A45750	----	A description of the famous kingdome of Macaria, shewing its excellent government wherein the inhabitants live in great prosperity, health, and happiness : the king obeyed, the nobles honoured, and all good men respected, vice punished, and vertue rewarded : an example to other nations between a schollar and a traveller. Hartlib, Samuel, d. 1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45750 of text R16655 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H983). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45750 Wing H983 ESTC R16655 12859992 ocm 12859992 94674 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45750) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94674) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 255:E173, no 28) A description of the famous kingdome of Macaria, shewing its excellent government wherein the inhabitants live in great prosperity, health, and happiness : the king obeyed, the nobles honoured, and all good men respected, vice punished, and vertue rewarded : an example to other nations between a schollar and a traveller. Hartlib, Samuel, d. 1662. [4], 15 p. Printed for Francis Constable, London : 1641. Ascribed to Samuel Hartlif. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.) Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Utopias -- Early works to 1800. A45750 R16655 (Wing H983). civilwar no A description of the famous. Kingdome of Macaria; shewing its excellent government: wherein the inhabitants live in great prosperity, health Hartlib, Samuel 1641 4019 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DESCRIPTION OF THE FAMOUS . KINGDOME OF MACARIA ; SHEWING ITS EXCELLENT GOVERNMENT : WHEREIN The Inhabitants live in great Prosperity , Health , and Happinesse ; the King obeyed , the Nobles honoured ; and all good men respected , Vice punished , and vertue rewarded . An Example to other Nations . In a Dialogue between a Schollar and a Traveller . LONDON , Printed for Francis Constable , Anno 1641. TO THE HIGH AND HONOURABLE COURT OF PARLIAMENT . WHereas I am confident , that this Honorable Court will lay the Corner Stone of the worlds happinesse before the final recesse thereof , I have adventured to cast in my widowes mite into the Treasurie ; not as an Instructer , or Counsellour , to this Honourable Assembly , but have delivered my conceptions in a Fiction , as a more mannerly way , having for my pattern Sir Thomas Moore , and Sir Francis Bacon once Lord Chancellour of England ; and humbly desire that this honourable Assembly will be pleased to make use of any thing therein contained , if it may stand with their pleasures , and to laugh at the rest , as a solace to my minde , being enclined to doe good to the publick . So humbly craving leave , that I may take my leave , I rest this 25. of October 1641. A DESCRIPTION OF THE FAMOUS KINGDOME OF MACARIA . SHEWING ITS EXCELLENT GOVERNMENT . Traveller . WEll met sir , your habit professes scholarship , are you a Graduate ? Schollar . Yes sir , I am a Master of Arts . Trav. But what doe you heare in the Exchange ; I conceive you trade in knowledge , and here is no place to traffick for it ; neither in the book of rates is there any imposition upon such commodities : so that you have no great businesse either here or at the Custome-house . Come let us goe into the fields , I am a Traveller , and can tell you strange newes , and much knowledge , and I have brought it over the sea without paying any Custome , though it bee worth all the merchandize in the kingdome . Schol. We Scholars love to heare newes , and to learne knowledge , I will wait upon you , goe whither you will . Trav. Well , we will goe into Moore fields , and take a turne or two , there we shall be out of this noise , and throng of people . Sch. Agreed ; but as we goe , what good newes doe you heare of the Parliament ? Trav. I heare that they are generally bent to make a good reformation , but that they have some stops and hinderances , so that they cannot make such quick dispatch as they would ; and if any experience which I have learned in my long travels , may stand them in stead , I would willingly impart it for the publick good . Sch. I like that well , I pray you declare some good experience , that I may say that I have gained some thing by the company of Travellers . Trav. In a Kingdome called Macatia , the King and the Governours doe live in great honour and riches , and the people doe live in great plenty , prosperitie , health , peace , and happinesse , and have not halfe so much trouble as they have in these European Countreyes . Sch. That seemeth to me impossible : you Travellers must take heed of two things principally in your relations ; first , that you say nothing that is generally deemed impossible . Secondly , that your relation hath no contradiction in it , or else all men will think that you make use of the Travellers priviledge , to wit , to lie by authority . Trav. If I could change all the minds in England as easily as I suppose I shall change yours , this Kingdome would be presently like to it : when you heare the manner of their government , you will deeme it to be very possible , and withall very easie . Sch. I pray you sir declare the manner of their government , for I think long till I heare it . Trav. As for brevitie in discourse , I shall answer your desire . They have a Great Councell like to the Parliament in England , but it sitteth once a yeer for a short space , and they heare no complaints against any but Ministers of State , Judges , and Officers ; those they trounce soundly , if there because : Besides , they have five under Councels ; to wit , A Councell of Husbandry . A Councell of Fishing . A Councell of Trade by Land . A Councell of Trade by Sea . A Councell for new Plantations . These sit once a yeere for a very short space , and have power to heare and determine , and to punish Malefactors severely , and to reward Benefactors honourable , and to make new lawes , not repugnant to the lawes of the Great Councell , for the whole Kingdome , like as Court Leets , and Corporations have within their owne Precincts and Liberties in England . Sch. I pray you sir declare some of the principall Lawes made by those under Councels . Trav. The Councell of Husbandry hath ordered , that the twentieth part of every mans goods that dieth shall be employed about the improving of lands , and making of High-wayes faire , and bridges over Rivers ; by which meanes the whole Kingdome is become like to a fruitfull Garden , the High-wayes are paved , and are as faire as the streets of a Citie ; and as for Bridges over Rivers , they are so high , that none are ever drowned in their travels . Also they have established a law , that if any man holdeth more land than he is able to improve to the utmost , he shall be admonished , first , of the great hinderance which it doth to the Common-wealth . Secondly , of the prejudice to himselfe ; and if hee doe not amend his Husbandry within a yeares space , there is a penalty set upon him , which is yeerely doubled , till his lands be forfeited , and he banished out of the Kingdome , as an enemy to the common-wealth . In the Councell of Fishing there are lawes established , whereby immense riches are yeerly drawne out of the Ocean . In the Councell of Trade by Land there are established Lawes , so that there are not too many Tradesmen , nor too few , by enjoyning longer or shorter times of Apprentiships . In the Councell of Trade by Sea there is established a law , that all Traffick is lawfull which may enrich the Kingdome . In the Councell for new Plantations there is established a law , that every yeere a certaine number shall be sent our , strongly fortified , and provided for at the publike charge , till such times as they may subsist by their owne endevours : and this number is set downe by the said Councell , wherein they take diligent notice of the surplusage of people that may be spared . Sch. But you spoke of peace to be permanent in that Kingdome , how can that be ? Trav. Very easily ; for they have a law , that if any Prince shall attempt any invasion , his kingdome shall be lawfull prize : and the Inhabitants of this happy Countrey are so numerous , strong , and rich , that they have destroyed some without any considerable resistance ; and the rest take warning . Sch. But you spoke of health , how can that be procured by a better way than wee have here in England ? Trav. Yes very easily ; for they have an house , or Colledge of experience , where they deliver out yeerly such medicines as they find out by experience ; and all such as shall be able to demonstrate any experiment for the health or wealth of men , are honourably rewarded at the publike charge , by which their skill in Husbandry , Physick , and Surgerie , is most excellent . Sch. But this is against Physicians . Trav. In Macaria the Parson of every Parish is a good Physician , and doth execute both functions , to wit , cura animarum , & cura corporum ; and they think it as absurd for a Divine to be without the skill of Physick , as it is to put new wine into old bottles ; and the Physicians being true Naturalists , may as well become good Divines , as the Divines doe become good Physicians . Sch. But you spoke of grat facilitie that these men have in their functions , how can that be ? Trav. Very easily : for the Divines , by reason that the Societie of Experimenters is liable to an action , if they shall deliver out any false receit , are not troubled to trie conclusions , or experiments , but onely to consider of the diversitie of natures , complexions , and constitutions , which they are to know , for the cure of soules , as well as of bodies . Sch. I know divers Divines in England that are Physicians , and therefore I hold well with this report , and I would that all were such , for they have great estimation with the people , and can rule them at their pleasure ? Sch. But how cometh the facilitie of becoming good Divines ? Trav. They are all of approved abilitie in humane learning , before they take in hand that function , and then they have such rules , that they need no considerable studie to accomplish all knowledge fit for Divines , by reason that there are no diversitie of opinions amongst them . Sch. How can that be ? Trav. Very easily : for they have a law , that if any Divine shall publish a new opinion to the Common people , he shall be accounted a disturber of the publick peace , and shall suffer death for it . Sch. But that is the way to keep them in errour perpetually , if they be once in it . Trav. You are deceived ; for if any one hath conceived a new opinion , he is allowed everie yeere freely to dispute it before the Great Councell ; if he overcome his Adversaries , or such as are appointed to be Opponents , then it is generally received for truth ; if he be overcome , then it is declared to be false . Sch. It seemeth that they are Ghristians by your relation of the Parochiall Ministers , but whether are they Protestants or Papists ? Trav. Their Religion consists not in taking notice of severall opinions and sects , but is made up of infallible tenets , which may be proved by invincible arguments , and such as will abide the grand test of extreme dispute ; by which meanes none have power to stirre up Schismes and Heresies ; neither are any of their opinions ridiculous to those who are of contrarie minds . Schol. But you spoke of great honour which the Governours have in the Kingdome of Macaria . Trav. They must needs receive great honour of the people , by reason that there is no injustice done , or very seldome , perhaps once in an age . Sch. But how come they by their great riches which you speak of ? Trav. It is holden a principall policie in State to allow to the ministers of State , Judges , and chiefe Officers , great revenues ; for that , in case they doe not their dutie , in looking to the Kingdomes safety , for conscience sake , yet they may doe it for feare of loosing their owne great Estates . Sch. But how can the King of Macaria be so rich as you speak of ? Trav. He taketh a strict course that all his Crown lands be improved to the utmost , as Forrests , Parkes , Chases , &c. by which meanes his revenues are so great , that hee seldome needeth to put impositions upon his Subjects , by reason hee hath seldome any warres ; and if there bee cause , the Subjects are as ready to give , as hee to demand : for they hold it to bee a principall policie in State , to keep the Kings Cofers full , and so full , that it is an astonishment to all Invaders . Sch. But how cometh the Kings great honour which you speak of ? Trav. Who can but love and honour such a Prince , which in his tender and parentall care of the publick good of his loving Subjects , useth no pretences for realities , like to some Princes , in their Acts of State , Edicts , and Proclamations ? Sch. But you Travellers must take heed of contradictions in your relations ; you have affirmed , that the Governours in Macaria have not halfe so much trouble , as they have in these European Kingdomes , and yet by your report they have a Great Councell , like to our Parliament in England , which sit once a yeare : besides that , they have five Under Councels , which sit once a yeare , then how commeth this