Thornhurst in the head , of the which he languished three months after . Keymis his LETTER Dated the eight of Ianuary from Orrenoque . ALL things that appertaine to humane condition in that proper nature and sence , that of fate and necessity belongeth unto them , maketh me choose rather with griefe to let you know from me this certaine truth then uncertainties from others ; which is , viz. That had not this extraordinary valour and forwardnesse , which with the constant vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath expressed these words . ( Lord have mercy upon me and prosper your enterprise ) leade them all on , when some began to pause and recoyle shamefully : this action had neither been attempted as it was , nor performed as it is with his surviving honour . This Indian Pilot whom I have sent , if there be occasion to use his service in any thing will prove sufficient and trusty : Peter Andrewes whom I have sent with him can better certify your Lordship of the state of the towne , the plenty , the condition of our men , &c. then I can write the same . We have the Governours servant Prisoner that waited on him in his Bed-chamber , and knows all things that concerned his Master . We find there are foure Refiners Houses in the towne ; the best Houses of the towne . I have not seen one piece of Coyne , or Bullyon , neither Gold or Silver ; a small deale of Plate only excepted . Captain Whitney and Woollastone are but now come to us , and now I purpose ( God willing ) without delay to visit the Myne , which is not eight miles from the towne , sooner I could not goe by reason of the murmurings , the discords and vexations , wherewith the Serjeant Major is perpetually tormented and tyred , having no man to assist him but my selfe only , things are now in some reasonable order , and so soone as I have made tryall of the Myne , I will seeke to come to your Lordship , by the way of the River . To goe and to search the Channels ( that if it be possible ) our Ships may shorten their course for Trinidado , when time serves , by those passages ; I have sent your Lordship a parcell of scattered papers . ( I reserve a Carte Loade ) one roule of Tobacco , one Tortoyse , and some Oranges and Limmons , praying God to give you strength and health of body , and a mind armed against all extreamities . I rest ever to be commanded this 8. of January , 1617. Your Lordships KEYMIS . Now it seemes that the death of my Son , fearing also ( as he told me when he came to Trinidado ) that I was either dead of my first sicknesse , or that the news of my Sonnes death would have hastened my end , made him resolve not to open the Myne , to the which he added for excuse , and I thinke it was true , that the Spaniards being gone off in a whole body , lay in the Woods betweene the Myne and their passage , that it was impossible , except they had bin beaten out of the Country , to passe up the Woody and Craggy Hills without the losse of those Commanders which should have lead them , who had they been slaine , the rest , would easily enough have bin cut in pieces in their retreate ; for being in possession of the towne , which they guarded with the greatest part of three Companies , they had yet their handfull to defend themselves from fireing , and the daily and nightly Alarums , wherewith they were vexed . He also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any Companies at the Myne , for want of Victuall , which from the towne they were not able to carry up the mountaine their Companies being divided ; He therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the Spaniards , themselves neither being able to worke it , nor possesse it then to excuse himselfe to the Company , said that he could not find it ; all which his fancies when I received , and before divers of the Gentlemen disavowed his ignorance , for I told him That a blind man might find it , by the marks which himself had set down under his hand , and that I told him that his care of loosing so many men in passing through the Woods , was but fained , for after my Sonne was slaine , I knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving , and therefore had he brought to the King but one hundred weight of the oare though with the losse of one hundred men , He had given his Majesty satisfaction , preserved my reputation , and given our Nation encouragement to have returned this next yeare , with greater force and to have held the Country for his Majesty to whom it belonged , and of which himselfe had given the testimony , that besides the excellent ayre , pleasantnesse , healthfulnesse , and riches : it hath plenty of Corne , Fruits , Fish , Fowle , wild and tame , Beeves , Horses , Sheepe , Hogs , Deeres , Coneys , Hares , Tortoyses , Armadiles , Wanaes , Oyles , Hony , Wax , Potatoes , Suger Canes , Medicaments , Balsamum , Simples , Gums , and what not ; but seeing he had followed his owne advice , and not mine , I should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his Majesty , and the State , I should be glad of it , though for my part he must excuse me to justify it , that he , if it had pleased him , though with some losse of men might have gone d●●ectly to the place : with that he seemed greatly discontent , and so he continued divers dayes ; afterward he came to me in my Cabbin , and shewed me a Letter which he had written to the Earl of Arundell , to whom he excused himself , for not discovering of the Myne : using the same arguments , and many others which he had done before , and prayed me to allow of his Apology ; but I told him that he had undone me by his obstinacy , and that I would not favour or collour in any sort his former folly . He then asked me , whether that were my resolution , I answered , that it was : he then replyed in these words , I know not then Sir what course to take ; and went out of my Cabbin into his own , in which he was no sooner entred , but I heard a Pistoll goe off . I sent up ( not suspecting any such thing as the killing of himselfe ) to know who shot a Pistoll , Keymis himself made answer lying on his Bed , that he had shot it off , because it had been long charged , with which I was satisfied ; some half houre after this , the Boy going into his Cabbin , found him dead , having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart , and his Pistoll lying by him , with which it appeared that he had shot himselfe , but the Bullet lighting upon a rib , had but broken the rib and went no further . Now he that knew Keymis , did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution , and a man so far from caring to please or satisfie any man but my selfe , as no mans opinion from the greatest to the least could have perswaded him to have laid violent hands on himselfe , neither would he have done it , when he did it , could he have said unto me , that he was ignorant of the Place , and knew no such Myne ; for what cause had I then to to have rejected his excuses , or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge ; thus much I have added , because there are some Puppies which have given it out , that Keymis slew himselfe because he had seduced so many Gentlemen and others with an imaginary Myne ; but as his Letter to me the 8. of Ianuary proves that he was then resolved to open it , and to take off all these kinds of objections ; Let Captaine Charls Parker , Captaine George Ralegh and Captaine King all living and in England ; be put to their oaths whether or no Keymis did not confesse to them comming down the River , at a place where they cast anker , that he could from that place have gone to the Myne in two hours , I say then that if the opening of the Myne had bin at that time to any purpose ; or had they had had any victualls left then , to bring them away , or had they not been hastned by seeing the King of Spaines Letters before they came to my hands , which I am assured Keymis had seene who delivered them to me , whereof one of them was dated at Madrill the 17 of March before I left the River of Thames , and with it , three other dispatches with a Commission for the strengthning of Orrenoque with 150 Souldiers , which should have come downe the River from the new Kingdome of Granada ; and one other 150 from Puerto Rico with ten pieces of Ordnance which should have come up the River from the entrance , by which two Troupes they might have bin inclosed , I say had not the rest seene those dispatches ; and that having stayed in the River above two months , they feared the hourely arrivall of those forces , why had they not constrained Keymis to have brought them to the Myne , being as himselfe confesses within two houres march . Againe , had the Companies Commanders but pincht the Governours man whom they had in their possession , he could have told them of two or three Gold Mynes and a Silver Myne not above foure miles from the Towne , and given them the names of their possessors ; with the reason why they forbare to worke them at that time , and when they left off from working them , which they did aswell because they wanted Negroes , as because they feared least the English , French , or Dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened , having not sufficient strength to defend themselves ; But to this , I have heard it said since my returne , that the Governours man was by me perswaded , being in my power , to say that such Mynes there were , when indeed there was no such thing , Certainly they were but silly fooles , that discovered this subtilty of Mine , who having not yet by the long Calenture that weakened me , lost all my wits which I must have done , if I had left my reputation in trust with a Malato , who for a pot or two of Wine , for a dozen of Hatchets , or a gay suite of apparell would have confessed , that I had taught him to speake of Mynes , that were not in Rerum natura , No I protest before the Majesty of God , that without any other agreements or promises of mine , then well usage , he hath discovered to me , the way to five or sixe of the richest Mynes which the Spaniards have , and from whence , all the Masse of Gold that comes into Spaine in effect is drawne . Lastly , when the Ships were come downe the River as farre as Carapana's Country ( who was one of the naturall Lords ) and one that reserved that part of Guiana to her Maje . hearing that the English had abandoned St. Thome , and left no force in the Country , which he hoped they would have done , hee sent a great Canooe with store of fruits and Provisions to the Captains , and by one of his men which spake Spanish , having as it seemed bin long in their hands ; hee offered them a rich Gold Myne in his own Country , knowing it to be the best argument to perswade their stay , and if it please them to send up any one of the English to view it , he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe returne . Master Leake , Master Moleneux and others offering themselves , which when the greater part refused ( I know nor by what reason lead ) he sent againe , leaving one of his men still aboard to entreate them to carry but two dayes , and he himselfe would come to them , and bring them a sample of the oare : for he was an exceeding old man , when I was first in the Country some twenty foure yeares since , which being also neglected , and the Ships under saile ; he notwithstanding sent a Boat after them to the very mouth of the River in hope to perswade them : that this is true , witnesse Captaine Parker , Captaine Leake , Master Stresham , Master Maudict , Master Moleneux , Master Robert Hamon , Master Nicholes , Captaine King , Peter Andrews , and I know not how many others ; but besides his offer also , there hath not been wanting an argument though a foolish one ; which was that the Spaniards , had employed the Indians with a purpose to betray our men , but this treason had been easily prevented , if they had stayed the old mans comming ; who would have brought them the Gold oare aboarde their Ships , and what purpose could there be of treason when the Guianians offered to leave pledges six for one , yea one of the Indians which the English had aboarde them , whom they found in fetters when they tooke the towne of St. Thome could have told them , that the Cassique which sent unto them to shew them the Gold Myne in his Country , was unconquered ; and are enemies to the Spaniard , and could also have assured them , that this Cassique had Gold Mynes in his Country . I say then , that if they would neither force Keymis to goe to the Myne , when he was by his owne confession , within two houres march of it ; to examine from whence these two Ingots of Gold which they brought me , were taken , which they found laid by for Kings quinto or fifth part ; or those small pieces of Silver , which had the same marks and stamps ; if they refused to send any one of the Fleete into the Country to see the Mynes which the Cassique Carapana offered them ; if they would not vouchsafe to stay two days for the comming of Carapana himselfe , who would have brought them a sample of the Gold oare , I say , that , there is no reason to lay it to my charge , that I carryed them with a pretence of Gold , when neither Keymis nor my selfe knew of any in those parts : if it had bin to have gotten my liberty , why did I not keep my liberty when I had it , Nay why did I put my life in manifest peril to forgo it ? if I had had a purpose to have turned Pyrate , why did I oppose my self against the greatest number of my Company , and was there by in danger to be slaine or cast into the Sea because I refused it ? A strange fancy had it been in me to have perswaded my Sonne whom I have lost , and to have perswaded my Wife to have adventured the 8000.l . which his Majesty gave them for Sherbone , and when that was spent , to perswade my Wife to sell her house at Micham , in hope of inriching them by the Mynes of Guiana ; if I my self had not seene them with my owne eyes ; for being old and weakely , thirty years in prison , and not used to the ayre to travell and to watching , it being ten to one that I should ever have returned , and to which by reason of my violent sicknesse , and the long continuance thereof , no man had any hope , what madnesse could have made me undertake this journey but the assurance of the Myne , thereby to have done his Majestie service , to have bettered my Country by rhe trade , and to have restored my Wife and Children their Srates ; they had lost for that , I have refused all other ways or means , for ●hat I had a purpose to have changed my Master , and my Country , my returne in the state I did returne may satisfie every honest and indifferent man. An unfortunate man I am , and it is to me a greater losse then all I have lost , that it pleaseth his Majestie to be offended for the burning of a Spanish towne in Guiana ; of which these parts bordering the River Orrenoque , and to the South as farre as the Amazones doth by the Law of Narions belong to the Crowne of England , as his Majestie was well resolved when I prepared to goe thither , otherwise his Majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there ; for I set it downe under my hand that I intended that enterprise and nothing else , and that I meant to enter the Country by the River of Orrenoque ; It was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the State here nor the Spanish Ambassadour who knew it aswell as I , that I pretended the journy of Guiana which he alwaies held to be a pretence ; for he said it to Master Secretary Windode and to others of my Lords ; that if I meant to sayle to Guiana , and had no intent to invade any part of his Majesties West Indies nor his Fleets , I should not need to strengthen my selfe as I did , for I should worke any Myne there , without any disturbance and in peace , to which I made answer , that I had set it under my hand to his Majest . that I had no other purpose , nor meant to undertake any thing else ; but for the rest , that Sir Iohn Haukins in his journey , to St. Iohn de Loa , notwithstanding that he had leave of the Spanish King to trade in all parts of the West Indies , and having the Plate Fleete in his power , did not take out of it one ounce of Silver , but kept his faith and promise in all places , was set upon by Don Henrico de Martines whom he suffered ( to save him from perishing ) to enter the Porte ; upon Martins faith , and enterchanged pledges delivered , he had Iesus of Lubeck a Ship of her Majesties of a 1000 tun burnt ; had his men slain which hee left on the Land ; lost his Ordnance , and all the treasure which he had got by Trade ; what reason had I to goe unarmed upon the Ambassadours promises , whose words and thoughts that they were one , it hath wel appeared since then , aswell by the forces which he perswaded his Master to send to Guiana to encounter me , and cut me off there ; as by his persecuting of me since my returne ; who have neither invaded his Masters Indies , nor his Fleet , whereof he stood in doubt . True it is , that the Spaniards cannot endure that the English Nation should looke upon any part of America , being above a fourth part of the whole knowne world ; and the hundred part neither possessed by the Spaniards , nor to them knowne , as Acosta the Jesuit in his description of the West Indies doth confesse , and well know to be true : No though the King of Spaine can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered , then the Popes donation ; for from the straits of Megellan to the river of Plate , being a greater territory then al that the Spaniards possesse in Peru or Chile , and from Cape St. Augustines to Trinidado being a greater extent of Land then all which he possesses in Nova Spaine , or elsewhere , they have not one foote of ground in their possession , neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their owne knowledge . In Orrenoque they have lately set up a Wooden Towne , and made a kind of a Forte , but they have never been able either to Conquer the Guianians ; nor to reconcile them , but the Guianians before their planting , they did willingly resigne all that territory to her Majesty , who by me promised to receive them , and defend them against the Spaniards ; and though I were a Prisoner for this last fourteene years , yet I was at the charge every yeare , or every second yeare , to send unto them to keepe them in hope of being relieved . And as I have said before the greatest of the naturall Lords , did offer us a rich Myne of Gold in his owne Country in hope to hold us there ; And if this usurped possession of the Spaniards be a sufficient bar to his Majesties right ; and that thereby the King of Spaine calls himselfe King of Guiana , why might he not aswell call himselfe Duke of Brittaine , because hee tooke possession of Blewett , and built a Forte there ; and calls himselfe King of Ireland ; because he tooke possession at Smerike and built a Forte there . If the Ambassadour had protested to his Majesty that my going to Guiana before I went would be a breach to the peace , I am perswaded that his Majesty if he had not bin resolved that Guiana had been his would have stayed me , but if it be not thought to be a breach of Peace not for the going thither ( for that cannot be ) because I had no other intent , and went with leave ; but for taking and burning of a Spanish towne in the Country , certainly , if the Country be the King of Spains , it had been no lesse a breach of Peace to have wrought any Myne of his , and to have rob'd him of his Gold ; then it is now cald'd a breach of peace to take a towne of his in Guiana and burne it , and with as good reason might I have bin called a thiefe and a robber of the King of Spaine , if the Country be not his Majesties , as I am now pursued for the Invasion ; for either the Country is the King of Spains or not the Kings ; if it be the Kings , I have not then offended ; if it be not the Kings , I must have perished , if I had but taken Gold out of the Mynes there , though I had found no Spaniards in the Country . For conclusion , if we had had any peace with the Spaniards in those parts of the world ; why did even those Spaniards , which were now encountered in Guiana , tye six and thirty English men out of Master Walls Ship of London and mine back to back , and cut their throats , after they had traded with them a whole month , and came to them a shore ; having not so much as a sword , or any other weapon , among them all , and if the Spaniards to our complaints made answer , that there was nothing in the treate against our trading in the Indies , but that we might trade at our perill ; I trust in God that the word perill shall ever be construed to be indifferent to both Nations ; otherwise we must for ever abandon the Indies , and loose all our knowledge , and our Pylotage of that part of the world : if we have no other peace then this ; how can there be a breach of peace , which e're the Spaniards will all Nations , and all Nations with them may trade upon their guard ? The readiest way that the Spaniards Ambassadour could have taken , to have stayed me from going to Guiana ; had bin to have discovered the great practises which I had with his Master against the King my Soveraigne Lord in the first yeare of his Majesties Reigne of Great Brittaine , for which I lost my estate and lay thirteene years in the Tower of London , and not to urge my offences in Guiana ; to which his Master hath no title other then his sword , is with which to this day , he hath not conquered the least of these Nations , and against whom contrary to the Catholick profession , his Captains have entertained , and doe entertaine whole Nations of Canniballs ; for in a Letter of the Governours to the King of Spaine of the eighth of Iuly : he not only complaineth that the Guianians are in Armes against him , but that ever those Indians which under their noses live , doe in despight of all the Kings edicts trade with Los Flamnicos & Engleses , enemicos , With the Flemish , and English enemies , never once naming the English Nations but with the Epitheton of an enemy . But in truth the Spanish Ambassadour hath complained against me to no other end , then to prevent my complaints against the Spaniards . Who landing my men in a territory appertaining to the Crowne of England ; they were invaded and slaine before any violence offered to the Spaniards ; and I hope that the Ambassadour doth not esteeme us for so wretched and miserable a people , as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance ; howsoever , I have said it already , and I will say it againe ; that if Guiana be not his Majesties , the working of a Myne there ; and the taking of a towne there ; had been equally perillous , for by doing the one , I had rob'd the King of Spaine and bin a thiefe ; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace . A Letter of Sir WALTER RAWLEIGH to my Lord Carevv touching Guiana . BEcause I know not whether I shall live , to come before the Lords , I have for his Majesties satisfaction here set downe as much as I can say , either for mine owne defence , or against my selfe , as things are now construed . It is true , that though I acquainted his Majesty with my intent to Land in Guiana , yet I never made it knowne to his Majesty that the Spaniards had any footing there ; neither had I any authority by Patent , to remove them from thence , and therefore his Majesty had no interest in the attempt of Saint Thome by any foreknowledge in his Majesty . But knowing his Majesties title to the Country to be best , and most Christian , because the naturall Lords did most willingly acknowledge Queene Elizabeth to be their Soveraigne , who by me promised to defend them from the Spanish cruelty , I made no doubt but I might enter the Land by force , seeing the Spaniards had no other title but force , ( the Popes donation excepted ) considering also that they had got a possession there divers yeares since my possession for the Crowne of England , for were not Guiana his Majesties , then might I aswell have bin questioned for a thiefe , for taking the Gold out of the King of Spains Mynes , as the Spaniards doe now call me a peace breaker ; for , from any territory that belongs to the King of Spaine , it is no more lawfull to take Gold , then lawfull for the Spaniards to take Tinne out of Cornewall , were this possession of theirs a sufficient Bar to his Majesties Right , the Kings of Spain may as well call themselves Dukes of Brittaine , because they held Blewet , and fortified there ; and Kings of Ireland because they possessed Smereck and fortified there , and so in other places . That his Majesty was well resolved of his right there , I make no kind of doubt , because the English both under Master Charls Leigh and Master Harecourt had leave to plant and inhabite the Country . The Orrenoque it selfe , had long ere this had 5000. English in it , I assure my selfe , had not my employment at Cales , the next yeare after my returne from Guiana , and after that our journy to the Islands hindered me , for those two years after with Tirones Rebellion , made her Majesty unwilling that any great number of Ships or men should be taken out of England , till that rebellion were ended , and lastly , her Majesties death , my long imprisonment gave time to the Spaniards to set up a towne of sticks covered with leaves of trees upon the banke of Orronoque , which they call St. Thome , but they have neither reconciled nor Conquered any of the Cassiques or naturall Lords of the Country , which Cassiques are still in armes against them , as by the Governours Letter to the King of Spaine , may appeare : That by landing in Guiana there can be any breach of peace , I thinke it ( under favour ) impossible , for to breake peace where there is no peace , it cannot be ; that the Spaniards give us no peace there , it doth appeare by the Kings Letters to the Governour , that they should put to death all those Spaniards and Indians that trade , Con los Engleses Enemigos with English enemies : yea those very Spaniards which we encountred at St. Thome , did of late years murther six and thirty of Master Hales men of London , and mine , who landed without weapon , upon the Spaniards faith to trade with them , Master Thorne also in Tower-street in London besides many other English were in like sort murthered in Orrenoque , the yeare before my deliverie out of the Tower. Now if this kind of trade be peaceable , there is then a peaceable trade in the Indies , betweene us and the Spaniards , but if this be cruell Warre and hatred , and no peace , then there is no peace broken by our attempt ; Againe , how doth it stand with the greatnesse of the King of Spaine , first to call us enemies , when he did hope to cut us in pieces , and then having failed , to call us peace breakers : for to be an enemy and a peace breaker in one and the same action is impossible . But the King of Spaine in his Letters to the Governour of Guiana , dated at Madrill the 29 of March , before we left the Thames , calls us Engleses enemigos , English enemies . If it had pleased the King of Spaine to have written to his Majest . in seaven months time , for we were so long in preparing , and have made his Majesty know , that our landing in Guiana would draw after it a breach of peace , I presume to thinke , that his Majesty would have staied our enterprise for the present . This he might have done with lesse charge , then to leavy three hundred souldiers and transport ten pieces of Ordnance from Portarico , which souldiers added to the Garrison of St. Thome : had they arrived before our comming , had overthrowne all our raw companies , and there would have followed no complaints . For the maine point of landing neer St. Thome , it is true , that we were of opinion , that we must have driven the Spaniards out of the towne , before we could passe the thick woods upon the mountaines of the Myne , which I confesse I did first resolve upon , but better bethinking my selfe , I reserved the taking of the towne , to the goodnesse of the Myne , which if they found to be so rich , as it might perswade the leaving of the Garrison , then to drive the Spaniards thence , but to have burnt was never my intent , neither could they give me any reason why they did it , upon their returne I examined the Serjeant-Major and Keymis why they followed not my last directions for the triall of the Myne before the taking of the towne , and they answered me , that although they durst hardly , goe to the Myne leaving a Garrison of Spaniards , between them and their Boats , yet they offended their latter directions , and did Land , betweene the towne and the Myne . And that the Spaniards without any manner of parley set upon them unawares , and charged them , calling them Perros Ingleses , & by Skirmishing with them , they drew them on to the very entrance of the town before they knew where they were , so that if any peace had bin in those parts , the Spaniards first brake the peace , and made the first slaughter , for as the English could not but Land to seeke the Myne , being come thither to that end , so being first reviled , and charged by the Spaniards , they could doe no lesse then repell force by force , lastly it is a matter of no small consequence to acknowledge that wee have offended the King of Spaine by landing in Guiana . For first it weakens his Majesties title to the Country or quits it ; Secondly , there is no King that hath ever given the least way to any other King or State in the traffick of the lives or goods of his Subjects , to wit in our case , that it shall be lawfull for the Spaniards to murther us , either by force or treason , and unlawfull for us to defend our selves and pay them with their owne Coyne , for this superiority and inferiority is a thing which no absolute Monarch ever yeilded to , or ever will. Thirdly , it shews the English bears greater respect to the Spaniard , and is more doubtfull of his forces , then either the French or Dutch is , who daily invade all parts of the Indies with not being questioned at their returne , yea at my owne being at Plimouth , a French Gentleman called Flory went thence with foure saile , and three hundred Land men , with Commission to land and burne , and to sack all places in the Indies that he could master , and yet the French King hath married the daughter of Spaine . This is all that I can say , other then that I have spent my poore estate , lost my sonne , and my health , and endured as many sorts of miseries , as ever man did , in hope to do his Majesty acceptable service ; And have not to my understanding committed any hostile act , other then entrance upon a territory belonging rightly to the Crowne of England , where the English were first set upon and slaine by the usurping Spaniards , I invaded no other parts of the Indies , pretended by the Spaniards . I returned into England with manifest perill of my life , with a purpose not to hold my life , with any other then his Majesties grace , and from which no man , nor any perill could disswade me ; To that grace , and goodnesse , and Kinglynesse I referre my self , which if it shall find that I have not yet suffered enough ▪ it yet may please to adde more affliction to the remainder of a wretched life . Sir Walter Rawleigh his Ansvver to some things at his Death . I Did never receive any direction from my Lord Carew to make any escape , nor did I ever tell Stukely any such thing . I did never name my Lord Hay and my Lord Carew to Stukeley in other words or sence , then to my honoùrable friends , among other Lords . I did never shew unto Stukely any Letter , wherein there was 10000 named or any one pound , only I told him , that I hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his absence . I never had Commission from the French King , I never saw the French Kings hand or seale in my life . I never had any plot or practise with the French directly or indirectly , nor with any other Prince or State unknowne to the King. My true intent was to goe to a Myne of Gold in Guiana , it was not fained , but it is true , that such a Myne there is within three miles of St. Thome , I never had in my thought to goe from Trinidado , and leave my Companies to come after to the savage Island , as Hatby Fearne hath falsly reported . I did not carry with me an hundred pieces , I had with me sixty , and brought back neer the said number , I never spake to the French Manering any one disloyall word , or dishonourable speech of the King ; nay if I had not loved the King truly , and trusted in his goodnesse somewhat too much , I know that I had not now suffered death . These things are most true as there is a God , and as I am now to appeare before his tribunall seate , where I renounce all mercy , and salvation , if this be not the truth . At my death W.R. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A57465-e170 Juven . Pluta●● Notes for div A57465-e490 Pindar . D : Sic. Lib. 6. Lib Ger. 1. Cap. 1. Livie 1. Lib. Dec. Polidor Lib. 3. Isidor Orig. 9. de Navig . Cap : 1. Tacitus de moribus German : Tribull Eleg : Strab : Lib : 16. Junius . 1. King. Cap. 9. Notes for div A57465-e5060 Gen. Cap. 1. ver . 28. Generall History Lib 2. Cap. 2.28 . S. 4. T 3. First Warre . Second Warre . Anno Domini 1569. Anno. 1573. Notes for div A57465-e11050 Officers under the Lo : Admirall to bee men of the best experience in Sea-service . No Ships to be builded by the great . Officer of the A●miraltie exactly look into the so●● buildin● of Ship &c. The greatest Ships least serviceable . The Spaniards phrase . 〈◊〉 Shipwrights . Mary 〈◊〉 in H. ● . time . Speciall observation . The high charging of Ships a principall cause that brings them all ill qualities . Ease of many Cabbins and safety at once in Sea-service not 〈◊〉 be expected . His Majesties Navy ( in such sort as they are ) not to bee pend up in Rochester-water , &c. Wight , Portsmouth , Garnsey and Iersey , Devonshire Cornwall , Wales , or Ireland . Portsmouth , Dartmouth , Plymouth , Falmouth , Milford and divers others , Harbours very capable and convenient for Shipping . Halfe a dozen or eight of midling Ships and some Pynnaces to lye in the West , &c. Ash-water by Plymouth . Nota. Charges of Conduct money for Marriners well saved , &c. A Magazin of all manner of necessary provisions , &c. His Majesties ships not to be overcharged and pestered with great Ordnance as they are . Royall Batterie for a Prince . Needlesse expence of superfluous powder and shot , &c. The journey to the Islands . Spaniards Armado in 88. Easterling Hulkes . Great error committed in manner of Calking his Majesties ships with rotten Ocum . Censure taken of the best Seamen of England . His Majesties allowance for victualling Ships very large and honourable . Great inconvenience by bad Caske used in his Majesties ships The great Inconveniences of the Cook-rooms in all his Majesties Ships made below in hold in the wast . Sea-phrase . Musters and Presses for sufficient marriners to serve in his Majesties Ships the care therein very little , or the bribery very great . The Saylers Proverbe . A proportion of Swords Targets of proofe and the like allowed ; and set downe for every Ship according to his burthen , &c. His Majesties owne sworne Servants to be preferred to the charge of his Majesties Ships . Objection . 
A55033	----	Scripture and reason pleaded for defensive armes: or The whole controversie about subjects taking up armes Wherein besides other pamphlets, an answer is punctually directed to Dr. Fernes booke, entituled, Resolving of conscience, &c. The scriptures alleadged are fully satisfied. The rationall discourses are weighed in the ballance of right reason. Matters of fact concerning the present differences, are examined. Published by divers reverend and learned divines. It is this fourteenth day of Aprill, 1643. ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning printing, that this booke, entituled Scripture and reason pleaded for defensive armes, be printed by Iohn Bellamy and Ralph Smith. John White. Palmer, Herbert, 1601-1647. 1643 Approx. 324 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). 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The rationall discourses are weighed in the ballance of right reason. Matters of fact concerning the present differences, are examined. Published by divers reverend and learned divines. It is this fourteenth day of Aprill, 1643. ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning printing, that this booke, entituled Scripture and reason pleaded for defensive armes, be printed by Iohn Bellamy and Ralph Smith. John White. Palmer, Herbert, 1601-1647. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. [4], 80 p. printed for Iohn Bellamy and Ralph Smith at the signe of the three Golden Lions neare the Royall-Exchange, London : M.DC.XLIII. [1643] By Herbert Palmer. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SCRIPTURE AND REASON PLEADED FOR DEFENSIVE ARMES : OR The whole Controversie about SUBjECTS taking up ARMES . WHEREIN Besides other Pamphlets , an Answer is punctually directed to Dr. Fernes Booke , entituled , Resolving of Conscience , &c. The Scriptures alleadged are fully satisfied . The rationall Discourses are weighed in the ballance of right reason . Matters of fact concerning the present differences , are examined . Published by divers Reverend and Learned Divines . IT is this fourteenth day of Aprill , 1643. ordered by the Committee of the House of COMMONS in Parliament concerning Printing , That this Booke , entituled , Scripture and Reason pleaded for Defensive Armes , be Printed by Iohn Bellamy and Ralph Smith . JOHN WHITE . LONDON , Printed for Iohn Bellamy and Ralph Smith at the Signe of the three Golden Lions neare the Royall-Exchange , M.DC.XLIII . To the READER . T Is a bitter Controversie that our poore sinfull Nation is fallen upon , wherein not onely Armes are ingaged against Arms , but Bookes written against Bookes , and Conscience pretended against Conscience . In this perplexed condition , What shall the people doe ? What shall they resolve ? They expect to receive Councell from Divines , who ( though it be a mixt Argument ) are most likely to settle them . And they have great reason to doe it ; for the truth is , The world takes sufficient notice that the Cause , as it now stands , hath many Divines strongly ingaged unto it on either side , and that their Resolutions have had a great Influence upon it , and upon the people . We know upon whom Doctor Ferne layes the burthen , when he saith , Many in the simplicity of their hearts have been wrought upon by such as misled them . But we pleade in the words of the great Apostle , That our rejoycing is this , that in simplicity and godly sincerity , not with fleshly wisdome , but by the grace of God , we have had our conversation to the world , and more abundantly towards our Congregations : To whom wee appeale , and to our Sermons preached among them , whether wee have taught any thing , but humble and holy obedience to all just and lawfull authority , sincere love and constant maintenance of the Truth . What is it that We may be suspected of ? What Designes may we be thought to carry on ? What Interesses ? What ends ? What is it that Wee hold deare unto us , but the Gospell of our Lord , but the soules of our people ? Did we make a gaine of them ? Did Titus make a gaine of you ? Thinke you that wee excuse our selves ? Wee speake before God in Christ . 'T is not a new thing to be challeng'd as Seditious , as Tertullus accused Paul ; To be hurtfull unto Kings a●d Provinces ; as Rehum and others wrote against the Jewes : To be setters forth of new Doctrines ; as the Epicureans blasphemed that chosen vessell . But our witnesse is with God , and in our consciences , and before the people in our preaching , and in our conversation , That we are not the troublers of Israel , That we pray for the Peace of our King , and that we seeke the wellfare of our Nation ; and that we teach no new , no other Doctrine , then what the Scriptures confirme , as this Treatise will fully shew ; The● what our King himselfe hath allowed , in his clearing our Brethren of Scotland by Proclamation , when they had Covenanted and taken up Armes ; then what our State hath formerly favoured in yeelding ayde to Rochell ; Then what other Churches , Scotland , the French Protestants , the united Provinces , and great Divines have given suff●●ge unto . And as for the State of this Kingdome in the very Constitution of it : The Case is yet clearer , King James himselfe blamed a Bishop for a right-Court-Sermon that hee preached before Him , and the House of Peeres , That hee had not distinguish'd well betweene a King at large , and the King of England . And in a manner , even all the points of the present difference might be answered against the King , by the King Himselfe , in His Majesties Answer to the nineteene Propositions , pag. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. Which wee desire the Readers seriously againe to peruse , as out of which a politicall Catechisme might be drawne to instruct the people , just so as wee have instructed them . To conclude , After the Kingdome hath duely considered the many provocations it hath had , which will appeare by the Remonstrances , Declarations and Votes of Parliament ; The No●successe of other Remedies , as namely frequent Petitions and Treaties ; and hath read this following Discourse with a minde not prejudiced ; We hope that this present Action of Parliament will stand justified , and our Judgement and Consciences cleare : Especially after this our Protestation , That wee seeke nothing but the Truth , and to the Truth , if others can convince us , we are resolved to yeeld . SCRIPTVRE AND REASON PLEADED For Defensive Armes . SECT . I. The Question rightly stated . THe Question which the Doctor hath propounded , as necessary to be scanned is thus exprest [ Whether if any King will not discharge his Trust , but is bent or seduced to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties , Subjects may take up Armes and Resist ? ] He maintaines the negative , and his principall place of strength is , Rom. 13.2 . Whosoever resists shall receive to themselves damnation . This he interprets of resisting the higher power , mentioned ver . 