facility in government ? Trav. The Great Councell heareth no complaints , but against Ministers of State , Judges , and chiefe Officers ; these , being sure to bee trounsed once a yeare , doe never , or very seldome offend : So that their meeting is rather a festivity , than a trouble . And as for the Judges and chiefe Officers , there is no hope that any man can prevaile in his suit by bribery , favour , or corrupt dealing ; so that they have few causes to be troubled withall . Sch. I have read over Sr. Thomas Mores Vtopia , and my Lord Bacons New Atlantis , which hee called so in imitation of Plato's old one , but none of them giveth mee satisfaction , how the Kingdome of England may be happy , so much as this discourse , which is briefe and pithy , and easie to be effected , if all men be willing . Trav. You Divines have the sway of mens minds , you may as easily perswade them to good as to bad , to truth as well as to falshood . Sch. Well , in my next Sermon I will make it manifest , that those that are against this honourable designe , are first , enimies to God and goodnesse ; secondly , enimies to the Common-wealth ; thirdly , enimies to themselves , and their posterity . Trav. And you may put in , that they are enimies to the King , and to his posterity , and so consequently , traitors : for hee that would not have the Kings honour , and riches to be advanced , and his Kingdome to bee permanent to him , and to his heires , is a traitor , or else I know not what treason meaneth . Sch. Well , I see that the cause is not in God , but in mens fooleries , that the people live in misery in this world , when they may so easily bee relieved : I will joyne my forces with you , and wee will try a conclusion , to make our selves and posterity to bee happy . Trav. Well , what will you doe towards the worke ? Sch. I have told you before , I will publish it in my next Sermon , and I will use meanes that in all Visitations and meetings of Divines , they may bee exhorted to doe the like . Trav. This would doe the feat , but that the Divines in England , having not the skill of Physick , are not so highly esteemed , nor beare so great a sway as they doe in Macaria . Sch. Well , what will you doe toward the worke ? Trav. I will propound a book of Husbandry to the high Court of Parliament , whereby the Kingdome may maintaine double the number of people , which it doth now , and in more plenty and prosperity , than now they enjoy . Sch. That is excellent : I cannot conceive , but that if a Kingdome may be improved to maintaine twice as many people as it did before , it is as good as the conquest of another Kingdome , as great , if not better . Trav. Nay , it is certainly better ; for when the Townes are thin , and farre distant , and the people scarce and poore , the King cannot raise men and money upon any sudden occasion , without great difficulty . Sch. Have you a coppy of that booke of Husbandry about you , which is to bee propounded to the Parliament ? Trav. Yes , here is a coppy , peruse it , whilest I goe about a little businesse , and I will presently returne to you . Well , have you perused my book ? Sch. Yes Sir : and finde that you shew the transmutation of sublunary bodies , in such manner , that any man may be rich that will be industrious ; you shew also , how great cities , which formerly devoured the fatnesse of the Kingdome , may yearely make a considerable retribution without any mans prejudice , and your demonstrations are infallible ; this booke will certainly be highly accepted by the high Court of Parliament . Trav. Yes , I doubt it not ; for I have shewed it to divers Parliament men , who have all promised mee faire , so soone as a seasonable time commeth for such occasions . Sch. Were I a Parliament man , I would labour to have this book to bee dispatched , the next thing that is done ; for with all my seven Liberall Arts I cannot discover , how any businesse can bee of more weight than this , wherein the publike good is so greatly furthered ; which to further , we are all bound by the law of God , and Nature . Trav. If this conference bee seriously considered of , it is no laughing matter ; for you heare of the combustions in France , Spaine , Germanie , and other Christian Countreys ; you know that a house divided against it selfe cannot stand : This may give the Turke an advantage , so that England may feare to have him a neerer neighbour than they desire . Why should not all the inhabitants of England joyne with one consent , to make this countrey to bee like to Macaria , that is numerous in people , rich in treasure and munition , that so they may bee invincible ? Sch. None but fooles or mad men will be against it : you have changed my minde , according to your former prediction , and I will change as many minds as I can , by the waies formerly mentioned , and I pray you , that for a further means , this Conference may be printed . Trav. Well , it shall be done forthwith . Sch. But one thing troubleth me , that many Divines are of opinion , that no such Reformation as we would have , shall come before the day of judgement . Trav. Indeed there are many Divines of that opinion , but I can shew an hundred Texts of Scripture , which doe plainly prove , that such a Reformation shall come before the day of judgement . Sch. Yea , I have read many plaine Texts of Scripture to that purpose , but when I searched the Expositors , I found that they did generally expound them mystically . Trav. That is true ; but worthy St. Hierome , considering that those places of Scripture would not beare an Allegoricall exposition , said thus , Possumus ficut & multi alii omnia haec spiritualiter exponere , sed vereor , ne hujusmodi expositionem , prudentes lectores nequaquam recipiant . Sch. I am of St. Hierom's minde , and therefore with clacrity let us pursue our good intentions , and bee good instruments in this worke of Reformation . Trav. There be naturall causes also to further it ; for the Art of Printing will so spread knowledge , that the common people , knowing their own rights and liberties , will not be governed by way of oppression ; and so , by little and little , all Kingdomes will be like to Macaria . Sch. That will bee a good change , when as well superiors as inferiors shall bee more happy : Well , I am imparadised in my minde , in thinking that England may bee made happy , with such expedition and facility . Trav. Well , doe you know any man that hath any secrets , or good experiments ? I will give him gold for them , or others as good in exchange ; that is all the trade I have driven a long time , those riches are free from Customes and Impositions , and I have travelled through many Kingdomes , and paid neither fraight nor Custome for my wares , though I valued them above all the riches in the Kingdome . Sch. I know a Gentleman that is greatly addicted to try experiments , but how hee hath prospered I am not certaine ; I will bring you acquainted with him , perhaps you may doe one another good . Trav. Well , I have appointed a meeting at two of the clocke this day , I love to discourse with Scholars , yet wee must part ; if you meet mee here the next Munday at the Exchange , I will declare to you some more of the Lawes , Customes , and manners of the inhabitants of Macaria . Sch. I will not faile to meet you for any worldly respect ; and if I should bee sicke , I would come in a Sedan : I never received such satisfaction and contentment by any discourse in my life : I doubt not but wee shall obtaine our desires , to make England to bee like to Macaria ; for which our posterity which are yet unborne , will fare the better : and though our neighbour Countreys are pleased to call the English a dull Nation , yet the major part are sensible of their owne good , and the good of their posterity , and those will sway the rest ; so wee and our posterity shall bee all happie . FINIS . 
A28291	----	New Atlantis a work unfinished / written by the Right Honourable Francis, Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban. Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A28291 of text R21978 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B307). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 99 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A28291 Wing B307 ESTC R21978 12619150 ocm 12619150 64462 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28291) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64462) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 342:5) New Atlantis a work unfinished / written by the Right Honourable Francis, Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban. Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. [4], 36 p. s.n., [London : 1658?] "Magnalia naturæ, præcipue quoad usus humanos": p. 21 [i.e. 35]-36. Imprint from NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in Library of Congress. eng Utopias. A28291 R21978 (Wing B307). civilwar no New Atlantis. A vvork unfinished. VVritten by the Right Honourable, Francis, Lord Uerulam, Viscount St. Alban. Bacon, Francis 1658 18580 198 0 0 0 0 0 107 F The rate of 107 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NEW ATLANTIS . A VVork unfinished , Written by the Right Honourable , FRANCIS , Lord Verulam , Viscount St. Alban . To the Reader . THis Fable my Lord devised , to the end that He might exhibit therein , a Modell or Description of a College , instituted for the Interp●eting of Nature , and the producing of Great and Marvellous Works , for the Benefit of Men ; Vnder the Name of Salomons House , or the College of the Six Dayes Works . And even so farre his Lor●ship hath proceeded , as to finish that Part. Certainly the Modell is more Vast , and High , than can possibly be imitated in all things ; Notwithstanding most Things therein are within Mens Power to effect . His Lordship thought also in this present Fable , to have composed a Frame of Lawes , or of the best State or Mould of a Common-Wealth ; But foreseeing it would be a long Work , his Desire of Collecting the Natural History diverted him , which He preferred many degrees before it . This Work of the New Atlantis ( as much as concerneth the English Edition ) his Lordship designed for this place ; In regard it hath so near Affinity ( in one part of it ) with the preceding Natural History . VV. Rawley . NEW ATLANTIS . WE sailed from Peru , ( where we had continued by the space of one whole year ) for China and Iapan , by the South Sea ; taking with us Victuals for twelve Months ; and had good Winds from the East , though soft and weak , for five Mo●ths space and more . But then the Wind came about , and setled in the West for many daies , so as we could make little or no way , and were sometimes in purpose to turn back . But then again there arose Strong and Great VVinds from the South , with a Point East ; which carried us up , ( for all that we could do ) towards the North : By which time our Victuals failed us , though we had made good spare of them . So that finding our selves , in the Midst of the greatest VVilderness of waters in the world , without Victuall , we gave our Selves for lost Men , and prepared for death . Yet we did lift up our Hearts and Voices to GOD above , who sheweth his Wonders in the Deep ; Beseeching him of his Mercy , that as in the Beginning He discovered the Face of the Deep , and brought forth Drie-land : So he would now discover Land to us , that we might not perish . And it came to pass , that the next day about Evening , we saw within a Kenning before us , towards the North , as it were thicker Clouds , which did put us in some hope of Land : Knowing how that part of the South-Sea was utterly unknown : And might have ●slands or Continents , that hitherto were not come to light . VVherefore we bent our course thither , where we saw the appearance of Land , all that Night . And in the Dawning of the next Day , we might plainly discern that it was a Land Flat to our sight , and full of Boscage : which made it shew the more Da●k . And after an Hour and a halfes Sayling , we entred into a good Haven , being the Port of a fair City . Not great indeed , but well built , and that gave a pleasant view from the Sea . And we thinking every minute long , till we were on Land , came close to the Shore , and offered to Land . But straight waies we saw divers of the People , with Bastons in their hands , ( as it were ) forbidding us to land : Yet without any Cries or Fiercenesse , but only as warning us off , by Signes that they made . Whereupon being not a little discomforted , we were advising with our selves , what we should do . During which time , there made forth to us a small Boat , with about eight Persons in it , whereof One of them had in his Hand a Tip-staffe of a yellow Cane , tipped at both ends with Blew , who made aboard our Ship , without any shew of Distrust at all● And when he saw one of our Number , present himself somewhat afore the rest , he drew forth a little Scroul of Parchment ( somewhat yellower than our Parchment , and shining like the Leaves of VVriting Tables , but otherwise soft and flexible , ) and delivered it to our formost man . In which Scroul were written in Antient Hebre● , and in Antient Greek , and in good Latine of the School , and in Spanish , these words ; Land ye