1. by which he understands the King or Supreame ; and the resisting , a resisting by Armes . But it seemes to me , however he make a shew of distinct handling his matter , that he either carelesly , or sophistically confounds things , which ought to have been more distinctly exprest by one that truly desired to have resolved consciences in so weighty a cause , as forbearing to defend Religion , Laws and Liberties , when they are all in danger of subversion . To which purpose , I shall make bold to propound divers considerations towards a better clearing of the true state of the question ; and the strength of his proofes for it . 1. It cannot be imagined that a King , who is bent , or seduced to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties , meanes to doe this by a meere personall strength ; ( For which no Sampson-like strength would suffice ) but by the assistance of others , whether men in office , and trusted with the civill Sword under him , if he can draw them into his designe , or by the souldiery ordinary or extraordinary ; and that not in one part of the Kingdome , but in severall parts , as fast as he can get instruments for his turn . 2. Here then will come divers questions belonging to the case . 1. Whether the resisting by Armes , the illegall attempts of an under Officer of Justice ; suppose a Major or Sheriffe , though armed with Commission under the Kings hand or seale , be a resisting of the higher power and damnable . 2. Whether the resisting a Captaine of the Souldiery , comming to act any illegall commands with his bands of armed men , though he also have a like Commission from the King ; be a resisting of the King , and so forbidden ? Both these where the King is not present , but in another part of the Kingdome . 3. It will be further questioned ( in case he should grant resistance lawfull thus farr ) whether it be lawfull to resist the officers or souldiers of the King , he being besides them , and animating them with his commands to doe violence ? I will suppose for the present the Kings person is and shall be safe , notwithstanding the resistance , or that els the resistance must be forborne . I onely aske , whether his followers commanded by him , standing by to doe murthers and rapes may be resisted with armes or not . 4. If he will say that in all these cases resistance may be made ; so the Kings Person may be safe . 1. The King may thanke him for the care of his Person , but his Power and Authority is as much impugned by this , as by many that plead for the defence now actually under-taken . 2. The Cavaliers and Followers of the King will thanke him never a whit ; For they may all be knocked on the head or starved , and yet the Kings Person be safe . And they would soon desert the cause , if this were beleeved , or would be rooted-out , if this were generally practised ; and that is all the Defendants desire , who honour the Kings Person and authority , as much as the Doctor or any of his fellows , not to say more ; how ever they resist his Cavaliers . 5. If he will deny resistance where the King is present , because there his commands are certainly knowne to be his , which may be doubted of in remote Countries . Then , 1. So should it have been exprest for cleare understanding , and not coucht in uncertainty . 2. Then all these Cavaliers are justly resisted where the King is not present , which againe if it were believed and practised would soone end the businesse ; For even in the next Parish to the King , they might be resisted , though not where he appeares and speakes . 3. What if it be doubted whether the King be not forced by threatnings and feare of his life to command so and so . Kings have been prisoners , and have commanded so , and by wise and good Subjects , Castles and Townes have bin kept by force of Armes against such as they bad to assault it , if not yeelded . Our Law supposes , The King can doe no wrong , yet supposes wrong may be done in his name by his followers ; If he then command a notoriously wicked thing : The Law will suppose him forced or the like ; And then resistance shall be as well lawfull , as if he were absent . Or even necessary to rescue him out of such wicked hands . 4. What if it be doubted , whether a King be bewitched by sorceries ? There have bin such things of old , and the Devills power doth not seeme to be lessned now ? 5. What if it be doubted , whether the King be distracted ? A thing that hath befallen Kings as well as meane men ? Are subjects bound from resisting the commands of a bewitched or distracted Person to the ruine of Religion , Lawes , and liberties ? still preserving his person safe . 6. Suppose it be certaine he is not forced , nor bewitched , nor distracted : Yet doing as bad as any forced , bewitched or distracted person can possibly doe , by commanding such tyrannicall Acts , what reason can be imagined , why such a command should tie subjects hands from resisting his followers , offering to act his tyranny , more then if he were forced , bewitched or distracted ? Is the liberty of his body and mind from those violences , an enslaving of his people to his lawlesse lusts of crueltie and mischiefe ? 6. If he say further , that even his officers or souldiers , if they have his Seale or warrant may not be resisted in the remotest Country . Then besides the former inconveniences , these are to be added . 1. Any that come among ignorant common people may abuse them at their pleasure , if they will but pretend the Kings Seale or Warrant . It hath bin counterfeited for Briefes : How ordinary would it be , if it might not be resisted ? How would malicious men murther with it ? Robbers spoyle with it , and who could remedy it ? 2. By this meanes any that had a designe to depose the King and usurpe the Kingdome , might by a counterfeit Seale and Warrant , kill all the Kings faithfullest Subjects , and strengthen so himselfe and his party , as the King should after have no power to save himselfe . Lawes observed will secure sufficiently from this . And liberty to resist illegall violences will appeare to be necessary to the Kings safety , as well as the Subjects . Kings have seldome or never bin murthered or deposed , where Lawes have bin preserved in their vigour : But often where illegall violences have had place . Let this also not be forgotten . 7. Well but thus the case I suppose is understood ( if not by the Doctor , yet ) by the generall of those that take the Kings part against the Parliament , that neither the King in Person , nor any of his officers or souldiers , that have commission from him may be resisted , because that were to resist the King , which say they all , the Apostle forbids and threatens , Rom. 13.2 . But here again I blame the Doctors negligent handling of that place upon divers considerations further . 1. Without doubt the first verse is to be regarded , as being the foundation of the second , as appeares by the word [ Therefore ] Yet that he hath greatly neglected . Perhaps for feare the scanning of it would doe him an ill turne , as I shall by and by endeavour to shew , by comparing the subjection commanded with the resistance forbidden . 2. In the first verse he doth very ill to reade alwayes ( except once by chance , as I thinke ) higher power for higher powers , and so never to tell us whether the other powers ( who are higher in relation to the common-people , though inferiour in relation to the supreme ) S. Peters governours may be resisted or not ? even with Arms. Perhaps this fraudulently also . 3. In the second verse , he is very carelesse to tell us , whether resistance ( which is three times in English , but there are two Greeke words , the first being different from the second and third ) signifie all kind of opposition , though without Armes , to the higher and supreme power at least , but then much more with Arms ? Or whether it only signifie resisting with Armes , and no other there forbidden , and made damnable . Yet this a needfull Question , for a conscience to be resolved in , and more ordinarily then about resisting . And so would well have become the Doctors learning and pretended care of Conscience , and even regard of Authority to have discoursed upon . But since he hath not vouchsafed to doe any of these , I shall take the paines to doe it for him , and for the conscientious Readers , as well as I can . 1. The first verse begins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let every soule be subject to the higher Powers . Here are two questions . 1. What is meant by being subject . 2. What by higher Powers . By being subject is meant yeelding obedience , either active or at least passive , that is doing or forbearing acccording to command , or submitting to suffering when one do's otherwise . It cannot be denied but both these are parts of subjection , and that so much is commanded by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at least in some cases . But the second Question , What is ment by higher Powers , will cleare in what cases either of these is required ? By the higher powers then is meant all civill legall Authority , which in St. Peters phrase is of the King as Supreame , or governour ( for these are higher then the people , though lower then the King ) but it is to be observed that the word is in the abstract powers , which notes the authority , wherwith the person in authority is legally invested , and not the person in the concrete , least that might be understood of his personall commands without or beyond , or even against his Authority . Which conceit the Apostle doth greatly prevent by using the word Power , which he doth also all the while he treats of this matter , except only that once he names Rulers , v. 3. 2. It is to be observed that the things about which the authority , and so the subjection in this place is conversant are civill matters , belonging to the second Table between man and man. Not that I deny Magistrates to have Authority to command things belonging to the first Table , and that subjection is due to them in such commands concerning Religion , so that it be according to the will of God. But I say , that this is to be fetcht from other Texts rather then this . My reason is , because the Roman Magistrates , of whom properly the Apostle speakes , were so farre now from commanding things for Religion , that they commanded things against Religion , and the first Table ▪ and therfore certainly the active subjection at least here required is limited to civill matters . 3. And now that so much as I have said is required , active Obedience to legall , civill Authority to all Magistrates in their legall commands in civill matters ; or at least passive yeelding to the penalty of the Laws , in case of not obeying actively ; and neither further then to legall commands of legall Authority , appeares by the Apostles reason in this 1. verse . For there is no power but of God ; which he redoubles in a second phrase , The powers that be are ordained of God , or under God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Every soule must be under their order , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they all are ordered by God under him , his deputies and vicegerents in their order and degree , higher and highest . This is true of all powers , and therefore to all must subjection be performed . And to none hath God ordered or ordained any Authority but legall . Which as none will deny ( no not the Doctor himselfe ) of other Governours besides the supreme : So can none with reason affirme , that any hath more authority then the Laws , whether speciall or generall , written or unwritten , have allotted them . Which Lawes God ratifies ( being not against his ) and so the Authority according to them . And this our Doctor also confesses ( in sence ) in m●re places then one of his Booke , for active Obedience , that no more is due , but according to the Lawes of God , and the establisht laws of the Land. Only he argues for passive obedience beyond this , every where . 1. Because he argues against resistance even of Tyranny . But in a word to refute this from the Apostles reason in the first verse . If I be bound to be subject to tyranny , ( or to suffer violence of a tyrant ) by vertue of the commandement here . Then tyranny is the Ordinance of God , or Magistrates have power ordained of God to use tyrannous violence ( for thus the Apostle argues for subjection from Gods ordaining the power ) But this is false . Ergo , so is that , that I should be bound to suffer tyrannous violence . And now if this be the true and whole meaning of the precept in the first verse , It will not be hard to cleare the meaning of the prohibition and threatning in the second verse , which runnes thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whosoever therefore resists ( or carries himselfe disorderly against the power , or opposes ) the power , resists or sets himselfe against the Ordinance ( or order appointed ) of God , and they that resist ( or so set themselves against man and God both ) shall receive to themselves Damnation . Now here we are to resolve two Questions . 1. What resistance is ? 2. Who ( or what ) may not be resisted ? 1. Resistance is contrary to subjection , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and this also the word [ Therfore ] notes . For it shews that the sin of Resistance is a transgression of the duty of subjection . It is then two-fold , either in not obeying commands , or in not suffering penalties . He that is wilfully , and obstinately disobedient to some commands , is ( by the Apostles scope , and by the consent of all interpretours that handle it fully ) a Resister , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though he never offer to take up Armes , but yeelds to suffer any penalty . A man that refuses to answer at the Law , he shall be outlawed ; he that refuses to yeeld possession shall have a Writ of Rebellion out against him ; he that refuses to put himselfe upon a legall tryall at his arraignement , shall be pressed to death , as a most obstinate resister of authority , and so in many other cases . Or secondly , Resisting is in not suffering penalties , resisting by force , and even by Armes . This is one kind of resisting , and the worst kind against a lawfull power : but what it is , our second Question is to determine ; which againe breakes it selfe into two . What is the power that may not be resisted ? and who ? In both , the former verse may , and must guide us , as the word power repeated , and the conjunction , therefore , and the mention of Gods Ordinance the third time assures us . 1. Then what is the power that may not be resisted ? The legall authority of the Magistrate , or the Magistrate legally commanding according to his authority . For as the subjection reaches to this , and no further . So the sinfull resistance extends to this , and is by it limited : because Gods Ordinance hath confirmed all this , and no more . Only upon the change of the phr●se , and not saying he that is not subject , but he that resists , the Spirit of God seemes to favour in some cases a simple not obeying , and will not charge that with resisting Gods Ordinance ; Namely in such Laws as being of an inferiour nature , may be generally good to be made and kept . Yet to some persons in some cases so extremely inconvenient as the penalty according to man is much rather to be ch●sen , then the practise of that Law in that case . Now in such a case ( as our Divines generally use to say , that obedience may be forborne to many civill Laws , Extra casum sc●ndali ) the Holy Ghost seemes to favour ( I say ) the not obeying , and only charges guilt upon a not submitting to the penalty which is undeniable resisting : But I say againe , that by all the foregoing context , and the reason from Gods Ordinance in the second verse : The prohibition of blaming of resistance , go's no further , then , of legall commands of legall authority . The Doctor will not ( doth not ) say that the most peremptory , or obstinate refusing to obey actively tyrannous and illegall commands is resistance . By what authority then of the Text or context will he stretch the prohibition to refusing to suffer tyrannous violence ? Or how does any resist unlawfully ( though by Armes ) when unlawfull violence is offered him ? which God no where gave authority to use to him , nor ever commanded him to yeeld unto ? In a word , till Gods Ordinance can be prov'd allowing tyranny ( which can never be ) or undeniably ordaining a man to suffer it , which is no where in his word ( I meane the extremity of tyranny depriving of life , or so ) though often it is so in his providence , when he affords no meanes of resistance : This Text of the Apostle will no way condemne the resisting by Armes tyrannous and illegall outragious violences . Besides all that , the context following refuses this sence of the Doctor , as I have already shewed . But let me not forget my second Question , or branch about resistance . Who may not be resisted ? The Text saith , The power , any Magistrate acting with lawfull authority legally . The Dr. would restraine it to the supreame , because he thinks it was hard to assert all Governours irresistable though tyrannous . But I say , interpreting resistance ●right , as before ; and so the Governour or Magistrate may be no more resisted , then a Monarch . And the King is resisted in resisting the meanest Officer . Even high Treason may be committed in taking up Armes with some circumstances against a Magistrate , who is not Supreme . The Laws cannot be obeyed , but by obeying other Governours in the Kings absence ( who cannot be every where ) and so obstinate disobedience , which is resistance ; may be , when only a petty Officer , or Magistrate is present ; but commands according to Law. Contrarily in the Doctors interpretation , resistance is not forbidden , neither with reference to the lesser Magistrate , nor to the Supreame as hath beene shewed . And if it were forbidden to resist with Armes a tyrannous King ; of necessity ( as hath been shewed ) this would extend to forbid resistance of any that he imployes ●n his tyranny . Or else all the dispate about it would soone be at an end , as was also noted . But if the Doctor say that he includes under the Supreame all that A●t his Will , and only denies that subordinate Magistrates are within the security of this prohibition of resistance by Armes , if they be tyrannous without any command from the Supreame . I would have him shew me a ground of this distinction upon a Text of Scripture , ( which speaking before of all powers , names , the power indefinitely ) a ground I say out of Scripture , which himselfe requires in the beginning of his second Section , or religious reason , or else what conscience ought to regard what he saith ? If both Governours and Supreme be to be acknowledged Gods Ordinance , and both to be subjected to for that cause , as S. Paul here , for the Lords sake ( as S. Peter , Ephes . 2.12 . ) then either both may be resisted by Arms if tyrannous ; or neither ? Let him now take his choice , and say what he will , If he saith only the Inferiour may be , then he looses this Text , which matches them both equally . If he say neither may be ; Then besides all that hath been said on the Text and context , I only adde this : That then every meanest Officer ( if wicked ) may ruine the whole neighbourhood , because he may not be resisted by Armes , who yet will bring Armes to act his villanies . And so the blessed Ordinance of God in Magistracy shall turne to the greatest curse to Mankind ( the best and most conscientious of them ) that can be imagined , in regard of outward sufferings , and generall confusion . It remaines therefore that as the Apostle in the following verses , banishes tyranny out of the context , describing every where a righteous Magistrate , and not a tyrant : So tyranny is to be banisht out of the interpretation of this Text , which allowes him that is a tyrant , no security , that he shall be endured , and not resisted even with Armes . Though it doth ( and that most justly and necessarily ) secure a just ruling Prince or Magistrate from all resistance , even when he punishes most severely according to Law and justice , upon the heaviest guilt of being found resisters against God ( that resist such a rule ) and the heaviest penalty of damnation . SECT . II. Having clearely stated the Question , I proceed with the Doctor to his second Section , To examine how he maintaines his Negative , That a Magistrate may in no case be resisted ; or as he expresseth himselfe , That Conscience cannot find cleare ground to rest upon for making resistance . HIs principall place of strength whereon he trusts , is Rom. 13.2 . Whosoever resists shall receive to themselves damnation . To which he doth every where referre . Though ( which I wonder at in a Scholler of his acutenesse ) without ever offering to Analyse the Verse , or those before and after ; which would have afforded strength and clearenesse to his cause , if there be any to be found for it there . Therefore my first worke must be to doe that , namely to expound Analytically ( but as briefly as may be ) so much of the Chapter as concernes subjection to Magistrates ; and then Conscience shall judge , whether he hath urged it rightly to the Apostles scope . The scope of the Apostle ( I make bold to say ) is properly and meerely in this place to urge Christians to be obedient to the Civill Lawes of the Roman Empire and so of other States , between man and man , and to the Magistrates that had authority and ruled according to those Lawes of what degree soever their authority was . To this end , 1. He delivers the precept generally in the former part of the 1. Verse , in which are three things . 1. The duty , Subjection , which is either Active obedience , or Passive submission in case of not obeying . 2. The Subject , Every soule , All Christians of what Ranke , Sex , Age , Condition , &c. 3. The Object , in the Abstract , which notes the Legall authority , the higher powers , in the plurall number , which our Doctor is pleased to take no notice at all of , but only and every where reads it , the higher power , as if it only pointed to the Roman Emperour , and so now to our King. 2. He produces a reason for the precept , from Gods authorizing Magistrates and their Lawes , and this is delivered in a double expression . 1. By way of Negation , that any Magistrate can be Named which is not of Gods authorizing , There is no power but of God , which undeniably confirmes my exposition of the Plurall number , powers , to note all sorts and degrees of Magistrates , as doth also , that he repeates it . 2. By way of Affirmation , the powers that be are ordained of God , or under God ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as the Dr. notes ) which as it speakes of all sorts of Powers , so it adds both a further Amplification and urging Reason , and a tacite limitation of the subjection . The Reason is , they are Gods vicegerents , and Deputies ; by him , ordered to governe under him , and therefore to be submitted unto by vertue of his Soveraigne authority , who is absolutely and undeniably the highest power , and Lord over all . The Limitation is , that it must be only in those things wherein those powers oppose not him , under whom they are and from whom they have their authority , and it is certaine he gives them none to oppose him . Ver. 2. Thirdly , He urges the precept , by an Applicatory inference , from the Reason premised , denoting the sinne of denying subjection ; Whosoever therefore resists the power resists the Ordinance of God. ] Wherein note , the Apostle hath altered his first word ; and instead of a Negative , which one might have expected , puts now in an Affirmitive ( Not whosoever is not subject , but whosoever resists ) wherein he seemes to favour ( at least in some cases ) the Exposition noted before of subjection , and the distinction of Active and Passive Obedience to humane Lawes ; and so will not alwayes charge disobedience upon the conscience or soule of a Christian , for the omission , or doing contrary to a humane Law ; But only in case of resistance , ( that he will neither doe nor suffer ) for then he is guilty of resistance of the Ordinance of the authority of God , by and under which these Lawes were made and are urged . Fourthly , He urges it againe by a threatning of Gods displeasure against such , inferred from the sinne of their resistance . And they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . The word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which properly signifies Judgement , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is properly Damnation . But if the resistance be obstinate , and a wilfull persisting in it , I doubt not , but the full sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Damnation , belongs to such resisting , and resisters of Lawes even humane ( which are not opposite to Gods ) and resisters of Magistrates urging obedience according to those Lawes . Ver. 3. Fiftly , By the present and continued benefit of such authority and Magistracy and Lawes . Which is delivered againe both negatively and affirmitively . For Rulers are not a terrour to good works but to evill . ] wherin he both prevents an Objection , and asserts an advantage . He prevents the Objection ( that this authority was a wrong to our liberty ) which he denies , so long as our liberty is only used to doe well , and practice good works . And on the other side , there was an advantage to those that did well ; because evill works were terrified by Rulers . Where also note , that he hath changed the Abstract , Powers , into the Concret , Rulers , to imply , that subjection is due and resistance forbidden , no farther to Rulers ( or no longer for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then they exercise their lawfull power , and are not a terrour to good works but to evill ; For their power makes them not ( nor allowes them ) to be a terrour to good works . Sixtly , He urges it by a second Application of the benefit , and securing from feare of danger if men will obey . — Wilt not thou then be afraid of the power ? Doe well and thou shalt have praise , &c. ] Where againe he repeats the word Power ( as preventing an Objection , That Rulers might abuse their power . ) Noting , that he still meanes of the power rightly used , according to the nature of it ; whence will come praise to them that doe well , according to the Lawes . Ver. 4. Seventhly , By a Confirmation of the Application : From Gods end in authorizing Lawes and Magistrates , He is the Minister of God to thee for good . ] It is for thy benefit , that God hath deputed Magistrates ; where his authority is the fourth time mentioned , and thou art both against God and thy own good , if thou yeild not obedience Active , or at least Passive . Eightly , By a third Application of threatning against disobedience , either Negative , or especially Positive , which is resisting . He beares not the Sword in vaine , &c. ] Where is intimated , that he may punish even capitally some disobediences and resistance . And againe the fift time Gods authorizing him is asserted and applied , to this power of punishment . That he executes Gods wrath temporally ; God is angry with disobedience , and requires his Vicegerents to punish them , even by the Sword , if the offences merit it according to the Lawes , and so with other punishment . Ver. 4 , 5. Ninethly , By a reinforcement of the Precept , under the terme of Necessity of Conscience , which is but an Explication of the not resisting the Ordinance of God. Where also the Apostle prevents an Objection , as if he only had before advised them to obey or not resist , to save themselves from the Magistrates wrath ; For it is Gods wrath also upon the Conscience , and so the Conscience is bound , though you could find a way to escape temporall wrath . V. 6. Tenthly , It is urged by a Parallel of respect usually paid to Magistrates , Tributes , the due whereof is also urged , because Magistrates devote themselves to the publick good , and so must be maintained upon the publick stock , and if maintained , then much more obeyed and subjection yeilded to them . Ver. 7.11 . Finally by an universall requiring , to yeeld to all their dues , where he asserts , that he requires no other subjection , and so forbids no other resistance , then what the Law requires as due , or forbids as undue : because obedience Active or Passive was due by the Laws . This is in summe the Apostles scope and Argumentation . And now let us more particularly consider whither the clause , threatning resistance with damnation ( or ought else in the whole context ) doe fight against such resistance as the Doctor oppugnes ? or rather of the two may seeme to fight against him , and justifie such resistance if not otherwise vitiated . To which purpose let us proceed by these Considerations . First , That whatsoever resistance is here forbidden and threatned , relates to inferiour Magistrates as farre as their authority reaches according to laws , as well as supreame Magistrates . I may no more resist a Constable commanding me , or arresting me , or distraining my goods according to Law , then I may doe the King commanding me , &c. Yet the Doctor takes no notice of this at all . But as if it were , not only the higher power , in the singular number , but the Highest in the Superlative degree ; He restraines all to the King , which is a dangerous fallacy , not only in the present Question , but against all government . To which I adde , to refuse to be subject to the Parliament according to Lawes , and to resist is much more ( by this Scripture ) undeniably a resisting the ordinance of God , and brings damnation . And what then will he say to those that have done so too , and against the Parliament , and those sent by their authority unquestionable . 2. Secondly , That Prohibition of Resistance cannot be meant here , which is wholly contrary to the Apostles reasons following , which perswade to Subjection and not Resistance . Or that Assertion , or Interpretation , is not according to the Apostles scope , which is formally opposite to his Arguments afterward . But such is the Doctors Interpretation and Assertion , Ergo , His Assertion and Interpretation is , that Subjects may not resist a Prince , who is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties . The Apostles Reasons against Resisters are . 1. For Rulers are not a terrour to good workes , but to evill . Now is this a reason why I may not resist such a Tyrant ? Who can be more a terrour to good workes , and not to evill then he that is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ? Ergo of such a Resistance of a tyrant the Apostle speakes not . But of Resistance of that Ruler , who go's altogether according to Lawes and Liberties , which is justly punishable with Damnation without Gainsaying . 2. A second Reason or enforcement of the Apostles argument against Resistance is , Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power . Doe that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same . Now doth this argue a Tyrant is not to be resisted ? Is there no cause of feare of him ( while a man do's that which is good ) that is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ? Or shall a man have praise in doing good , of such a Tyrant . Therefore is not a Tyrant that power which may not be resisted . But he that stands to the Lawes , and Rules according to them , Damnation is just against those that resist him without question . 3. Thirdly , The Apostle proceeds , vers . 4. For he is the Minister of God to thee for good ( and so not to be resisted without resisting the Ordinance of God , and so incurring damnation ) But is this true of a Tyrant bent to subvert Religion , Laws , and Liberties ? Is he the Minister of God to thee for good ? Or the Minister of his owne lusts rather , for evill ? Resistance of such an one then , is not the Resistance the Apostle forbids , but of one who is the conservatour of Religion , for he , and he only is the Minister of God to thee for good , and worthy is he of Damnation that resists such an one . 4. The Apostle adds , If thou doe that which is evill feare , for he beareth not the Sword in vaine : For he is the Minister of God , a Revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evill . Is this man a Tyrant , bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties , or most directly opposite to Tyranny . A Tyrant secures those that do evil ( so they will joyn with him and serve him in his Tyranny ) from feare . And he beares the Sword , not only in vaine , in reference to any good end intended by Gods ordinance , but altogether contrary to it ; and is so farr from being the Minister of God , that he is ( as before ) a Minister of his owne lusts , to shelter those that doe evill , and to pursue with all wrath , and revenge him that doth good , and will not be a slave to his lawles designes and desires . Still then of such a Tyrant S. Paul argues , not that he may not be resisted : but him that he describes , which is a just Governour , and so upon no terms to be resisted . 5. Upon all this the Apostle resumes : Wherefore you must of necessity be subject , not only for wrath , but also for Conscience sake . What rules of conscience ( before laid , inferr'd now by the word , wherefore ) urge such an Asinine or stupid su●ject , as to be subject even passively , and not to resist one that is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties , when all that went before speake expresly of another power and Rulers of another temper ? A man then for feare of wrath , not being able to make good his Resistance , may yeeld such passive subjection , but sure conscience ( at least not in this place ) urges him not to it . 6. Yet the Apostle goes-on : For this cause also pay you Tribute , for they are Gods Ministers continually attending on this very thing . For what cause ? Because they may attempt to subvert Religion , Laws and Liberties ? Doe we pay Tribute for this cause , that they plunder and change Lawes , &c. Or that they may defend them ? Also upon what thing are they thus Gods Ministers to attend continually ? Is it to subvert Lawes , &c. Or to preserve them ? The Apostle then speakes not of a Tyrant , but a just ruling Prince , and pitty but he should be damn'd that resists him . 7. Finally , he concludes this matter with saying , Render to all their due . By what Law of God or man may a Tyrant subvert Religion , Laws and Liberties , or even be let alone in so doing . I am sure the Apostle hath not exprest any such thing hitherto . It is Ergo , but the Doctours mistake , though I confesse it hath beene many wise and good mens before him , that the Apostle forbids resisting such a Tyrant , which as I said above , all his Reasons go rather quite contrary unto , as describing the Power and Ruler that is to be subjected to , and not resisted , altogether crosse to Tyranny , and his Interpretation and Assertion is altogether crosse to the Apostles . Having set the understanding of the maine Text right , I come now to those examples that are alleadged to proove , That it is lawfull to resist in some cases . 1. The example of the peoples resisting Sauls illegall and tyrannicall attempt to have put Jonathan to death without cause . If this were lawfull in them in a particular mans case ( against whom also there was some seemig cause ) How much more to resist one that is bent to subvert Religion , Laws and Liberties , and so to take away the life of many at his own pleasure . To this is answered , not , that it was unlawfull in the people to make this resistance ( which yet if he deny not , he plainly yeelds his cause in his first Proposition , and Rom. 13.2 . forbids not all Resistance ) but only that the people drew not into Armes themselves , but being there at Sauls command did by a loving violence and importunity hinder the execution of a particular and passionate unlawfull command . To this I reply . 1. If it were lawfull now ; what hinders but they might have come together to prevent such a mischiefe as Jonathans unjust Death ? Sure Saul called them not together to resist himselfe in any thing . Neither did his calling them together to fight against the Philistines authorize them to fight against him , if it were not lawfull of it selfe . Our King call'd the Parliament together , yet he allowes not them to resist upon that pretence , though they are undeniably , not the great Councell only , but the great Court of Judicature in the Kingdome . This peece then of his Answer is nothing but words and pretence . 2. As for his loving violence and importunity wherewith he would blanch their Resistance . Grant they shewed a love to Saul , because Jonathan was Sauls sonne . But had Saul counted him his Enemy , ( as he did David afterward ) It would have sounded harsh violence , and out-ragious enough , and it was plainly a great deale beyond a loving violence . For Saul swore his death , and they swore his life , that not a haire of him should , &c. This was Resistance then with an Oath , as it were , to make Saul forsworne . After this Example then our people may sweare an Association , that not one of the Parliament shall be put to death ( unlesse prooved guilty according to Law ) notwithstanding any Proclamation of them to be Traitors , or condemning them to death illegally . 3. And thirdly , as it cannot be thought , but if Saul had further attempted by himselfe , or any of his followers to assault Jonathan , the people would have actively resisted him and them even with armes in Jonathans defence . The second Example is Davids resisting of Saul , sc . by gathering a band of 600. men , and offering to have kept Keilah against Saul , but that God told him the Keilites would have betrayed him . That he sin'd not in it appeares . 1. By his owne pleading his innocence even to God in his Prayers and Psalmes , as farr as concern'd the busines between him and Saul . 2. Himself after this pleades it to Saul , 1 Sam. 24 & 26. and cals God to witnes that he had not transgrest at all against him . 3. God himselfe discharged David from all notorious sinne , excepting the matter of Vrijah , 1 Kin. 1.5 . Now had not his Resistance been lawfull , it had been most notorious Rebellion and Treason . 4. Fourthly , even our Doctor condemns it not , and therfore , all resistance is not unlawfull , much lesse damnable , as he often thunders . But this Example sticks with him , and therfore he makes a four-fold answer . 1. Davids guard that he had about him was only to secure his person against the cut-throats of Saul , if sent to take away his life . Reply . But this could not have bin done without killing divers of them , if they had assaulted him , which had then bin no murther , but a just defence and execution of Justice . So farr himself grants lawfull . 2. But he sayes it was a meer defence without any violence offer'd to Saul . Therfore he still gave place as Saul pursued , and did no act of hostility to him , or any of his Army , when they were in his power , 1 Sam. 26. Reply . He was not strong enough to encounter Saul in the field , who had divers thousands ( 3000 mentioned 1 Sam. ●1 . ) against his 600. Wisdom bids him fly as long as he could , rather then fight . 2. Conscience forbids him to kill Saul : so I grant it doth any Subject , though having the King at any such advantage . But that he hurt none of his followers , 1 Sam. 26. was again an act of wisdome , and we need not goe to conscience for a reason of it . He had only one man with him , Abishai , and had he offered to kill any of the Army , how soone might this in all likelihood have wakened the rest , and so he had endangered his own life to little purpose . For he could not in probability have killed many , and what had that done to his cause and defence afterward . Yet also , I hold not that in cold blood , one or many that are upon the defensive , may lawfully kill sleeping enemies , or such waking farther then appears , at least in some sort necessary , or much advantagious to the defence , and prejudiciall to the opposites . But if killing , as many as David could have kill'd that night , himselfe and Abishai would have given hopes of ending Sauls pursuit of him , and have made peace ; I doubt not , but he would and might have done it , as well as keep Keilah against him . But this intent of Davids is denied ; For , 3. The Doctor saith , It is only an uncertaine supposition , not fit to ground conscience in this great point of resistance . Repl : The Text declares it as certainly as may be , unlesse it had said so in undeniable termes . For , 1. David contents not himselfe to aske God whether Saul would come down , but what the Keilites would doe . To what end that , but that he meant to stay , if they would stand to him . 2. When God answers him only about Sauls comming , he askes the second time , which shewes clearly his mind ran upon staying there . 3. When God told him they would betray him , the Text then saith , he and his men went whether they could goe , which shewes they were now disappointed of their purposes and hopes of staying there , and must now shift for themselves where they could . When none of this will elude this example of Davids resistance , the Dr. adds a fourth Answer which will strike it dead . 4. To this and all other demeanours of David in his standing out against Saul . We say his example was extraordinary ; for he was designed and annointed by the Lord to succeed Saul : therfore he might use an extraordinary way for safe-guarding his person . Repl : But in these few words there seeme to be many errours and inconvenient expressions . Doth he not ▪ imitate those that to illude Davids reason , why he durst not kill Saul , Say Saul was extraordinarily annointed and designed King by God , and so upon him violent hands might not be laid , but this holds not for other Kings elective or successive by humane Laws . I do not for my part thinke their shift sufficient , but beleeve it utterly unlawfull , even because this is asserted by David ( in reference to the office of Saul , as I believe ) being written for our learning , to teach us how to carry our selvs towards all soveraign Princes . But I say if he wil elude Davids act of resistance , he encourages them including his forbearance . Let him consider it . 2. Is not what he speaks of a successour dangerous to his own Position ? for if Davids right of succession authorized him at all to resist , may not a successor plead the like authority , if in danger , which yet he will not grant , unles he mean to overthrow his own assertion . 3. It seemes to me a strange way of answering Scripture examples ( unles upon stronger necessity then any thing the Doctor hath alleadged , as will appeare by the scanning of all his Arguments and Texts against resistance ) that such a thing was extraordinary , when no such thing can be gathered out of the Text. I know many men have this faculty of interpreting , who yet will not suffer it against their owne assertions ; but with me ( except in undoubted failings or duties ) The ancient Rule holds good , Praxi● sanctorum est interpres Praeceptorum . David did thus against Sauls violence , therfore this is not contrary to ▪ but an Interpretation of the honour due by the 5 t. Commandement . 4. It is so farr from being good which the Doctor saith , that contrarily Davids Unction , ought rather to have strengthned his faith ; not to have used a way of defence ; which in another had been ( by the Doctors saying ) rebellious and damnable . What a disparagement is this to Faith , and even to Gods Honour , that his annointed shall be safeguarded for so long together only by a way , which in all others is abominable ? Credat Judaeus non ego . Davids Faith then and Gods Honour in his preservation , proves the meanes both lawfull and ordinary . And if so , then much more is it lawfull for many persons , and most of all for a State-Representative in this manner to defend themselves and resist . A third Example alleadged by the Doctor , is the Priests resisting the Kings attempt upon their office and Gods worship , 2 Chron. 26. And after thrusting him out of the Temple , when God had smitten him with Leprosie for it . I for my part put no great weight on the former . But their thrusting him out of the Temple is somewhat towards a hinderance even by force , of a Prince if he persist to violate Gods undoubted ordinances , as it had been to have staid in the Temple being leprous , added to the sinne of his going in at all , and presumption to offer Incense . But such a case is hardly supposable among us . Only I adde , that I wonder the Doctor offers to say ; God by smiting him with Leprosie , discharged him of his Kingdome . The Story implyes no such thing , but only that he dwelt in a severall house , and Jotham his sonne judged the people of the Land. The Law allowed not any to come neare to such or touch them , and what they touched , without being uncleane , therfore he could not sit in publike Judicature , but his sonne did it for him , yet for all that he remained King till his death , and probably did give out divers Orders , which might be done by means of those that must needs minister to him . But if the Doctor say right , may not an untoward Inference be made , that if a King should attempt to violate Gods ordinance and worship in any thing , and God should visibly strike him with some loathsome Judgement , this should discharge him of his Kingdome , which is more then ever the Parliament said , or so much as thought , as they call God to witnesse . A fourth Example is Elisha's shutting the doore against the Kings Messenger that came to take away his head . This example the Doctor saith speakes little . Reply . But as little as it speakes it forces him to speake that , which if he will stand to , I doe not much doubt , but I shall make any unpartiall man ( perhaps even the Doctor himselfe ) to say his cause is lost in reference to his first Proposition . Heare his own words , Let us thence take occasion to say , that personall defence is lawfull against the sudden and illegall attempts of such , even of the King himselfe , thus farre to ward his blows , to hold his hands , and the like . I Reply 1. Then is not all resistance unlawfull and damnable , if against suddain , he may much more against deliberate intended illegall violence . And his distinction of personall defence , &c. will not satisfie conscience by his owne words in the beginning of this Section . If Ro. 13.2 . be to be interpreted his way , because every distinction and limit of any place in Scripture must have it's ground in Scripture . What ground hath this in Scripture in his way , either here or elswhere , specially when he will not allow the Parliament to beleeve any intention to take away any of their heads , notwithstanding all words and preparations against them without the spirit of Elisha . But heare him further , " Not to endanger his Person this , nor return blows ; this is not lawfull he saith . Reply . I am not willing to oppose him in these Assertions , though the case may be so hard , as a man must loose his life , if he will meerly defend himselfe , and in no sort offend . But specially a woman must loose her chastity ( in which case , and principally the latter ) let the Doctor answer what is to be done , and whether no blows may be returned . But that the Princes person may not be willingly assaulted , the speech of David forenoted is that which concludes me , and not at all the D●●argument . He saith the whole common-wealth is concern'd in his person , and that a particular nature will yeeld to the universall . Rep. But he argues fallaciously , the whole is concern'd somewhat in the Princes person , but not so as that it perishes , if he die or be kil'd . Which is often , and no harme , no visible chang , but that he is missing . Wheras the yeelding of a particular nature to the universal , is to keep that from dissolution & perishing , as the Naturalists say , & no otherwise . But that which follows is yet better . Thus he objects for us against himself [ if this be drawn from personall Defence to the publike resistance now used , as they usually make the Argument thus : If the body naturall , then the body politicke may defend it selfe : If a private person , much more the whole State may , and they do but shut up the way against the King , that comes to destroy his Parliament , and take away their heads ] then he answers two things . 1. As the naturall body defends it self against an outward force ; but strives not by a schisme or contention within it self . So may the body politick against an outward power , but not ( as now ) by one part of it set against the head , and another part of the same body , for that tends to the dissolution of the Whole . Rep : But by his leave he abuses the similitude between a naturall and a politick body ; and perverts the state both of the Question and the example in hand , and withall runs into more absurdities then one in his own way , as I shall now shew him . 1. The naturall body can do nothing but by the guidance of the head , that is of the soul residing in the head , and imploying the sences and faculties placed in the head to that purpose . But a body politicke , is a company of reasonable men , whose actions may be divided from their politick head , and yet be rationall and regular , and when the particular politicke head is distracted , or while an Infant , it can and doth order it self within him , and so it doth and must doe , when the politick head is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties , because the subversion of these , ( and not the opposition or resisting of those that would subvert them ) would be the dissolution of the whole . But so would not be the very death of the politicke head , ( though , as I said before , it is unlawfull to attempt it ) Whereas the death of the naturall head , is certainly the dissolution of the whole naturall body . 2. As the naturall body may defend it selfe against outward force , so against the malignity of any disease , or paine in any member of the body , even resient in the very head , and so the hand may pull out a tooth , even for the painfullnesse of it , though seated in the head , and perhaps one eye for some disease , thereby to save the other ; and lance and cut the flesh , and even cut-off a limme , legg and arme , to stopp a Gangrene ; yet is this no making of a schisme , or unnaturall contention within it selfe . 3. He hath granted it to single persons ; but denies it to the whole body , or a considerable part together . Reply : Then belike if six or twenty or a hundred single persons be assaulted illegally , by a like number of single persons ( suppose in their severall houses in the same Towne ) they may shut the doores and defend themselves , and even any of them hold the very Kings hand and ward his blowes . But if they happen to be all in a body together in the market place , and be assaulted by such a number , or a quarter so many , they must not offer to resist , but let them cut all their throates , because forsooth in the body politicke , one part must not be set against the head , and another part of the Whole . 4. He grants the body politicke may defend it self against an outward force , but not ( as now ) one part , &c. Reply : Then belike if the King imploy Danes or Irish against the Parliament and Kingdome , they may resist them ( and is not the case so now , at least in part ) but not if he imploy only English-Cavaleers . Surely the mighty wits of the Earle of Strafford , who was condemned mainly for counselling to bring in nine thousand Irish to reduce this Kingdome , wanted our Doctor to have advised him to forbeare that designe , and only Arme English , and then the peoples hands and consciences should have been tyed from resisting by the Doctors and his fellow-Chaplaines Divinity , and must have yeelded Religion , Lawes and Liberties , and neckes too , for feare of dissolving the whole politick body , by defence . 5. When the state of the Question by himselfe set , is , when a Prince is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes , and Liberties . What dissolution of the Whole can bee feared by defence and resistance against such intentions , worse then that or so bad ? While therefore he talkes of such defence , tending to the dissolution of the Whole , he perverts the Question , or else forgets , that the subverting of Religion , Laws , and Liberties , cannot be accounted lesse then a dissolution of the whole politicke body . 6. I say therefore by an Argument à f●rti●ri ( retorting his words upon himself ) If a private person may defend himselfe a gainst illegall Assaults of the Kings Messenger ( or even of himselfe , as before ) then much more the representative Body of a State , and even any considerable part of the Body ( with them , or ) even without them , to save Religion , Lawes and Liberties against an intent to subvert them . And if against outward forraigne Force , then much more against homebred , unnaturall Members , who exceed ( rather then come short of ) any outward Force in rage and c●uel●y , tending to the subversion of the Whole , and all such unnaturall and gangren'd members are justly and necessarily cut-off for the safety of the whole , though their cutting o● cannot be without a maime and lamenesse , at least for the present . I say for the present , for new members will grow up in the politicke body in time , though never in the body naturall . 2. He hath yet another Answer for us in these words , [ Personall Defence may be without all offence , doth not strike at the order and power that is over us , as generall resistance by Armes doth , which cannot be without many unjust violences , and doth immediately strike at that order which is the life of the Common-wealth . And this makes a large difference 'twixt Elisha's shutting the doore against this Messenger , and their shutting-up the way against the King by armed men . ] Repl : 1. If some personall defence may be without all offence , yet not all . And he at least seems to have yeelded all personall defence lawfull , so the Kings person may not be violated . 2. Whose fault it is originally , that generall resistance by Armes , cannot be without offence ? Are the Plunderers not in fault ; but the defenders must be counted guilty ? And whose hand is it that strikes immediately at the order , which is the life ( as he saith ) of the Common-wealth ? The defendants of Religion , Laws , and Liberties ? Or theirs who intend and attempt to subvert them all ? 3. How doth personall Defence , if offensive to the Messengers assaulting , strike lesse at the power over us , then generall or common defence doth ? Or rather neither doth , since the power over us ( as intended and ordained both by God and man ) is for the preserving and defending , not subverting Religion , Laws and Liberties ; and so defends the true power , strikes not at it . 4. If generall Defence cannot be without many unjust violences , no more is any warre at all , in a forraigne Country ( de facto . ) But as the impossibility to restrain these wholly , do's not make all warrs unlawfull , so much lesse doth it a necessary defence , in case of such danger to Religion , Laws and Liberties . 5. Whose fault is it , that these unjust violences cannot be avoided , the Assaylants or the defendants ? Let God ( and conscience ) be Judge . To Him we feare not to appeale ; and while the conscientious Defendants labour as much as morally they can to prevent and rectifie all such unjust violences , whether the danger of some acting them , who must be imployed in the defence ; altogether forbids the generall defence , to the utter subversion of Religion , Laws and Liberties . 6. And this indeed makes a large difference betwen Elisha's case and ours . He defended but one against a sudden passionate command . He pleades against malicious deliberate intents for defence of many , the generall , of all faithfull Prophets , Magistrates , Princes and all , with Laws and Liberties for all posterity . Let Heaven and Earth judge , who is the wrong-doer , and whether the defendants may not as Innocents call for justice , as well as David against Saul , 1 Sam. 24. & 26. ( vide locum . ) As for the Parliaments power to conclude of the Kings intentions without the Spirit ( Prophetick ) of Elisha ( I wonder we had not here also , that Elisha defended himself by an extraordinary way , being an extraordinary person , as well as David before ) that belongs to the third Proposition , handled in his third Section , thither I refer it . Only saying that since the printing of the Doctors book some bloud hath bin shed by the Kings Counsell of war at Reading in a pretended legality : So at Oxford some others have lately been condemned with pretence of Law , and what shall become of them , who knows whether they will put them to death , in terrorem to others ? Or reserve them for feare some of their party should be served with the same sawce ? Finally , whereas he saith , the King desires not any punishment should be inflicted on any that oppose him , then what a legall tryall shall adjudge them to , which no good Subject ought to decline . Reply . This were credible , if we were assured what is meant by a legall tryall , and that it did signifie , not a tryall by such Judges and Juries , as are apparantly partiall : or if we could forget that the six Members accused of High-Treason in January last , offered themselves to be tryed , and the Parliament offered to try them in Parliament , according to their Priviledges , being Members of their Houses , and from thence forth the Accusation was laid a sleepe ( till of late ) notwithstanding the reiterated importunities of both Houses of Parliament , who also in one of their Declarations or Petitions to the King , urged a Statutes , how such accusations ought to be managed and conclude to this effect , that by Law and Justice this ought not to be denyed . And thus I have vindicated the Examples of Scripture by the Doctor alleadged for us , and from thence , and from his owne words partly , the Question in hand between us , as farre as concernes the first Proposition . I am now to proceed to his owne allegations against us : In which he is so confident , as he promises , [ That Scripture excludes this and all other exceptions , giving no allowance to resistance , in regard of persons or causes , or other pretences ( how true this is , let what hath been said already be judge ) and this not only by Examples , but by Precepts , Conclusions , Resolutions , which are more safe . These we are now to examine . First , his Allegation of the 250 Princes , gathering the people against Moses and Aaron ; Himself satisfies , that there was no cause for it , Moses and Aaron did not deserve it . [ I add , they had done nothing , but what appeared to be the formall will of God , whose cloud and pillar was by day and night over their heads , and whose many miracles had continually ratified the authority of Moses and Aaron , Moses his very face by a continued miracle was sufficient to have dazeled them , if he had pul'd off his vaile . ] But to this he answers , The Princes supposed they did deserve it , and that is now enough it seemes , to make people , not only say to their Princes , Yee take too much upon you , but therefore to rise in Armes also . Which I hope will appeare to be without cause too in the end of this Treatise . Repl. 1. I have shewed there was not the least ground for them to suppose ill of Moses , but all contrary . 2. Because a false supposall allowes not a man to doe such or such a thing , shall this forbid that action , where the supposall is true and certaine ? By this all warre should be unlawfull , for upon a false supposall it is . Also all Justice should be injustice and unlawfull : for upon a false supposall it is so . We never said nor thought , That uncertain supposals suffice to arme against a Prince ; but at least such as rules of reason and prudence allow in all cases of importance . And whether there be now any such ; As he referrs , so doe I to the end of the Treatise . Secondly , he urges , 1 Sam. 8.11 . Namely , that God by Samuell tels Israel , that if they would needs have a King , he should take away their goods , and make their children servants , and then they should cry to God , because of their King , but he would not heare them , which implyes they should be left without all remedy against his oppression , but only crying to the Lord. To this divers Answers may and must be given . Answ . 1. Though this be further urged by some to authorize Kings to take their Subjects goods at their pleasure , yet lesse the Kings of Israel never tooke it so ; For Ahab and Jezabel were not so unskillfull in the right of Kings , that they would have had Naboth put to death by false witnesses for blasphemy , that so his vineyard might come to the King by confiscation ; if by a plaine Law of God at the founding of the Monarchy , he might have taken the vineyard at his will , as the Text 1 Sam. 8.13 . mentions his taking of vineyards even to give to his servants , and much more for his own use . But Ahab and Jezabel both , though they wanted neither wit nor stomack to advance that Prerogative , were it seemes novices in both to our Moderne Advocates for Monarchy ; or rather it is certain Samuell tells them what their King would do , and not what he should do by right . His words are Prophesies not Laws . 2. Neither are the latter words of their crying to God , and his not hearing them , in forme of a Law and Prohibition ( or at the most but a Prohibition of attempting or thinking to have the government altered againe from Kings to Judges ) but a prediction by way of punishment , what should befall them for their sinfully impetucus affecting and asking a King , that they should feele him oppressing them , and that God would never remove the burden , as long as that King ( whom they should first have ) should live , Nor yet alter the government againe from Kings to Judges , though they should be never so weary of the one or other ; and pray never so much to him for either or both . And indeed the event verifies this interpretation , in both respects . For Saul proved tyrant enough ; and particularly in taking their sons from them , as it is threatned , 1 Sam. 8.11 , 12. &c. so recorded Cap. 14.51 . But specially his tyranny was most prodigious in the Massacre of the Priests fore-mentioned : And so did many of his successours ; after they had a King once , they never were under any other government altogether . For though they had no Kings of their owne from the Babylonish Captivity , till the Maccabees time , yet were they under strange Kings ( which was worse ) the Babylonians and Persians ( of which after their returne from captivity , see their heavy complaint , Neh. 9. ) and after them the Grecians and the Kings of Syria and Aegypt , and then a while the Maccabees race possest the Kingdome till the Romans subdued them , and set up Harod and his race under the Emperour , who was indeed their King from thence forth ( the high Priest cals Caesar their King , Joh. 19.15 . and so doth the Prophet . Zach. 11.6 . ) till Vespasian and Titus destroyed their Common-wealth . 3. This Prediction then of such punishment to them by their Kings oppressing of them , cannot be a Law or punishment intended to other Nations being under a King , who have not provoked God in seeking a King as Israel had ▪ God threatned and imposed on the Jews and other Nations in Nebuchadnezzars time their putting their necke under his yoake , though he was not their hereditary Prince , but an invading enemy . From whence no man will gather ( I hope ) that any Nation are bound to yeeld to a forraigne Enemy invading them . Also God threatned that the Jewes should be carried captives into other Countries , and there they should serve other gods , wood and stone , &c. where he would not shew them any favour ; I am sure no man will argue from hence , that this is a law for other captives to submit to ( or was any excuse to them , much lesse a law ) but a meere punishment to them , and warning ●o other , least in them also sin be punished with sin , which is the forest punishment of all . 4. This place then being such a prediction of punishment doth not prove so much , as that to them it was unlawfull to defend their very goods against their Kings tyranny , but that ( at the most ) it should be vaine to them ; because if God would not heare their cry , their defence would be to little purpose , and what they might save at one time would begotten from them at another , when their King should list to attempt it . 5. After all , this Text ( let the utmost be made of it that can be ) reaches not to the first and maine Proposition of defending life . Or the second of chastity : but still the defence of those remaine lawfull and warrantable , though also so doth the defence of goods ( as may appeare by what hath bin said ) whereas the King is not an absolute Monarch . The absolutenesse whereof is indeed ( as hath bin fore-noted ) in power over goods , but not at all over the chastity of any , nor so much as over their lives , further then they offend known Laws . Thirdly , He says , we have not only example , but resolution and conclusion out of Scripture , That the people might not be gathered together , either for civill Assemblies , or for warr , but by his command that had the power of the Trumpet , that is the supreame , as Moses was , Num. 10. Rep. The Text puts in no such restraint , no restraint at all , but only that the Trumpet should blow for such and such occasions , and where it did blow , they should assemble . I grant , while the supreame ( and those under him ) do their duties , there may be no Assemblies , but by their Authority , Laws and commands ; but when they neglect it , and will not discharge their trust ; much more when they abuse it , to destroy those , by and for whom they are trusted ; This Text hath neither word nor intimation , forbidding the people to assemble , even for warr . Himselfe granted not long since , That the body politicke might defend it selfe against an outward force . Suppose a Fleet of Spaniards , or Danes or Irish , invaded our Coast : The Prince and all his Officers , are ignorant or neglectfull , or even consenting . Shall the people not assemble for defence , because the Prince blows not the Trumpet ? Or a band of high-way-robbers set upon a village , and the Constable and Officers are secretly confederate with them : May not the village without their officers , and the neighbour villages also run together , as to quench a common fire ? We use to say , Necessity hath no Law , or knows no Law. The meaning is good , That ordinary laws for setled times , give way to present pressing necessities , not only before men , but God too , who in saying , I will have mercy and not Sacrifice ; directs to prefer necessities of mercy and safety , before all ordinary Formalities , either of Religion , or of civill Justice . How els might a private man kill one that assaults him ? And if one may defend himself , I say again ( as before ) much more many ; and to that end Assemble even for war , and make Trumpets of their own , when they that have the ordinary Trumpets , will not use them at all , or against the common good . And Num. 10. hath not the least shadow to the contrary . Also without the Trumpet may not the Church assemble ? Fourthly , For Davids carriage towards Saul and his Army , 1 Sam. 26. it is partly answered before . But he urges , That though it be said , they intend not hurt to the Kings Person , yet might they not as well have hurt his person in the day of battell , as any of them that were swept away from about him by the fury of the Ordnance , which put no difference 'twixt King and common Souldiers . Rep. Indeed this is the hardest case can be put against defence by Arms. But supposing ( as hath bin partly proved already , and will be more , the further we proceed ) that against his messengers and instruments , arms may be taken , & battles fought to prevent the subversion of Religion , Laws and Liberties , upon which they are bent : I only ask 2 or 3 Questions . 1. By what rule of conscience or God , is a State bound to sacrifice Religion , Laws and Liberties ( the conservation of which is the end of all governments , and so of all Princes Authorities ) rather then endure that the Princes life should come into any possibilities of hazard , by defending them against those , that in his name are bent to subvert them . 2. If he will needs thrust himself upon the hazard , when he needs not , whose fault is that ? Is it theirs that desire not to have him hurt in the least , and resolve not to hurt him wittingly or willingly , but meerly to defend themselves upon necessity ; and offend others that are his seducers , or instruments , or both ? And to this purpose , let it be remembred that I have proved , that David would have kept Keilah against Saul , and then if Saul would have bin obstinate to assault it in his own person ; how could David have helped it , if an arrow or a stone from the wall had hit him and killed him ? And then withall , whether there be not somewhat this way , in that of David ; Either the Lord shall smite him , or his day shall come that he must die , or he shall goe into the battle and perish . If he might fight with Sauls Army , as in Keilah he would , and Saul would goe downe into the battell , his bloud would have bin upon his own head . As if a King disguised should offer any private violence , a watchman that would not ( or even might not ) hurt him being knowne , were without blame , if he knock't him down , or even killed him , as he might in like case a disorderly private person . Now in battell , to many or most ( and especially to the Gunners that give fire to great Ordnance ) he is altogether disguised , and so they are blamelesse , in reference to his personall hurt . The fault is wholly his owne and those wicked Councellors that have thrust him upon the fury of the battell . 3. For also , why should not all that truly wish well to the King , of all other times keep him out of the battell , when it is against Rebels ? I am sure Davids men would not let him hazard himself , 2 Sam. 18. ( though he offred it ) and said he was worth 10000 of them . They then that put him upon such desperate dangers , against supposed Rebels shew they love their owne rapine ( for which they fight , and to subvert Religion , Laws and Liberties ) above his person and life . And then let God be Judge who stretcheth out the hand against him unlawfully ? They , or others ? Fifthly , He observes two things more concerning the point of resistance . 1. That all the seeming instances for it , are out of the old Testament . Rep. 1. Why should he insinuate this to be insufficient ? Is not the old Testament Gods word , and a direction for our lives , as well as the new ? Was not , Honour thy Father and Mother ( under which himselfe comprises obedience to Princes ) a law of the old Testament ? And if it were lawfull ( as the instances have bin justified against all that he hath said ) to resist then ; how comes it to be unlawfull now ? Did Christ come to make Tyrants secure from resistance , who were not before . 2. I would intreat him , if he be at leasure to rejoyne to this reply , to tell us the intent of Christ in the new Testament ; bidding his Disciples , rather sell their garments , then want a Sword. I am perswaded for my part , that he thereby directs them to a just and necessary defence , against any out-ragious attempts of violence illegall . Though he afterwards blames Peter for using the Sword without warrant . The new Testament then hath somewhat also toward Resistance . But 2. He saith , It is a marvellous thing , That among so many Prophets reprehending the Kings of Israel and Judah for their Idolatry , cruelty and oppression , none should call upon the Elders of the people , for this duty of resistance . Rep. To this marvell , there may be a ready satisfaction , if we remember , That even in the reigne of the best Kings , not only the peoples hearts were usually unprepared , and in their greatest seemings hypocriticall and treacherous , as appeares by the Story and the Prophets . But also the Princes , Elders and Nobles were exceedingly corrupt . In Joash his time , as soone as Jehojada was dead , the Princes came and corrupted the King ; and in the beginning of Esay's Prophesie in Vzziah's time ( who was among the better Kings ) he calls them Princes of Sodom , and so even in Hezekiah's time , how doth Micah complaine of them . ( Ch , 3. & Jer. 26. ) and Jeremy in Josiahs time after the Reformation begun . Now if they were so bad in good times , who can marvell , if they were starke nought , where the King was rought , and helpers forward of his Idolatries , cruelties and oppressions . And why should it then be expected , that the Prophets should call upon them to resist , the King being on their side , and they on his . Sixthly , At last the Doctor comes to his maine strength of all , namely , Roman . 13.2 . In the improvement of which Text to his purpose , he layes downe four Positions , and then makes a five-fold Objection , and shapes Answers to them ; all which must come under examination . 1. He sayes [ St. Peter St. Paul here , though it be by some now put to the Question , as one absurdity commonly begets another to defend it . ] Rep. But by his leave hee runnes away too fast with his supposition in a double respect . 1. That St. Paul here , Rom. 13.2 . speakes only of resisting the supreame power , the King , or Emperour or Monarch , whereas the word in this second verse is indefinite , the power 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which extends to all in authority in either ranke or degree , as well as the supreame , as was noted before . If he ( or any for him ) say that the power , v. 2. must signifie no more then the higher power , v. 1. which he interprets only of the supreame . Repl. Here againe I must tell him , he abuses his Readers ( carelesly at least , I will not say wittingly , let his conscience looke to that ) for he alwayes reades higher power in the singular , whereas it is Powers in the plurall , and the next words , There is no Power but of God , the Powers that be are ordained of God , shews the Apostle speakes of all sorts and rankes of Powers . Therefore he must take in the other , Powers , as well as the supreame in both verses , and that will be nothing for his benefit , as will appeare by this briefe reason . If the Powers that are under the Supreame may not be resisted by this , Rom. 13.2 . Then either the resistance forbidden extends not to resisting ( though with Armes ) out-ragious and tyrannicall assaults of illegall violence offered by those officers , as suppose a Major , Justice , or even a Constable , or else even one of those officers , even a petty Constable is as absolutely over those that are under his office as any Monarch , and they slaves to his lusts , as well as to an Emperours , because the one ought not to tyrannize ( by the Doctors Confession § 1. ) no more then the other , and the one ought not to be resisted no more then the other by this argument and Text. Now which part of distinction will the Doctor chuse , if the former , he deserts his cause plainly . If the latter , then besides the apparant absurdity of it ; I urge , that all men will grant , That a Constable and such like officers ( betweene the people and the supreame ) are lyable to be themselves punished by Lawes , if they offer any out-ragious and illegall violence , which cannot possibly be , unlesse they may be resisted even with Armes in case any arme themselves to practise violence , Also else a few of them , as the Major or Aldermen of a Towne , joyning together , might goe through all the City and robbe , and kill as many as they would by force of Armes , and no man might offer to resist them by taking Armes against them . It remaines therefore that all Magistrates ( except the supreame to begin with ) may be resisted even with Armes , if offering violence and tyranny ; And yet St. Paul forbids to resist the Powers without distinction of supreame or other . Therefore St. Paul m●anes not to forbid resisting Tyranny with Armes : But resisting legall and lawfull commands , even other wayes , as well as with Armes , though this be the worst kind of resistance , where obedience is due . But secondly , It must not be granted him ( for all his bigg words of Absurdity , imputed to those that deny it ) That the King of England is in all considerations the supreame ( or the highest Power ( if St. Pauls words were in the superlative . ) This belongs to Politicks , and the Doctors Divinity will not reach it , himselfe cannot deny it , That the King is not supreame in the legislative power . Though hee have a negative voyce in Lawes , so have either of the Houses distinct . Hee can then neither make new Lawes alone , nor abrogate old ones : Nor violate ( without injustice ) the goods , much lesse the lives or chastities of any of his meanest Subjects , and least of all authorize any of his followers by his warrant or presence to doe so . His Supremacy then is bounded by Lawes , and is given him ( be it more or lesse ) ad salutem non ad destructionem . Which yet were not , if no Tyranny of his might be resisted . But of that more anon . But the Doctor will prove the King supreame 3 wayes . 1. St. Peters distinction comprehends all that are in authority . The King as supreame , and those that are sent by him : In which latter ranke are the two Houses of Parliament , being sent by him , or sent for by him , and by his Writ sitting there . Repl. 1. Why did the Doctor leave out the word Governours ? Is he afraid to grant the Houses of Parliament any power of Government ? 2. What if sent by him , referrs not to the King , but to the Lord , for whose sake , all both King and Governours are to be obeyed , and by whom both are sent ? ( but of this also more anon . ) 3. But grant him his way , I aske how it shall appeare , that the name of King extends as farre every where as S. Peters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Spartans had two Kings , and yet neither of them so supreame , but under the controll of the Ephori , There are also Monarches as supreame as any that have the Title of King. The Great Duke of Florence , The Great Duke of Muscovy , and others . Also the Romans in S. Peters time cal'd not their Emperours King Rex , Which yet is the ordinary Latine of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In a word , he only is supreame , whom the Law cals supreame , and no further then the Law makes him . 2. He saith also , by the Oath of Supremacy it is acknowledged , That there is no power above him without or within this Realm , and that he is in all causes and over all persons supreame . Repl. But some Lawyers will tell him , That the Oath of Supremacy is either only against forraigne powers ( and namely the Pope ) having to doe here ; or against all particular persons having authority above the King within the Realme . But that with all Law-books intimate a superiority , in curia Comitum Baronum , &c. which is the two Houses of Parliament . And secondly , That he is supreame not to judge all persons and causes at his pleasure , but as assisted according to Lawes with his Counsell and Judges , and specially his great Councell , and chiefe Judicature ( during their sitting ) the two Houses of Parliament . His Supremacy then , still appeares limited by , and according to Law. 3 But hee adds , This is also acknowledgedged by the Petition of the two Houses addressed unto his Majesty , wherein they stile themselves , his Loyall Subjects . Repl. True and right ; but still this is to be understood , to be Subject according to Lawes , and for the good of King and Kingdome , neither of which is promoted or preserved by a restraint of a defensive Resistance of tyranny , which restraint , the Doctor so contends for . Adde here , what must elsewhere be further urged , That the King himselfe in his answer to the 19 Propositions , acknowledges that the two Houses have legall power , more then sufficient to prevent or restraine Tyranny . Which I would faine have any man shew me , how it can bee done , but by taking up Armes , and then I will yeeld him the cause , That all Armes taken up are unlawfull . But till then the King hath granted the cause , legall and just against the Doctors first maine Proposition , and all his Arguments . His next ground is , That in the Text of the Apostle , all persons under the higher Power are expressely forbidden to resist , for Whosoever , in the second verse , must be as large , as every soule in the first verse , and the resistance forbidden here concrnes all upon whom the subjection is injoyned there , or else we could not make these universals good against the Papists , exempting the Pope and Clergy from subjection . Repl. 1. He still runnes on in his errour to limit the higher power to the supreame . But secondly , I grant him that all other powers under the supreame are forbidden to resist in the Apostles sence . A Constable , Justice , Major , Sheriffe , Judge of Assize , nor the very Houses of Parliament may not resist the authority of the King commanding according to Lawes . But yet it remaines to be prooved , that they may not resist his violence , when he is bent to subvert Lawes and Liberties , and Religion and all : Or the violence of his followers , even though doing it by his warrant or in his presence . Also , because he doth so much insist upon the phrase of higher power , let me put him a case . A wicked Robber that hath committed twenty most bloudy murthers one after another , in cold bloud is led away after legall condemnation by the Sheriffe to be put to death : Suppose a King would come with armed souldiers , and offer to take him violently and by force out of the hand of Justice . Who resists damnably now that power which is the Ordinance of God , and to whom the Sword is committed ? The Sheriffe and his men that resist the violence , or the Kings followers ( or even himselfe ) that resist the due Execution of Justice ? Let him study on it and give an Answer at his leisure . 3. He proceeds , In those dayes there was a standing and continuall great Senate , which not long before had the supreme power in the Roman State , and might challenge more by the fundamentals of that State , then our great Councell ( I thinke ) will or can . But now the Emperour being supreame , as S. Peter cals him , or the higher power , as S. Paul here , there is no power of resistance left to any that are under him by the Apostle . Thus for the persons that should resist , all are forbidden . Now consider the cause . Rep. 1. Doubtlesse Saint Paul wrote not to the Roman Senate , nor Saint Peter neither . And if the Doctor will proove it unlawfull for them to resist , he must proove it from the Law of nature , or at least from some ancient Law of the old Testament , given to the Ancestours of the Roman Senate . Or else shew how this could concerne them , who never heard any thing of it . For any thing then ●e saith , it was lawfull for the Roman Senate and the Heathen Subjects to resist , though not for Christians . 