not , none of you ; and provide to be gone from this Coast , within sixteen daies , except you have further time given you : Mean while , if you want Fresh Water , or Victual , or help for your Sick , or that your Ship needeth repair , write down your wants , and you shall have that which b●longeth to Mercy . This Scroul was signed with a Stamp of Cherubims Wings , not spread but hanging downwards ; And by them a Crosse . This being delivered , the Officer returned , and left only a Servant with us to receive our Answer . Consulting ●●reupon amongst our Selves , we were much perplexed . The Deniall of Landing , and Hasty VVarning us away , troubled us much : On the other side , to find that the People had Languages , and were so full of Humanity , did comfort us not a little . And above all , the Sign of the Crosse to that Instrument , was to us a great Rejoycing , and as it were a certain Presage of Good . Our Answer was in the Spanish tongue ; That for our Ship , it was well ; For we had rather met with Calmes and contrary winds , than any Tempests . For our Sick , they were many , and in very ill Case ; So that if they were not permitted to Land , they ran in danger of their lives . Our other VVants wee let down in particular , adding ; That we had some little store of Merchandize , which if it pleased them to deal for , it might supply our Wants , without being chargeable unto them . VVe offered some Reward in Pistolets unto the Servant , and a piece of Crimson Velvet to be presented to the Officer : But the Servant took them not , nor would scarce look upon them ; And so left us , and went back in another little Boat which was sent for him . About three Hours after we had dispatched our Answer , there came toward us , a Person ( as it seemed , ) of place . He had on him a Gown with wide Sleeves , of a kind of VVater Chamolet , of an excellent Azure Colour , far more glossy than ours : His under Apparell was green , and so was his Hat , being in the form of a Turban , daintily made , and not so huge as the Turkish Turbans ; And the Locks of his Hair came down below the Brims of it . A Reverend Man was he to behold . He came in a Boat , gilt in some part of it , with four persons more onely in that Boat ; And was followed by another Boat , wherein were some Twenty . VVhen he was come within a Flight-shot of our Ship , Signes were made to us , that we should send forth some to meet him upon the water , which we presently did in our Ship-Boat , sending the principal Man amongst us save one , and four of our Number with him . VVhen we were come within six yards of their Boat , they called to us to stay , and not to approach further , which we did . And thereupon the Man , whom I before described , stood up , and with a loud voyce in Spanish , asked , Are ye Christians ? VVe answered , We were ; fearing the lesse , because of the Crosse we had seen in the Subscription . At which Answer the said Person lift up his Right Hand towards Heaven , and drew it softly to his Mouth ( which is the Gesture they use , when they thank GOD ; ) And then said : If you will swear , ( all of you ) by the merits of the SAVIOUR , that ye are no Pirates ; Nor have shed bloud , lawfully , nor unlawfully , within forty daies past ; you may have License to come on Land . We said , We were all ready to take that Oath . VVhereupon one of those that were with him , being ( as it seemed ) a Notary , made an Entry of this Act. Which done , another of the Attendants of the Great Person , which was with him in the same Boat , after his Lord had spoken a little to him , said aloud : My Lord would have you know , that it is not of Pride , or Greatnesse , that he commeth not aboard your Ship : But for that , in your Answer , you declare , that you have many Sick amongst you , he was warned by the Conservatour of Health , of the City , that he should keep a distance . VVe bowed our selves towards him , and answered : We were his humble Servants ; And accounted for great Honour , and singular Humanity toward us , that which was already done● But hoped well , that the Nature of the Sicknesse , of our Men , was not infectious . So he returned ; And a while after came the Notary to us aboard our Ship ; Holding in his hand a Fruit of that Country , like an Orenge , but of colour between Orenge-tawny and Scarlet : which cast a most excellent Odour . He used it ( as i● seemeth ) for a Preservative against Infection . He gave us our Oath ; By the Name of Iesus and his Merits ; And after told us , that the next day by six of the Clock in the Morning , we should be sent to , and brought to the Strangers House , ( so he called it ) where we should be accommodated of things , both for our VVhole , and for our Sick . So he left us ; And when we offered him some Pistolets , he smiling , said : He must not be twice paid for one Labour : Meaning ( as I take it ) that he had Salary sufficient of the State for his Service . For ( as I after learned ) they call an Officer that taketh Rewards , Twice paid . The next Morning early , there came to us the same Officer , that came to us at first with his Cane , and told us : He came to conduct us to the Strangers House : And that he had prevented the Hour , because we might have the whole day before us , for our Businesse . For ( said he ) If you will follow my Advice , there shall first go with me some few of you , and see the place , and how it may be made convenient for you : And then you may send for your Sick , and the rest of your Number , which ye will bring on Land . VVe thanked him , and said : That this Care , which he took of desolate Strangers , GOD would reward . And so six of us went on Land with him : And when we were on Land , he went before us , and turned to us , and said ; He was but our Servant , and our Guide● He led us through three fair Streets ; And all the VVay we went , there were gathered some People on both sides , standing in a Row : But in so civil a fashion , as if it had been , not to wonder at us , but to wel●om us ; And divers of them , as we passed by them , put their Armes a little abroad , which is their Gesture , when they bid any welcom . The Strangers House is a fair and spacious House , built of Brick , of somewhat a blewer Colour than our Brick : And with handsome VVindows , some of Glasse , ●ome of a kind of Cambrick oyled . He brought us first into a fair Parlour above stairs , and then asked us : What number of persons we were ? And how many sick ? we answered , We were in all ( sick and whole ) one and fifty Persons , whereof our sick were seventeen . He desired us to have patience a little , and to stay till he came back to us ; which was about an Hour● after ; And then he led us to see the Chambers , which were provided for us , being in number nineteen . They having cast it ( as it seemeth ) that four of those Chambers , which were better than the rest , might receive fo● of the principal Men of our Company● And lodge them alone by themselves ; And the other fifteen Chambers were to lodge us , two and two together . The Chambers were handsome and chearfull Chambers , and furnished civilly . Then he led us to a long Gallery , like a Dorture , where he shewed us all along the one side ( for the other side was but wall and window ) seventeen Cells , very neat ones , having partitions of Cedar wood . VVhich Gallery , and Cells , being in all 40● ( many more than we needed , ) were instituted as an Infirmary for sick Persons . And he told us withall , that as any of our Sick waxed well , he might be removed from his Cell , to a Chamber : For which purpose there were set forth ten spare Chambers , besides the number we spake of before . This done , he brought us back to the Parlour , and lifting up his Cane a littl● ( as they do when they give any Charge or Command ) said to us ; Yee are to know that the Custome of the Land requireth , that after this day , and to morrow , ( which we give you for removing your People from your Ship , ) you are to keep within doores for three daies . But let it not trouble you , nor do not think your selves restrained , but rather le●t to your Rest and Ease . You shall want nothing ; and there are six of our People appointed to attend you , for any Businesse you may have abroad . We gave him thanks with all Affection and Respect , and said ; GOD surely is manifested in this Land . VVe offered him also twenty Pistolets ; But he smiled , and only said ; What ? Twice Paid ! And so he left us . Soon after our Dinner was served in ; VVhich was right good Viands , both for Bread and Meat : Better than any Collegiate Diet , that I have known in Europe . VVe had also Drink of three sorts , all wholsome and good ; wine of the Grape ; A Drink of Grain , such as is w●th us our Ale , but more clear : and a kind o● Sider made of a fruit of that Countrey ; A wonderfull pleasing and Refreshing Drink . Besides , there were brought in to us , great Store of those Scarlet Orenges , for our Sick ; which ( they said ) were an assured Remedy for sicknesse taken at Sea . There was given us also , a Box of small gray , or whitish Pills , which they wished our Sick should take , one of the Pills every nigh● before sleep ; which ( they said ) would hasten their Recovery . The next day , after that our Trouble of Carriage , and Removing of our Men , and Goods out of our Shipp , was som●what setled and quiet , I thought good to call our Company together ; and when they were assembled , said unto them ; My dear Friends , Let us know our 〈◊〉 , and how it standeth with us . We are Men cast on Land , as Jonas was , out of the Whales Belly , when we were as buried in the Deep : And now we are on Land , we are but between Death and Life ; For we are beyond , both the Old World and the New ; And whether ever we shall see Europe , GOD only knoweth . It is a kind of Miracle hath brought us hither : And it must be little lesse that shall bring us hence . Therefore in regard of our Deliverance past , and our danger present , and to come , let us look up to GOD , and every Man reform his own waies . Besides , we are come here amongst a Christian People , full of Pietie and Humanity : Let us not bring that confusion of ●ace upon our selves , as to shew our vices , or unworthinesse before them . Yet there is more : For they have by Commandement , ( though in form of courtesie ) Cloystred us within these Walls for three daies : Who knoweth , whether it be not , to take some taste of our manners and conditions ? And if they find them b●d , to banish us straightwaies ; if good , to give us further time . For these men , that they have given us for Attendance , may withall have an Eye upon us . Therefore for Gods love , and as wee love the weal of our Soules and Bodies , let us so behave our selves , as we may be at peace with GOD , and may find grace in the eyes of this People . Our Company with one voyce thanked me for my good Admonition , and promised me to live soberly and civilly , and without giving any the least occasion of Offence . So we spent our three daies joyfully , and without care , in expectation what would be done with us , when they were expired . During which time , we had every hour joy of the Amendment of our Sick ; who thought themselves cast into some Divine Pool of Healing ; They mended so kindly , and so fast . The Morrow after our three daies were past , there came to us a new Man , that we had not seen before , clothed in blew as the former was , save that his Turban was white with a small red Crosse on the Top. He had also a Tippet of fine Linnen . At his Comming in , he did bend to us a little , and put his A●ms abroad . We of our parts saluted him in a very lowly and submissive manner ; As looking that from him we should receive Sentence of Li●e , or Death . He desired to speak with some few of us ; VVhereupon six of us only stayed , and the rest avoided the Room . He said ; I am by Office Governour of this House of Strangers , and by Vocation I am a Christian Priest ; and therefore am come to you , to offer you my service , both as Strangers , and chiefly as Christians . Some things I may tell you , which I think you will not be unwilling to hear . The State hath given you Licence to stay on Land for the space of six weeks : And let it not trouble you , if your occasions ask further time , for the Law in this point is not precise ; And I do not doubt , but my self shall be able to obtain for you such further time as shall be convenient . Ye shall also understand , that the Strangers House , is at this time Rich , and much aforehand ; For it hath laid up Revenew these 37 yea●● : For so long it is since any Stranger arived in this part : And therefore take ye no care● The State will defray you all the time you stay : Neither shall you stay one day lesse for that . As for any Merchandize you have brought , ye shall be well used , and have your return , either in Merchandize , or in Gold and Silver : For to ●s it is all one . And if you have any other Request to make , hide it not . For ye shall find , we will not make your countenance to fall , by the answer ye shall receive . Only this I must tell you , that none of you must go above a Karan , ( that is with them a mile and an half ) from the Wa●ls of the City , without special leave . VVe answered , after we had