2. If he or any for him shall say that it suffices for his cause that it was forbidden to Christians and accordingly is now . Rep. 2. If you reply that supposing it not forbidden to Heathens ; No more was it to Christians , before S. Paul ( and S. Peter ) wrote . And if so , then belike ( as was formerly toucht ) the Apostles laid a yoake upon the necks of Christians , worse then all the Jewish ceremonies , which the Gentiles were ever freed from : For whereas before the Romans might resist their tyrannous Emperours , now by becoming Christians their hands must be tyed to have all their throats cut , ( even though the whole Senate were Christians ) at one Neroes pleasure . He that wisht that all Rome had but one neck that he might strike it off at a blow , had done wisely to have endeavoured to have made them all Christians , and then he and his Guard with him , or his Army might by this Doctrine have struck off all their heads , or runne them all through one after another as fast as they could deale blowes , and so he should have his will in their destruction , though there must have beene a little more paines taken about it . Surely Christ who came to purchase liberty to his people never meant to enslave them to tyrants above all others of Man-kind . The Doctor must goe prove resistance unlawfull from some other grounds of natures law or the ancient lawes of Scripture , or else this Text of S. Paul will appeare to have another interpretation , even that which hath beene given before in the explication of the Text , and inference from it . Thirdly , I will not therefore trouble my selfe to compare the Authority of the Roman Senate with our Parliament , much lesse argue for that power which they had lost about a 100 Yeares before S. Paul writ ; It suffices he hath not disproved at all their present power of resisting tyranny , when S. Paul wrote , and that by the same argument I have disproved , that S. Paul forbids Christians to take any such power to themselves . 4. But he adds [ was there ever more cause of resistance then in those dayes ? Were not the Kings then not only conceived to be enclined so and so , but even actually were enemies to Religion , had overthrown Laws and liberties ? ] Rep. If it had been before demonstratively proved that resisting the power ( or higher power ) did properly signifie , taking Armes against the Supreame , when he plays the tyrant : This fourth step were a just illustration , and confirmation of it . But now he only beggs the Question ( whether deceitfully or being himselfe deceived by his own strength of fancy against resistance ) and builds without a foundation . For will it prove that S. Paul forbids resisting by Armes a tyrant ; Because Nero was then a tyrant . Unlesse there were nothing else that could be cold resisting the higher power , but resisting by Armes ? He that should have wilfully and obstinately refused the just Laws of the Roman State , had resisted the higher powers in S. Pauls meaning ( as the whole context , and all interpreters shew ) What is this then to inferre a prohibition of resisting tyranny by Armes ? It inferres indeed , or includes principally resistance of lawfull commands by Armes . But how comes tyranny in ? because forsooth Nero was a tyrant . Rep. But his authority according to the Laws of which alone the Apostle speakes was not tyrannous . The Argument therefore is wholy inconsequent , and fallacious from legall commands to tyrannous violence . And that the Apostles context proves abundantly , notwithstanding his pretended answers of Objections . But heare him . 1. Therefore , If any should from the Apostles reasons that he gives against resistance in the 3 , 4 , and 5 , verses , For Rulers are not a terrour to good works , but to evill , and he is the Minister of God to thee for good . REPLY . That Rulers so long as they are not a terror to the good , but minister for our good are not to be resisted . The consideration of those times leaves no place for such exception , because the powers then which the Apostle forbids to resist , were nothing so , but subverters of that which was good , just &c. REPLY . This still labours of the fallacie , that Rulers and Powers signifie the personall commands of the supreame ; onely once here ere he is aware he names powers in the plurall , which the Apostle forbids to resist . But I say as often , It onely signifies the legall commands of Authority , whether supreame or subordinate . Secondly , though Nero was a Tyrant , yet were not all his Magistrates and Officers so ; nor hee himselfe in all matters ( perhaps not at all when S. Paul writ this he had his Quinquiennius , and it may possibly fall within the Quare ) unto those which were legall , which were the greater part that concern'd Christians , It was forbidden to make resistance , and the Dr. hath said no word to prove yet , that the prohibition extends further . 2. Hee makes a Second Objection that some say , that prohibition was temporay and fit for those times . To which he makes 2 Answers . 1. That this is a new exc●ption never heard of I thinke but these times . REPLY . I have not in my Reading observ'd any to make such an exception , and doe readily yeeld to him that so to put of the Apostles prohibition is a sencelesse , and presumptuous shift . But I must encounter his second Answer . Which is ▪ That the Reasons of the Prohibition ( in his sense of resisting Tyranny by armes ) are perpetuall , verse 3.4 5.6 . REPLY . I have formerly shewed the contrary , and that all the reasons fight against his sence . But he will prove it . From that order that good , for which the powers are ordained of God , which will be of force as long as there is Government , and will be alwayes , reasons against resistance , because resistance ( though it be made against abused powers ( as then they were ) doth tend to the dissolution of that Order , for which the power it selfe is set up by God ; by which also the other distinction of theirs is made void when as they reply they think acutely , That they resist not the power , but the abuse of the power . REPL It is granted by him that the state of the Quest . is , when a Prince is bent to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties . I would then faine know what order or good will then be in force , when these are subverted ? And whether this Tyrant that attempts to subvert these , intends not to dissolve that Order , for which his power and himselfe were set up of God ? And how then the Apostles reasons can possibly reach to forbid resistance to such attempts or practises ; I will instance in foure Commandements of the second Table which the Roman Lawes in those times were conservators of as much as any Nations in the world ( except Gods people of Israel ) the 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Com Suppose Nero gathers together a Company of dissolute young men ▪ and with this guard or band enters into severall houses , encourages those children that were willing to be so wicked ▪ to abuse Father and mother : from thence they goe to the Market-place , and kill any they meet , and have quarrell with ; then they catch mens Wives and ravish them before their Husbands faces ▪ and after that rob the rich mens houses at their pleasure : I demand now , what greater ( or equall ) dissolution of that Order , for which the power is set up of God can be imagined ? Or how the not resisting such a Tyrant can with common sense be inferred from those sentences , Rulers are not a terror to good workes , but to evill , and he is the minister of God to thee for good ? What is this , but to call good evill , and evill good ? Which the woe against which our Doctor would scarre men from resisting tyrranny in his title Page : resistance of such an one then is so farre from dissolving of order , as there is no meanes under heaven to keep order from being dissolved in such case , but resistance . Secondly , whereby it will appeare also how void his confidence is , that by his former words he hath made void the distinction betweene the power and the abuse of the power himselfe hath granted ( and cannot in conscience deny ) that though the Prince is to be actively obeyed when he commands lawfull things ; yet not when hee commands against the Lawes of GOD , or even the establisht Lawes of the Land : hee then distinguishes acutely hee thinks , betweene the power and the abuse of the power . Why is it not as lawfull for us in the second verse so to distinguish upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as for him in the first verse upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? Or if it be not , he must give us a better reason then he hath yet . And till then I againe make bold to tell him that all the Apostles Argument , v. 3 , 4 ▪ 5 , 6 , 7. justifies our distinction , and refuse his interpretation . Another Objection he makes against hmselfe , is , That some say the Emperours then were absolute Monarks and therfore not to be resisted ; he answers . They did indeed rule absolutely and arbitrarily , which should have according to the principles of those dayes beene a stronger motive to resist . But how did they make themselves of Subjects such absolute Monarks , was it not by force and change of Government ? And was not the right of the Senate and people good against them with as much , or more reason , then the right of the people of this Land is against the succession of this Crowne , descending by three Conquests ? REPL. 1. This Objection is needlesse , and so shall be none of mine . Also it is a nicety to averre , and very hard to prove that the Emperours were ( or any other Princes are ) absolute Monarks , under whom there is a government by written Lawes , as among the Romans were the 12. Tables , and many other Lawes . But I adde , that no Prince can be an absolute Monarch to have power over mens lives at his pleasure ( or over the chastity of any at all ) He can have no power but according to the Ordinance of God. Now it is certaine God never ordaines any such Arbitrary , or iniurious power . Therfore no Monarch hath any such de jure . As for that , any hath de facto , as he speakes of the Emperours ruling absolutely or arbitrarily . If they did so ( as they oft did ) for evill , I have formerly shewed , and he hath not refelled it , that they might have been resisted 2. What he speakes of their becomeing Monarchs touches not our case at all . For however he insinuates , Who ever hath soberly written for defence and resistance against Tyrranny doth not plead any right in the people of this Land against the succession of this Crown : But though the King and his rightfull succcessions ought still to hold the Crown ; This forbids not a necessary defence against their unjust violences when ever they shall use them . 3. Yet withall I add , that though so long as there was any in the Roman State who had not by Oath or the like exprest their consent to the usurpation of the Roman Emperours , they were free to have thrust them out againe , or rather bound to have done it , and restore the Senate to their lost authority : yet when any have with the generality yeelded to the change of an Aristocracy ( wherein no man hath personall right of succession ) into a Monarchy ; they ▪ and specially the posterity of those that have so yeelded , are from thenceforth for ever bound to that government , according to just and equall Lawes already in being or to be made hereafter , even by the Monarke alone , if they have trusted him with it alone ; But never can they lose their right ( no , not by their owne consent ) of just defence of Chastities , or of their lives , untill they forfeit them by their misbehaviour against some just Lawes or other . 4. As therefore the Doctor disclaimes the pleading for an arbitrary power ) ( such as Conquerours use ) in this crowne , so if he can plead no better against resisting our Kings then he hath in the case of the Roman Emperours he will merit but small reward for his paines . But for that , viderit ipse . 5. I come to his last objection , That Christian Religion was then enacted against by Law ; but the Religion contended , is establisht by Law. Hee answers two things . First , Is the Religion establisht denyed to any that now fight for it ? &c. REPL. This with the rest belongs to matter of fact in the third Proposition , and seventh Proposition . Thither , I referre it that I may not say over needlesly the same things , or say but a little here or that which hee will needs make necessary to say a great deale more then I desire . Secondly , the prohibition ( saith hee ) not only concernes Christians , but all the people under those Emperors ; and not only Religion was persecuted , but liberties also lost the people and Senate were enslaved by edicts ▪ and Lawes , then inforced upon them and they ( according to the principles of these dayes ) might resist notwithstanding the Apostles prohibition , and the Laws then forced upon them , or else the State , as they usually say had not means to provide for its safety . Thus one fancy of theirs thwarts another because both are groundlesse REPL. 1. Whe●her the Christian Religion being condemned by law then , did deny them resistance in its selfe , I shall perhaps give him account in another place . Meane time he cannot deny but the difference is very great betweene a Right to defend that which the Law defends , and that which the Law punishes . Secondly , I have proved that the prohibition of resisting Tyranny by armes , did not concerne the Heathen Romanes ( and therefore not the Christians neither . ) Thirdly , what ever liberties were lost , and new Lawes enforced , yet so long and so farre as the Emperours ruled by the Lawes , the people and Senate were in no such slavery , that they needed resist to save the State. But when they used lawlesse violences according to their lusts , neither the Lawes nor the Apostle prohibited a defensive resistance . So that although Christians might not defend their Religion against Law , yet he hath brought nothing to shew , they may not defend it , when the Law hath establisht it . But of the meanes of safety in state , he will speake more anon , and so will I. And now I shall oppose his conclusion wi●h a little change of his words . Hitherto of Scripture , which how strong so ever it seems against resisting tyranny by Armes , yet saith nothing at all to prohibit it , rather the Reasons forbidding resistance of just power legally administred , favour this resistance of Tyranny as hath bin shewed . By which conscience will clearely see , that according to the examples of David , and Elisha , and the rest that have been justified ; it hath cleare warrant for such resistance of Tyranny , notwithstanding all the Dr. hath alleadged to the contrary . Now let us see what Reason can enforce . SECT . III. I Have been so large in refuting his strength from Scripture , that I need not spend a like proportion upon the rest ; and so shall I forbear such a Syllabicall REPLY , as I have made to his former SECTION . I shall here only touch Materiall Passages , the rather , becouse of other paines upon the following SECTIONS . Our Dr. examines the Fundamentalls of this Government as hee saith , though hee after urge that the Fundamentalls talked of are asserted common to all Governments , which is true of that which this ●ECTION maintaines , Power being Originally from the people at the first . Upon this hee descants , and meddles not with any particular fundamentalls of our State ( which indeed is a more proper businesse for Lawyers and Statists then Divines ) except the peoples right is now in the two Houses of Parliament , the representative bodie of the People . I will therefore keep only to what he saith , and not meddle much with our State in Speciall . For if the power of R●sistance belong to all States , in time of need , by the common Fundamentalls of all States it will be reason enough to prove it so in ours . And whereas he saith ( that the Fundamentalls must have a correspondencie with the established Lawes , ) I grant it in a right Sense , that is , that the Lawes must flow from those Principles , which are transcendents to all particular Lawes , but not if hee meane that they must be ever limited by particular Lawes . In Nature the safetie of the Universe is the Fundamentall of the Harmony of the Elements , and the power and inclination of each Creature towards its preservation . Y●t this Fundamentall is not limited by the particular inclinations of Creatures , which as himselfe told us above , give way to the safetie of the Vniverse . To apply this in a word , the safetie of the whole is the undoubted genera● Fundamentall of all States ; and so of the particular Lawes toward this , and among them of the Kings being intrusted with the Militia . But it is not limited by this particula● L●w : which in case of necessitie , when the Prince cannot , or will not discharge ●is T●ust for the safety of the whole , must in Reason needs give way to the Fundamentall , the safetie of the Whole ; and so ( quo ad hoc for so much and so long , till this necessi●y ceases ) falls into other hand , those that are next entrusted : or rather then faile to the whole communitie it selfe . But to c●me to the fundamentall by him instanced in , power originally in and from the People , and this to be reassumed , when the King intrusted will not discharge his Trust . Concerning which let it be rememb●ed , that there seemes to lie a ca●umniating Fallacy in two of these ph●ases . First in tha● of not discharging the Trust , which here sounds , as if it might be but some ordinary Omissi●n of C●re ; whereas the State of the Q●est● by himselfe layde , is such a not discharging the Trust , as proceeds from his being bent ( of hims●lfe ) or seduced ( by others , which is all one for the danger , and so necessity of using what power may be for resistance ) to subvert Religion , Lawes , and Liberties . In this case only , Power of resistance is here pleaded for , not in others . And indeed the very phrase , of Power of Resistance observed , can beare no other Construction . For it Imports a violence offered , a danger presented , which needs to be resisted , not a sleight or ordinary failing to discharge a Trust . But his phrase of re-assuming the power , seemes more to sound a taking away all Power henceforth from the Prince ; which the Parliament ( nor those that have rationally pleaded their Cause ) never mention , but with Protestation to detest the thought . And I for my part , wholy disclaime the pleading for any such reassuming of Power by the People or Parliament . I onely maintaine a Right to use so much of it and so long , as is of necessitie of the safety of the whole . Of which now let us argue , whe●her this Government of ours , cannot ( as rhe Doctor sayes ) be built upon this fundamentall , but confusion and Anarchy be raised ? He makes his discourse upon two particulars , as it must be , first of the Originall of power . Secondly , of the Power of reassuming it . In the first I will not tye my selfe to the phrases of the Observatour , or any else ; but examine the Dr● . Assertion and proofes , by what Scripture and religious Reason declares aboue it . To cleare which I will propound a briefe Schema of the maine things considerarable in Government , which in the prosecution of the discourse , I shall make use of more then once . I say that , in Government foure things are considerable . 1. The Nature , Authority of Commanding to doe ●orbeare by making Lawes , calling for obedience to them . Constraint to obedience by punishment , Verball . Reall . 2. The end Chief GODS Glory , Good of the Whole Society . Secondary , speciall Comfort of the Governours , 3. The Efficient . Supreame , GOD. Subordinate Man. 1. By Nature , Parents 2. By Accident in which is considerable . 1. The moving Cause , the will or consent of the Parties be Governed which is either Altogether free , and by Ch●ise partly , forced , by Occasion o● Violence . 2. The persons Governing . 1. In a Family , Husband , Mr. Mrs. 2. In a State , one Monarch Many in Aristocracy of Chiefe Men. Democracy of people . Soveraignty , Subordinately , Officers 4. The Extent Absolute , Limited , For Commands , Constraints , the Kind Degree He that hath not all these in his Eye , ( I meane not in this Forme or Phrase , but in sense , shal never discern cleerly , nor discourse rationally of this subiect of government , our Dr. though he once occasionally mention the Peoples good , as an End upon which Rulers ought to attend , Yet he speakes so little o● it , as it had need be a little more rememembred then it is , and Gods glorie also which is the chiefest End of all . But indeede the thought and mention of those Ends much , would be too crosse to his purpose : and therefore hee is wise in his Generation ( as I may say , if without offence ) to forbeare it . Therefore on the other side . I must make bold to tell him , that though the physicall end of things may be silenced or sleighted in a Discourse or Definition , Ye● in mo●all things ( such as Governm●n● ) the End , at least the chief End , is a necessary ingredient of both , D●finition and discourse , and an Essentiall part of it ; if a man will consider it , as he ought practically . Let me therefore adde i● to his Definition o● Description of Power or Government , and then it will r●● t●●s . It is a sufficiency of authority for Command and Coerci●n in the Governing of a People , for Gods glory , and the good of the Society . And all the lawfull Power hath this Effect in part , even H●athen , Authority redou●●s to Gods Glory as the conservatour o● Mankind ; and effects also , the Civill good of the Common-wealth . Now the Dr. saith , this power it selfe ( not naming the end ) is to be distinguisht from the designing of the person to beare that Power , and the qualification of that power ; this I grant him , and accepting his grant of the two latter being from men , and after their consent , ratified by Gods permissive Approbation : I defi●● a little to examine , how farre that may be granted him which he earnestly contends for , that the Power it selfe is from God ; and what may be inferred from thence for him or us . His meaning is , that All Men are ( as he saith ) bound to set up and live under Government . This being the Ordi●ance and Appointment of God unto men as they are Reasonable Creatures . If he meane this of Parentall Government , That is set up to their hands , by God in Nature , as long as the Parents and Children live together ; and bind the Children to live with their Parents and under them , till either necessity drive them away , or their Parents dismisse them . But ●f he meane this , of Politicall Government , of a People , of many Families , as it is p●a●●e he doth ( and must if he will speake ad rem ) then I cannot absolutely grant it him , neither will his text or Reasons prove it . My Reasons of Denyall are first , that all Mankind , whose Parents are dead , and were not by them while they lived , Subjected to a Government are naturally free ; & so not bound to part with that free some ( as even a Monarch doth part with much freedome when he takes the Rule ) unl●sse they see a necessitie , or at least a great advantage , for Gods Honour , and their owne and others Good : which is not alwayes to be found in setting up a politick Government . 2. Wherein I am confirmed , by the consideration of the three great Patriarkes , Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , who while they lived in Canaan , were not within any government , but onely Domesticall , and neither did rule , nor were ruled by the Inhabitants of Canaan , nor joyned with them in a Common gouernment . Though Abrahams Family was very numerous for a Family , yet it would be hard to call him a Monarch , much lesse Isaac ; and Iacob lesse , who when he went downe into Aegypt , doth not seeme to have had any Servants , but onely Sonnes , and his and their Wives and Children . 3. And to this may be added , that by all Authors , it seemes to be late , before any setled government , ( beyond parentall ; ) any of diverse Families in continuation , came to be in the World. 4. When the World was more emptie as in Abrahams time , a godly man , as he , having a Competent Family , might subsist without others , joyning in a government with him ; and he could not doe them any remarkable good , or gayne glory to GOD by it , they being Pagans . So that it is not ( I say ) absolutely true , that men are bound universally , as by an Ordinance from GOD , to set up , live under government in the Drs. sense . Marriage is GODS Institution and Ordinance , and more originally then the Government politicall , and necessary for encrease , yet are not all of mankinde bound to marry , but for their owne good and comfort , and so of others , and advancing Gods Glory in both . So it is with Power , or Government . Politicall , though new when the world is peopled ; As there is lesse Necessity of Marriage , then when the World was thinner , ( though still a Necessity to many , even to most . ) So is there more Necessitie of being within Government to secure ones selfe and others from wrong , and doe one selfe and others good and glorifie GOD in all . And so farre I grant it Gods ordinance to all . But one thing more I must remember him , and the readers of . Namely that this Power , will not be proved absolutely to extend , to the making of any Humane Lawes , but onely to see to the Observation of the Lawes of Nature , and of God by His word and speciall Revelation both of the first , and second Table ; and to no other power of coercion , then what the Light of Nature will Argue Necessarie , for the Observation of those Lawes of Nature . And that all further power , belongs to the third particular , which he calls the qualification of the Power , & depends upon mans Consent ( so it be not against Gods Law and Word , ) which I call the extent of the Power . Which if it be true , it shall be seene anon , what Consequence may bee drawne from it to the disadvantage of the Doctours purpose . And now let us view the Doctors proofs , that Power it selfe is an Ordinance of God , binding all Mankind , to set up and live under government . Rom. 13.1 . The Powers are of God , and the Ordinance of God , v. 2. REPL. The Doctor seemes to have an excellent faculty , to take so much only of a Text , as seemes to serve his turne , and leave out the rest , which at least might seeme to be against him : the words v. 1. are , There is no Powers but of GOD , The powers that be , are ordained of God. This may be true , when Powers are , and not that there must be powers every where , as in the similitude before , there is no Marriage but of GOD , the Marriages that be are ordained of GOD. As for Saint Peters Ordinance of Man , or it is in the Originall , Humane Creation , which is more Emphaticall , granting as the Dr. doth , that the qualification , and Person is from Mans Creation , I will not urge more from ●he Text against him . 2. He urges ver . 4 He is the Minister of God , this yet proves not a necessitie in all of setting up Government . But onely when it is set up to acknowledge the Governour Gods Vice-gerent . So ( as before ) the Husband is GODS Vicegerent : Yet a Woman not absolutely bound to be under a Husband . The truth is , Government and Power is from GOD originally in these respects , no further . First he hath laid a generall charge upon Mankinde , to advance his Glory , their owne and others good ( whom thus are bound to love as themselves ) by all meanes not by him forbidden . Secondly , in the parentall Authours , ( or proparentall , if the Parents dye in their Childrens Infancy ) he hath shewed them how much Government may conduce to this . Thirdly he declares by instinct in Nature , that as Parentall Authority is deputed by him , so that he affords a deputation to other Governments when once set up . Fourthly , shewing all men ( now a dayes and long since ) in fully inhabited places of the world , not only a profit , but even a necessity of being within Government ( at least for his glory , in the Civill good of societies ) Upon these grounds we may say he ordaines and commands all to be within one Government or other ; but not absolutely , nor without relation to this end . But thirdly , he alleadges . By me Kings reigne , and I have said ye are Gods , and the word of God came to them , Joh. 10. That word , saith he , is the issuing out of the Commission for the setting up a Government over and among the People . REPL. But none of all this will amount to his Conclusion ; 1. Kings reigne by God , that is they are his Deputies . Men could not give them any Authority over themselves unlesse God owned it and by his instinct had prompted them to it . Secondly , he saith , Yee are Gods ; but this an owning the designation of the Person , as well as the Power . This place either proves more then the Doctor urges it for , or lesse . Thirdly , as for his Dixi , the Doctor mistakes most of all For it relates plainly to his owning the Persons , ( whom yet he tels . They shall are like Men : but the Power dies not ) and is rather a granting a particular Patent or Commission to the Person chosen or succeeding , then a Commission ( or Originall Writ ) to set up a Government . His Reason is no more Universally True , then his Texts pertinent . God ( he saith ) Governs all Creatures , Reasonable , as well as Unreasonable ; the lower world by the Heaven , and the Reasonable Creatures Men , by others too set up in his stead , &c. Repl. But what if the Edge of this Reason be Turned against himselfe ? For by whom according to the Dr. are Kings and Monarks Govern'd ? In an Aristocracy , each of the Governors is Governed by all the rest of his fellowes , and so in a Democracy , but in a Monarchy , one Governs all , and hee himself is Governed by none . Either then al mankind are not bound to be under Government ( and then all his Texts and this Reason are alleadged in vain ) or else Kings and Monarks are also under some Government , at least of the Representative Body of thei people ( according to what was before alledged from our Lawyers , Rex non habet Superiorem praeter Legem & Curiam Comitum & Baro●um , &c. ) Let him take his choice . Nor can hee evade this with saying the Text Speaks of Monarks , and they are called GODS , and so none above them But 1. I appeale to all Interpreters , whether the Psalmist intend it not ( and so Christ after him ) of all sorts of Judges , and so Exod. 22.28 . Thou shalt not Curse the GODS , nor speake evill of the Ruler of the People . Yet this S. Paul acknowledges extended even to the High Priest the Ecclesiasticall Goververnour . 2. Is not the Text at least meant , of all the Governours in a Democracy , and in Aristocracy , that they are call'd GODS , yet each hath the rest above him 3. However still his Reason is voyde , for all Reasonable Creatures are not governed by others in GODS stead ; for by his saying , Monarks are not ; and yet they oft times need to be governed so far as not to be suffered to undo all by their Governing or else this Question had never bin in the world , which our hearts bleed to be forced to dispute , concerning the power of resisting Monarks . If now the Dr. will say that we afford GOD a poore part in setting up of power for the governing of Men , he had need seek better proofe or else he will hardly perswade any more to a considerate Reader . But perhaps hee will say I have yeelded him enough , ( and more then others have done ) that will be seene by the use he can make of his assertion . But in the meane time , I have 2 or 3 Considerations to propound , from his Texts and Reason , and my own grants and assertions . 1. Each one of his Texts speaks of more then the Supreame Powers , Rom. 13.9 . Plainly Plurall , more then once , and takes in all Ranks , as hath been proved . Saint Peter names Governours to be submitted to for the LORDS sake , aswell as the Supreame and I should thinke , Sent by him , is by the LORD rather then by the Supreme , as I shall shew by the Reason by and by ; and St. Paul hath said the powers that he ( even the Governors ) are ordained of GOD. And Prov. 8. after the words , By me Kings Raigne , follows , And Princes Decree justice , By me Princes Rule , and Nobles even all the Iudges of the Earth . This is plaine , aswell for other Governors as Supreme , being the Ordinance of God. And as for Psal . 82. and Ioh. 10. I have spoken before . I wonder then that the Dr. in a Treatise of Conscience , and having that word so often in his Discourse makes no conscience of confining these places ( as in effect he doth continually ) meerely to Supreme power ; It was for his turne indeed , as will appeare more anon But that will hardly satisfie a Conscience , let him think on it . But I must not forget his reason now serving me once more against him . God governes all men by others in his stead ; now that is done by subordinate Governours , as well as supreame ( and so the inferiour and unreasonable creatures by divers subordinations ) and the subordinate doe sometimes , even ten more then then the supreame , let him be never so good ; if they be bad . the government and order will be disturbed and perverted , in a large Dominion , because his eye and hand can not be but in one place at once , and all may be and will be naught , if those under Governours be naught , whiles he his absent . But if they be good , they keepe things for the generall tolerably well , how bad soever he is . For his badnesse then , ( as his goodnesse before ) will not reach to all places , and scarcely ( though badnesse in a corrupted world will reach further then goodnesse ) much further then where hee is present . Kingdomes then are governed under God , by other Powers as well as by the preame ▪ and they no lesse sent by him then the supreame ; I shall make an inference or two from this afterward . Secondly ▪ meane time I add my second consideration . That in all the forementioned Texts the spirit of God with the mention of Governours authorized and ordained by him , inculcates their duty to him , and their obligation to Justice , &c. and that not onely when hee speakes to them , Psal . 82. and of them at large , Prov. 8. But even when he speakes to inferiours to be subject to them , and especially when he forbids resistance , Rom. 13. And for this cause they are all to be prayd for , 1. Tim. 2 , 2. That we may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honesty . Which words , if they may not be taken , as intending why God hath set any in Authority ; yet the thing is undoubtedly true , hee never by way of ordinance gave any Authority for any other End. Those Governours then whether supreame or other , that under pretence of their Authority from Gods Ordinance , disturb the quiet and peaceable life ▪ which the inferiours should lead in all godlinesse and honesty ( as to bee sure they doe , that are bent or seduced to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ) are farre from being Gods Ordinance in so doing ; and therfore however their power it selfe , a sufficiency of Authority for command and coercion in governing the People , be from God ; yet their Tyranny is not at all from him ▪ by way of Ordinance or Approbation , and so they that resist it even with Armes ; Resist not the Ordinance of God , but resist the violation of his Ordinance , and so doe nothing unlawfull , though it be a resisting of the supreame person . Thirdly , let it be remembred that St. Peter in the place fore-mentioned , speaking of Governours , suppose if meant as the Doctor would ▪ sent by the supreame , adds ( for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well . ) If then the supream send Governours to erect or practise a Tyranny ( to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ( whether under the name of Iustices of Oye● and Terminer , Sheriffes , Commissioners of Array , or the like ) which is to the Punishment rather of those that doe well , and the praise of Evill doers ; St. Peter saith not a word , to bid be subject to them , either actively , or so much as passively . Nor any where else in Scripture , I dare be bold to say it , doth the Spirit of God bid be subject to Princes or politick Governours , though tyrannous , or perverters of Religion , and Justice . I meane not when it speaks of them as such . And till then though they have power from God , which is not to be rejected ; yet their Tyranny being not from him , but against him , may , and the Doctor hath not been able ( nor will never be ) to prove to the contrary . SECT . IV. IN this Section the Doctor undertakes to treat of the Forfeiture of the Power ▪ and so of the Re-assuming of it by the Parliament or People , for the Kings not discharging his trust . And denies this Forfeiture , and this power of Reassuming that Power . But this ( he saith ) they that plead for it offer to prove by two or three things laid together . First , that the power is derived from the People by way of Election . Secondly , that there is a Covenant betweene the King and the People . Thirdly , that it is necessary for a State have a meanes within it selfe to preserve it selfe . Against all those the Dr. argues and I follow him . Onely remembring him that by Forfeiture is not understood Forfeiture of all Kingly Authority ; nor by Reassuming ( as I said before ) a taking of the whole power from him to themselves , but onely for the particular Case in hazard , and for the present necessity . And now to begin with what he first mentions the Derivation of power ; I must tell him that he forges what he before complained of in others ; that they confounded the power it selfe with the person and the Qualification ▪ I am sure he doth so here , if ever man did . Hee before granted the Person and Qualification from men and then they approved of God ; and more then that , no man pleads to be derived nor more to be forfeited , plead not for so much , nor he Pa●liament neither . But only the Qualification for he particular Case of danger , and till that danger may be suffici●ntly secured . Yet here now at first , to oppose the Forfeiture ( but of this particular which is only in question now before us ) he denies the power to be from the People , and appeales to what he hath cleared , which is onely ( by his owne saying ▪ but not altogether as hath beene shewed ) that the Power it selfe is from God. But for all that , if no more can be said against the persons forfeiting his reigning Power , and specially in the Qualifications of it , even for ever , it may undoubtedly be forfeited and so re-assumed all of it : which is more then I say . Secondly , but he will prove , that though the People have this Power absolutely ( which himselfe hath more then once granted , of the Designation of the Person and Qualification ) yet could they not have right to take it away . REPL. The King will have no cause to thank him for his undertaking , as well because he doth it not with any great strength ; as also because hee hath hereby provoked men to dispute even this Case ; which no way needed , since the Parliament never pretended to this Right in generall , but rather disclaimed it . First , he saith ▪ [ Many things which are altogether in our disposing before we part with them , are not afterward in our power to recall . ] REPL. True ; but some things are , and that both , if conditions be not observed , and even at our owne pleasure . A King makes some Officers for terme of life ; others , quamdin se bene gesserint ; others , a●● ante bene placite . To the latter hee may send a Writ of Ease at his pleasure ; and every day it s in his power to recall their Authority . To the second their offices are sure without power of recalling till they are legally convicted of misbehaviour . To the third , as long as they live , their Authority is firme , and no power of recalling it wholly . Yet even such may bee hindred from some Administrations , by Accusations by and apparency of Crimes , making it unfit for them to be trusted in the particular . We imagine not the People to have power to recall that Regall Authority at their pleasure : we argue not that they have power to recall it wholly , upon any Case of Mal-administration . All that we plead for is power to administer a part of it upon necessity , which he will not administer for good , but rather for evill . And there are not many things that were altogether ours , and in our disposing before we part with them ▪ but are still so farre ours , as to use them againe in our necessity for that turne at least , though there are some . Secondly But he will prove this to be one of those that are not after in our power to recall [ especially , saith he , such ; in which there redounds to God an interest by the Donation , as in things devoted , though after they come to be abused . ] REPL. 1. Grant this true , in referrence to the Power of recalling them wholly , ( which yet is not universally true as will appeare straight ) yet may there be power enough to administer so much as is of necessity . A Wife is tyed to her Husband by the Covenant of God. ( so called Prov. 2. ) by the Ordinance of God , more ancient , and no lesse strong then that of Politick Government . She cannot recall wholly her Husbands Authority over her , though shee was once altogether at her disposing ▪ to choose or another or none to be her head . All the goods of the Family are his in Law , and not here but by his leave and order : Yet for her necessity , she may by the Law of God and conscience administer so much of the goods as is fit , and secure her Person from his violence by absence ( though that ordinarily be against the Law of Marriage , and the end of it , ) or any other meanes of nccessary defence . But secondly , it is not altogether true , that there is no power or recalling any thing devoted to God. Hezekiah took off the gold from the Doores of the Temple and the Pillars which he had overlaid , and all the silver in the house of the Lord , to pay the King of Assyria his demanded Ransome , 2. Kings 18.14 , 15 , 16. If the Doctor will not owne this Act of Hezekiah ; I am sure he will that of David , taking the hallowed Bread , which was not for any , by Gods Law to eate , but onely the Priests . This was devoted to God , ( and not so much as abused ) and by him assigned to a speciall use : yet from that diverted , and lawfully without question . And now I appeale to all Consciences , Whether the necessity of saving a Kingdome from the subversion of Religion , Lawes and Liberties , be not greater then Davids necessitie was ? And if [ I will have mercy and not sacrifice ] did justifie Davids act , will it not theirs , who in a necessity use or administer the power of the Militia or Armes , which ordinarily is only to be admieistred by the King ? Neither will Abimelech the Priests consenting to David alter the Case : for it was devoted to God , and but in necessity he might not have consented , nor David accepted . Necessity then recalled that particular Bread , through devoted . So necessity may recall this parcell of power in question . Thus the Doctors ground failes him for our Case ; yet 3. see what he adds , [ so although it were as they would have it that they give the power , and God approves ( himselfe oft hath said , and cannot deny , but they give the Person his power and if they take it from his person , yet they may leave it to his Heire but wee argue not for so much ) yet because the Lords hand and his oyle also is upon the Person elected to the Crowne , and then he is the Lords Annointed , and the Minister of God , those hands of the People which were used in lifting him up to the Crowne , may not againe be lift up against him , either to take the Crowne from his head , or the Sword out of his hand ; this true inform'd Conscience will not dare to doe . REPL. 1. Is not Gods hand upon a Judge ? Is not hee the Minister of God ? Is not a King bound to God and to his People to appoint Judges , who may lesse be spared in their Power , then the Monarch himselfe ( for what is his Power when an Infant ? Is not the Kingdome then administred Aristocratically ? But there must alwayes be Judges and inferiour officers in a large Dominion , or all government is lost . ) Will the Doctor say that the hands that have lift up the Judge or Officer to his seat ( that is the Kings hands ) may not bee lift up against him to pull him downe and pull off his Robes , or take the Sword out of his hand ? The interest that God hath in him , shall it preserve him in his Office , in case especially of Mal-Administration ? But shall it ( or hath it done ) even so long as no offence is proved against him ? The Parliament hath indeed desired it for Judges and great Officers ; but hath it been granted ? Or what meanes the putting out of so many old Justices of Peace lately , without any Crime alleadged against them at all ; of which more Countreys then one have at the Assises complained as a great grievance ? What will the Doctor say to this ? Yet they were Gods Ministers and had the Sword committed to them . If hee say the King was their Superiour , and so might take their Authoritie away , but the people is not Superiour to the King. REPLY . This satisfies not , because notwithstanding , here is a Person , in whom GOD hath an interest , and who is his Minister , deprived of his Authoritie : not only when he abuses it , but meerely at pleasure . The Drs. Reason then hath no strength in it thus faare , or this done to inferiour Magistrates is not lawfull . 2. But secondly , what strength is in his Argument , lies in the Kings being GODS anointed , and therefore the Crowne may not be taken from his Head by Men , this I have granted him before , and am so farre from recalling or disputing against , that I will adde this word of confirmation to it . Supposing wee speake of such a Prince or Monarch , ( call him King or Emperour , or Duke , or what you will ) that is not deposeable by the expresse Lawes of that Common-Wealth , as the Duke of Brabant was , and the Duke of Venice is , ( for such as those Dukes were not properly supreame , nor GODS immediate Vicegerents , as Saul , and David , and the like ) I say then , that though in case of Mal-Administration , an inferiour Magistrate may be Lawfull and most justly , and necessarily deposed by the Kings Authoritie ; I will not say the like so long as they carry themselves well , and are not meerely Annuall Officers , who also are glad usually when their yeare is out , because their Office is a burthen and charge ) yet a Supreame may not by the people , because hee is GODS immediate Vicegerent , and so specially owned by Him , and have none upon Earth , unto whom GOD by any expression in his Word , hath given Authoritie over them , to take their Crownes from their Heads . I say againe , as a Wife cannot take away her Husbands Authority , because she is in no sence above him . So unlesse the Law of that State , name a Superiour to him that is in Tittle , the Prince to take his Crowne from him , in such a case he cannot be deposed by the Law of GOD , which appoints no persons to do such a thing , to illustrate which , Let me adde that in those times , when GOD allowed by the Judiciall Law , a Man to put away his Wife , It did not allow a Woman to put away , or forsake her Husband , though I know about our Saviours Time Iosephus relates of Women having gotten that , among the Iewes , at least some of them , as hee instances in Salome sister to Herod the Great , who put away her Husband . But GOD allowed it not . And so that may bee lawfull for a Prince who is Superiour to doe to an Inferiour Magistrate , which is not lawfull for the people to doe to the Prince who is Supreme , no not in a like case of Mal-Administration . I could instance in sundry other Prerogatives , in GODS Word to Superiours , which hold not ( no not in like cases ) to Inferiours , but it needs not with the Parliament , as hath been oft said . 2. But whereas the Dr. addes [ Nor to take the Sword out of his hand ] This is inconsequent divers wayes . First , himselfe in the former SECTION , in the case of Elisha , granted a private man , might resist the Kings Messenger , and even hold the Kings owne hands , sure he may ( he doth that while equivalently ) take the Sword out of his hand . Secondly , the people tooke it out of Sauls hand when he would have put Ionathan illegally to death . Thirdly . If hee would kill himselfe , it may be taken out of his hand . 4. Since out of all question GOD never put it into his hands , to kill the Innocent , nor much lesse to subvert Religion Lawes , and Liberties , he being GODS anointed and GODS Minister for good , &c. hinders not the taking the Sword so long out of his hand , till it hath beene sufficiently imployed , to punish those Malefactors and delinquents which he should , but will not strike with it , or rather will defend and imploy , S. Yet I say further , to doe that which the Parliament hath done ( supposing the necessity , of which hereafter , ) is not to take the Sword out of his hand himselfe grants ( as was noted before in his Answer to the 19. Propositions ) that the two Houses have a legall power to punish , even such as doe violence being his followers or Favourites , though countenanced with some surr●ptiously gotten Command from the King : and moreover , that they have power more than sufficient to prevent and restraine Tyrannie . Their setling the M●litia in safe hands , and the Navy ▪ and securing Hull is by them declared to be for no other end , nor their raising an Army since . If then those that they would punish bee Delinquents , and if in them whom the King trusts there bee ( though not at all in the King ) an intention to bring in a Tyranny , even with Armes , and to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ( which is the state of the present Question ) then by the Kings owne grants , as aforesaid , they may Legally and Lawfully take the Sword into their hands ; and doe not take it out of Kings , but his wicked Followers . 6. But because the Dr. closes his Assertion , with , saying This will not a a true informed Conscience dare to doe . REPLY . I will be bold to try , whether Conscience many not say , It dares doe no other then than this latter ; ( so farre to take the Sword into their hands , ) whether even his Tower of Battery . Rom. 13.21 . not by what hath beene said formerly , and even now so wonne from him , as it is become ours to beat down his Principle in this first Question , to the very dust . Secondly , I say the Parliament is a Power ordained of God , it is the Minister of God , It is to be a Terrour to evill Workes , It is to be a Revenger to execute Wrath on them that doe evill , It is to watch continually ( as GODS Minister ) in th●s very thing , and so fo● the prayse of them that doe well ( and so the secu●i●g of Religion , Lawes , and Liberties ) it is not to beare the Sword in vaine . And a sword it hath , by the Kings owne sentence to the purposes aforesa●d And this Parliament ( what ever o●her migh● bee ) is not deposeable ( dissoluble ) but by themselves . The Sword cannot be Legally taken from them till they give it up . It remaines then that they are bound in Conscience to GOD , and to the People , and King too , that have entrusted them with this Power to use it to these ends , to punish Delinquents and tempters ( though under Colour of surreptiously gotten Commands from the King ) to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ; and to prevent Tyranny , and preserve themselves , and Religion , Lawes and Liberties . They may not onely Lawfully doe this , upon these Premises and suppositions , but they are by all Obligations to GOD and Man necessitated to doe so , and even to take away the wicked from before the King , that so his Throne may bee establisht in Righteousnesse . This is clearely the● the Parliaments not onely Power , but duty . I● they m●stake in the present case ( of which anon ) yet the generall case stands good , they may and ought to doe so , to take Armes when such a case comes . The Dr. hath somewhat more to say against the Peoples power , applicable to our Kingdome . Let us heare it also . [ How shall Conscience be satisfied , concerning the Peoples power , derived from their Election , when our Kings are such by Inheritance , and claime not by Election , and the Crowne hath been oft setled by Conquest . ] REPLY . Neither is Conquest any thing of it selfe to power , or Lawfull Authority , of which onely we argue ; but only as it obtaines consent by agreement , which is all one in Sence , and Effect with Election . Only Election sounds more Freedome of will , Conquest Imports a Force occasioning that will. But it is evident in Reason , that he that is free ( as all men are by Nature , ( as was said before ) except their bond to Parents ) becomes not subject , de jure , till his Consent , Agreement , or Election makes him so , and to no more then his Consent reaches , explicitely or implicitely : and so for many men , they can no other way be subject to one , to a Prince or Monarch , but by their Agreement , whether for feare of his Force , or hopes of his vertue , he is not their King or Lord , till he be made so by their Consent , I meane at first , and Originally . But what need I stand to prov● this largely , when our Dr. hath confest it ( in sence ) before , in saying the designing the person and Qualification of the Power is from Men , Mans invitation what is this ? put mans choyce Agreement , Consent together . And if there be 100. Conquests , the Conqueror hath not the qualification of his power one whit enlarged , by Right , untill the People have consented and yielded up their former Rights , and when they have , then his Right is setled accordingly , and to his s●ccessours , if so consented to , else not ; and to h●s ●e●res , if consented to , else not ; and to Heires male onely , as in France , or Fema●e also as in England according to the consent . Or if the Conquerour to obtaine the Peoples 〈…〉 his posterity , will offer to have le●t power then his Predecessour bed , ●e● upon such cons●●t , the q●alification of his power is lessened for ever after to h●m and his . Conquest th●n first or last , one or many , are no more to right o● power , then an occasion or Motive to consent ; consent Choise Agreement are all in all . Secondly , as for Inheritance , it is nothing but a succession of consent . Indeed posteritie are bound to the consent of their Parents for the Person , Family , qualification , but to no more . In all other Cases and respects they are as free , as their Parents at first were . A Prince then onely inherites , what was given the first of the Nation , or others since by consent of the people ; and by written Law or custome , he must claime any power he will exercise ; or else he cannot plead any right title to it . And his qualification of power admits of encrease or decrease , as he and the People agree and consent . His power is altogether derived by Election and consent , first and last whence I will inferre no more , but as before , that therefore in case of necessity , the people may use so much of it as may suffice to save themselves from Ruine ; and that may be inferred from it , by what went before . As for his Repetition of Rom. 13. and the Roman Emperours being Monarchs absolute , I need say nothing to now , I have said enough before . After this he comes to the Covenant , and Oath , which the Prince takes to confirm what he promised , which he denies to make the Kings Admitttance to the Kingdome altogether conditionall , as is the meerely Elective Kingdomes of Polonia , Swethland &c. and that it is nothing to allow resistance , unlesse in the Covenant could be shewed , that in case he will not discharge the trust , it shall be Lawfull for the States to resist , REPLY . The Oath is onely urged , to shew that the Kings Conscience is bound more firmely then what he is sworne to , and as a Testification of the C●venant : The matt●r sworne to , is the maine ; nor that urged for an absolute forfeiture , but for the case of necessitie . Secondly , in more Elective Kingdomes , the conditions of the Covenant are more largely perhaps and more solemnely explicite then in successive , and the Power is mor● Restrained then in some successive : yet consent b●ing the foundation of succession , as was said before , a King that enters upon the succession , doth by that ver●ually , before his Oath o● Coronation consent to the first Conditions or Covenant , those that have been made consequently , and in that sence his Admittance is altogether conditionall : not that the people may refuse him at their will , without new Conditions , but that he may not refuse the former Covenant , and Conditions by offering to take more power then those gave him ( or his Ancestors which is all one ) And if he doe , the people are not bound to obey those Commands ( the Dr , confesses before ) and I adde as before , they may resist his illegal Violences . 3. For now the case is all one , as if the choyce or agreement , Covenant , o● consent were originally made but yesterday . And then consider it . We are a multitude of Free-men , and whereas we might have agreed on an Aristocracy , We agreed on a King on such and such Covenants or Conditions , without mention that wee will resist if he break them . But simply promise Obedience on those Conditions , and he on those accepts the Crowne . But next day breakes all , and shewes hee is bent to subvert all Religion , Lawes , and Liberties . How now in Reason ( for of Scripture we spake enough before ) can it be supposed , that such a choyce or agreement , hath turned us into such Slaves , as we must onely suffer , and not at all resist , ( or rather is not all reason plaine , that I have given away no more of my naturall freedome ( which is to resist all violence and wrong ) then I meant and exprest to give away . I say then , that unlesse a Nation have covenanted not to resist in such and such cases , they have power to resist , because it is a naturall right each hath against all ( except Parents ) so farre is it from my being bound not to resist , unlesse I have expressly covenanted that I may . Though withall I doe not say , that I may covenant at all to resist in no case , as I shall have occasion to shew anon . Fourthly , in the meane time , if the Doctor grant that in case the agreement be , that if the Prince discharge not his trust , the states may take Armes and resist , as in effect he seemes to doe , when he saith , That were something , ( for if he doe no such agreement ; ) Then is not all Resistance damnable , nor Rom 13.2 . Rightly interpreted by him . For this and more the Brabancons had in their Agreement with their Duke , even to choose another , as the Doctor himselfe tells us afterward . So ever now and then he must contradict his maine Proposition by the force of truth . But he saith after , that [ The slender Plea● Election , is thought to have a Covenant in it , but usually the higher wee rise in all Empires the freer Kings were , and still downward the People gained on them . ] And by this he would imply that specially in successive Kingdomes ( as this ) what ever may be said of merely elective States , there can be no forfeiture of power by breach of Covenant made in after Ages by succeeding Princes . REPLY . In the first times , there was a great simplicity in all covenants , in sale of Lands , and letting of Lands , and the like ; yet no man ever sold , or gave away , or lent more then hee meant ; though the force and fraud of ill men , forced after Ages to more express Covenants . In like sort Ex malis moribus bon● Leges , ( as well between Prince and people , as between common men ) the tyranny of Princes forced People to require them to sundry necessary expresse Lawes ▪ Yet these Lawes now for Phrase or expression , will not in reason , be thought more then was intended in the first simple Covenant , how briefe soever it were ; for certainly free people , and in their right wits , never meant to enslave themselves to the wills and lusts of those they chose their Princes . But to be subject to them for their generall good ; which when they found by experience to be violated , or in danger to be so for want of expresse Lawes ( specifications of the Generall Law of Nature , the generall good of the society ) they were forced by necessity to require them to make such Lawes , for their generall safety , and particularly also to prevent inferiour officers from tyranny under the name of the superiour : and so to prevent all necessity of Armes within themselves . And some good Princes for their peoples comfort have even been forward of themselves to make such Lawes , which yet without our making , they were bound for the most part to have done accordingly for the welfare of their Dominions . The People then have gained nothing for the great part of Lawes for their Liberties , but ability to claime them as undoubted more then before ; nor have Princes lost any thing almost , but a power of impovershing & ruining their Subjects so much as before they seemed to have for the satisfying of their owne Prodigalities and Lusts . Still then it remaines that the People had a right to all fitting Liberties , even after they submitted to a King : unlesse they expressly gave them away ; as unto some C●nq●erours , the conquered Party were sometimes forced to doe . But yet ( N. B. ) even then the Conquerours followers , who were part of his subjects at that time , and by who●e hands he conquered the rest , ( whether more or fewer ) did consent and agree to the Peoples , and so their owne Posterities , having but such and such Liberties , and yeelding to the new Conquerour and his Posterity such and such Power and Authority . So still consent gave whatsoever a Prince could or can challenge . I say then once more unlesse in the first foundation of a State , Kingdome or Empire ( and this Kingdome particularly ) the People did make their King so absolute , as to give away all power of resistance from themselves in any case ; ( which the Doctor I beleeve will never be able to prove of this , or any other Civill State ) though they made no expresse conditions or Covenant , much lesse any mention of reserving a power of resistance ; yet the Law of Nature allowed them still some Liberties ; ( what they were we shall have occasion to scan in the next Section : ) and amongst them this for one , to resist any violence against themselves , in any thing that the Law of Nature did undoubtedly make them still Masters of , and was not subjected to their Princes power . But the Doctor concludes his reasoning against such power of resistance to be in our Parliament with that which indeed hath least shew of strength of any thing he hath said yet . Thus he writes , [ where the King as it is said , never dies , where he is King before Oath or Coronation , where hee is not admitted upon any such Capitulation as gives any power to the People , or the representative Body as is pretended to ; nay , where the Body cannot meet but by the will of the Prince , and is dissoluble at his pleasure , that therein such a State , such a Pow●r should be pretended to , and used against the Prince , as at this day , and that according to the Fundamentals of such a State , can never appeare reasonable to any indifferent judgement , much lesse satisfie Conscience in the resistance that is now made by such a pretended Power . ] REPL. This is the most plausible Plea he hath or any can bring , specially the latter part of it , about the calling and dissolving the Parliament at the Kings will and pleasure . But to this also as well as all the rest sufficient satisfaction I doubt not may be given before indifferent judgements and unpartiall Consciences , in the manner following . First , as the King never dies ; so he never growes , he never hath more authority ( unlesse by a new grant from the people ) then his first Predecessor had ; unlesse it can be proved , that the people then gave away their liberty of defence from outragious violence , which all are naturally invested with ; it is free for them now as well as it was the second day or houre after they chose or consented to their first King as was implyed before . Secondly , as he is King before Oath or Coronation . So he gives away none of his Rights in his Oath , nor doe the People when they crowne him . But he there professes himselfe bound by his Kingly Office to rule so and so , for the common good , and they yeeld no more to him , then they did to his first Predecessor , as before . Thirdly , as he is not admitted upon any such capitulation in expresse terms , as mention this power of resistance in the people , or representative body , in case of Tyranny . So nor doe the people at his admittance expresse a yeelding to him such absolute power , as they may not , or will not in any case resist , I say againe and againe , it can never be rationally conceived the people have given away such a naturall liberty , such a necessary power for their common safety : Unlesse it can be proved that they have done so . The proofe then before the Barre of indifferency of judgement , and unpartiall conscience will lie on the Doctors part not ours . Fourthly , But he saith , the representative Body cannot meet but by the will of the Prince , and is dissoluble at his pleasure . REPL. 2. It hath been so de facto multo , but whether it bee altogether so de jure , may justly be questioned upon these grounds . First , for their meeting , when the Prince is an Infant , or if a prisoner in enemies hands , and so cannot give out a legall Warrant for their meeting ; or if distracted , hath not the State power to meet in Parliament for their common safety , and the Princes too ? They have met in the infancy or minority of Kings , and made Lawes , as in Edw. the 6. time , and not by the meere power of the Protectour , for the Nobility after put him out ( his head was cut off afterward by a Law made while he was Protectour . ) It was then , ( and could be nothing else but ) the inherent power of State , to meet so , in cases of necessity . Yet I beleeve there is no written Law for this ; but the generall Maxim of Salus Populi suprema lex . And this will extend to the case of Tyranny , as fully as any of the former , if not more . Withall , did not the Lords in Richard the 2 nds . time , call a Parliament without the King , wherein they had their grievances redressed ; and this afterward was confirmed in the first of Hen. the 4 th . Secondly , then for their dissolving ; It hath indeed beene very much practised by our two last Kings . But our Histories ( so farre as I remember ) quare whether Hen. 3. did not dissolve some Parliaments in discontent ? mention not any such thing as a Parliament dissolved in displeasure , or against the desire of the Houses . But as they meet very frequently , oft-times every yeare , somtimes oftner ; ( so that in the space of a hundred yeares there are counted above a 100. Parliaments ) So they sate till they had ended the Princes and their owne businesses , which went much together ; and so it never came to a matter of examination or discontent , the delay of calling them to meet , or the too timely dissolution of Parliaments . Parliaments were not wont to bee so odious or dreadfull to Princes as within these forty yeares they have been . By whose default they have been so since , let the encrochments upon Magna Charta and the Subjects liberties direct any to judge . 2. But further , for both these . First , the Parliament averres that there are Lawes that there should be a Parliament every yeare , and so they have abated of their Right , rather then gained upon the King by the Act of the Trienniall Parliament . 2. And for the dissolution I have heard some wisemen affirme , that by Law it cannot be dissolved , while there are any Petitions of grievances , or such matters of importance , depending and unfinished . Whereunto may be added most justly , that in ordinary times Countrey Gentlemen and Noblemen , and in a manner the whole body of the Parliament , would be as sick of a long Parliament and continuall attendance as the King could wish , and would petition ( rather then be tyed so by the legge ) for a dissolution , or at least a Prorogation . And it 's well enough knowne , that even this Parliament after the Act of Continuation past , were as weary of sitting , as need to be desired , till the Rebellion in Ireland , seconded by the growing evills at home , put new spirits into them , and forced them to that diligence of attendance and unwearied labours ( so many as have taken the common good to heart ) as no Age or Story can parallel here , or in any other Kingdome or Nation . Thirdly , beyond all this I appeale againe to the Kings Answer to the 19. Prepositions formerly mention'd ; and aske whether if the King have absolute power to forbeare calling them , at his will ; and to dissolve them at his pleasure ; it be not a meere nothing that hee saith the House of Commons have power to impeach his owne Followers and Favorites , who have broken the Lawes , even by surreptitiously gotten commands from the King : and that the Lords have power to judge and punish , and are an excellent skreene between the King and the people , to assist each against any incroachings of the other , and by just Iudgements to preserve the Law , which ought to be the rule of every one of the three : and that the Power legally placed in both Houses is more then sufficient to prevent and restraine the power of Tyranny . What serves all this for , when his Favourites will keepe him from calling a Parliament , perhaps all his dayes , unlesse unlook'd for nece●sity force him to it ? We haoe ●eene our selves about 13. yeares without one ; and had there not beene conceived hopes that there would have beene Money given against the Scots , it had not been then called as it was . Againe , what serves the calling them , when the same Favourites being questioned , shall counsell a dissolution ? We have knowne that too , even three times in this Kings Reigne , and no other dissolution but on these grounds . And the last was within three weekes because they would not in all hast ( and contrary to all former Presidents and Priviledges ) give mony against the Scots , and embroyle the two Kingdomes in a perpetuall Warre , not having had one grievance redressed . And in the case of a Prince , bent or seduced to subvert Religion Lawes and Liberties ( which is the Doctors Case propounded . ) It is undoubted , he will if he can dissolve them , as soone as they offer but to punish any of his Favourites ▪ and so to crosse the designe ( unlesse he dare not , of which anon ) because therefore I believe the King in that Answer , hath not ascribed more then right to the Parliament . It will follow , that in right ( specially in such case ) they ought not to be dissolved . And that if by force they should be , ( or should not have been called at all ) the People have right to meet together , when and where they can , in a Parliamentary manner or otherwise : to such end as to defend themselves and one another from tyranny and the designed subversion of Religion , Lawes and Liberties , as hath beene often said . Fourthly , but for the present condition of our Kingdome and Parliament , I must professe , that as I admire the providence of God , in the Act passed for the continuation of this Parliament ; so I doe for the forementioned expressions of the King in that answer . Which laid together , may to any understanding men , wholly decide this first Question betweene the Doctor and us in point of Legality in our Kingdome ( if there were nothing else said or to be said ) that supposing such a designe to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties . This Parliament hath ( if no other had or could have , being dissoluble at pleasure ) compleat power and Authority to doe all they doe , that so they may prevent and restraine the designed tyranny . Fiftly , Yet I have one thing more to alleadge , supposing the power of calling and dissolving wholly in the King ordinarily ; yet there may be such power in them so long as they doe sit to command Armes to bee rais'd for the suppressing of any Delinquents , maintaining themselves with Armes , even under the colour of the Kings Authority , which I thus make good . ( If there be any such kind of Power in the very Judges in their Courts at Westminster , for the whole Kingdome ; and in their severall Circuits for the Shires they sit in ; although themselves are made Judges at the Kings will meerly , and put out ordinarily at his pleasure , and they can neither keepe Assizes at any time , nor keep any Terme any where , but when and so long as the King pleases to give Commission : if ( I say ) there be such a power in the Judges , and even in one of them ; then much more in the whole Parliament , which is unquestionably and undoubtedly the highest Judicature in the Kingdome , and hath most power during their sitting . Now that such a kinde of power is in the Judges , I appeale to experience , in the case following A private man hath a suite with the King about Land or House and the like . The King hath possession and some Officer or Tenant of his holds it for the King. The Judges having heard the Cause ▪ give Sentence for the Subject , adjudge him to have the possession delivered him by the Kings Tenant or Officer ; he refuses and armes himselfe to keep possession still Upon this , after due summons and processe of law , a Writ of Rebelli●n shall goe out against the Officer of the Kings , ( even though he should pretend to keepe possession still by a command and warrant from the King and the Sheriffe shall be commanded to raise Armes even the whole posse Comitatus , if need be , to expell this Officer of the Kings , and bring him to condigne punishment from resisting the Kings au●hority in his Lawes . Here now is raising Armes by the Kings legall Authority against the Kings Title and the Kings Officer notwithstanding any pretended authority from the Kings personall command ; and that Officer ha●h a Writ of Rebellion sent against him , and shall bee punisht by Law ▪ for offering to resist the Law upon any pretence . ( A●ke the Lawyers whether in sense ●his be not the Law , and ordinarily practised ▪ save that the King doth not command the contrary ; but whether that would hinder Law or not ? ) The Parliament then may in the case of necessity raise Armes against the Kings personall Command , for the generall safety , and keeping possession ( which is more necessary then the hope of regaining ) of the Houses , Lands , Goods , Liberties , Lives , Religion and all . And this by the Kings legall Authority , and the resisters of this are the Rebells in the Lawes account , and not the Instruments so imployed Legally , though with Armes by the Parliament . If the Doctor now ( or any for him ) will retort upon me , as he thinks , what I said before , that if this be granted , a King intending Tyranny , will not call a Parliament ; or if he have called it , he will straight dissolve it , as soone as they attempt any thing against his mind . REPL. I reply , he will doe so indeed ▪ if hee can perswade the people , by the Doctors Divinity or Law , to endure him and his followers to take away their Goods , and doe what else he list ; and they for want of a Parliament called or sitting , dare not defend themselves at all . But if hee find , that they believe no such Doctrine ; but without dispute of Law or Consciences resolve rustically not to be robbed of their goods at pleasure , or used like meere slaves ; but that they will defend themselves and somwhat they begin to doe , and beat away or kill some that come to take their goods away in such ill●gall manner ; he may then be glad to call a Parliament to quiet the People , who perhaps also may begin to mutiny by troopes ; and be willing to sacrifice perhaps some of his Followers unto them ( as ●mp●o● and Dudley were in the beginning of H. the 8. though they proceeded with colour of the penall Lawes ) and even to provide for his owne Maintenance , as 〈◊〉 . ● . In such a case some against his will cal'd a Parliament , Anno of his Reigne . And that it may be , he will , not he dares not hearken to those that would perswade him to dissolve it , because then hee should bring all confusion ( besides want ) upon himselfe againe , which was Hen. the Thirds Case , Anno. Therefore I conclude , that the Parliament ( as I said before ) may have this power and upon advantage of the Kings necessities , and Peoples not enduring oppression , be able to exercise it , even though they meet not but at the Kings will , and are dissoluble at his pleasure . And so I have said enough of this Section , except onely that I must note , that in the close of it , he either thinks those he hath to doe with ( Parliament and all ) grosse fooles , or else he shewes himselfe extreamly simple in reckoning up the remedies of Tyrranny ( though he love not to use so harsh a word ; but we must when hee hath stated the Case for us of a Prince bent or seduced to subvert Religion , Lawes and Liberties ; ) The denying of subsidies and ayd , &c. If hee meane in Parliament , such a Prince never meanes to call any . If out of Parliament , this is the grievance , that he takes it against Law , by Ship-moneys and Monopolies , and Imposts and any way : and if they deny it , themselves are fetcht up by the Pursevants , and put in prison : and for not executing such illegall commands ; Fined at pleasure halfe , or all their Estates ; and perhaps starved in prison , or little better : Kept so close , that they fall sicke and dye Nay if the Prince proceed to command his Souldiers or Officers to kill without delay any ●hat shall deny Subsidie or Ayd , though never so illegall . Hath not then the Doctor propounded a goodly remedy of Tyranny , to deny him Subsidy and Ayd ? As if to quench a house a fire , hee should send for a paire of Bellowes to blow a coole breath . Let him now consider whether hee uttered those words in scorne or in policie ? and with what science or skill in common Reason ( not to say in Politicks ) and so with how truely an informed conscience he deales justly between the King and the People . We have yet some further strength of his reason to examine in the next Section . Of which now . SECT . V. IN this Section hee propounds this Reason as alleadged for the peoples Power , that else [ the State should not have meanes for its owne safety , when &c. ] REPLY . This Reason we acknowledge ours , and considering what a State is , a Body composed of many thousands , who by themselves ( or their Ancecestors ) set up a King over them , for their safety and good , this Reason is as much Reason , as any thing can be betweene Man and Man : Nor shall the Dr. bee ever able to speake Reason in Opposition to it ; himselfe grants straight way , that salus Populi in a good Sence , is suprema Lex . And when a People , neither seekes nor desires any thing of hurt to their Prince , but onely safety to themselves , It is good in no sence , if not in this ; to allow ( I say more command ) a State that hath any considerable strength to doe it , to defend it selfe , and so procure its owne safety , even by resisting if need be , by force of Armes . And though he j●ere at the Plea of necessity , when as he saith Right and just will not defend a thing , Yet if himselfe were assaulted on the high way by one that offered to kill him and in his house in the Night by Robbers , would he say that either out of the case of Necessity , he a private m●n , or any S●rvants of his , might in right or justice kill another man , or that Necessity would not be a sufficient Plea , if in that Case any did kill such a Theef or Robber , not onely before men but God also . The Law among us allowes the Plea of se defendendo in such Cases , And Gods Law expressely , Against one that breaks a house in the night , though not in the day , as not admitting them a necessitie to kill the thiefe , as the Text there plainely implies . As for his saying , [ Every thing must be honest which is Spar●ae utile , imagined to conduce to the proposed End ; ) REPLY . This is but a second calumny , of which his Treatise is full every where , neither profit nor Imagination is admitted or urged in this case , but necessity apparent , or judged imminent by Rules of prudence , which commands endeavour of prevention of extreme evills ( such as the ruine of a States safety ) even by care and Power before hand , as well as when it lies gasping under the pressure . Counsell in prevention is indeed better then help out of trouble : For by that lesse trouble is suffered , and lesse offence acted in the defence . But these are but the Drs flourishes , for he will now stabbe this reason to the heart with diverse contrary Reasons , against all the plea of Necessity of safety . The first is that , this among others is one of the many Weapons sharpned for Resistance at the Philistims Forge , the Romish Schooles . Reply . First himselfe will not allow this to be reproach to him , or his fellowes in any of their positions , nor thinke it sufficient to make an Argument be rejected , because the Romonists have either used it or abused it . Secondly , but he is deceived in paralelling the Cases . They pleade for the Popes Power of curbing or deposing Kings in case of Heresie , because else the Church hath not meanes for the maintenance o● the Catholicke Faith , and its owne safety . Reply . The Argument is not good , his Church is not a Civill State , but the good of it is mainly spirituall , and to be preserved by such spirituall meanes , as GOD hath appointed , who both instituted and constituted it himselfe , and left not to it , the ordering of its owne safety or good . But our case is of a Civill State , whose good is Civill and naturall , and is to be preserved by civill and naturall meanes , and so by Armes in case of danger , even from its owne Prince , bent or seduced to ruine it . The Dr. himselfe straightwayes grants , the State hath meanes of preservation such as the Law hath prescribed . If he can shew us any true meanes , in the case stated by him , but this power of resistance , I yield him the cause . If not he doth but abuse his Readers Conscienc●s , to blind them with words , which are of no validity . But I have shewed him before , and must againe remember him , that in our Parliament State ( by the Kings owne acknowledgement ) hath such Power by Law to punish even the Kings followers and Favourites , as is more then sufficient to prevent , or restraine Tyranny . We aske no more for our safety . But when they will resist the Parliament by Armes , It hath no way to punish them , or defend the State but by Armes Which therefore it may lawfully take up . Secondly , the Dr. addes ( If every state hath such Meanes to provide for its safety , what meanes of safety had the Christian Religion in , and after the Apostles Times ? Or the People then enslaved , what meanes had they for their Liberties ? Tertullian in his Apologie saith , the Christians had number and Force sufficient to withstand , but they had no Warrant . And the Apostle forbids them , and all other under the higher Power to resist . Reply . This example of the Christians not resisting is counted a Capitall Argument , we shall see what strength it hath . First it is brought in this place , for the Christians were neither a civill State , ( of which the present Reason proceeds ) nor neere to the greater number in the The State. They had the Lawes ( which is in some Sence the State ) against them , and so they ever had beene , and the greater ▪ part of the body of the Estate by farre , were opposite , even in Tertullians Time. Though therefore the Church being properly onely a spirituall State , have not of necessity , civill meanes to provide for the outward safety of Christians : yet a Civill State , ( whether of Heathens or Christians ) may have and hath , which is by taking Armes , in case of necessity as before . But the Dr. saith the Apostle forbids them and all , under the Higher power to resist . Reply . I suppose what I have formerly said on this place , Rom. 13.2 . may and will satisfie most Readers for that place . But the Drs. importunity forces me to repeate part of it here , and apply it to the case of Christians , even then , and much more now : And so I make bold to tell the Dr. that he doth most miserably wrest the Apostles words in this case of all others , which to demonstrate ( I say to demonstrate ) I appeale to the context after and before , and let all Christians , and Consciences , or even reasonable Men , Iudge whether the Drs. Interpretation be not most absurd . Thus the Dr. interprets v. 2. [ Whosoever shall take up Armes to resist Nero , persecuting the Christian Religion , resists the Ordinance of GOD ; Rebells against GOD in resisting the higher Power ordained by GOD , and if hee kill any man in such resistance , he commits murther , & incurres damnation for so doing . ] This is the Drs. Sence plainely , and his words here and there , are fully so much . Now marke St. Pauls Reason , v. 3. and make Sence of it , or Religion much lesse of it , if you can to this purpose . First , for Rulers are not a terrour to good workes but to evill . Nero is the Ruler here meant , persecuting Nero : Let the Dr. now tell me ( or any for him ) Is not persecution a Terrour to the Workes that are persecuted ? and then is Christianity a good worke or not ? Nero persecutes that , and is a Terrour to that , but so he is not to good Workes . Then belike Christianity is not a good Work● ? Will St. Paul speak thus ? or doth hee know what he saith , when he saith , Rulers are not a terrour to good Workes , therefore they must not be resisted ? Christianity is a good worke , and Nero is a terrour to it ( though by GODS Ordinance he should not be ) therefore he must not be resisted . What can be more unreasonable , then to bring a Reason , which is quite against the thing it is brought for ? to interpret then , as the D● . doth v. 2. is to make St. Paul argue against himselfe , if you Reader ( are not ) should not be ; and ●f you Keepe the literall s●nce ( are not ) then either he speakes that which is fal●e of Nero , and h●s Officers , and under Rulers , for they were a terrour to good Workes , if Christianity be a good worke , or Christianity is no good Worke. Let the Dr. take his choyce of the three . I have a fourth too take to formerly sayde downe , which is that he speakes of Civill Legall Authoritie in civill Lawes as then in the Romane State and such like , and to Rulers according to them were not terrours to good Workes ; as the Apostle saith . Secondly , but see the Apostles next words , wilt thou then not be affraid of the Power , doe that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same , that is thou needst not resist , but onely looke to doe well , and h●e will commend thee . But is this true of persecuting Nero ? Might the Christians count this a safe course , of which they need not be afraid to practice Christianity ? safe that i● , for which the Power would not doe any thing against them : bu● rather prayse them ? did Nero so ? Or could the Ap●stle thinke he would ? O ●d he deceive Christians in sa●ing so ? or condemne Christianitie as not good ? 