looked a while upon one another , admiring this gracious and Parent-like usage ; That we could not tell what to say : For we wanted words to expresse our Thanks ; And his Noble free Offers left us nothing to ask . It seemed to us , that we had before us a Picture of our Salvation in Heaven : For we that were a while since in the Iaws of Death , were now brought into a place , where we found nothing but Consolations . For the Command●ment laid upon us , we would not fail to obey it , though it was impossible but our Hearts should be enflamed to tread further upon this happy and Holy Ground . VVe added ; That our Tongues should first cleave to the Roofes of our Mouths , ere we should forget , either this Reverend person , or this whole Nation , in our Prayers . VVe also most humbly besought him to accept of us as his true servants , by as just a Right , as ever men on Earth were bounden ; laying and presenting , both our Persons , and all we had at his feet . He said ; He was a Priest , and looked for a Priests reward ; which was our Brotherly love , and the good of our Souls and Bodies . So he went from us , not without Tears of Tendernesse in his Eyes ; And left us also confused with joy and kindnesse , saying amongst our selves ; That we were come into a Land of Angels● which did appear to us daily , and prevent us with Comforts , which we thought not of , much less expected . The next day about ten of the Clock , the Governour came to us again , and after Salutations said familiarly ; That he was come to visit us ; And called for a Chair , and sate him down : And we being some ten of us ( the rest were of the meaner sort , or else gone abroad , ) sate down with him : And when we were set , he began thus . We of this Island of Bensalem ( for so they call it in their Language ) have this : That by means of our solitary Situation , and of the Laws of Secrecy , which we have for our Travellers , and our rare Admission of Strangers ; we know well most part of the ●●bitable World , and are our selves unknown . Therefore because he that knoweth least is fittest to ask Questions , it is more reason , for the Entertainment of the time , that ye ask me Questions , than that I ask you . VVe answered , That we humbly thanked him , that he would give us leave so to do : And that we conceived by the taste we had already , that there w●s no worldly thing on Earth , more worthy to be known , than the State of that happy Land . But above all ( we said ) since that we were met from the several Ends of the world , and hoped assuredly , that we should meet one day in the Kingdom of Heaven ( for that we were both Parts Christians ) we desired to know ( in respect that Land was so remote , and so divided by vast and unknown Seas from the Land where our SAVIOUR walked on Earth ) who was the Apostle of that Nation , and how it was converted to the Faith ? It appeared in his face , that he took great Contentment in this our Question : He said , Ye knit my heart to you , by asking this Question in the first place : For it sheweth , that you First seek the Kingdom of Heaven : And I shall gladly , and briefly , satisfie your demand . About twenty Years after the Ascension of our SAVIOUR , it came to pass , that there was seen by the People of Renfusa , ( a City upon the Eastern Coast of our Island , ( within night , ) the Night was Cloudy and Calm , ) as it might be some mile in the Sea , a great Pillar of Light ; Not sharp , but in form of a Column , or Cylinder , rising from the Sea , a great way up towards Heaven : and on the top of it was seen a large Crosse of Light , more bright and resplendent than the Body of the Pillar . Upon which so strange a Spectacle , the People of the City gathered apace together upon the Sands , to wonder ; And so after put themselves into a number of small Boats to go nearer to this Marvellous sight . But when the Boats were come within ( about ) sixty yards of the Pillar , they found themselves all bound , and could go no further , yet so as they might move to go about , but might not approach nearer : So as the Boats stood all as in a Theater , beholding this Light , as an Heavenly Sign . It so fell out , that there was in one of the Boats , one of the Wise Men , of the Society of Salomons House : which House or College ( my good Brethren ) is the very Eye of this Kingdome ; who having a while attentively and devoutly viewed , and contemplated this Pillar and Crosse , fell down upon his face : And then raised himself upon his knees , and lifting up his Hands to Heaven , made his Prayers in this manner . LOrd God of Heaven and Earth , thou hast vouchsafed of thy Grace , to those of our Order , to know thy Works of Creation , and true Secrets of them ; And to discern ( as far as appertaineth to the Generations of Men ) between Divine Miracles , Works of Nature , Works of Art , and Impostures , and Illu●ions of all sorts . I do here acknowledge and testifie before this People , that the Thing we now see before our eyes , is thy Finger , and a true Miracle●And for as-much , as we learn in our Books , that thou never workest Miracles , but to a Diviue and Excellent End , ( for the Laws of Nature are thine own Laws , and thou exceedest them not but upon good cause ) we most humbly beseech thee , to prosper this great Sign , And to give us the Interpretation and use of it in Mercy ; VVhich thou dost in some part secretly promise , by sending it unto us . When he had made his Prayer , he presently found the Boat he was in , moveable and unbound ; whereas all the rest remained still fast ; And taking that for an assurance of Leave to approach , he caused the Boat to be softly , and with silence rowed towards the Pillar . But ere he came near it , the Pillar and Crosse of Light brake up ; and cast it self abroad , as it were into a Firmament of many Starres ; which also vanished soon after , and there was nothing left to be seen , but a small Ark , or Chest of Cedar , dry , and not wet at all with water , though it swam . And in the Fore-end of it , which was towards him , grew a small green Branch of Palm ; And when the wise man had taken it with all reverence into his Boat , it opened of it self , and there was found in it a Book , and a Letter ; Both written in fine Parchment , and wrapped in Sindons of Linnen . The Book contained all the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament , according as you have them ; ( For we know well what the Churches with you receive ; ) And the Apocalypse it self ; And some other Books of the New Testament , which were not at that time written , were neverthelesse in the Book . And for the Letter , it was in these words . I Bartholomew , a Servant of the Highest , and Apostle of IESVS CHRIST , was warned by an Angel that appeared to me , in a vision of Glory , that I should commit this Ark to the flouds of the Sea . Therefore I do testifie and declare , unto that People , where GOD shall ordain this Ark to come to Land , that in the same day is come unto them Salvation , and Peace , and Good VVill from the Father , and from the LORD IESVS . There was also in both these Writings , as well the Book , as the Letter , wrought a great Miracle , Conform to that of the Apostles , in the Original Gift o● Tongues . For there being at that time , in thi● Land , Hebrews , Persians , and Indians , besides the Natives , every one read upon the Book , and Letter , as if they had been written in his own Language . And thus was this Land saved from Infidelity ; ( as the Remain of the Old World was from Water ) by an Ark , through the Apostolical and Miraculous Evangelisme of S. Bartholomew . And here he paused , and a Messenger came , and called him forth from us . So this was all that passed in that Conference . The next Day , the same Governor came again to us , immediately after Dinner , and excused himself , saying ; That the Day before be was called from us somewhat abruptly , but now he would make us amends , and spend time with us , if we held his Company and Conference agreeable ; VVe answered ; That we held it so agreeable and pleasing to us , as we forgot both Dangers past , and Fears to come , for the time we heard him speak ; And that we thought a Hour spent with him , was worth Years of our former life . He bowed himself a little to us , and after we were set again , he said ; Well , the Questions are on your part . One of our Number said , after a little Pause ; That there was a Matter , we were no lesse desirous to know , than fearfull to ask , lest we might presume too far . But incouraged by his rare Humanity toward us , ( that could scarce think our selves strangers , being his vowed and professed Servants , ) we would take the Hardnesse to propound it : Humbly beseeching him , if he thought it not fit to be answered , that he would pardon it , though he rejected it . VVe said ; We well observed those his words , which he formerly spake , That this happy Island , where we now stood , was known to few , and yet knew most of the Nations of the World ; which we fou●d to be true , considering they had the Languages of Europe , and knew much of our State and Businesse : And yet we in Europe ( notwithstanding all the remote Discoveries , and Navigations of this last Age ) never heard any of the least Inkling or Glimpse of this Island . This we found wonderfull strange ; for that all Nations have Enterknowledge one of another , either by Voyage into Forein Parts , or by Strangers that come to them : And though the Traveller into a Forein Country , doth commonly know more by the Eye , than he that stayed at home can by relation of the Traveller ; Yet both waies suffice to make a mutual Knowledge , in some degree , on both parts . But for this Island , we never heard tell of any Ship of theirs , that had been seen to a●ive upon any shore of Europe ; No , nor of either the East , or VVest Indies , nor yet of any Ship of any other part of the World , that had made return for them . And yet the Marvell rested not in this . For the Situation of it ( as his Lordship said ) in the secret Conclave of such a vast Sea mought cause it . But then , that they should have Knowledge of the Languages , Books , Affairs , of those that lye such a distance from them , it was a thing we could not tell what to make of ; For that it seemed to us a condition and Propriety of Divine Powers and Beings , to be hidden and unseen to others , and yet to have others open , and as in a light to them . At this speech the Governour gave a gracious smile , and said ; That we did well to ask pardon for this Questi●n we now asked ; For that it imported , as if we thought this Land a Land of Magicians , that sent forth Spirits of the Ayr into all parts , to bring them News , and Intelligence of other Countries . It was answered by us all , in all possible humblenesse , but yet with a Countenance taking Knowledge , that we knew that he spake it but merrily . That we were apt enough to think , there was somewhat supernatural in t●is Island , but yet rather as Angelical , than Magical . But to let his Lordship know truly , what it was that made us tender and doubtfull to ask this Question , it was not any such conceit , but because we remembred , hee had given a Touch in his former Speech , that this Land had Laws of Secrecy touching Strangers : To this he said ; You remember it aright : And therefore in that I shall say to you , I must reserve some particulars , which it is not lawful● for me to reveal ; but there will be enough left to give you satisfaction . You shall understand ( that which perhaps you will scarce think credible ) that about three thousand Years ago , or somewhat more , the Navigation of the World ( specially for remote Voyages ) was greater than at this Day . Do not think with your se●ves , That I know not how much it is increased with you , within these threescore Years : I know it well● And yet I say , greater then , than no● : Whether it was , that the example of the Ark , that saved the Remnant of Men , from the universal Deluge , gave Men confidence to adventure upon the waters ; Or what it was ; but such is the truth . The Phoeniceans , and specially the Tyrians , ●ad great Fleets . So had the Carthaginians their Colony , which is yet further West . Toward the East the Shipping of Egypt , and of Palestina , was likewise great . China also , and the great Atlantis , ( that you call America ) which have now but Iunks , and Canoas , abounded then in tall Ships . This Island , ( as appeareth by faithfull Registers of those times ) had then fifteen hundred strong Ships● of great content . Of all this , there is with you sparing Memory , or none ; But we have large Knowledge thereof . At that time , this Land was known and frequented by the Ships and V●ss●●s of all the Nations beforenamed . And ( as it commeth to passe ) they had many times Men of other Countries , that were no Saylers , that came with them ; As Persians , Chaldeans , Arabians ; So as almost all Nations of Might and Fame r●sorted hither ; Of whom , we have some Stirps , and little Tribes with us , at this day . And for our own Ships , they went sundry Voyages , as well to your Streights , which you call the Pillars of Hercules , As to other parts in the Atlantique and Mediterrane Seas ; As to Paguin , ( which is the same