〈◊〉 a Reason against hims●l●e ? Some of these things must bee said , or else the D● . Sence must bee renounced , it must be said that he meddles with no matter of Christian Religion here , but of civill Subjection to Civill Lawes , which Rulers according ●o their Power , would praise them for ; and they need not feare such powers doing well . Thirdly , adde further what the Apostle doth , v. 4. [ For hee is the Minister of GOD to thee for gooD , ] Is this true of persecuting Nero , in the case of his persecuting ? Whereby the Apostle proves he will prayse thee , doing that which is good ? Surely in an over-ruling Worke of GODS Grace , the very Divell is GODS instrument for GOOD , as to Iob , ( and we may say M●nister too . ) And Nero not a whit more in the Act of persecuting . Bu● this farre from St. Pauls meaning : For hee meanes a civill good , praising , and rewarding , and protecting . Nero did ( St. Paul knew ) quite contrary to this : He cannot then meane him as a Persecuter ; and so never intends here to forbid resisting his Persecution . Fourthly , goe on one step further with the Apostle , which will yet make it more plaine if more can be ; [ But if you doe that which is evill then feare , for he beares not the Sword in vaine , for hee is the Minister of GOD , a Revenger to ex●cute wrath on them that doe evil● ) Evill contrary to Christianity is Idolatrie , ( for one thing , ) ●nd to make Chri●tians Idolaters , did Nero and others persecute them , if they would cast in a graine of I●cense into the Fire , by way of sacrifice to their Idolls , they were freed . Now is it St. Pauls meaning , If you turne Idolater then feare , for Nero beares not the Sword in vaine , for he is GODS Minister , a Revenger to execute Wrath upon them that commit Idolatrie ? Or is Christianitie the evill they were to feare , as that which he used the Sword against , and that with great wrath and revenge ? There is then nothing like the Drs Interpretation , In all these Arguments of the Apostle : but the cleane contrary , besides what followes , v. 5 , 6 , 7. Of which see the exposition before . But some will say , was it then lawfull for the Christians , then to have resisted the persecuting Emperours ? Tertullian and the Fathers thought otherwise . I answer , first , whether it were or no , ( of which by and by ) most certaine , it was not forbidden in this , Rom. 13.2 , 3 , 4. Yet this is the Capitall place . If any other can be found forbidding it , which the Dr. offers not to urge , further then what we have examined already , that is nothing to this Text. For no Logick or Rhetorick can extract that sence from hence ; who ever they be , that have so interpreted it heretofore . Secondly , but because of the great Outcry made of the Christians not resisting then , I will once more looke upon the Text , Rom. 13.2 . and compare it also with that before so : v. 1. and see whether by a right view , it will not plainly pronounce Christians even then , free from passive subjection in case of persecution ( supposing they had Force to resist , by their hands not tyed by Gods Ordinance from resist●nce , or at least wise , onely upon a speciall Reason applyable to that State of the Church : and Roman Empire , ( of which yet there is not the least intimation in that place , but must ●e gathered elsewhere , as we shall see ) and which is no impediment at all to Christians resisting the persecution now of Popish Tyranny . I say then , Subjection to the Higher power is commanded , and resisting it forbidden there , upon this ground , because they are of GOD ordained under GOD , GODS Ordinance , Note how all the words accord in the Originall , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whosoever resists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordained under GOD , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ordinance of GOD , all from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to set in order ) that i● GOD hath given to men Power and au●ho●ity , to urge the execution of his Lawes , and to make some Lawes under him and his , and to punish according to the merit of the Offences , the transgressions of the one or the other . And so farre as this , they are to be subjected unto by every soule , either actively or at least passively , and not to be resisted , by wilfull froward disobedience , and much lesse by taking up Armes against such Lawes , or them that exercise authoritie to them . But this is all the Authority GOD gives to any , and not to make Lawes against his , nor yet to punish those tha● obey his Lawes : And if any such Lawes be made , or any such punishment offered to be inflict●d ( even by reason of such Lawes made ) they are not the Ordinance of GOD , He hath afforded them no such Authoritie , no such Power . Nay such Lawes and Rulers according to them are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the opposers and Resiste●s of GODS Ordinance , of the Law of Nature , or Scripture , or both . The Lawes therefore are Null and the Authority Null ; quoad hoc ) as will be plaine by this instance . A King grants a Charter to a Major of a Towne to governe that Towne ( with others , or alone , that is all one ) according to his Lawes , and punish all Malefactors , and moreover to make some particular Lawes or Orders in the Towne , for the better keeping all in due Subj●ction and Order . This Major makes Lawes directly against the Kings , against the King himselfe , offers to sweare the people to another King. Are not those Lawes then Null ? and his Authority Nu●l ▪ so farre forth ? or can it be thought , that because the King commands subjection to the Maior , and forbids to resist him , as long as he rules by the Kings Lawes , or by such as his Charter enables him to make , being not against the Kings ; that therefore they may not resist him , if he would massacre them , ( or under colour of his new made Lawes ) condemne them because they will not be Traitors to their King , and submit to an usurper ? will the Dr. say it ? or any else ? and is not this the very case if men will thinke of it , if a King should make ( or hath made ) Lawes , that men should worship the Sun , worship an Idoll , an Image ? Are not these traiterous Lawes against the King , the GOD of Heaven ? can any then , King , they or the Authority commanding them , i● quo ad hoc , GODS Authority , GODS Ordinance or deny them to be resisters of him ? The Lawes that are in themselves Null : the Authoritie Null : so farre forth : no kind of Subjection then is due to them in this from this Text. Nor is any Ordinance of GOD at all resisted in resisting them . Rather is it not a Duty [ But the Christians did not resist , though Tertullian say they had number and Force sufficient . ] REPLY . Mr. Goodwin , in his Anticavalierisme hath very rationally shewed , first that in all probability Tertullian was mistaken in his Computation , if he mean it throughout the Empire . They might have some considerable number and so force in one place or City , and not enough in generall . Secondly , that if they had so , yet generally it was not knowne to Christians , and that is all one in such a case , he that knowes not his strength dares not resist , no more then hee that hath no strength . Thirdly , that if they knew their strength , yet they did not know it lawfull to resist generally . Some might know it , yet not preach it for feare ; and if it were not generally beleeved , they would not resist . Fourthly , that there were speciall Reasons , why GOD might conceale this from them , this Liberty of resistance . Of all this there are many considerable things in that treatise ( Vide : ) I will only adde this One , that if Resistance seeme so unfitting now , it would have seemed much more then . The Christian Religion came in upon the Roman Empire as a Novelty , and neither they not their Ancestours for many Generations had any Principles ( but the remote ones of the Law of Natur● ) to perswade them to give it Entertainment . So that to have resisted by Armes , would have seemed a great obstinacy and perverseness● , specially in Reference to the Doctrine of Christ a crucified GOD , ( a Man risen from the dead and gone into Heaven ) which the Pagans counted foolishnes , as well as it was a stumbling block to the Jewes . Also Ch●ist himselfe founding his Church by his owne suffe●ings , would have them specially like him , in sufferings at the spreading of it in the World ; Whereby he also got farre more Glory in that not onely his Church was preserved ( like the burn in the midst of the Fire ) in the midst of sufferings without resistance ; But also i● propagated mainly , and conquered by suffering meerly . This I say was then greater glory , then to have allowed them straightway to defend themselves , and resist with Armes : which also till a long time would have been in vaine , and to their hurt , besides Reproach without miracle . But now the case is much otherwise in regard of Protestants persecuted by Popish Princes , specially recalling Lawes of toleration , or changing Lawes establishing the Religion . For the Protestant Religion , to shew it selfe no noveltie appeales to that which the Pap●sts cannot denie the holy Scriptures , and rejects nothing , ( if even an unpartial Heathen were Judge , and umpi●e between them ) which the Scripture calls to beleeve or practise . Also ●t pro●esses nothing , which the Scriptures rej●ct . Therefore their resistance may much more be justified to their Adversaries Consciences , Who though they dare not deny the Scriptures plainely , yet dare not trust to them alone to confute the Protestants by them , but put them to death , for things not onely besides the Scriptures , but even against it , as making and worshipping Images , Crosses , Crucifixes and the like . Here the same King and Lawes being generally acknowledged , yet will the Inferiour Governours , make Lawes against the Kings , and even Force the Kings Subiects , to doe Homage and even sweare Allegeance to another besides Him. Therfore they are not ( in this ) to be accounted GOD● L●eutenants or Deputies , or their Lawes of any Validitie , but they may be resi●ted , as Rebells against the King of Heaven , while they pretend to be his Servants . The Roman Emperours then , as meere strangers , in point of Knowledge or Profession , were rather but at lest for the time ) to be convinced by suffering then by resistance . But pretended Christian Princes ( specially after a toleration , and most of all after a Legall Establishment ) turning Persecuters of that truth whichas in the Bible , he ●selves professe to hold ; may be resisted in a Defensive way . And there is nothing in the Bible to gainesay it ▪ And whether now the Christians might also have resisted as soone as they had any strength , ( ● ever they had any before Constantines Time , ) I leave it to others to iudge . For upon the Grounds fore noted , it hurts not our Cause at all ; if they mig●t●t . The D● . proceed● ▪ so doe I ( ●f it bee replyed that things being so enacted by Law , it was not lawfull to resist . I answer ( saith he ) all that proceeded from those Emperours , were meerely ●rbitrary , and enforced upon the Senate , who did not discharge their truth , &c. Reply . First , what is tyrannously done against humane Law may be resisted as we have s●id ; and so may , ( by what we have lately proved ) tyrannous Lawes directly and clearely against GOD , and his true Religion ; and therefore if ever wee should be so unhappy ( which I hope will never be unlesse the people beleiving this Drs. Position , betray this Parliament , ) that a Parliament should joyne with a King to cast out the true Religion , and bring in Popery ; and so make Lawes against us , which are now all for us ( yet might we resist ; and not suffer our selves to be massacred or condemned for not consenting to be Traitours to the King of Heaven ( LORD Jesus Christ ) whom yet they would pretend to rule by , and for him . If any man can shew me , that it is Gods Ordinance wee should submit and suffer in such a case , I shall not refuse to yield ; but I confesse I cannot see it ▪ though I know even those that defend the resistance now used Lawfull ; affirme it were not lawfull , if the Law were against us , as it is for us . But how humane Lawes made without against GODS Authority , can hinder me from the Liberty granted me by the Law of Nature , to defend my self from outragious Violence , being altogether an Innocent , I cannot see , specially in a case concerning GODS immediate Honour as well as my safety . 2. If Lawes cannot tie my hands in all Cases ( in the forenamed ) from resistance , much lesse an Arbitrary Power . ( but of that , it will be convenient to discourse a little further ; and apply it also to Civill Matters , as well as to Religion , wherein we shall also see whether all Civill Lawes doe so tie us , as none of them neither may be resisted , and if any , which ? and which not ? I say then an Absolute Arbitrary Power , or absolute Monarchy ( as some call it ) is not at all the Ordinance of GOD ; and so no lawfull Power secured from resistance by Rom. . 13.2 . First GOD allowes no man to rule as hee list , to make what Lawes he list , to punish how and whom hee list . But his Word speaks the Contrary every where . Secondly GOD not allowing , Men cannot give it , to a Conquerour , or any other . They can give but what GOD allowes , for they have no more their owne , in that sence . Now no man can give any thing but what is his owne . Thirdly , particularly , no man is allowed by GOD , or can be made by Man , an absolute Monarch , a meere Arbitrary Prince in point or Relig●on . I am farre from denying Authority about Circumstantialls in Religion . But I meane , he hath no Authority to bid what GOD forbids , or to forbid what GOD bids ; or punish them that obey GOD rather than him . GOD never gave this Power , nor can men give it . Fourthly no Monarch hath any Power from GOD , or can have from men , to violate the Chastity of any . A Law of Platoes Community , is null , because against GODS expresse 7th . Commandement , and may and ought to be resisted ▪ ( yet now we are among civill matters . ) Fiftly , no Monarch hath any Power from GOD , or can have from men , to take away the life of his Subjects , any one at his meere pleasure , or without a Law broken , ( whether Civill or Martiall . ) and knowne to the Transgressour , or which he ought to have knowne , and might ( which Ionathan could not , hee had no meanes to know of his Fathers Oath being then made , and in his absence ) Lycurgus his Law to destroy all Children that were deformed , or weakelings , and Pharaohs Arbitrary Command to destroy all the Israelitish Males , were both alike tyrannous and null : and might have been resisted . In all these cases there is , I say , no absolute Monarchy , no meere arbitrary Power , Lawfull , none that is GODS Ordinance . And whosoever challenges such Power , is ( in that ) not GODS Deputy , but an Vsurper , whether King or Caesar , Roman or Turkish Emperour or any other . Sixtly , but the only Cases wherein a Monarch may be absolute in Matter of Liberty of mens persons , of Goods , an● manner of Judaciall proceedings , and making or taking away Officers and Honours and such like , in those I grant , that as GOD denies not , but a Monarch may have absolute Authority ( onely he must use it to Good ) so men may give away their Liberty ( by Feare or otherwise ) and become much enslaved to their Princes Will , in comparison of what others are . And if any bee so ( which I beleeve not of the Roman State , though much was done arbitrarily by the Emperours ) I yield they may not resist though they be sorely pincht . They may thanke themselves who bound their owne if therefore our Parliament in after Ages ( or this by being forsaken by the People , seduced by the Dr. ) should so enslave us , we must beare it and not resist , because it is our owne Act , who choose them and put all such things into their hands , but in other things we should not , could not be bound , as I said before . The Doctor hath a third Reason [ We cannot expect absolute meanes of safety and security in a State but , such as are reasonable ] REPL. If by absolute meanes of safety and security hee meane such as God cannot defeat ; we grant what he saith , or such as God hath forbidden . But if he take it of rationall means ; he saith nothing at all that allotts any means which are not absolutely sufficient ( according to humane proceedings ) to procure s●ch a safety as a State shall n●ed . A State is a most considerable body , and may challenge all possible meanes which God hath not denyed them ; and so even a private man may , being altogether innocent ▪ except where a greater good then his Particular life , calls him to venture it , or yeeld it up . But there is no greater good on earth ( in civill respects ) then the safety of a state . Therefore all meanes not forbidden from Heaven are reasonable , and to bee expected and used , though not expressly provided for ( that is mentioned ) in the Fundamentalls of this Government , which the Doctor would require . Then he falls a commending the excellent temper of the three Estates , King , Lords , Commons , having each a power of denying . REPL. They have so ; in making particular Lawes . But the Quest . now is of exercising the generall and maine fundamentall Law of all States , to save the whole from ruine and subversion . Here though all three agreeing ( and none denying ) makes the safety more secure , and more comfortable and honourable . Yet no reason , but in a Co-ordinate Power ( as here it is plainly so ; see the Fuller Answer to the Doctors Booke ) any two or of three or even any one of them , rather then all should faile and be dissolved , should have Power to endeavour the common safety which the others neglect or intend to subvert or betray . And I verily beleeve the Doctor himselfe or any other of his partie ( if hee forbeare not to say so much least it should be retorted on himselfe ) will confesse that the King and the Lords may save the Kingdome from ruine , without or against the House of Commons ; and the King and the House of Commons , without or against the Lords : and which is yet more , the King alone without or against both Lords and Commons . For indeed , this is the very thing now pretended by the King for his taking Armes to save the Protestant Religion and the Lawes , and his owne Rights , &c. which he saith , the Lords and Com●ons ( whom he termes the Major part of both Houses present ) intend and goe about to subvert . And if they did so ; certainely all true Subjects and Pa●riots ought not onely not to joyne with them in their Armes , but to joyne with the King in his against them . And if it could be possible that all the three Estates should agree to ruine Religion and the State ; even the Body of the People , should ( by vertue of the power which each State hath for its necessary safety ) have Authority sufficient to defend themselves , and resist all outragious Attempts of mischiefe ( as hath been proved before ) though then for want of many conveniences and perhaps of wisedome to manage it , the defence and resistance must needs be much more hazardous and dfficult . The power therefore of denying ▪ and so all other power in each of the 3. Estates and in any two of them , or all the 3. together is given , and is to be used ad Edificationem , ad Salutem , non ad destructionem ) for the common good and safety , not ruine . For in that it is Null and voyd in all reason and equity . But the Doctor saith , Must the King only trust and not be trusted ? Must he not alwayes have his security against the other , which cannot be but by power of denying ? RE●L . 1. But he forgets that the Question by himselfe stated is , when the Prince will not discharge his trust ; and more then so● is bent or seduced to subvert Religion Lawes and Liberties . Then it is sencelesse to trust him , till 〈◊〉 shew●s another a better mind ; and it is most ridiculous to allow him in this case a p●wer of denying safety ; for that is to allow him a power of subverting all . 2. But when the ●u . is ( as now it ●s made in Hypothesi , ) whether the Prince or the two Houses do mean w●ll or ill ? and who doth or doth not discharge their trust , and who doth or doth not intend the subversion of Religion Lawes and Liberties : who can be Judge betweene them ? or who can amongst men decide the difference but the Body of the People ? Exercising their understanding and consciences to judge who is in the right , ( by all that hath been said and done on both sides formerly , and of late ) and so their power and strength too to defend the right side , and resist the wrong-doers ? And these whether the Doctor ( or any under Heaven ) will or no , must have , and will have the Power of denying or granting meanes for their owne and others safety and securi●y . The Doctors reproaches against the Parliament I passe . Only where he sayes [ Conscience might demand for its satisfaction . Why should 100. in the House of Commons see more then 300 ? or 20. in the House of Lords more then 60. that are of a different judgement and withdrawne ? ] REPL. Satisfaction may well be given : First , by saying it is evident the major part of the House of Commons , when they were most full were all that way , that 100. are now ( though that be a slander for but a while since there were 300. there ) The King a yeare agoe in ●anu . last commanded all that were in the Countrey to come up , which certainly most of them did . Yet no Votes but this way they goe now , onely things were not then at the ●eighth they now are . 2. If yet the Major part were of another judgement they would certainly come and vote and end the businesse . The House hath often called the absent , and punisht some for it ; certainly they knew then there were not enough against them of their Members to over-vote them 3. They that are wilfully absent , are offenders against the Law and the common good ; and so are not to be trusted ; or thought to have wisedome , to see things right how many soever they may pretend to be . For also 40 being the legall number for the House of Commons to vote any thing : It is against all Rules of Politick Bodies , that the absence of others , ( there being th● Legall Number present ) should hinder or discredit any Vote or Act of the Legall Body . One judge of Assize , two Commissioners or Arbitrators , and the like , suffice for any Businesse : and though still the greater number , the more honour and comfort ; yet a legall number must and will ever suffice . 5 As for the Lords , who pretend their absence forced by reason of Tumults . First , this by an Almanack , ( as the Doctor speaks elsewhere ) may be confuted , the greatest part of those that came , and after withdrew ; stayed a considerable time after the Tumults , till the King was gotten to Yorke , and begun to call them away . And if his calling them away , or their withdrawing themselves shall have power to make the votes or judgement of a part that are yet resident there ( as the D● . hath learned to call them ) Null , or not to be regarded : then have the King ▪ or such a number of Lords , and Commons , even out of the Parliament-House , power to disanull a Law ( even the Law for the not dissolving of this Parliament , without an Act for it , which must passe all the 3. Estates , both Houses and the King and in which each have their power of Denying . ) And this alone ( what ever might be pretended against other Parliaments ) makes the legall Votes of the two Houses the full judgement and Authority of the whole representative Body of the Kingdome , how few soever be present , or how many so ever be absent , and upon what pretence soever . 2. But withall , if I were Confessour or Chaplaine to any of those Lords that have withdrawne themselves and upon pretetence of the Tumult , deny to returne : I would make bold to aske them this Qu. in their eares ( for their consciences satisfactoin , as well as mine owne ) which City and Countrey rung of them , and which produced such and so many Petitions , for the setling of the Militia , and helping Ireland , and outing the Bishops and Popish Lords out of the House of Peeres ; whether their refusing to concurre in the reliefe of Ireland , and in securing the Kingdome , even in petitioning the King for the settling of the Militia ( which yet the King after , acknowledged necessary to be setled ▪ ) were not the true and only cause of those tumults that were ? And if so , where was their judgement to see the means of safety , or their conscience to provide for it ? And then whether their owne guilt did not more send or drive them away , then any violence of the Tumults ? Which tumults yet I approve not , nor ever did . But if God so punished those that would not discharge the trust , it is easier to answer that question , why so many remaining should see more , that is better ; then thrice so many ( if so many ) dissenting and withdrawne . As for the Doctors preferring Monarchy before Aristocracy , hee shall not have me for his Adversary ; who thank God , I am borne and live ( and hope to dye ) under a Monarchy ; though not absolute , as the Doctors Position would make him ( when he listed ) though the Doctor wisely disclaimes any such intention . But for his reasons , why a King should se●e better then the Major part of both the Houses , ; because he sees even with their eyes , though dissenting from them ; and hath other Councel besides , and that he hath many reasons to perswade him to consent to their free and unanimous Votes : All this is most unreasonable as the Question is now stated , of a Prince bent to subvert Religion Laws , and Liberties , ( for we are still upon that generall supposition in this Section ) for whatever they see , he will be sure ( as farre as he sees his owne strength ) to consent to nothing that shall hinder his designe . And therefore to plead his power of denying , or his wisdome in this case , is to yeeld him all power to bee a Tyrant . Which after all , the Dr. will yet prove he hath so farre as he may not be resisted in it , by the inconveniences that will follow if he have it not . Heare his saying . [ Such power of resistance would be no fit meanes of safety to a State , but prove a remedy , worse then the disease . ] Reply . If he can shew this , de doth wonders . What ? worse then subversion of Religion , Lawes and Liberties ? For that is the disease . Surely all these are of little worth with the Dr. , if he will maintaine any thing in a State , to be worse then these . Sinne indeed in the practicers is worse , then the suffering of the worst Tyranny ▪ But that is not properly in question in this Section , but the Civill Inconveniences of resistance though I grant they may prove sinnes too , as things may be managed ? but otherwise it is evident , no Civill Inconvenience to remedy such a Tyranny , as is in dispute , can be so bad as the disease . The Dr. once more urges , Rom. 13. and by ver , 3 4 5 6. would faine prove , that the Apostle shewes the evill and inconvenience of resisting Tyranny . Reply . But I have shewed more then once ▪ that the Apostles Reasons are quite against him ▪ and he saith nothing to prove that hee abuses not the Apostle , ( not vouchsafing , I doubt , not daring to quote the words as they lie , lest every eye should see how hee perverts them ▪ much lesse offering to Analize them : or shew the strength of the Reasons , which I have done against him : ] Onely he repeats what hee hath before told us , in generall that although the powers were then altogether unjust , &c. Nothing answerable to the end for which governing power is ordained ▪ Yet doth the Apostle draw his Reasons against resisting them from that good Justice , Order for which God hath set up the higher Powers . Reply . This is as good a Reason , as to say , God hath ordained Ministers , Pastours , to preach and administer his word and Sacrament , and pray , that his people may be saved : Therefore though the Ministers , Pastours , be carelesse , and neither afford the People any Word or Sacraments , or prayers ; or false Teachers , and pervert Word , and Prayer , and Sacraments : Yet the People may not seeke their Soules safety , from some other , that will bee more faithfull , even though not attempting to put those evill Ministers , Pastours , quite out of office ; but leaving them in their places , still to see if GOD will give them better minds . Only not trusting them so long , as they shew themselves notoriously unfaithfull , If to deny the people this bee reasonable , because God ordained them ministers , Pastours , for their good , though they that are such by Office doe nothing toward it ; then the Dr , may pretend hee discourses with some reason . Which yet will not satisfie the Apostles phrases , as I have abundantly shewed before . But he saith [ the Apostle would insinuate that the resisting of the Higher Powers even when they are Tyrannicall tends to the overthrow of the Order which is the life of a Common wealth , not onely because there is still Order under Tyranny : but chiefly because if it were good and lawfull to resist the power when abused it would open a way to the people to resist and overthrow Powers duly administred for the executing of wrath on them that doe evill . Reply , All this is altogether contrary , for 1. The Apostles words , will bear no such Insinuations as I have proved . 2. If Religion Laws and Liberties be subverted , what Order is left under such Tyranny ? Sure whether Civill order be or not , no Religious order is , which yet is more worth then the life of a Common-wealth . God hath often overthrown Common-wealths for subverting this Religion ; But never in his Word preferred the ordinary Order of a Common-wealth ( or the Common-wealth it selfe ) before 〈◊〉 Religion , so as to bid his servants suffer that to bee subverted ; even wh●n 〈◊〉 by the laws of a Common-wealth rather then the order of the Common-wealth should be endangered by it . 3. It is a Signe the Tyranny was deepely and desperately resolved , if it cannot be resisted by a meer defence , but that must tend to the overthrow of the life of the Common-wealth 4. The tyranny breaks the Order , stabs at the life of the Common-wealth ; and yet the Dr. is so zealous an advocate for it ( however he deny it ) that ( he cryes whore first ) he cries out of the danger to Order . 5. To tend to the overthrow of that Order which is the life of the Common-wealth , may be a fallacious phrase . Doth it tend so necessarily , or in the intention of the Resisters ? Or rather contrary ? Or doth it so tend to overthrow it , as the Tyranny to ( be resisted ) doth ? All remedies of violent and desperate diseases , doe in some Sort tend to the overthrow of the Life of the Body : Yet none saies the remedy is worse then the disease , which that is knowne to bee mortall , the other may prevent death . 6. This opens no such gap to the people to resist and overthrow power duly administred ▪ as the Doctors doth open a gappe to Tyranny . If a man , a Prince feare not GOD ▪ and know his people principl'd not to resist him in any case , what can hinder him from all Kind of Tyranny . And I would it were not evident that the presumption of this had made way for what we feele . I am sure the Jesuite Contzen , ( whose principles have been followed step by step among us , see Mr. Newcomens Sermon ●n Neh. 4. Preached last Nov. 5. to the Parliament ) encourages a Prince to attempt the subverting the Protestant Religion , though establish't by Law , because the Protestants will not Rebell for the cause , nor ever did . The Dr. seconds him well . But now a people , if voyd of conscience , yet will find it hard ( and thinke it so , if they have any wit ) for them to hope to overthrow powers duly adminstred . It is not so easie a thing ▪ multitudes will stand ( as their duty and their comfort experienced commands them ) for such powers . And the Order that is setled ▪ will much help to represse such unruly disorders . And though there be examples in Storyes of people that have prevayled against Tyrants : Yet I remember not one ▪ that ruling according to Laws , was overthrown by the people ; namely in setled times ; for the souldiers mutynies , against the Roman Emperours , Pertinax and others , will not reach this case . Finally Wee are farre from saying , that pretences suffice , or even that every act of Tyranny allowes of a Nationall resistance ; But such as ( in the case by the Dr. stated ) shews , ( or gives just grounds to believe ) a designe to subvert Religion , Laws , and Liberties , or any of them . But the Dr. will illustrate or prove his inconveniences 3. wayes . [ 1. This power of resistance if admitted and pursued may proceed to a change of Government . The principles that are gone upon , and have carried it on so farre as we see at this day may also lead it on to the greatest of evills . ] Repl. Is not the King much beholden to the Dr. that will needs urge the Parliament to those consequences they have professed to have no thought of , and in their late Declaration in maintaining that of May. 26. do professe to be unlawfull 2. If hee meane deposition of the King , or which is more , change of the Monarchy into Aristocracy or Democracy I deny that this may proceed necessarily or Rationally from a necessary defence , unlesse the Dr. will undertake to prove that the state by no resistance or defence can bee safe without deposing their King or taking away Monarchs , which hee neither will nor can , as I durst undertake against him ▪ if that were now the Qu : in hand , which I hope shall never be . Though sure , there is no such temptation to it , as to see Tyranny acted , and all sober necessary defence , cryed out upon as Rebellion , all bloodshed in such defence murther , and the end of it damnation . And when Religion ( if ever it should bee ) is onely laid wast by the countenance of such doctrines , improved as the Jesuite Advised , then if a people should be greatly oppressed in their Civill liberty , there might be some danger , they would deny the Drs. grounds , and all their allegiance and respect to Monarchy together . And I dare be bold to say it , Monarchy never received such a blow since States were ; as the Counsellors of Princes and Court-Chaplaines have provoked men to give it . Because Kings must be absolute , and People meer slaves , formerly in doing ▪ and now in suffering . 2 He saies [ This power of resistance ▪ when used and pursued , is accompanied with the evills of a Civill Warr &c. ] Reply . 1. Whose fault is that ? Suppose the people , that is , a great many Papists would rebell , unlesse the King and Parliament would subvert Religion , and bring in popery ; and take away all the Lawes that displeased them : must they doe this to avoid the evills of a Civill Warre ? and if not , then neither must the Parliament or People sacrifice Religion , Lawes and Libertie , to the feare or danger of a Civill Warre . No war so bad as the Parisian massacre , or that of Ireland . The King of France commanded the one , the Irish people the Rebells acted the other . In a Civill warre wee may save something ; and after recover all : Under a Tyrannie not to be resisted we have nothing , have lost Religion , Laws and Liberties , and have neither goods nor Lives , Wives nor Children that we are sure of a day to an end . He that rationally preferres such a Tyranny before a civill War , surely hopes ( upon some speciall grounds , that Tyranny , will be none to him , who pleads so well for it's indempnity ; but rather an advancement to him , much good may it doe him . 3 He saith the people may be discontented even with the Parliament and so it will come to ●ade and Tyler , and overthrow all government . Reply . 1. I have satisfied this Objection for the maine of it already . 1. That it is lawfull for the people to resist even the Tyranny of a Parliament , when altogether outrageous , ( as in our Quest●on ) not else . 2. That the principles of defence cannot be drawne to a necessary change of the Government . Of which I adde 2. Reasons . One that the defence will suffice without it , if wisely managed to secure the safety of the State and Religion ; so : morally . For still men , some or other , must be trusted ; and those that discredit themselves a while may merit a trust againe afterward : Enough for their honour and comfort and not too much for the Common-wealth , and they need not be trusted ( as before ) till they do merit a trust againe . And yet no opposition much lesse change of government . 3. The next government ( suppose each shire ( as the Dr. talkes ▪ a Common-wealth ▪ and all governed by a Folkmoot ) is still liable in all reason , to mischiefes , as bad , or worse then were in that goverment rejected . And this they among the people that are not growne barbarous and bruitish ( by suffering Tyranny and losse of Religion and Liberties , by the Drs principles ) may be made so sensible of ; that they will never offer to attempt such a madnesse . 