with Cambalaine ) and Quinzy , upon the Oriental Seas , as far as to the Borders of the East Tartary . At the same time , and an Age a●ter , or more , the Inhabitants of the great Atlantis did flourish . For though the Narration and Description which is made by a great Man with you , that the Descendents ●f Neptune planted there ; and of the Magnificent Temple , Palace , City , and Hill ; and the manifold streams of goodly Navigable Rivers , which ( as so many Chains ) invironed the same Site , and Temple ; And the several Degrees of Ascent , whereby Men did climbe up to the same , as i● it had been a Scala Coeli ; be all Poeticall and Fabulous : Yet so much is true , that the said Country of Atlantis ; As well that of Peru then called Coya , as that of Mexico , then named Tyrambel , were mighty and proud Kingdomes , in Arms , Shipping , and Riches : So mighty , as at one time ; ( or at least within the space of ten years , ) they both made two great Expeditions ; They of Tyrambel through the Atlantique to the Mediterrane Sea ; and they of Coya , through the South Sea upon this our Island : And for the former of these , which was into Europe , the same Author amongst you ( as as it seemeth ) had some relation from the AEgyptian Priest , whom he citeth . For assuredly , such a thing there was . But whether it were the Antient Athenians , that had the glory of the Repulse , and Resistance of those Forces , I can say nothing : But certain it is , there never came back either Ship , or Man from that Voyage . Neither had the other Voyage of those of Coya upon us , had better fortune , if they had not met with enemies of greater clemency . For the King of this Island , ( by name Altabin ) a wise Man , and a great Warrier ; Knowing well ●oth his own strength , and that of his Enemies ; handled the matter so , as he cut off their Land-Forces , from their Ships , and entoyled both their Navy , and their Camp , with a greater power than theirs , both by Sea and Land : And compelled them to render themselves without striking stroke : And after they were at his Mercy , contenting himself only with their Oath , that they should no more bear Arms against him , dismissed them all in safety . But the Divine revenge overtook not long after those proud Enterprises . For within lesse than the space of one Hundred Years , the Great Atlantis was utterly lost and destroyed : Not by a great Earthquake , as your Man saith ; ( For that whole Trac● is little subject to Earth-quakes ; ) But by a particular Deluge , or Inundation ; Those Countries having , at this Day , farre greater Rivers , and farre higher Mountains , to pour down Waters , than any part of the Old World . But it is true , that the same Inundation was not deep ; Not past forty foot , in most places , from the Ground ; So that although it destroyed Man and Beast generally , yet some few wild Inhabitants of the Wood escaped . Birds also were saved by flying to the High Trees and Woods . F●r as for Men , although they had Buildings in many places , higher than the Depth of the Water ; Y●● that Inundation , though it were shallow , had a long Continuance ; whereby they of the Vale , that were not drowned , perished for want of Food , and other things necessary . So as marvell you not at the thin Population of America , nor at the Rudenesse and Ignorance of the People ; For you must account your I●habitants of America as a young People ; younger a thousa●d years , at the least , than the rest of the World : For that there was so much time , between the Universal Flood ; and their Particular Inundation . For the poor R●mnant of Humane Seed , which remained in their Mountains , Pe●pled the Countrie again slo●ly , by little and little ; And being simple and a savage People ( Not like Noah and his Sons , which was the chief Family of the Earth ) they were not able to leave Letters , Arts , and Civility to their Posterity ; And having likewise in their Mountainous Habitations been used , ( in respect of the Extreme Cold of those Regions ) to cloath themselves with the Skinnes of Tygers , Beares , and great Hairy Goats , that they have in those Parts ; When afer they came down into the Valley , and fo●nd the intolerable Heats which are there , and knew no means of lighter Apparell ; they were forced to begin the custo●e of Going Naked , which continueth at this day . Only they take great Pride and delight , in the Feathers of Birds ; And this al●o they took from those their Ancestors of the Mountains , who wer● invited unto it , by the infinite Flight of Birds , that came up to the high Grounds , while the Waters stood below . So you see , by this main . Accident of Time , we lost our Traffique with the Amercians , with whom , of all others , in regard , they lay nearest to us , we had most Commerce . As for the other Parts of the World , it is most manifest , that in the Ages following , ( whether , it were in respect of Warres , or by a Natural Revolution of Time , ) Navigation did eve●y where greatly decay ; And specially , farre Voyages , ( the rather by the Use of Gallies , and such Vessels as could hardly brook the Ocean ) were altogether left and omitted . So then , that Part o● Entercourse , which could be from other Nations , to sayl to us ; you see how it hath long since ceased ; Except it were by some rare Accident , as this of yours . But now of the Cessation of that other Part of Entercourse , which mought be by our Sayling to other Nations , I must yield you some other Cause . For I cannot say , ( if I should say truly , ) but our Shipping , for Number , Strength , Mariners , Pylots , and all things that appertain to Navigation , is as great as ever ; And therefore why we should sit at home , I shall now give you an account by it self ; And it ●ill draw nearer , to give you satisfaction , to your principal Question . There reigned in this Island , about 1900 years ago , a King , whose memory of all others we most adore ; Not superstitiously , but as a Divine Instrument , though a Mortal Man : his Name was Salomona : And we esteem him as the Law-giver of our Nation . This King had a large heart , inscrutable ●or good ; and was wholly bent to make his Kingdome and People Happy . He therefore taking into consideration , how sufficient and substantive this Land was , to maintain it self without any ayd ( at all ) of the Foreiner ; Being 5600 Mile in Circuit , and of rare Fertility of Soyl , in the greatest part thereof ; And finding also the Shipping of this Country mo●ght be plentifully set on work , both by Fishing , and by Transportations from Port to Port , and likewise by Sayling unto some small Islands that are not farre from us , and are under the Crown and Laws of this State ; And recalling into his Memory , the happy and flourishing Estate , wherein this Land then was ; So as it mought be a thousand waies alte●e● to the worse , but scarce any one way to the better ; thought nothing wanted to his Noble and Heroical Intentions , but only ( as farre as Humane foresight mought reach ) to give perpetuity to that , which was in his time so happily established● therefore amongst his other Fundamental Laws of this Kingdome , he did ordain , the Interdicts and Prohibitions , which we have touching Entrance of Strangers ; which at that time ( though it was after the Calamity of America ) was frequent ; Doubting Novelties and Commixture of Manners . It is true , the Like Law , against the admission of Strangers without Licence , is an antient Law , in the Kingdome of China , and yet continued in use . But there it is a poor thing ; And hath made them a curious , ignora●t , fearf●ll foolish Nation . But our Law-giver made his Law of an●ther temper . For fi●st , he hath preserved all points of Humanity , in taking Order , and making Provision for the Relie● of Strangers distressed ; whereof you have t●sted . At which Speech ( as reason was ) we all rose up● and bowed our selves . He went on . That King also still desiring to joyn Humanity and Policy together ; And thinking it against Humanity , to detein Strangers here against their Wills ; and against Policy , that they should return , and discover their knowledge of this Estate , hee took this Course : H● did ordain , that of the Strangers , that should be permitted to Land● as many ( at a●l times ) might depart as would ; But as man● as would stay , should have very good Conditions , and Means to live , from the State . Wherein he saw so farre , that now in so many Ages since the Prohibition , we , have memory , not of one Ship that ever returned , and but of thirteen Persons only , at several times , that chose to return in our Bottomes . What those few that returned , may have reported abroad , I know not . But you must think , Whatsoever they have said , could be taken where they came , but for a Dream . Now for our Travelling from hence into Parts abroad , our Law-giver thought fit , altogether to restrein it . So is it not in China . For the Chineses sail where they will , or can ; which sheweth , that their Law of keeping out Strangers , is a Law of Pusillanimity and fear . But this restraint of ours , hath one only Excep●ion , which is admirable ; Preserving the Good which commeth by communicating with Strangers , and avoiding the Hurt : And I will now open it to you . And here I shall seem a little to digresse , but you will by and by find it pertinent . Ye shall understand , ( my dear friends , ) that amongst the Excellent acts of that King , one above all hath the preheminen●e . It was the Erection , and Institution of an Order , or Society , which we call Salomons House ; The Noblest Foundation , ( as we think , ) that ever was upon the Earth : And the Lanthor●e of this Kingdome . It is dedicated to the Study of the VVorks and Creatures of GOD . Some think it beareth the Founders Name a little corrupted , as if it should be Solamon's House . But the Records write it , as it is spoken . So as I take it to be denominate of the King of the Hebrews , which is famous with you , and no stranger to us ; For we have some Parts of his Works , which with you are lost ; Namely that Natural History , which he wrote of all plants , from the Cedar of Libanus , to the Mosse that groweth out of the VVall . And of all things that have Life and Motion . This maketh me think that our King finding himself to Symbolize , in many things , with that King of the Hebrewes ( which lived many years before him ) honoured him with the Title of this Foundation . And I am the rather induced to be of this Opinion , for that I find in antient Records , this Order or Society is sometimes called Salomons House ; And sometimes the College of the Six Daies VVorks ; whereby I am satisfied , That our Excellent King had learned from the Hebrews , That GOD had created the World , and all that therein is , within six Daies ; And therefore he instituted that House , for the finding out of the true Nature of all things ( whereby GOD mought ●ave the more Glory in the Workmanship of them , and Men the more Fruit in their Use of them , ) did give it also that second Name . But now to come to our present purpose . When the King had forbidden , to all his People , Navigation in any Part , that was not under his Crown , he made neverthelesse this Ordinance ; that every twelve years there should be set forth , out of this Kingdom , two Ships , appointed to several Voyages ; that in either of these Ships , there should be a Mission of three of the Fellows , or Brethren of Salomons House , whose Errand was only to give us Knowledge of the Affairs and State of those Countries , to which they were designed ; And especially of the Sciences , Arts , Manufactures , and Inventions of all the World ; And withall to ●ring unto us , Books , Instruments , and Paterns , in every kind : That the Ships , after they had landed the Brethren , should return ; And that the Brethren should stay abroad till the new Mission . The Ships are not otherwise fraught than with store of Victuals , and good Quantity of Treasure to remain with the Brethren , for the buying of such Things , and rewarding of such Persons , as they should think fit . Now for me to tell you , how the vulgar sort of Mariners are contained from being discovered at Land ; And how they that must be put on shore for any time , colour themselves under the Names of other Nations ; And to what places these Voyages have been designed ; And what places of Rendezvous are appointed for the new Missions ; And the like circumstances of the Practique ; I may not do it ; Neither is it much to your desire . But thus you see we maintain a Trade , not for Gold , Silver , or Iewels , Nor for Silks , Nor for Spices ; Nor any other Commodity of Matter ; But only for Gods first Creature , which was Light : To have Light ( I say ) of the growth of all Parts of the World . And when he had said this , he was silent ; And so were we all . For indeed we were all astonished , to hear so strange things so probably told . And he perceiving that we were willing to say somewhat , but had it not ready , in great Courtesie took us off , and descended to ask us Questions of our Voyage and Fortunes , and in the end concluded that we mought do well , to think with our selves , what time of stay we would demand of the State ; And bad us not to scant our selves : For he would procure such time as we desired . VVhereupon we all rose up and presented our selves to kisse the skirt of his Tippet , but he would not suffer us ; and so took his leave . But when it came once amongst our People , that the State used to offer Conditions to Strangers , that would stay , we had work enough to get any of our Men to look to our Ship ; And to keep them from going presently to the Governor , to crave conditions . But with much ado we refrained them , till we mought agree what course to take . We took our selves now for freemen , seeing there was no danger of our utter Perdition ; And lived most joyfully , going abroad , and seeing what was to be seen , in the City and places adjacent● within our Tedder ; And obtaining acquaintance with many of the City , not of the meanest Quality ; at whose hands we found such Humanity , and such a Freedome and desire to take Strangers , as it were , into their Bosome , as was enough to make us forget all that was dear to us , in our own Countries : And continually we met with many things , right worthy of Observation , and Relation : As indeed , if there be a Mi●our in the World , worthy to hold Mens Eyes , it is that Country . One day there were two of our Company bidden to a Feast , of the Family , as they call it . A most Natural , Pious , and Reverend Custom it is , shewing that Nation to be compounded of all goodnesse . This is the manner of it . It is granted to any Man , that shall live to see thirty Persons , descended of his Body , alive together , and all above three years old , to make this Feast , which is done at the cost of the State . The Father of the Family , whom they call the Tirsan , two daies before the ●east , taketh to him three of such Friends as he liketh to chuse ; And is assisted also by the Governour of the City , or Place , where the Feast is celebrated ; and all the Persons of the Family , of both Sexes , are summoned to attend him . These two daies the Tirsan sitteth in consultation , concerning the good Estate of the Family . There , if there be any Discord or Sutes between any of the Family , they are compounded and appeased . There , if any of the Family be distressed or decayed , order is taken for their Relief , and competent means to live . There , if any be subject to vice , or take ill Courses , they are reproved , and Censured . So likewise , Direction is given touching Mariages , and the courses of life , which any of them should ●ake , with divers ot●er the like Orders and Advices . The Governour assisteth to the end , to put in Execution , by his Publike Authority , the Decrees and orders of the Tirsan , if they should be disobeyed , though that se●dome needeth ; Such Reverence and obedience they give , to the Order of Nature . The Tirsan doth also then ever chuse one man from amongst his Sons , to live in House with him : Who is called , ever after , the Son of the Vine . The Reason will hereafter app●●● . On the Feast day , the Father , or Tirsan , commeth forth 〈◊〉 Divine Service into a large Room where the Feast is celebrated ; Which Room hath an Half-Pace at the upper ●nd . Against the wall , in the middle of the Half-Pace , is a Chair placed for him , with a Table and Carpet before it . Over the Chair is a State , made Round or Ovall , and it is of Ivy ; An Ivy somewhat whiter than ours , like the Leaf of a Silver Aspe , but more shining ; For it is green all winter . And the State is curiously wrought with Silver and Silk of divers Colours , broiding or binding in the Ivy ; And is ever of the work , of some of the Daughters of the Family ; And veiled over at the Top , with a fine Net of Silk and Silver . But the Substance of it is true Ivy ; whereof , after it is taken down , the Friends of the Family are desirous to have some Leaf or Sprig to keep . The Tirsan commeth forth with all his Generation or Linage , the Males before him , and the Females following him ; And if there be a Mother , from whose Body the whole Linage is descended , there is a Traverse placed in a Loft above on the right hand of the Chair , with a privy Dore , and a carved VVindow of Glasse , leaded with Gold and Blew ; where she sitteth , but is not seen . VVhen the Tirsan is come forth , he sitteth down in t●e Chair ; And all the Linage place themselves against the VVall , both at his Back , and upon the Return of the Half-pace , in Order of their years , without difference of Sex , and stand upon their Feet . VVhen he is set , the Room being alwaies full of Company ; but well kept , and without Disorder ; after some pause there commeth in from the lower end of the Room , a Taratan , ( which is much as an Herald ) ●●d on either side of him two young Lads ; whereof one carr●●●h a Scrowl of their shining yellow Parchment ; And the other a cluster of Grapes of Gold , with a long foot or Stalk . The Herald , and Children , are chothed with Mantles of Sea-water green Sattin ; But the Heralds Mantle is streame● with Gold , and hath a train . Then the Herald with three Courtesies , or rather inclinations , commeth up as far as the Half-pace ; And there first taketh into his Hand the Scrowl . This Scrowl is the Kings Charter , containing Gift of Revenew , and many Privileges , Exemptions and points of Honour , granted to the Father of the Family ; And it is ever stiled and directed , To such an one , Our well-beloved Friend and Creditour : Which is a Title proper only to this Case . For they say , the King is Debter to no Man , but for Propagation of his Subjects ; the Seal set to the Kings Charter , is the Kings Image , Imbossed or moulded in Gold ; And though such Charters be expedited of Course , and as of Right , yet they are varied by discretion , according to the Number and Dignity of the Family . This Charter the Herald readeth aloud ; And while it is read , the Father or Tirsan , standeth up , supported by two of his Sons● such as he chooseth . Then the Herald mou●teth the Half-Pace , and delivereth the Charter into his Hand : And with that there is an Acclamation , by all that are present , in their Language , which is thus much ; Happy are the People of Bensalem . Then the Herald taketh into his Hand from the other Child , the Cluster of Grapes , which is of Gold ; Both the Stalk , and the Grapes . But the Grapes are daintily enamelled ; And if the Males of the Family be the greater number , the Grapes are enamelled Purple , with a little Sun set on the top ; If the Females , then they are enamelled into a greenish yellow , with a Cressant on the top . The Grapes are in number as many as there are Descendants of the Family . This Golden Clusture , the Herald delivereth also to the Tirsan ; who presently delivereth it over to that Son , that he had formerly chosen , to be in House with him : VVho beareth it before his Father , as an ensign of Honour , when he goeth in Publike ever after ; And is thereupon called the Son of the Vine . After this Ceremony ended , the Father or Tirsan retireth● And after some time commeth forth again to Dinner , where he sitteth alone under the State , as before ; And none of his Descendants sit with him , of what Degree or Dignity so ever , except he hap to b●●f Salomons House . He is served only by his own Children , 〈◊〉 as are Male ; who perform unto him all service of the Table upon the Knee ; And the VVomen only stand about him , leaning against the VVall . The Room below his Half-pace , hath tables on the sides for the Guests that are bidden ; who are served with great and comely order ; And toward the end of Dinner ( which in the greatest Feasts with them , lasteth never above an Hour and an half ) there is an Hymn sung , varied according to the Invention of him that composed it ; ( for they have excellent Poesie , ) But the Subject of it is ( alwaies ) the praises of Adam , and Noah , and Abraham ; VVhereof the former two Peopled the VVorld , and the last was the Father of the Faithfull . concluding ever with a Thanksgiving for the Nativity of our Saviour , in whose Birth , the Births of all are only Blessed . Dinner being done , the Tirsan retireth again ; And having withdrawn himself alone into a place , where he maketh some private Prayers , he commeth forth the third time , to give the Blessing ; with all his Descendants , who stand about him as at the first . Then he calleth them forth by one and by one , by name , as he pleaseth , though seldome the Order of Age be inverted . The person th●t is called , ( the Table being before removed , ) kneeleth down before the Chair , and the Father layeth his Hand upon his Head , or her Head , and giveth the Blessing in these words ; Son of Bensalem , ( or Daughter of Bensalem , ) thy Father saith it ; The Man by whom thou hast Breath and Life speaketh the word ; the blessing of the Everlasting Father , the Prince of Peace , and t●e Holy Dove be upon thee , and make the daies of thy Pilgrimage good and many . This he saith to every of them ; And that done , if there be any of his Sons of eminent Merit and Vertue , ( so they be not above two , ) he calleth for them again ; and saith , laying his Arm over their shoulders , they s●anding ; Sonnes , it is well you are born , give God the pra●se , and persevere to the end . And withall delivereth to either of them a Jewell , made in the Figure of an Ear of VVheat , which they ever after wear in the front of their Turban , or Hat . This done , they fall to Musick and dances , and other recreations , after their manner , for the rest of the day● This is the full order of that Feast . By that time , six or seven daies were spent , I was fallen in●to straight Acquaintance , with a Merchant of that City , whose Name was Ioabin . He was a Iew and Circumcised : For they have some few stirps of Iews , yet remaining among them , whom they leave to their own Religion . VVhich they may the better do , because they are of a farre differing Disposition from the Iews in other parts . For whereas they hate the Name of CHRIST ; and have a secret inbred Rancour against the People among whom they live ; these ( contrariwise ) give unto our SAVIOUR many high Attributes , and love the Nation of Bensalem , extremely . Surely this Man , of whom I speak , would ever acknowledge , that CHRIST was born of a Virgin , and that he was more than a Man ; And he would tell how GOD made him Ruler of the Seraphims , which guard his Throne ; And they call him also the Milken way , and the Eliah of the Messiah ; and many other high Names ; which though they be Inferiour to his Divine Majesty , yet they are far from the Language of other Iews . And for the Country of Bensalem , ●hi● Man would make no end of commending it , Being desirous by Tradition among the Iews there , to have it beleeved , that the People thereof were of the generations of Abraham , by another Son , whom they call Nachoran ; And that Moses by a secret Cabala ordained the Laws of Bensalem which they now use ; And that when the Messia should come , and sit in his Throne at Hierusalem , the King of Bensalem should sit at his feet , whereas other Kings should keep a great distance . But yet setting aside these Iewish Dreams , the Man was a wise Man , and learned , and of great Policy , and excellently seen in the Laws and Customes of that Nation . Amongst other Discourses , one day I told him , I was much affected with the Relation I had , from some of the Company , of their Custome● in holding the Feast of the Family ; For that ( me thought ) I had never heard of a Solemnity , wherein Nature did so much preside . And because Propagation of Families , proceedeth from the Nuptial Copulation , I desired to know of him , what Laws and Customes they had concerning Mariage ; and whether they kept Mariage well ; and whether they were tyed to one Wife ? For that where Population is so much affected , and such as with them it seemed to be , there is commonly permission of Plurality of Wives . To this he said ; You have reason for to commend that excellent Institution of the Feast of the Family ; And indeed we have Experience , that those Families that are Partakers of the Blessings of that Feast , do flourish and prosper ever after , in an extraordinary manner . But hear me now , and I will tell you what I know . You shall understand , that there is not under the Heavens so chaste a Nation , as this of Bensalem ; Nor so free from all Pollution or foulness● . It is the Virgin of the World . I remember , I have read in one of your Europaean Books , of an holy Hermit amongst you , that d●sired to see the Spirit of Fornication , and there appeared to him , a little foule ugly AEthiope : But if he had desi●ed to see the Spirit of Chastity of Bensalem , it would have appeared to him , in the likenesse of a fair beautifull Cherubine . For there is nothing , amongst Mortall Men , more fair and admirable , than the Chaste Minds of this People . Know therefore , that with them there are no Stewes , no dissolute Houses , no Curtisans , nor any thing of that kind . Nay they wonder ( with detestation ) at you in Europe , which permit such things . They say you have put Mariage out of Office : For Mariage is ordained a Remedy for unlawfull Concupiscence ; And Natural Concupiscence seemeth as a spurre to Mariage . Eut when Men have at hand a Remedy , more agreeable to their corrupt