3. Make a people Religious ( as much as man can make them ) and let them enjoy the comfort of doing that which is good as St Paul speakes of Rulers praising such . And then the Rulers need not feare the multitude of them ( though some will ever be wicked ) that they will Rebell and change the Government . The People indeed by Absaloms flattery Rebelled against David a righteous and just Ruler . But there was more then ordinary in that GOD threatened it to him for his adultery and murther . They did not so , to the great Reformers Asa , Iehosaphat , Hezekiah , Iosiah specially yet questionlesse they 2. offended very many ; for the Princes and People ( as I noted before on a speciall occasion ) were very bad even in their times . Some Papists as did rebell against King Edward the 6. and some against Queen Elizabeth . But both soon and easily subdued . GOD will not suffer , a just Prince or State to be troden under foot ( David was humbred not overthrown ) and men will still be found to take thei● parts . As then St. ●aul bids Christians , doing that which is good ▪ not feare the powers he exhorts to submit to and not to resist , that is legally ruling by Civill laws under God. So I may say to Rulers ( Kings and Parliaments ) doing well , Ruling according to GODS Ordinances they need not feare the power of Resisting Tyranny in the peoples hands , which I say againe , [ Though people have often used it , and prevailed against Tyrannous Governors , yet never did they prevaile against Just Rulers , to Depose them , or much lesse alter the Government . Tyranny then ( helped forward now by the Doctors Principles , ) will be onely that that in a despaire will drive People to Cantoning and Folkmoots ( if any thing will ) and not at all our Position of a sober necessary Defence . The Reasons that the Dr. hath brought againh Resistance , are so far from being the Apostles Insinuations , that they are wholly unsufficient to discredit it with Reasonable and unpartiall Men , to whom ( next under GOD ) we Appeale . His conclusion Ergo repeating that because some must be trusted , therfore Ergo the K is still ( I must tell him ) most unreasonable , when his case supposes he will not discharge his trust , but is bent to subvert Religion , Laws , and Liberties . ( So perpeatually the Dr. doth or will , forget the State of the Qu. ) The King ought ordinarily to be trusted , and a just King ( a David ) is worth 10000. nay 100000. of us his Subjects ; but the will and Lust of such a Tyrant as the Qu. speakes of , is not to be satisfied upon one ( Ionathan or Naboth ) the meanest of those thousands ; yet it must be , if he must still be trusted when he is bent upon extreame Tyranny . What the Dr alleadges further of the Oathes of Allegeance and Supremacy and the late Protestation , prejudices not defensive Resistance , no more then Scripture and Reason hath done . The Oathes of Allegeance and Supremacy are onely to the Kings Legall power and Authority , which no man disputes against . The Protestation is to defend as far as lawfully I may , according to the duty of my Allegiance , His Majesties Royall Person , Honour and Estate ▪ and a defensive Resistance , intends no hurt , but defence and maintenance of him in all these respects ; and so was never protested against . It is therfore vaine that he addes , [ The Kings power cannot be prevalent for the good of his people unlesse it be preserved to him intire , unlesse he hath a power of denyall and of chiefe Command of Armes . ] Repl. But we Argue not against a King intending the good of his people ; but bent to subvert all Good , and this indeed hee cannot doe , unlesse their hands be tyed ▪ by some such Positions as the Dr. would make them believe , that they must not deny him his power of denyall of their safety ▪ when hee himselfe ( or others under him ) meanes to subvert all Religion , Laws and Libertie . And now after all these discourses , the Dr. spends above a Page ( in the 1. Edition ) to summe up his strength , and boasts of his Victory enough and enough . But how justly the Consciences of his Readers and mine must and shall Judge now , and God above all . To whom I very willingly appeale as well as he , or any other ; who for mine own part , have even in this discourse , shewed I am no Idolizer of the Parliaments , nor carryed away with it ( as hee charges ) as the Papists with the name of the Church , nor yet do I thinke Religion may be defended any way . For it may not be with lying nor with doing any thing that God hath undoubtedly forbidden . But he hath forbidden such defensive resistance as I have Argued for , my Conscience finds not , notwithstanding the Drs. bigge words , continually misapplying the indeed terrible sentences of the Apostle , against unlawfull Resisters of the Lawfull Power . And so I have done with the maine of the Drs. Booke , which concernes a Divine . The 2. last Sections , are matters of fact ; wherein it is more easily to satisfie a mans owne Conscience , then discourse of it publiquely : because it brings persons much on the Stage : and some of it cannot but reflect on the King. Of whose honour I am so tender , that I would not willingly have an unworthy thought of him . Neither will I yeeld to the Dr. or any other living Man , in my zeale to His Royall Person Honour and Estate according to my protestation . Yet somwhat must be said , and the Drs calling for it , will deserve little thankes , nor yet his pleadings for all the actions done , if they be well examined . To that therefore though unwillingly , I come . SECT . V. IN this Section he propounds the sum of his second and third generall , which are much matters of fact . Yet in this above the major part of Votes , hee again slides into matter of right and most illegally and unjustly argues against the major part of Votes as against a prevailing Faction . But if conscience may refuse ( or suspend ) to consent to such Votes under that pretence , in vaine do all numerous Bodies meet ; For this principle of his dissolves , and blowes up not only all Parliaments , but all other meetings , Civill or Ecclesiasticall . For how seldome are any matters of great importance , once controverted , & concluded by an unanimous Vote of all as one man ? And in remote places , who can be assured in conscience it was so , though said so ? And what a new doctrine of Politie is this , to make every one , in a great Assembly to have a meere Negative , as this upon the matter doth . The King hath it not , in this case , much lesse any other single Man. But he will not say so , if the Major part should Vote any thing that pleases his Doctorship . If they would Vote the Re-establishment of Bishops Votes and Authority , this were Good with him no doubt , but if it be against his Positions , then it 's but the prevailing of a faction . So unjust and partiall are Men that dispute and Argue for their own Interests , though with pretence of Conscience . But he first repeates what he had told us in his first Section , that it is agreed , 1. That this Resistance must be , Omnibus Ordinibus Regni Consentientibus . 2. That it must be ▪ Legitima Defensi● a meere Defensive Resistance . Repl. For the first of these if some agree to it , yet all do not : I cannot for the Reasons oft insinuated and inserted in what went before ; meaning it as he doth here of an Unanimous consent in Parliament , for not onely a legall number Voting , suffices to any Parliamentary Act , being the Major part present . But if no Parliament were called or could meet through the strength of a Tyranny already prevailing . Nor the Nobility and Gentry and Commons so much as send one to another , t● know one anothers mindes , through the severall Shires of a Kingdome , yet might any one Shire ▪ or part of a Shire , begin to take up Armes to defend themselves by resisting Outragious Attempts of Tyranny against their Religion Laws , and Liberties , and that from the Naturall Liberty , that all have to be no further Subject then God hath commanded , or themselues consented with Gods consent ; and this originally belongs ( as an inseparable priviledge of a Reasonable Creature , ) to each person single , and from thence is derived to Parliamentary and Representative Bodies , and so in Case of such necessity , is not bound to waite , their Assembling , or Votes , nor to be concluded by them , if Assembled they should Vote the contrary by a Conspiracy with the Tyranny : But each may defend himselfe , and each by the Law of charity may ( and should ) also defend his Neighbour , but especially when the danger is common ; as all may without any Votes or Commands , runne together to quench a common fire , stop a breach made by the Sea , resist a Forraine Invading Enemy : Without I say , and even against any Votes or Commands ( if any should be ) to the contrary . Though still I grant , Omnibus Ordinibus Regni Consentientibus , out of Parliament , and much more in Parliament , ( or the Major part consenting , and much more , few or none dissenting ; ) makes the defence more Honourable , more Easie , more Successefull ; Onely I cannot yeeld it as absolutely Necessary to the lawfulnesse of the defence . But the Dr. proceeds , and would insinu●e , that the resistance begun ( in the point of the Militia ) not onely found opposition , specially in the Lords house , but also that the Votes were not free . And that their proceedings are declared against by a greater number than doe remaine in either House , such as have beene cast out , or have withdrawne themselves in dislike of their proceedings . Reply . Now we are come to matter of Fact , and here in many things which the Dr. hath in these two Sections , never any people ( that desired to satisfie their Consciences ) had such advantage , by all sorts of Declarations , Diurnalls , and Writings , summing up , and repeating actions , and proceedings , both since the businesse of the Militia specially , and even sufficiently before , that he that will goe by an implicite Faith , as the Drs. phrase is , or beleeve only one side , is inexcusable if he be misled . All then that that needs be done , to understanding and vigilant Consciences is , but to awaken their memories , and send them to their Almanacks ( as the Dr. speakes ) or their Memorialls , and apply them a little to their hands and hearts . To that then the Dr. saith , may be replyed , first , that there was need of setling the Militia . When once both Houses petitioned it , the King himselfe acknowledged it . Yet it was opposed a while by some in both Houses , ( but the Petition was not consented to at the first by the House of Lords . ) No marvell ; there were Popish , and Popishly affected Lords , whose designe , at least to keep Popery among us still , and in some of them no doubt to advance it , by the ruine of this Parliament , ) would have been hindred or spoiled by the setling it . No marvell then such opposed it ; who also as was noted before , opposed the succours of Ireland , till all the Kingdome almost cried out upon them and it , with whom joyned ( to their great Honour ) at lest the most , if not all , the Bishops present usually . Only once ( as I remember ) for Irelands businesse there were two or three Bishops consenting . But when once those were outed , and the Popish and popishly affected w●thdrawn● , ( even before some of them withdrew ) all Votes passed for the Militia ▪ as now it is . Let consciences now judge , whether ought to be stuck to , those that were for it , or those against it ? Secondly , it is altogether false that a greater number of the House of Commons have declared against the proceedings ; then have been there , and voted their continuance . About 6● . ( and not many more ) have been cast out for their notorious malignancy , and many of them for Actuall Warre against the Parliament . But there was ever the Major part for the Militia , and so for the consequent proceedings . Else ( as I said before ) why came not the Maior part , to out vote them , and set all Right ? Let Conscience judge . The next thing the D● . would prove , is that the Parliament is not upon the Defensive ; and then that they keep within the Defensive . In the first , he puts two questions who was fi●st in Armes ? and what is the cause of the Armes ? In answering the former , because he speakes of an Almanack . I must remember him , and he seemes onely to thinke of 1642. But 1641. must not be forgotten , nor throwne aside as out of date . There we finde first a memorandum of the Northerne Army intended to bee brought up against the Parliament . By the good then , the chiefe Actors and proiectours of it , sled beyond Sea in all haste , after once the Portugall Ambassadour had disclaimed to Mr. Wadsworth that he knew Sir Iohn Suckling ( or had any Commission to desire Forces from the King for his Mrs. Service ( who yet listed and payed diverse Officers and others , and gave ou● that he was to goe into Portugall with three or 400. Secondly , there we find a Memorandum of a great Lord that said , when the Scots were once gone , they would teach the House of Commons better manners , who now did what the list , or to this effect . Thirdly , there we fi●nde a Memorandum , that about one and the same time , there was first a strange businesse ( GOD will in due time cleare it , ) in Scotland , ; and Secondly , the Popish Rebellion brake forth in Ireland : and thirdly , the Parliament was many wayes threatned in England , by Libells of severall kinds , Quaeres , whether any Acts passed while two Armies were in the Kingdome were valid ; Relations of Plots against prime Members ; many intelligence of warning from forraine parts . Fourthly , there we find a Memorandum of the Irish Rebells , boastings of their Partie here , threatning to invade the Kingdome . 5. There we finde a Memorandum , that the King brought Winter with him out of Scotland ( as he went thither in a kind of storme , against the earnest advise of both Houses , and after a severe speech made by the Lord keeper in his name and presence ) all clouds and never a Sun shine day all the yeare after . The priviledges of Parliament infringed in two or three things , are , the two Houses declared to him by a Petition of Decem 1.14 . The Parliament guards dismissed , and a new one denied , though they desired to trust the then Lord Chamberlaine of the Kings House : but another was offered to be put upon them , under the Command of the Lord Chamberlaine of the Queens House . All these Memorandums , the Almanak of 1641. affords , which all put together , make some what toward ●he necessitie of a preparation for Defence , at least by petitioning for the Militia to be setled ( Etsi non placent singula , juncta juvant . ) But now no sooner doth our Almanack of 1642. appeare , but first it presently presents us with the accusation of the 6. Members ; and secondly , straight after with the Kings comming to the House of Commons , to demand the five Members of the House . The carriage of which businesse , by the Kings Attendants , if any one will be ignorant of , let him be so ; Res ipsa loquitur , the thing it selfe was so in the sight of the Sunne , as was uncapable of a mistake ; yet did an Answer ( to a Petition of the Maj●r , and Aldermen of the City , upon the occasion of a few dayes after , ) say that the King had no other Attendants , but onely Gentlemen armed with their Swords . Thirdly , about a week aft●r , the King withdrawes to Hampton-Court , and never returned to the Parliament since , ( nor ever passed any Bill save that against Bishops Votes , and two or three about Ireland ; ) of which what the Lord Digby said to the Cavaliers , that came to the House of Commons , and how he behaved himselfe at Kingstone upon Thames , the Parliament hath sufficiently declared , and in their Defence of their Remonstrance of May 26. have shewed , that it is evident he did so carry himselfe , though it have beene denyed . Fourthly his Letter ( after he was fled ) to the Queen , and another to Sir Lewes Dives counselling the King to retire to some strong place , on which the Attempt on Hull , hath made an unhappy Comment , ( and another since that surprised , written to the Queene , signifying what Counsell he gave the King in a Letter , about that time which hath been ever since followed . ) Fiftly , the Militia denyed for Cities and Corporations , ( upon pretence of a Petition from the City of London , contrived by Binion , and some few others ) which was of the greatest consequence for the Parliaments safety , and to keep out forraine Forces ; and this when the Houses thought the King had granted it ; ( the meane while the Queen goes for Holland , in a strange season of the yeare , and on a small occasion , ( the Parliament having the yeare before , given Reasons against her offering to goe beyond Sea , upon another pretence , ) and how she hath done since her going over , is too well knowne . Finally the Earle of Newcastle in a disguised habit and Name , and Captaine Legge , ( two persons that were named in the businesse of bringing up the Northern Armes ) came to Hull , and one of them , I remember now not which , but the Papers will tell , ) shewed the Kings hand for to have had Hull , and the Magazine delivered up to him . And all this before the setling of the Militia by an Ordinance , or Sir Iohn Hothams taking in Forces to keep Hull safe . Let Conscience now judge , whether all this gave not just occasion , for a preparation for Defence ▪ and of a long time after this , nothing more was done , the Militia setled in very ●ew Countries , till the Kings proceedings hath further warned them ●o stand upon their guard , in other places besides London . It is true the King for a time had nothing but Proclamations and Declarations to oppose them . But after he was once gone Northward ( and the Qu. beyond Sea ▪ ) what did hee ever doe or say , but in opposition to them ? and while his Declarations renounced all thoughts of Warre , notes were sent over into Holland for Armes , and a beginning of an Army raised at Yorke , under the name of a Guard. When first the Houses having petitioned the Removing the Magazine at Hull to London . ( Upon a counter-Petition of a very few Gentlemen of Yorkshire , pretending the name of the whole County that it might be kept cleare still ) the King goes instantly to Hull , and demands entrance , intending as he declares to the Parliament after ▪ that he meant so to doe ) to take possession of the Towne and Magazine , and dispose of it : and being denyed , proclaimes Sir Iohn Hotham Traitor , without any processe of Law , or sending first to the House to know if they would owne it ; and after demands justice so peremptorily , as to deny before hand all other businesses , but that of Ireland , ( and how well that was done , we must remember anon ) and then was the Army raised under Colour of a Guard the Yorkshire men , not comming in readily enough to make it appeare a great Army . ) And all this before ever it was declared by the Houses that the King seduced by wicked Councell , intended to make war against his Parliament , and so before ever they set out the Propositions for Money , Plate Horses , and therefore certainly before any one man was listed . In all which the event hath shewed , that they were rather in wisdome too slow , then in conscience too quick in their Preparations for defence . Remembring also , that as soone as the Ship ( Providence ) was come to them ( a provdence indeed to discover what was before intended ) the Siege was straight ●aid to Hu● , and the Declarations then spoke another Language then common men understood them to speake before . For after all the Lords present with the King had subscrib●d ( about Iune 16. ) that they saw in the pretented Guard , &c. no intention of Warre against the Parliament : within few dayes , the King tels them , that if to seeke to recover Hull and the Magazine ( then at London ) and suppresse the Militia ) in all which the Parliament was engaged as much as could be ) were to make Warre against the Parliament , he ever meant to doe these things , and had ever declared so ; though I beleeve none that beleeved him did or could so understand : Let Conscience now judge who began first . As touching the cause of these Armes , the Doctor would perswade us , that it is for somthing which the King hath right to Deny . To evince which , he first affirmes , that it cannot be for Religion or Priviledges and ancient Rights and Liberties , for these the King doth not deny . REPL. But now sufficient verball promises , with such actions done ( as were noted even now ) are to secure Religion or the State , Conscience must judge , and it may a little the better , when we come to consider them againe in the proper place for them ( for here they outrunne their season like Abortives ) in the next Section . Secondly , he saith it must then be for denying the Militia , the disposing offices of State , and such like ; also the government of the Church , and the revenue of it ; and for not denying his power of denying in Parliament . REPL. 1. For the Militia , I referre to what hath beene said , how just reason the Parliament had to petition the securing it , and after to settle it ( as in case of necessity ) by Ordinance . Of which their Declarations have given more full account . 2. For disposing Offices of State , it was never desired , till the difference was very farre advanced , and Hull attempted ; and Sir Iohn Hotham proclaimed Traitour , and the Army raised at Yorke , called a Guard. And so onely desired as a Security after such a breach ; and no way a cause of the breach ; Thirdly , For the Kings power of denying , it was never in question betweene him and them , till the Militia was absolutely and peremptorily denyed . And in all their Declarations they never take it away ; but contrarily in the defence of that May , 26. they grant , that though the King be bound by Oath and care of his people , not to deny any Bill for generall safety and good ( for in ordinary matters they yeeld he may deny ) Yet if he doe deny , it is no Law without him . Onely in case of the common safety , they say the two Houses may doe what is necessary , and it binds the Subjects for that necessity , though he doe deny . The denyall then of the Militia only , in the case of necessity ( with other things noted before ) forced them to doe what they did toward Armes ; and not any difference about a power of deniall in generall . 4. For the government and Revenue of the Church . I beleeve indeed it was a part of the cause of taking Armes ; but not on the Parliaments part : the major part of whom in either House , never ( till very lately ) declared , nor shewed any purpose of taking either away quite , but only reforming ( which the Doctor saith his Majesty is alway ready to agree , ) as may appeare even by the great agitations for so long in the House of Commons of the Bill against Episcopacy root and branch ; and at last it was wholly laid aside ; which shewes the major part never owned it as their delight . Else they would first have absolutely concluded the destructive part ; and then consulted what to have in the roome . B●t to consult first for Successours ; was Pacuvius his Policy to preserve the Senatours of Capua , though he made shew to condemne them all . And had the Commons past the Bill against them ; yet did the Lords never shew any such intendment , who were not easily wonne to take away their Votes , till their Protestation against both Houses in their absence helped to perswade them to it . It can then no way appeare to Conscience that ever the Parliament had thoughts of Armes , to obtaine their taking away . But , I am verily perswaded , by all I could ever heare from the Episcopall Party ; that their feare of this made them ( who had still enough of the Kings eare and heart , ) urge the King to many Actions , which have helped the Warre forward . Among the rest , I cannot but note one ▪ not a weeke passed betweene the 12. Bishops for their Protestation before the King first accused of high Treason , the L. Kimbol●on , and the other five , and then came in that manner to the House of Commons to demand those five . And whereas the Doctor saith the King is bound by Oath to maintaine the Government and Revenue , as by Law they are establish't . REPL. 1. He discovers a secret to us which we understood not before . All men stood amazed at the late Oath to this effect for the government ; and among other Arguments against it not a few considerable men of the Ministry and Gentry before the Parliament lookt at it as an injury to the King , and opposite to our Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacie ( and so the Parliament did in effect vote it ) because it urged men to sweare never to consent to alter the Government , which yet the King and State might possibly judge fit to be altered . But we never thought that the King was supposed bound by his Oath to it already ; and much lesse that all Kings in succession would be bound ( as now the Doctor teaches us ) by their Oathes to maintaine it as it is by Law establisht . This it seems they presumed upon , and so thought to have made all sure , by swearing all the Ministery and Universities , and Masters of Arts , and Schoolemasters , and Physitians ▪ who would have had influence enough into the whole Kingdome within awhile . But God laught at this Project , turned it upon the Head of the Projectours and all the Party , as appeares this Day . And so I am perswaded He will doe , all their Present endeavours of Warre to recover themselves . 2. But in good earnest doth the Doctor ( or any else ) thinke the King bound by Oath to maintain Bishops still in England ( though he hath consented to take them away in Scotland , to prevent War ) even though he hazard the ruine of the Kingdome by a Civill Warre ? and notwithstanding any inconveniences represented to him by the complaints of his People , and the wisedome of his Parliament , and his owne too ? Or doth his Oath bind him to any more then to maintaine them so long as they are establisht by Law as he sweares to maintaine all his other Subjects in their Rights ; and yet an Act of Parliament may alter many things in mens Rights . Are not all Rights of Church and State ( which are not properly jure divino ) compromitted to the Parliament the three Estates , King , Lords , Commons , every time they meet ? And may they not alter and change this or that , so farre as it is humane and establisht but by the Lawes of the Land ? The Kings Oath then binds not him and his Parliament from taking away Bishops , if they judge them ( not jure divino ) and their continuance to be prejudiciall to the State and Church ; ( and so of Revenues the same may be said . ) 3. And if the Dr. will not admit this Answere , but still contend , the King did sweare to maintaine them ( at his Coronation ) as they were then by Law established . Is not the King beholding to him for charging him with Perjury ( as in effect hee doth ) since it is evident that by taking away the high Commission Court , and their power in their Courts of imposing Oathes and Penalties , and after that their Votes in Parl. hee hath not maintain'd them as they were by Law establisht , when he tooke the Oath . How the Doctor will answer this I know not : sure I am , if any Minister having taken the Oath ( never to consent to alter the Government as it now stands establisht , ) had offered to petition such a taking away of their governing power ; he should quickly have beene accursed as a perjured person , and accordingly so dealt with . It remaines then that the King onely swore to maintaine them according to Law ; while they should stand by Law , and not to bind himselfe from any Law-making , though to take them away , in case it should appeare to be for the good of Church and State. And if this be not made good that their taking away will be so ; let us all fight for them . But if it be , woe to those men that hazard the King and two of his Kingdomes ( England and Ireland ) once more ▪ ( as before they would two yeares one after another , have hazarded England and Scotland ) to maintaine Episcopall greatnesse and Authority . 4. What degree of Reformation ( or any thing like to the Primitive Bishops ) did they ever offer to be reduced unto ? which might have contented Parliament and People both , if ever propounded in earnest , to have asked no more . Or what cure for any effectuall Reformation have any of them ( or their Party ) ever shewed since the Parliament met , to have rendred it any way hopefull that they would bee good instruments hereafter ? 5. If therfore after all warnings , they will needs put the King still on ( as it appeares even by the Doctors words ) to fight for their maintenance : Let them remember Mr. Brightmans Propheticall Interpretation of the spewing out of the Laodicean Angell . And though a vomiting somtimes makes a mans heart sick , and ready to dye ; yet where he hath strength of Nature it comes up at last , and proves happy cure . Which in this case ( if it be Christs act ▪ as it much seemes to be ) will not faile to bee fulfilled to our comfort at last , how weake soever it bring us first . I conclude this then , that as Physick is upon the defensive ▪ so much more the endeavour to cast up the humour which unprovoked or but a little stirred , endangers the Bodies health by Inflamations & the like . So the late voting down the B●s ▪ was meerly defensive ; and the War , so much as it is to maintaine them , themselves are and ever were upon the offensive , and offenders , in and the Parliament not at all . Now for the managing of the resistance , the Doctor offers to examine whether it hath beene so void of Hostility as that defensive way , they pretend to , should bee . Let us examine it with him . Here he contends 1. that the Defendant should be of answerable demeanour to David defending himselfe against Saul . REP. But he may be pleased to consider , that as all that handle the difference betweene an offensive War and a defensive , do rationally maintain , that he that is outragiously injuried ( as David in his Embassadors , 2 Sam. ●0 . ) Or dangerously threatned , is but on the defensive ; though he be actually ●n Armes first , through diligence and some advantages perhaps : so a man ▪ keeps himselfe within the bounds of a defence , though he actually offend him that does , or that would assault him , and even though he begin first . So David did in the former case , invading the Ammonites Country , and yet he was properly defensive . So a man on the high way , if a Robber should assault him ; if he could prevent his blow and strike first , it were but in his owne defence : but much more to strike againe and kill ( if he cannot otherwise defend himselfe ) which yet is the highest degree of offence betweene party and party . Ob. But David still withdrew and having taken the Kings speare and cruse , he restored them without demand . Rep. True , but I have formerly given the reason why he ever withdrew , Pag. I need not repeat it . And as for the cruse and speare , he tooke them not away for feare of being hurt by them ( as now Ammunitions and other provisions ) but as the Dr. well sayes , to shew Abners neglect and his own integrity ; and therfore when they had done him that service , he restored them without demand . But the Parl. cannot fly from place to place like David ; they must keep at Westminster , or dissolve themselves ; and they have offered to restore that which they took to prevent their own and the Kingdomes being mischefed by it ; so that security might have been obtained for time to come ; witnesse the Petition sent by the E. of Holland and others to Beverley , while Hull was besieged . In a word there hath been nothing done in this kind , of all that the Dr. reckons up , which meer necessity hath not forced ; and most of those things must have beene done by David , if he had kept Keilah against Saul as he desired and meant to have done . 2 , And whereas the Dr. further urges [ that the Kings loyall and peaceable Subjects are assaulted , despoiled of their Armes , goods , estates , their persons imprisoned , because they would according to their allegiance assist him in this extremity ; or would not contrary to their conscience , joyne with them against him ] Rep. This concerns two sorts of persons ; and for both ▪ though somwhat differently , the satisfaction to this allegation depends upon the justice of the defence it selfe . For 1. if the Parl. do justly take up Arms , then without all doubt ( however the Dr. talks of an implicit faith ) they may seize upon the arms goods estates ▪ persons of those that actually under what pretence soever ) assist against them . Though if their defence be not just , then all this is confessedly a multiplication of injustice : but if they may fight with the Army that opposes them , they may disarm , &c. those that strengthen the army with monys &c. 2. as for those that only wold not , contrary to their conscience joyn with them against him , I have 2. things to say . 1. If any of these have in former times any way promoted illegall commands and practises it is much to be doubted they can bring but slender proof of their forbearing to joyn with the Parl. out of conscience . There is nothing more easie then to pretend conscience in all controverted points . But hee deserves not to be beleeved in his pretence , that hath been but even now ( and much more if he be still ) a violatour of rules of conscience in other respects . It is wel known how tender they have been of other mens consciences in needless Ceremonies , in illegall Innovations , in prophane violations of the Lords Sabbath and the 4th . Com. who now cry conscience to save their mony , or to weaken the Parl. 2. If any be really conscientious in the point ; ye● upon the necessity of a just def●nce the Parl. may as well secure their persons , and specially their Armes ▪ and levy some monies upon them as in a common danger of a forrain enemy trenches may be digged on a mans Land or Forts built ev●n against his will ▪ and in a fire breaking violently out the next house may be p●l'd downe to save a towne or many more houses . Though it is also true , that such ought to have recompence afterward when al the danger is over , and so I doubt not , but all truely consciencious shall have in due time . When it shall appeare they only forbeare out of conscience , and did no acts of malignancy withall ; nor spoke malignantly against the Parliament and their just proceedings . The Modesty of some ( of many ) that have suffered a great deale worse within these few yeares , then the Parliament makes their most Malignant Prisoner , suffer may sufficiently shew , what a Conscientious refusall signifies , if it be no more but so . And if the Parliam . have nothing more to Answer for then rigour against such , the Dr. will hardly prove , they have transgressed the bounds of a lawfull defence . His reproaches therfore in the close of this Sect. I let passe and come at last to his 7. & last Sect. wherunto ▪ if as good a reply can be made as to the former , I shall not much doubt the Sentence of Conscience ( of any one who is unengaged or unpartial ) in the whole Question between us . SECT . 7. WE are now come to the Tendrest Peece of all the Rest ; and how confidently so ever the Dr. charges the Parliament and all that cleave to them with Rendring the King odious , &c. and saith it concernes them so to doe ; yet it shall appeare by what I have to reply to him in this Section , how little delight I have to make the King Odious , and that the Parliament also hath and doth as much as lay in them to put off all Imputations from the King and charge them ( as the Law doth ) upon his Councellors , Judges , Followers and Favourites . Here 1. let me remember him ; that whereas in other Kingdomes , some Favourites , when they have seen their Prince endangered have rather taken his actions upon themselves , then cast theirs on him , and been content to Sacrifice themselves rather for his safety , then expose him to shield themselves . It hath been the continuall practise of the plotters against our Religion , and Liberties to Entitle the King to all their Illegallities and Oppressions ; There can scarce that Grievance be named ( if we except the Ship-money which was devolved upon the Judges , and yet it is well knowne how they were tampered with in the Kings Name ) which they have not Fraudulently gotten the King to own as his Act ; and this is their constant practise to this day , who then hath laboured to make the King Odious ? or whom did it concerne but they ? that so far as the people would finde fault with any thing ▪ they should be forced in a sort to finde fault with the King ; and this also helped to Charme all Tongues ▪ and tie down all hands till they provoked the Scots beyond all degrees of sufferance , to come in with an Army and demand security in and by an English Parl. aswell as one in Scotland . 2. Next whereas the Dr. upbraids the Parliament and People , [ That it seemes they are men that would be loath to suffer for their Religion , they are so ready to fly to Armes to secure themselves ] Repl. 1. It ill becomes a pretender to , and Disputer for Conscience to speake this Language that hath lived to see how many sufferings ( though not resisting to blood ▪ striving against sinne ) many even of the Parliament , but specially of the Ministery and people have yeelded to within 16. or 18. yeares , and never thought of flying to Armes , but rather of flying out of their Native Country , as thousands have done : Unlesse the Dr. will undertake to justifie , all that was Imposed upon mens Consciences all this while ; And if he will do so he shall save many Consciences a labour to judge with what a Conscience hee Writes . 2. Doth he thinke , that they could be so simple as not to foresee that their very flying to Armes was and would be a great suffering , and might prove ( if God should defeat them ) the meanes of extreame suffering . A people so taught , so enured to Passive obedience , and no way enured to Warre , could not be supposed willing or forward to engage themselves , their purses , or much lesse their Persons , against the Name of their King : and each day since the first Necessity hath continually sounded this out , so that they had no reason to be forward to fly to Armes . 3. By what I said on the former Section , and added with the Petition by the E. of Holland ( even now mentioned ) It appeares they did not fly to Armes but fly from it , as far as they could and durst . 3. Wheras the Dr. often in this Section , in the beginning , middle and end insists mainly , upon the breach of Charity , in suspecting the King upon Remote feare , and meere Jealousies , causelesse Jealousies &c. Repl. This may sufficiently be satisfied both in the behalfe of the Parliament , and then of the People that adhere to them joyntly and singly . For the Parliament and people both joyntly ; This may justly be said , 1. The Dr. mistakes , it is not simply a Jealousie of the King , but rather of the Kings Councellors and Followers , who find so much favour with him ( as they and others did before the Parliament against the Scots and us both , and Ireland too , witnesse all their heavy complaints against the Great Favourite Strafford ) that they are able to put him from time to time , upon these Actions which his goodnesse of it selfe , rightly informed and councelled , would abhorre ; and hath so often declared against , and yet Actions againe have discredited those declarations , as the Memory of those that have been awake cannot forget , both Referring to Religion and Liberties and the Parliament Remonstrances do amply set out , besids other Books . If therfore Security be once obtained against such persons ; I am perswaded the King will be no more suspected ; and in the meane time , it must be a strange Charity that can chuse but suspect them . 2. Where the danger is of much importance , both for Greatnesse of Mischiefe and Inevitablenesse according to Man , if not timely prevented ; Charity to ourselves ( and others ) will not onely allow , but commend , and even command to suspect and accordingly prevent , such dangers by suspecting Persons and Actions which in lesser matters they would and might and should venture to trust . Fire neere straw or Gunpowder , is to be suspected more then neere hard wood . Hedge-breakers and breakers of Houses are not equally to be suspected . Religion ▪ Laws and Liberties are precious things and may be sooner lost then recovered . And his Charity hath drunk of the water of Lethe , that forgets these were lately attempted and endangered . ( The Kings own Declarations acknowledge Laws and Liberties have been broken . ) And how since the E. of Straffo●ds death , all the old Projectors are become Converts , is too hard a morsell for Charity to swallow , when it must hazard such deare things to many of the same Persons againe . Specially seeing still , what they have done since the first sitting of the Parliam . toward their old Projects , as hath been partly noted already and somewhat more must be said by and by . Next for the Parliament alone . They are the great Councell of the Kingdome the publique Watch-men , the Highest Court of Judicature , it concerns them therfore to exercise their Charity , for the safety of those that have trusted them . Charity towards Attempters against a City , is none of the Vertues of a Watchman , nor toward Attempters of dangerous Treasons against a King and Kingdome , the Vertue of a Judge . Were they onely to loose their own Liberties or Lives , their Charity might venture much further , then now it may , when they must Answer for Religion , Laws , and Liberties ( and so Lives and Consciences ) of a whole Kingdome , of 2 Kingdomes , England and Ireland , as formerly of England and Scotland , if not rather then and still , of all 3. in a degree . Who would not Curse their Charity , detest their Folly , if by their Credulity , all this should be betrayed and ruined . If Rhetorick needed in this cause , no Subject could deserve it better , then to cry down such a pernitious Charity , as this would prove , if they should be deceived with credulity . And then for the People alone , have they not a charity to exercise toward the Parliament , as well as toward the Kings Followers ; whom have they trusted to be publike Watchmen , the one or the other ? Whom hath the law trusted to be the great Councell and chief Judges , the one or the other ? Who hath pleaded for their Liberties the one or the other ? 