Will , Mariage is almost expulsed . And therefore there are with you seen infinite Men , that mary not , but chuse rather a libertine and impu●e single life , than to be yoaked in Mariage ; And many that do mary , mary late , when the Prime and Strength of their Years is past . And when they do mary , what is Mariage to them , But a very Bargain ; Wherein is sought Alliance , or Portion , or Reputation , with s●me desire ( almost indifferent ) of Issue ; And not the faithfull Nuptial Union of Man and Wife , that was first instituted . Neither is it possible , that those that have cast away so basely , so much of their Strength , should greatly esteem Children ( being of the same Matter ) as chaste Men do . So likewise during Mariage is the Case much amended , as it ought to be if those things were tolerated only for necessity ; No , but they remain still as a very affront to Mariage : The Haunting of those dissolute places , or resort to Courtezans , are no more punished in Maried men , than in Batchelers . And the depraved Custome of Change , and the delight in Meretricious Embracements , ( where sinne is turned into Art , ) maketh Mariage a dull thing , and a kind of Imposition , or Tax . They hear you defend these things ; as do●e to avoid greater Evils ; As Advoutries , Deflouring of Virgins , Unnatural Lust , and the like . But they say , this is a preposterous Wisdome ; and they call it Lots offer , who to save his Guests from abusing , Offered his Daughters : Nay they say further , That there is little gained in this ; For that the same Vices and Appetites , do still remain and abound , Unlawfull Lust being like a Furnace , that if you stop the Flames altogether , it will quench , but if you give it any vent , it will rage ; As for Masculine love , they have no touch of it ; And yet there are not , so faithfull and inviolate Friendships , in the World again , as are there ; And to speak generally , ( as I said before , ) I have not read of any such Chastity , in any People , as theirs . And their usual saying is● That whosoever is unchaste cannot reverence himself : And they say , That the Reverence of a Mans self , is , next Religion , the chiefest bridle of all Vices . And when he had said this , the good Iew paused a little ; Whereupon I far more willing to hear him speak on , than to speak my self ; yet thinking it decent , that upon his pawse of Speech , I should not be altogether silent , said only this ; That I would say to him , as the Widow of Sarepta said to Elias ; That he was come to bring to Memory our Sinnes ; And that I confess the Righteousnesse of Bensalem , was greater than the Righteousnesse of Europe . At which speech he bowed his Head , and went on this manner . They have also many wise and excellent Laws touching Mariage , They a●low no Poligamie . They have ordained that none do intermary or contract , untill a Month be past from their first intervie● . Mariage without consent of Parents they do not make void , but they mu●ct it in the Inheritors : For the Children of such Mariages , are not admitted to inherit , above a third Part of their Parents Inheritance : I have read in a Book of one of your Men , of a Feigned Common-wealth , where the Maried couple are permitted , before they Contract , to see one another Naked . This they dislike : for they think it a scorn , to give a Refusal after so fam●liar Knowledge● But because of many hidden Defects in Men and Womens Bodies , they have a more Civil way : for they have near every Town , a Couple of Pools , ( which they call Adam and Eves Pools ) where it is permit●ed to one of the Friends of the Man , and another of the Friends of the Woman , to see them severally bath Naked . And as we were thus in Conference , there came one that seemed to be a Messenger , in a rich Huke , that spake with the Iew : whereupon he turned to me and said ; You will pardon me , for I am commanded away in hast . The next Morning he came to me again , joy●ull , as it seemed , and said ; There is word come to the Governor of the City , that one of the Fathers of Salomons House , will be here this day Seven●night : We have seen none of them this Dozen Years : His Comming is in State ; But the cause of his Comming is secret . I will provide you , and your Fellows of a good standing to see his Entry . I thanked him and told him : I was most glad ●f the News . The day being come he made his Entry . He was a Man of middle Stature , and age , comely of person , and had an Aspect as if he pitied Men . He was cloathed in a Robe of fine black Cloath , with wide Sleeves , and a Cape . His under Garment was of excellent whi●e Linnen down to the Foot , girt with a Girdle of the same ; And a Sindon or Tippet of the same about his Neck . He had Gloves , that were curious , and set with Stone ; And Shoes of Peach-coloured Velvet . His Neck was bare to the Shoulders . His Hat was like a Helmet , or Spanish Montera ; and his Locks curled below it decently : They were of Colour brown . His Beard was cut round , and of the same colour with his Hair , somewhat ligher . He was carried in a rich Chariot , without wheeles , Litter-wise , With two Horses at either end , richly trapped in blew Velvet Embroydered ; and two Footmen on each side in the like attire . The Chariot was all of Cedar , gilt and adorned with Christal ; save that the Fore-end had Pannels of Sapphires , set in borders of Gold , and the Hinderend the like of Emarauds of the Pe●u Colour . There was also a Sun of Gold , Radiant upon the Top , in the Midst ; and on the Top before , a small Cherub of Gold , with VVings displayed . The Chariot was covered with cloth of Gold ●issued upon Blew . He had before him fifty attendants , young Men all , in white Satten loose Coats up to the Mid Leg , and Stockings of white Silk ; and Shoes of blew Velvet ; and Hats of blew Velvet ; with fine Plums of divers Colours , set round like Hatbands . Next before the Chariot , went two Men , bare headed , in Linnen garments down to thefoot , girt , and Shoes of blew Velvet , who carried the one a Crosier , the other a Pastoral Staff like a Sheep-hook ; Neither of them of Metal , but the Crosier of Balm-wood , the Pastoral Staff of Cedar . Horsemen he had none , neither before nor behind his Chariot : As it seemeth , to avoid all Tumult and trouble . Behind his Chariot , went all the Officers and Principals of the Companies of the City . He sate alone upon Cushions , of a kind of Excellent Plush , blew ; And under his Foot curious Carpets of Silk of divers Colours , like the Persian , but far finer . He held up his Bare Hand as he went , as blessing the people , but in Silence . The Street was wonderfully well kept ; So that there was never any Army had their Men stand in better Battel-Array , than the People stood . The VVindows likewise was not crouded , but every one stood in them , as if they had been placed . VVhen the shew was past , the Iew said to me ; I shall not be able to attend you as I would , in regard of some Charge the City hath laid upon me for the Entertaining of this great Person . Three daies after the Iew came to me again and said ; Ye are happy men ; For the Father of Salomons House taketh knowledge of your being here , and commanded me to tell you , that he will admit all your Company to his presence , and have private Conference with one of you , that yee shall choose : And for this hath appointed the next day after to Morrow . And because he meaneth to give you his Blessing , he hath appointed it in the Fore-Noon . VVe came at our Day and Hour , and I was chosen by my Fellows for the private accesse . VVe found him in a fair Chamber , richly hanged , and carpetted under Foot , without any Degrees to the State , he was set upon a Low Throne richly adorned , and a rich cloth of State over his head of blew Sattin Embroidered . He was alone , save that he had two Pages of Honor , on either Hand one , finely attired in VVhite . His Under-Garments were the like that we saw him wear in the Chariot ; But insteed of his Gown , he had on him a Mantle with a Cape , of the same fine Black , fastened about him . VVhen we came in , as we were taught , we bowed Low at our first Entrance ; And when we were come near his Chair , he stood up , holding forth his Hand ungloved , and in Posture of Blessing ; And we every one of us stooped down , and kissed the Hem of his Tippet . That done , the rest departed , and I remained . Then he warned the Pages forth of the Room , and caused me to sit down beside him , and spake to me thus in the Spanish Tongue . GOD blesse thee , my Son ; I will give thee the greatest Iewel I have . For I will impart unto thee , for the love of GOD and Men , a Relation of the true State of Salomons House . Son , to make you know the true State of Salomons House , I will keep this Order . First , I will set forth unto you the End of our Foundation . Secondly , the Preparations and Instruments we have for our Works . Thirdly , the ●●veral Employments and Functious whereto our Fellows are assigned . And fourthly the Ordinances and Rites which we observe . The end of our Foundation is the Knowledge of Causes , and Secret Motions of things ; and the Enlarging of the bounds of Humane Empire , to the Effecting of all Things possible . The Preparations and Instruments are these . We have large and deep Caves of several Depths : The deepest are sunk 600 Fathome : And s●me of them are digged and made under great Hills and Mountains : So that if you reckon together the Depth of the Hill , and the Depth of the Cave , they are ( some of them ) above three miles deep . For we find , that the Depth of an Hill , and the Depth of a Cave from the Flat , is the same Thing ; both remote alike , from the Sun , and Heavens Beams , and from the open Air● These Caves we call the Lower Region . And we use them for all Coagulations , Indurations , Refrigerations , and Conservations of Bodies . We use them likewise for the Imitation of Natural Mines ; And the Producing , also of New Artificial Metals , by Compositions and Materials which we use and lay there for many years . We use them also sometimes , ( which may seem strange ) for Curing of some Diseases , and for Prolongation of Life , in some Hermits that choose to live there , well accomodated of all things necessary , and indeed live very long ; by whom also we learn many things . We have Burials in several Earths , where we put divers Cements , as the Chineses , do their Porcellane . But we have t●em in greater Variety , and some of them more fine . We also have great variety of Composts , and Soils , for the Making of the Earth Fruit●full . We have High Towers ; The Highest about half a Mile in Height And some of them ●ikewise set upon High Mountains : So that the Vantage of the Hill with the Tower , is in the Highest of them thr●e Miles at least . And these Places we call the Upper Region ; Accounting the Air between the High Places , and the Low , as a Middle Region . We use these Towers , according to their several Heights , and Situations , for Insolation , Refrigeration , Conse●vation , And for the View of divers Meteors ; As Winds , Rain , Snow , Ha●l ; And some of the Fiery Meteors also . And upon them , in some Places , are Dwellings of Hermits , whom we visit sometimes , and instruct what to observe . We have great Lakes , both Salt , and Fresh , whereof we have use for the Fish , and Fowl . VVe use them also for Burials , of some Natural Bodies : For we find a difference in things buried in Earth , or in Air bel●w the Earth ; and things buried in VVater . VVe have also Pools , of which some do strain Fresh VVater out of Salt ; And others by Art do turn Fresh VVater into Salt . We have also some Rocks in the Midst of the Sea ; And some Bayes upon the Shore for some VVorks , wherein is required the Air and Vapour of the Sea . We have likewise violent Streams and Cataracts ; which serve us for many Motions : And likewise Engines for Multiplying and Enforcing of VVinds , to set also on going divers Motions . We have also a Number of Artificial VVells and Fountains , made in Imitation of the Natural Sources and Bathes ; As tincted upon Vitrioll , Sulphur , Steel , Brasse , Lead , Nitre , and other Minerals : And again , we have little Wells for Infusions of many Things , where the Waters take the Vertue quicker and better , than in Vessels or Basins . And amongst them we have a VVater , which we call water of Paradise , being , by that we do it ; made very Soveraign for Health and Prolongation of Life . VVe have also Great and spacious Houses , where we imitate and demonstrate Meteors ; As Snow , Hail , Rain , some Artificial Rains of Bodies , and not of VVater , Thunders , Lightnings ; Also Generations of Bodies , in Air ; As Frogs , Flies , and divers Others . We have also certain Chambers , which we call Chambers of Health , where we qualifie the Air as we think good and proper for the Cure of divers Diseases , and Preservation of Health . We have also ●air and large Baths , of several Mixtures , for the Cure of D●seases●and the restoring of Mans Body from Arefaction : And other for the Confiming of it in Strength of Sinews , vital Parts , and the very Juyce and Substance of the Body . We have also large and various Orchards , and Gardens ; Wherein we do not so much