12. Subsidies were demanded ( with intent thereby to engage us in a bloody War against Scotland ) in the Parliament of Aprill , 1640. Onely for taking away of Ship-money . But this Parliament hath proved it so illegall and other things more , that it was taken away without any cost at all , by way of Exchange , and many other happy Lawes hath the ●arliament passed , and obtained for us . But what one thing did the Kings former Counsellors move him to offer to his people , by way of prevention , for State or Religion , in a whole yeer together ? To whom then must the People exercise their charity ? Must they condemn their watchmen , as scaring them needlessely with Old Enemies , discredit the law that saith . [ No dishonourable thing ought to be thought of such a great Councell , such a high Judicature . ] And that when they , more then ever any Parliament before give account to all men , of all their Actions and the grounds of them ? Well , shall that People deserve a ruine , that believe Old Wolves , rather then their faithfull Dogs , then their Councell of Shepheards : That shall thinke themselves bound to be charitable , to those that have attempted their ruine , and uncharitable to those that under God have hitherto saved them . In a word , let those that love Religion , and Laws , and Liberties compare the best actions on the one side , with the best on the other , and the worst on the one side , with the worst on the other : and then let charity judge ( if it dare , or can ) the Parliament Fooles or Traytors , to GOD and the KING , and the STATE ; and the Kings followers , the only wise men , that have discovered their cunning Treachery , and the only faithfull men to Religion , his Majesty and Kingdome . Take in then ▪ the Declarations and Protestations ; on the one side ▪ and on the other , and remember is is not a single charity , whether I shall suspect the King ; but first mixt ▪ whether I shall or may suspect the Kings followers who can doe any thing with him so farre , as that they may doe contrary to what he saith and then a distinguishing charity ▪ whether I shall suspect them , who were once ( most of them apparently ) Delinquents , against Religion and the Laws , Or the Publike Watchmen , and the great Councell an Judicature of the Kingdom : who have done so much and with such diligence to save and restore both and then let Conscience exercise charity as it will answer to GOD , to it selfe to all it's Fellow English men and Christians , and even to the whole World. Thus in generall , now we must examine some particulars . The Dr. names 4 , grounds of feares and jealousie , with which the people have been possessed . All which he first rejects with a gentle comparing of the Parliamont ( who hath set them forth ) to the Devill the Arch-accuser . This is his charity . In stead of rataliating , I will onely say the Lord forgive thee ▪ His first ground is [ Reports of Forraign Power to be brought in . This , he saith , was given out before the setting up of the MILITIA , to keepe the People amused , the easier to draw them into such a posture of defence as was pretended ; and they are all discovered by time to have been vaine . ] REPL. 1. why will he perpetually forget that the King himself granted the Militia necessary to be setled . 2 It was not meerely Forraigne Forces to bee brought in ; but Papists and Delinquents rising at home , that was insinuated a cause of the desire to have the Kingdom put in a posture of defence . 3. Who knows not of the billeting of many thousands of Irish upon us even during the fitting of a former Parliament ? The Project of Germane Horse in the Dukes time is it quite forgotten ? The Earle of Staffords Councell , not only to bring in his Irish Army consisting most of Papists , wherewith to reduce this Kingdome , was it not proved by the Oath of a Privy Counsellor present , and confirmed by his own Notes taken at the time , and did not the rest of the advise then given by that Politician , ( that the King being now deserted by his Parliament , might doe any act of power ( Quaere the words in his charge ) amount to Counselling the bringing in of any forces from any place ? And why must all intelligences after these prevented , bee counted vaine 4. For is all suspition vaine , because the thing suspected comes not to passe , when mean are used to prevent it ? Is all preventing Physicke Vaine ? Is all feare of Pyrates in a Sea voyage vaine , if none assault a well man'd and provided Ship ? Was not such a Navy being secured in safe hands , as would under God have made great Forraign Forces repent their comming against the Kingdomee ; competent reason why those that did mean to come ( if they might have had no resistance on the Sea ) now thought it too hot a service ? 5. But besides the Navy , they had no Landing place , Hull being contrary to the Court-expectation ( and attempt as was Noted before ) secured by the Parliament , and so might well be the more discouraged . 6. Which is the more considerable , because no sooner had they got a Port-Town , namely Newcastle ; but though no Forraign Forces came , who could not be so soon ready ; yet Forraign Ammunition came , not a little ; and Forces of our Country-men , who served in Forraign Countries , and money too , from Forraigne Princes or People . And what more is comming , if our unhappinesse continue till the Spring who can be secure ! But for this if it prove so , the Dr. hath a defence ready . [ All Christian Kings ( he saith ) cannot but thinke themselves concerned in the cause , and it will be as just for the King to use them ▪ against subjects now in arms as it was unjust in the Barons to call in the French against their naturall King ▪ REPL. 1. The Dr. bestirres himself to make the King strong ; ( to maintain the Prelacy among other things as himself hath told us ) before , in the former Section , he said that they that assist him , doe it according to their Allegiance . So that he intends that all his Subjects are bound by their Allegiance to assist him and fight against the Parliament ( even though their Consciences judge them to intend the conservation of Religion , Laws and liberties , and his followers to intend their subversion . ) And here hee calls all Christian Kings i● , as themselves concerned in the Cause 2. When the Rochellers took Arms according to their Priviledges and Edicts of the Kingdome to defend themselves . And our Protestant or Popish Councellors got 8. Ships to be sent to assist the King of France against them , and in the Low-Country they did the like too , what will the Dr. say , were all the Christian Princes concerned to assist against the Rochellers ? If , hee doe , the very souldiers and marriners that went into Ships , shall rise up in judgment against him , who when they knew what they went for , utterly refused to fight against their Religion ; and so the greatest part of them were set a Shore againe , and the rest went on their voyage , and did the mischief to help beat the Rochell Fleet , and give the King possession of the Haven , so as he afterward with the help of the King of Spaine ( so still Princes are concerned against the Protestant ▪ ) made a Barricado so strong as when a Fleet from hence after re-Voyage attempted to relieve Rochell by Sea , ( being then actually besieged by Land ) it could not be done . 3. What will the Dr. say to that Voyage to Rey and that to releeve Rochell , when it proved too late ? Why was not the King still concerned to helpe the King of France ? or was he ? 4 ▪ Will it be Just for the King to use Forraign Forces , when to the understanding of Common Readers hee hath utterly disclaimed it in more then one Declaration ? 5 , What Counsell , would an Enemy to the King and Kingdome ( that hath read Stories , and ours in speciall as the Dr. seemes to have done ) give , but the using of Forraign Forces ? was not the Kingdome Conquered by this very meanes , by the Saxons , when King Vorteger was in debate with his Lords and People , call'd them in to assist him ? Did not the Turkes so come into Europe ? and oft the like hath hapened . 6. He counts it damnable , to resist for defence meerly , much more then , as the Barons in K. Iohns time , to call in a Stranger to make him King : if then to call in other Kings to assist against the Parliament be as just as that was unjust , it is a high vertue though to the utter endangering of the whole Kingdom , whose Counsellour surely it were pity the Dr. should ever be , who hath no more judgment , or more Conscience or charity toward the publique good , then to advise and commend such a practise . 2. Next he propounds the Queens Religion , as a matter which is urged to cause feares and jelousies . Of which he saith , It is no new cause . REPL. 1. It is true , to the great grief of all that truly love Religion , or wish well to her Majestie , but had others wish't it otherwise ( as the Dr. speakes for himselfe ) who have had accesse unto her , She had not bin told by a great man in the Church , ( in the worst season that could be , when it is said shee had some Pangs about Her Religion and asked of it ) that Shee might well be saved in her Religion . Or if any give no credit to this passage , yet it is notorious enough that her illumination hath been so farre from the endeavours of those who might have bin heard by the King and the Queen both , that Ministers have bin check't for praying for Her conversion . 2. But no man hath said , this alone is a sufficient Cause , nor was the Chief cause at the first . It is well known tha● at the first , and for diverse y●e●s Shee carryed her self so , as those that loved the true Religion pitied her rather then severely blamed her , and hoped good of her , if any meanes were used for Her good . But when after some yeeres , a Nuncio from the Pope , was brought over and setled here , those about her have been more active : and yet more since the Q● : Mother came first over , things have ripened apace , and how farre Her Religion hath beene a Cause of the dangers of Scotland , England , and Jreland , by the countenance of the Popish Party generally , and multitudes of Jesuites and Priests , in Court , City , and Country , any common understanding may judge , that remember specially , what even a Solomon did for Out-Landish Idolairous wives , which Nehemiah set so home ● . 13. 3. The little businesse of her journey into Holland , and the great businesse that hath been acted by meanes of that , is but an unhappy comm●nt or explication , of the iustnesse of feares and Jealousies from her Religion . 4. As for the Doctrines and practises of these Times which the Doctor saith , are not the way to make her fall in love with our Religion and draw her to it . She hath little reason to be offended with them , if she be pleased with the Doctrines and practises of her own Popish Religion ; Witnesse the Parisian Massacre , the powder Treason ; and the present too lamentable rebellion of Ireland . Let but that be compared with the worst can be imagined of our Doctrines and practises , and then let her love , which is fairest and meekest ? 3. Then he comes to the resort of Papists and his Majesties entertaining them , and Davids example ( 1 Sam. 22.2 . ) toward Ziba is alledged to justifie it . Rep. 1. But the Dr. forgets that the time before the Parliament , the Papists and popish party had undeniably made an inrode upon our Doctrine , publike Worship , Laws and Liberties ; and against them in speciall was the Militia desired to be setled by people and Parliament . And after all this , upon a difference about the Militia , to imploy them against the Parliament sooner or later , is an example beyond example ; and beyond the power of words to take off the exception . Suppose a Woman suspected of incontinence : ( And Popery is spirituall whoredome ) should take to her selfe the parties with whom she were suspected to be her servants the better to defend her honour , were this a way to cleare her selfe ? Or a Captaine to take in Forces to defend himselfe , having been challenged that they had a designe to ruine his Army or Castle ? 2. What charity can stretch it selfe to beleeve , they intend to assist the King in maintaining the Protestant Religion , and the Laws against themselves , which yet his Protestations proclaime ? Surely some about him , must needs give them other assurance , or they would not be so mad , as to fight for their own suppression , and their Adversaries promotion . 3. But if they be so good subjects ( as the D●maintaines ) and helpe the King in such an extremity , must they not be counted to deserve a great reward , and what can that be , but Ziba-like , to divide the Land ? A Tolleration at least they must needs expect , if not indent for , or be promised . 4. Or , if they be strong enough to overthrow the Parliament , will a division content them ? Will they not be able to command King and All hence-forward ? ( N. B. ) If Protestants charity can be so sottish , by this Doctors delusions , as to trust to their faire dealing with Religion and Laws , when the Parliament is by their force ruined , they deserve no other pitty then a bewitched or distracted Man , who is not afraid of Fire nor Water , but let Straw or Gun-powder lye neare the one , and pulls up floud-gates to give the other passage . 5. Davids followers 1 Sam. 22.2 . were far from Popish qualities . The Text describes them thus , [ Every one that was in distresse , and every one that was in debt , and every one that was discontented , bitter of soule : ] Here is not a word of all this , that signifies them to be wicked . A faithfull Man may be in distresse severall wayes ; he may be in debt , through Gods hand upon him , not his mispending ; and not able to pay , but willing if he were able , and resolved when he should be able : and may be bitter of soule , through oppression , &c. So that though in likelihood among so many there were some vicious ; Yet here is nothing to affirme , that they came as vicious , but as afflicted . 6. Had any of them been Idolaters ( as Papists are ) had they been of confederacy with the professed enemies of Gods true Religion and people , and so known , then David had been too blame to have entertained them ; ( and Saul would have been sure to have laid it to his charge : ) Neither could he ever have purged himselfe so long as he had made them his Guard , that he meant to be faithfull to God and Israel : And specially if Saul had before excepted against such Men as treacherous . This is the Case now , The enmity of Papists , by their very Religion , against ours , our Parliament , and Protestant people , is known to all the world , that understands any thing . The Parliament hath often and often declared their feare of them these two Yeares , and in reference to the setling of the Militia , that so their designe on the Kingdome might be defeated . The King protests , not to owne them nor their helpe . Yet things all along since the first discontents , are still acted as they could wish , and did and doe applaud . And now after all this , to take them into the Armies , and imploy them against the Parliament , is as far from Davids fact in entertaining his Troopes , as their designes against the Parliament are far from his against Saul ▪ 7. It is true indeed , that professed Papists were not actually entertained at the first ; It had been too grosse for them to have appeared at the first , specially in any number ; and would have raised all the Kingdome against them . The Ice therefore must be broke by others first ; and by Court-converts ; Of whose Religion the Priest that had lately written on the subject , ( on which Dr. Featly had animadverted , ) hath given a faire warning , sufficient to startle any man almost . To which purpose , let me adde a word of a Booke I have seen , cal'd Jesuitica Negotiatio , printed neare 20 Yeares since by Order of the States of Frizeland ; which containes Instructions ( surprized ) of the Jesuites , toward the Conversion of the united Provinces : Among which this was one , [ That whosoever they could convert to the Romish Religion , should be still allowed to professe the Protestant Religion , and keep any Office or place he was possest of ; and give sentence against any Papist , or Priest , or Jesuit , according to his place , even sentence of death , if he could not avoid● it : Onely with two cautions . 1. That he should be as favourable as was possible . 2. That he should give timely Intelligence of any severe sentence . ] Let now charity judge , what circumspection almost can suffice against such a generation of Men ? Or what jealousie can be too much of them that still professe this treacherous Religion ? And yet all this notwithstanding , at last to have even professed Papists taken in against the Parliament : Can this be without a designe in them that have counselled the King to it ? Was it not in a prudent fore-sight , that they should be cal'd and admitted to helpe , that the Papists have no where been plundered by the Kings Army , though others have , who held not with the Parliament ? 8. As for Ziba , David knew not his treachery at the first , and his lyes had so blasted honest-hearted Mephibosheth , that it appeares , David did scarcely beleeve his apology for himselfe : Otherwise ( what ever may now be said of his credulous charity to Ziba , to the prejudice of one that was not present to answer for himselfe ) it was none of Davids good deeds ( to be imitated , ) to recompence a flattering Sycophant ( that had brought him a present , in a hard time indeed , ) with so large , a share in Mephibosheths estate , When by the Law of God , he was to dye for his false accusation of Treason , as Mephibosheth had deserved death had it been true . But now our Papists are knowne to be Enemies to the Parliament ( as was said before , ) and some of their Party in the Country sticke not to say , that the Parliaments Intentions of rigour against them , already shewed by the executing of so many Priests and Jesuites , Men of tender consciences ; is one part of the Court-quarrell against them . They are more like Doeg then Ziba , who first accused the Priests , and then readily undertooke the execution of a most cruell sentence , and executed it with all cruelty . But Psal . 52. Reades their doome . And Psal . 54.4 . Sutes the Ziphims too , those of Davids owne Tribe , that came and discovered him to Saul , 1 ▪ Sa. 23.26 ▪ once and againe , and so incensed him afresh against him ; Though Saul blesses them , ( 1 Sa. 23.21 . ) as his speciall good subjects that had compassion of him . Conscience must now judge , whether the Papists being favoured ▪ were any cause of the resistance now made ; or only the resistance now ●●de was the cause , that they were admitted to helpe the King in his distresse . 9. But for the D ● . to honour them with the Title of good subjects , preferring them before the Parliament and so great a part of the Kingdome as visibly adhere to them , is one of the highest reproaches that ever was belcht out against them ; enough for a Jesuite or a Pope to have said . But the Dr. ( how ever he pretend modesty oft-times , and respect to the Parliament , ) stabbs them as desperately , as any enemy could doe now and then : While he seemes also resolved to justifie all that hath been done against them , else he would have been silent in this peece , and the next that followes about Ireland . 10. In the meane time , because he upbraids , with a scandall that this resistance brings on our Religion , which ( saith he ) would not be easily wiped of , were it to stand or fall by the doctrines of this giddy age . I must needs make bold to tell him , that he forgets himselfe strangely , and the Doctrines and practises of our Religion , when he can scarce name that Country , where there are any Protestants , that have not taken Armes to defend Laws and Liberties , and with them Religion , ( even though not before allowed by Laws . ) Sweden , Germany , France , The low Countries , Bohemiah , Scotland . And did not Q. Elizabeth of blessed memory , assist them in France , Holland and Scotland ? and K. James , Holland , and at least owned the cause of the French , though he only sent Ambassadours ? and K. Charles did send to aide Rochel ( as I noted before ) and ownes the Prince of Orange sufficiently , who yet is Rebell Generall against the K. of Spain , if our Parliaments resistance be Rebellion . Indeed , we in England are the last ; and above all other Nations have been by the Court Doctors within this 40 Yeares , much prepared to suffer any thing rather then resist , ( Yet Bishop Bilson in the Queens time , was suffered to averre that the States of a Kingdome might resist , vide ) But it now above all other times , greeves ; that we offer to doe what all others have done before us ( upon a great deale lesse Authority ; considering our Parliament continued by Act , and its power granted by the King , as I have noted before , against all delinquents : ) For if they could have subdued and swallowed us up , the other Protestants in other Countreyes would much more easily have been devoured . 4. The last Allegation , is concerning the businesses of Ireland . Of which because the Dr. saith the King hath written enough , he had done wisely to have written nothing but that word . Though I have not yet been so happy ( who would be glad to see it ) to meet with any Answer to the last Peece of the House of Commons , which reckons so many particulars of wrong done to that poore Kingdom● . ( Therefore till I meete with that , I must needs tell the Dr. he saith not enough to cleare the businesse , nor the Kings Councellours in that businesse . For whereas his whole defence is ●in a word , ) that the Kings necessity , made it lawfull to make use of any thing intended for their releefe , which he parallels by the Necessity that excused the Scots comming in hither . To this divers things may and must be replyed . 1. The Scots are no parallell for this carriage toward Ireland . Their coming ( what ever the Dr. affirmes ) brought no such great detriment to the Inhabitants there , if you except their professed enemies , Papists and Prelates , as the poore Souldiers and other Protestants of Ireland have suffered by the actions done concerning them . 2. The King and Parliament have justified by Act of Parliament , their coming , as necessitated ; Yet they were proclaimed Traitours againe and againe , and it was counted necessary to make War against them one yeare , and a second , as now against the Parliament . The necessity then that is now pretended by the Kings party , wants a great deale of the justification that the Scots have had before all the world , specially remembring all that was noted before , of the doings of the Kings followers , before ever the Parliament did any thing but Petition . 3. Which necessity by them pretended , if it appeare a necessity , by themselves made , will it not make their actions concerning Ireland more horrid , and proclaime the designe to be more rooted . 4. But it must by no means be forgotten , what hath been pretended for Ireland , to which these actions are most contrary . 1. When the King rode Northward , and the Parliament more then once represented that it would greatly prejudice Ireland , The King protested still it should not ; but he would be as ready to doe all things for Ireland , as if he had stayed at London . 2. When he had been at Hull , and demanded of the Parliament justice upon Sr. John Hotham , he declared , he would doe no businesse till he had satisfaction in that , except only the businesse of Ireland . 3. A few dayes after that , he would in all haste goe over in Person to subdue the bloody Rebels , and venture his Royall Person to recover that poore Kingdome . Who now almost can beleeve his Eares or Eyes , that any thing should be done to the prejudice of Ireland . 4. If the dates be observed of some of those things mentioned in that Answer of the House of Commons , they will be found done , before the Parliament had done any thing more toward their own defence , then when that profession was made after the Kings being at Hull , & when the King would have ventured himselfe to goe into Ireland . 5. It is strange that the puni●hing of Sr. John Hotham , and the suppressing the Militia , the recovery of Hull and the Magazene , which at last ( after many other Declarations perswading of no intention at all of a War against the Parliament ) the King declares he would loose his life , but he would obtaine , and this ( I think , Quaere ) before there was any one man listed for the Parliaments defence ; should be thought a necessity allowing any retarding , much lesse disappointing the crying necessities of Ireland , after such Protestations of care for it . 6. If the Parliament be not only , not so good subjects , as the now entertained Recusants , but unlesse they be worse then those horrid Rebels , ( of whom some of the Kings Declarations speake with destation enough ; ) while the Parliament protests before God and the Kingdome , and the world ; that they have no Thoughts nor Intentions but loyall to the King , and faithfull to the Religion and Kingdome , and the Popish bloody Rebels , who one while avouch they have the Kings authority for what they have done , another while seeme to renounce him and to intend a new King ; But alwayes professe to intend the extirpation of the Brittish Nation , and Protestant Religion in that Kingdome , and then to come over into England to fight against the Parliament and Puritans and Protestants here : If I say the Parliament be not worse then the Irish Traitours , it is a prodegy , that any necessity can be thought sufficient to doe such and so many acts as that Declaration of the House of Commons mentions , or almost any one of them ; to the woefull prejudice of that bleeding Kingdome , and great incouragement of the bloody Rebels . It would be too long to insist on every particular , which if a man would Rhetorically ( and but justly ) amplifie , he might astonish all men , how the former Protestations and those actions could agree , and what necessity could be pretended for some of them , as entertaining Irish Rebels , &c. ( vide ) 7. Unto all which , adde but this as a corrollary , that the whole is a most unhappy verification of that which at the first breaking out of the Rebellion was related as spoken from the Rebels , that they had a considerable Party in England , in the very Parliament , and the Court ; and that they doubted not but to find us so much work at home , as we should have no leisure to send succours to the Protestants there ( Nor can I forget , what I heard a few dayes before the Irish Rebellion brake out , that a Steward of a Popish great Lord , disswading a Church-warden from obeying the Order of the House of Commons , about taking away Idolatrous Pictures , &c. Bidds him not be too hasty , for before a Moneth were at an end , he should see great alteration , and so it appeared , though blessed be God , not yet to the full of their hopes . ) Lay now all these things together ( which the Dr. hath instanced in , and forced this descant upon ) with those in the former Section , and then let all consciences exercise their most unpartiall judgement , and most ample charity , and then suspect in whom the designe hath bin and is , which hath necessitated the other party to take Armes , to defend themselves ; and then let them say Amen , to an Application of two Stories of Scriptures , one of Jotham to the men of Shechem , If you have done faithfully , &c. then rejoyce , and ●et your party rejoyce ; but if not , then fire come forth and devoure , &c. The other of Solomon , concerning Abner and Amasa's bloud , let it rest on the head of Joab , &c. but upon David , and upon his house , and upon his Throne , let there be peace from the Lord for ever ; and let I say , all that love God , and the King , and Justice , and Truth say , Amen . But the Doctor will have us consider what the King hath done to exempt these scruples of feares and jealousies from the peoples minds . Which in summe are the passing of Bils this Parliament ; and protestations for Religion , Priviledges of Parliament , Laws and Liberties . For the first of these , what are they worth , in ill times ; and under ill Judges ( if once the Militia and the Navy be surrendred , and this Parliament dissolved ) what did magna Charta , the Petition of Right , Articles of Religion , serve to prevent all the illegalities and innovations upon Church and State before this Parliament ; or what did all the Laws and Priviledges of Scotland serve them for ? If suspected Councellours and followers be still about the King and favoured by him , where shall be a security to take away these feares . Also for the other , What have Protestations prevailed to prevent former danger . That unparallel'd danger to the House of COMMONS , and the whole Kingdome , by his comming into the House , with such Followers waiting at the doors , so weaponed , so behaving themselvs and speaking then and since , was it not the very day after his Message , denying them the Guard they desired , and protesting toward the close [ We do ingage unto you solemnly the word of a King , that the security of all and every one of you from violence , is and shall ever be as much Our care , as the preservation of Vs and Our Children . ] And how did all men judge ( that beleeved the Protestations set out at Yorke a while ) that no war was intended against the Parliament , till some strength gotten , as was noted before , under the name of a Guard out of Yorke-shiere , and more endeavoured by Agents in severall parts of the Kingdom , and hoped for from beyond Sea , altered the language and the face of things , till it came to the present extremities . Also whatever the Doctors Informations were at the time he was penning his clause of applauding the Kings excellent moderation amidst the pressures and extremities of warr , shewing what respect he hath to the Property and Liberty of the Subject ; whosoever remembers what all ( but wilfully ignorant , or altogether carelesse ) know of taking away armes from the Countries along to Chester and backe afterward , the plundering of Banbury ( notwithstanding the Kings promise to the contrary ) and Abington , Reading ( but most specially Brainford ) and Kingston , though helping them in , and having promise of all favour , and then at Marlborow , and great cruelties to those that were led away Prisoners , and this since the Kings Proclamation against plundring ; and since that Newbury , and many other Townes formerly , and of late in Bark shiere , Oxford shiere , Surrey , Buckingham shiere , will have little cause to believe the Doctors intelligences ; or assurances , that all protestations that come in the Kings name may be trusted . And whereas he urges , that we may not raise an evill thought against the King , Eccl. 10. What shall we say to those men , unlesse that of David concerning Sauls Councellours , 1 Sam. 24. That at least they deserve to be accursed , that force men either to distrust or to suffer ruine , because they have power and will to breake that which we would trust the King in , most gladly and desiredly , if he had no such men about him . I have no desire nor will to prosecute particulars further : But the Doctor abuses his Readers to cast an oblique aspersion , as if the Parliament had any thoughts of contending for a new frame of Religion , which deserves no answer , so grosse a slander it is . And then 2dly to insinuate plainly that the 19. Propositions were urged , as so necessary , as unles they were granted , the Kingdom must be imbroyled in a civill warr , and the reliefe of Ireland neglected . The fore-named Petition by the Earle of Holland clears that sufficiently , and the Petition too , that the Earle of Essex should have presented or sent , but the King would receive none from him . The rest of the Doctors book is but recapitulations Rhetoricall of what he hath said before ( and an Answer to the instance of Libna's revolt , which I will be no justifier of , because so little is said of it in Scripture . ) To which I have only these things to adde . 1. Though Absalom ( which he mentioned before , and I slipt ) did falsly calumniate David ( what ever petty neglect might be in some officers ) as appears by 2 Sam. 8. & 1 Ch. & so being a comly person which takes much with the multitude , & a strange f●atterer of all that came for Justice , what ever their cause were , 2 Sa. 15. and the heire apparant of the Crown , might invegle the people into a Rebellion : Yet neither is this any thing like to the causes of complaint or suspitions , that we have had and have still ; nor yet is there any probability , that a people justly governed should by Parliamentary Declarations be armed against their King : As besides all other Arguments appeares , by the small assistance of armed men , any Country hath yeelded to the Parliament , even where they think them in the right in the cause , and themselves too in danger to be plundered . 2. If the Parliaments actions in all things about their defence cannot be excused or justified ( specially by those that see not the whole of their actions , and much lesse the reasons of them ) yet their consciences , that see the justnes of the action for the main , of defence ; and grounds to believe their Protestations of their intentions in the defence , are not bound to be Neuters , much lesse to assist the King against them , because they are not or cannot be satisfied in this or that particular . For then scarce any warre might lawfully be joyned in . 3. In speciall , for the sufferance of so many Sects to vent their doctrins with such liberty , and to commit unsufferable out-rages upon the worship of God. 1 ; Hath not the Parliament declared against Brownists , Anabaptists in the first Remonstrance . 2. Have not some Sectaries bin punished ? as he that made the new Creed , was he not imprisoned ? 3. How many scandalous and innovating Ministers have bin complained of , and yet few of them questioned and those not fully censured ( scarce one by both Houses ) the Doctor will not lay to their charge the suffering of such : which yet he may with more reason , as being offendors of longer continuance and more danger . 4. The truth is , partly the multitude of offendors at first complained of , and partly for neare a yeare and an halfe of late , their owne extreame danger by the Malignant parties getting strength , since the Irish rebellion broke out , and so multitude of businesses over-whelming them , have hindred that Justice , which else those Sects and out-rages ( the Doctor mentions ) would have found , and may yet in due time , if legally proved . 5. And if he will say . some speciall men favoured them in the very Houses , he cannot say more then may be made good of others favouring Superstitions , Arminianisme , Socianisme , and even Popery it selfe , Yet this were most unjustly charged upon the Body of either House , and much lesse on both . And when it shall please God , that the Consultation of Divines shall meet ( for which they have more then once passed the Bill for his Majesty to confirm ) it will I doubt not appeare to all the world , that they never ment to suffer any such opinions or practises , as are truly dishonourable to the true Reformed Protestant Religion : as even in the mean time , the Orthodoxisme and Moderation of the Members of that Assembly ( generally ) known to all that know the persons , may be a sufficient pledge ; among them all , there being very few , that are liable to any pretence of exception for Sects ; and perhaps none at all , for countenancing any such out-rage , as the Doctor cryes out upon . 6. In fine , the worst of the Parliament ( charged upon them with any shadow ) in matter of Religion is but omissions or delayes , which are but Moats to the beames which the Doctor overlooks in their Adversaries , of old and still . Who have made stables of Churches , but they ? Who have burned and troden under foot Bibles , but their Partisans of Ireland ? Not to insist on their horrid blasphemies ( which if Gods word be true , as they will one day find it ) makes our Land groane and mourne under them . If a conscience comes to weigh these in the ballance with the Parliament ; let it , if it dare , be charitable to the Cavaliers and their Army , so as to believe , Religion is like to be defended by them , when the Parliament intends to ruine it . I will say no more to the Doctor but this one thing , that a sober conscience that peruses his whole Treatise , will wonder what kind of conscience his is , that Rhetorizes so for charity on the one side , and wholly neglects it on the other ; telling us more then once , that though we lay downe our lives for our Religion , it is nothing , if we have not the charity he cals , While himselfe with all confidence , charges the Parliament with many grievous faults against Religion , Allegiance , Lawes and Liberties , and Liberties , and discredits all their Protestations and Declarations to the contrary , as if he thought , that as his great Text , Rom. 13. speaks only in his conceit of Monarchs ; so 1 Cor 13. related also to them only . No resisting that higher power , but all charity to him , what ever he doe or say . But as for the Parliament , their power is of no regard , They may be resisted at pleasure , and their words and actions deserving no charity , or challenging none . Consciences will judge ( and may without breach of charity ) how charitable or true these interpretations and imputations be . And so I have done with him . If any other now aske me , why it is not as fitting easie to put off all imputations from the Parliament , and lay it upon a Faction there ( as the Declarations in the Kings Name use to doe ) as it is for the Parliament to put off all from the King to his Councellours and Followers . I answer in a word , the Law commands the one , and Reason gives a faire ground for it . The King is but one ; and so if those about him , fill his head with strange Doctrines in Religion , and Maximes or interpretations of law , and with strange relations in matters of Fact , and answerable suggestions , unles he were a Prophet or an Angell , he can hardly avoid false opinions and errours in government . Himselfe tels us in the fore-cited answer to the 19 Propositions , of surreptiously-gotten commands from a King , by followers and favourites against the Law , which he is bound to protect when he knowes it . Therfore according to our Law , The King may be mis-informed , but hee cannot be mistaken , and the King can doe no wrong , because it supposes hee doth nothing but by Advise of his Councellours in matters of State , and Judges in matters of law . Therfore he grants the Commons may impeach such Favourites and Followers of his , and then the Lords are to judge and punish them . Would this have bin suffered , or would it yet , the Parliament and he would soon accord . But they get him to let them lay all upon him , which themselves say and doe ; and this hazards our undoing . We would not charge or distrust the King : We dare not , must not ( unlesse we meane to be ruined ) trust or discharge his Councellours . But we hope and pray that God will blesse him so at last , as that those being taken away from before him ( or rather being yeelded up by him ) as drosse from the silver , his Throne shall be established in righteousnesse , Majesty and Honour . Meane time we proclaime , they injury him , and us , and the law , that interpret what is said or done against the multitude of his Followers and Army , or any of them , though sheltred by his Name and Presence , as done against him . On the contrary side , the Parliament is a numerous Body , where each one Votes single , and it must be a Maior part that carries any thing ; and there is no other sence of a Parliament in Law and Reason , then the maior part at least : Therfore the Votes , and Orders , and Declarations that come ( as all do ) from the maior part , cannot be lesse then the Votes of the Parliament , themselves 〈◊〉 the Counsellors & Judges , and have none on whom to discharge any imputation . So th● unles a Parliament can be a Faction ( which in our Law is a meere contradiction ) It i● impossible , that a Faction can carry things there ; or what is there done can be so put● off , and the Parliament discharged . I conclude then , a King may be charitably believe to meane well , as he protests , only to be mis-informed and abused by wicked Councellours . But the Parliament cannot be ( is not ) well thought of by charity it self in it's highest perfection , if the maior part vote and act evill things . The Parliament is then the offendor before God and man. For conclusion of all . Let me adde 5 or 6 Qualifications or Cautions upon the whole matter . 1. All Governours , Supreme specially , have somewhat of Prerogative , beyond written or expresse Lawes . But this to be used for the Subjects good not hurt . 2. A Christian , though able and innocent , is not to resist all injuries , done to him in his Estate or person , no not by private persons , much lesse if done by the command of Governours , specially of the Supreme . Christian meeknes requires the one , and Christian subjection the other . 3. An open and publike resistance by armes , is the last Refuge under Heaven , of an oppressed , and endangered Nation . Many injuries are to be let pa● while appearing but personall , not politicall , or designed as presidents . Jealousies are not to be suddenly taken up , nor too deeply taken in : And all possible meanes of redresse and satisfaction is to be endeavoured before this course be taken . 4. If Lawes doe injury , they must not be resisted , unles they command undeniably against God , and not only so , but threaten extreame extremity . 5. Whatsoever injury happens to be done to innocent persons , is to be recompenced as speedily and fully as may be . 6. A Peace is to be imbraced , desired , pursued with all faithfullnesse ; so it may be but rationally safe ▪ and not betray to the misery , which war was undertaken to prevent or remedy . 7. The Nation ( and Parliament ) that is put to this necessity of a warr must acknowledge God● just and heavy displeasure , which so threatens them , so endangers them ; and therefore must before all , and in all , and with all , humble themselves most unfainedly to God , and seeke to make their peace with him , and thus may hope He will blesse their Arms and desires of peace , with sufficient victory and a peacefull and happy Conclusion in due time . Which the Lord of Hosts and God of Peace , may doe for us ( as He will for all His. ) I shut up all with that Prayer and Prophesie , Psal . 125.4 , 5. Do good O Lord to those that be good : and to them that are upright in their hearts . As for such as turne aside to their crooked wayes , the Lord shall leade them forth with the workers of iniquity : but peace shall be upon Israel . Amen , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A55033-e220 His Epist . 2 Cor. 1.12 . 2 Cor. ●● 17 , 18 , 19. Act. 24.5 . Ez● . 4.15 . Act. 17. Luther , B●genhagius , Ius●●s , Ionas , Am●sdo●sias , Sp●lati●●●●nct hō , C●●t●●g●● , and 〈◊〉 Lawyers and States-mē , pu●lished a writing , Anno 15●1 to justifie defensive Armes , &c. K Iames Speech in Pa●● . An. 1609. See Remonstr . Dec 15. 1641. Votes , May 20 Remonst . May 26 1641. Declar. Iuly 13 Aug 3. Aug 15. Aug. 20. Octob. 22. Petitions of Parl March 26 May 20. Iun. 27. Iul. 15. Petitions of London , and severall Counties for the Kings returne . With the L. Generals Petit. which would not be received , &c. Notes for div A55033-e2390 Ier. 27.3 . &c. Ier. 16 . 1●