respect Beauty , as Variety of Ground and Soil , proper for divers Trees and Herbs : And some very spacious , wh●re Trees and Berries are set , whereof we make divers Kinds of Drinks , besides the Vine-yards . In these we practise likewise all Conclusions of Graf●ing , and Inoculating , as well of Wild-Trees , as Fruit-Trees , which produceth many Effects : And we make ( by A●t ) in the same Orchards , and Gardens , Trees , and Flowers , to come earlier or later than their Seasons ; And to come up and bear more speedily than by their Natural Course they do . We make them also by Art greater much than their Nature ; And their Fruit greater , and sweeter , and of differings Taste , Smell , Colour , and Figure , from their Nature . And many of them we so Order , that they become of Medicinal Use . We have also Means to make divers Plants rise , by Mixtures of Earths without Seeds ; And likewise to make divers New Plants , differing from the Vulgar ; and to make one Tree or Plant turn into another . We have also Parks , and Enclosures of all Sorts of Beasts , and Birds●which we use not only for view or Rarenesse , but likewise for Dissections and Trials●That thereby we may take light , what may be wrought upon the Body of Man . Wherein we find many strange Effects ; As Continuing Life in them , though divers Parts , which you account Vital , be perished , and taken forth ; Resuscitating of some that seem Dead in Appearance ; And the like . We try also all Poysons , and other Medicines upon them , as well of Chirurgery , as Physick . By Art likewise we make them Greater or Taller , than their Kind is ; And contrariwise Dwarf them and stay their Growth : VVe make them more Fruitfull and Bearing than their Kind is ; And contrary wise Barren and not Generative . Also we make them differ in Colour , Shape , Activity many waies . VVe find Means to make Commixtures and Copulations of diverse Kinds ; which have produced many New Kinds , and them not Barren , as the general Opinion is . VVe make a number of Kinds of Serpents , Worms , Flies , Fishes , of putrefaction ; whereof some are advanced ( in effect ) to be perfect Creatures , like Beasts , or Birds ; And have Sexes , and do propagate . Neither do we this by Chance , but we know before hand , of what Matter and Commixture , what Kind of those Creature will arise . We have also Particular Pools , where we make Trials upon Fishes , as we have said before of Beasts and Birds . We have also Places for Breed and Generation of those Kinds of Worms , and Flies , which are of Speciall Use ; such as are with you your Silkworms and Bees . I will not hold you long with recounting of our Brew-houses Bake-houses , and Kitchins , where are made divers Drinks , Breads , and Meats , Rare and of special Effects . Wines we have of Grapes ; And Drinks of other Juyce , of Fruits , of Grains , and of Roots ; And of Mixtures with Honey , Sugar , Manna , and Fruits dryed and decocted : Also of the Tears or Woundings of Trees ; And of the Pulp of Canes . And these Drinks are of Severall Ages , some to the Age or Last o● forty years . We have Drinks also brewed with severall Herbs , and Roots , and Spices ; Yea , with several Fleshes , and VVhite-Meats ; whereof some of the Drinks are such as they are in effect Meat and Drink both : So that Divers , especially in Age , doe desire to live with them , with little or no Meat , or Bread . And above all we strive to have Drinks of Extreme Thin Parts ; To insinuate into the Body , and yet without all Biting , Sharpnesse , or Fretting●Insomuch as some of them put upon the Back of your Hand , will , with a little stay passe thorow to the Palme , and yet tast Mild to the Mouth . We have also VVaters , which we ripen in that fashion , as they become Nourishing ; So that they are indeed excellent Drink ; And many will use no other . Breads we have of Several Grains , Roots , and Kernels ; Yea , and some of Flesh , and Fish , Dried ; With divers kinds of Leavings , and Seasonings : So that some doe extremely move Appetites ; Some doe nourish so , as Divers doe live of them , without any other Meat ; Who live very long . So for Meats , we have some of them so beaten , and made Tender , and mortified , yet without al● Corrupting , as a VVeak Heat of the Stomack will turn them into good Chilus ; As well as a Strong Heat would Meat otherwise prepared . VVe have some Meats also , and Breads , and Drinks , which taken by Men , enable them to Fast long after● and some other , that used make the very Flesh o● Mens Bodies , sensibly more Hard and Tough ; And their Strength far● greater , than otherwise it would be . VVe have Dispensatories , or Shops of Medicines . VVherein you may easily think , if we have such Varietie of Plants , and Diving Creatures , more than you have in Europe , ( for we know what you have , ) the Simples , Druggs , and Ingredients of Medicines , must likewise be in so much the greater Variety . VVe have them likewise of divers Ages , and long Fermentations . And for their Preparations , we have not only all Manner of Exquisite Distilla●ions , and Separations , and especially by Gentle Heats , and Percolations through divers Strainers , yea , and Substances ; But also Exact Forms of Composition , whereby they incorp●rate almost as they were Natural Simples . We have also divers Mechanical Arts , which you have not ; And Stuffs made by them ; As Papers , Linnen , Silks , Tissues , dainty Works of Feathers of wonderfull Lustre ; excellent Dies , and manie others : And Shops likewise as well for such as are not●●rought into Vulgar use amongst us ; as for those that are . For you must know , that of the Things before recited , many of them are grown into use throughout the Kingdome ; But yet , if they did flow from our Invention , we have of them also for Patterns , and Principals . We have also Furnaces of great Diversities , and that keep great Diversitie of Heats : Fierce and Quick● Strong and Constant ; So●●and Mild● Blown , Quiet Drie , Mo●st ; And the like . But above all we have Heats , in Imitation of the Sunns and Heavenly Bodies Heats , that passe divers inequalities , and ( as it were ) Orbs , Progresses , and Returns , wher●by we may produce admirable effects . Besides , we have Heats of Dungs ; and of Bellies and Mawes of Living Creatures and of their Bloods , and Bodies ; and of Hayes and Herbs laid up moist ; of Lime unquenched ; and such like . Instruments also which generate Heat only by Motion . And further , Places for Strong Insolations ; And ●gain , Places under the Earth , which by Natu●e , or Art yeeld Heat . T●ese d●vers Heats we use , As the Natu●e of the Operation which we intend● requireth . We have a●so Perspective-Houses , where we make Demonstration of all Lights , and Radiations : And of all Colours : And out of Things uncoloured and Transparent , we can represent unto you all seve●all Colours ; Not in Rain-bows , ( as it is in Gemms , and Prisms , ) but of themselves Single . We represent also all Multiplications o● Light , which we carry to great Distance : and make so Sharp , as to discern small Points and Lines . Also all Colourations of Light . All Delusions and Deceits of the Sight , in Figures , Magnitudes , Motions , Colours : All Demonstrations of Shadows . Wee find also divers Means yet unknown to you , of Producing of Light , originally , from divers Bodies . We procure means of Seeing Objects A-farr off ; As in the Heaven , and Remote places : And represent Things Near as A-farr off ; And Things A-farr off as Near ; Making●e●igned Distances . We have also Helps so the Sight far above Spectacles and Glasses in use ; We have also Glasses and Means to see Small and Minute Bodies , perfectly and distinctly ; As the Shapes and Colours of Small Flies and VVorms , Grains , and Flaws , in Gemmes , which cannot otherwise he seen , Observations in Urine and Bloud not otherwise to be seen . We make Artificial Rain-Bows , Helo's , and Circles ab●ut Light . We represent also all manner of Reflexions , Refractions , and Multiplication of Visual Beams o● Objects . We have also Pretious Stones , of all kinds , many of them of great Beauty and to you unknown : Chrystals likewise ; And Glasses of divers kinds ; And amongst them some of Metals Vitrificated , and other Materials , beside those of which you make G●asse . Also a number of Fossiles , and Imperfect Minerals which you have not . Likewise Loadstones of Prodigious Vertue : And other rare Stones , both Natural and Artificial . We have also Sound Houses , where we practise and demonstrate all Sounds , and their Generation . We have Harmonies which you have not , of Quarter-Sounds , and lesser Slides of Sounds●Diverse Instruments of Musick likewise to y●u unknown , some sweeter than any you have● With Bells and Rings that are dainty and sweet . We represent small sounds as great and Deep ; Likewise Great sounds , ●xtenuate and sharp ; We make diverse tremblings and VVarblings of Sounds , which in their Original are Entire . We represent and imitate all Articulate sounds and Letters , and the Voices and Notes of Beasts and Birds . We have certain Helps , which set to the Eare do further the Hearing greatly . We have also diverse strange and Artificial Ecchoes Reflecting the Voice many times , and as it were tossing it : And some that give back the Voice Lowder than it came , some shriller , and some Deeper , Yea some rendring the Voice , Differing in the Letters or Articulate Sound , from that they receive . VVe have all means to convey Sounds in Trunks and Pipes , in strange Lines and Distan●es . VVe have also Perfume-houses ; wherewith we joyn a●so Practices of Taste . VVe Multiply Smells , which may seem strange . VVe Imitate Smells , making all Smells to breath out of other Mixtures than those that give them . VVe make diverse Imitations of Taste likewise , so that they will deceive any Mans Taste . And in this House we contain also a Confi●ure House ; where we make all Sweet-Meats Drie and Moist ; And divers pleasant Wines , Milks , Broaths , an● Sallets , far in greater Variety than you have . VVe have also Engine-Houses , where are prepared Engines and Instruments for all sorts of Motions . There we imitate and practise to make Swifter Motions , than any you have , either out of your Muskets , or any Engine that you have : and to Make them , and Multiply them more Easily , and with Small Force , by VVheeles and other Means : and to make them Stronger and more Violent , than yours are ; Exceeding your greatest Cannons and Basilisks . VVe represent also Ordinance and Instruments of War , and Engines of all Kinds and likewise new Mixtures and Compositions of Gun-Powder , Wild-Fires burning in Water , and Unquenchable : Also Fire-works of all Variety , both for Pleasure , and Use . VVe imitate also Flights of Birds ; VVe have some Degrees of Flying in the Ayr . We have Ships and Boats for Going under VVater , and Brooking of Seas ; Also Swimming-Girdles , and Supporters . We have divers curious Clocks ; And other like Motions of Return : And some perpetual Motions . We imitate also Motions of Living Creatures , by Images of Men , Beasts , Birds , Fishes , and Serpents ; We have also a great Number of other Various Motions , strange for Equality , Finenesse●and Subtility , We have also a Mathematical-House , where are represented all Instruments , as well of Geometry , as Astronomy , exquisitely made . VVe have also Houses of Deceits of the Senses ; where we represent all manner of Feats of Jugling , False Apparitions , Impostures , and Illusions ; And their Fallacies . And surely you will easily beleeve that we that have so many Things truly Natural , which induce Admiration , could in a World of Particulars deceive the Senses , if we would disguise those Things , and labour to make them more Miraculous . But we do hate all Impostures , and Lies : Insomuch as we have severely forbidden it to all our Fellows , under pain of Ignominy and Fines , that they do not shew any Natural VVork or Thing , Adorned or Swelling ; but only Pure as it is , and without all Affectation of Strangenesse . These are ( my Son ) the Riches of Salomons House . For the several Employments and Offices of our Fellows , VVe have Twelve that Sayl into Forein Countries under the Names of other Nations ( for our own we conceal ; ) VVho bring us the Books , and Abstracts , and Patterns of Experiments of all other Parts . These we cal● Merchants of Light . VVe have Three that Collect the Experiments which are in all Books , These we call Deprepators . VVe have Three that Collect the Experiments of all Mechanical Arts●And a●so of Liberal Sciences ; And also of practices which are not Brought into Arts . These we call Mystery-men . We have Three that trie New Experiments . Such as themselves think good . These we call Pioneers or Miners . We have Three that Draw the Experiments of the Former Four into Titles and Tables , to give the better light for the drawing of Observations and Axiomes out of them . These we call Compilers● We have three that bend themselves , Looking into the Experiments of their Fellows , and cast about how to draw out of them Things of Use , and Practice for Mans life , and Knowledge , as well for Works as for Plain Demonstration of Causes , Means of Natural Divinations , and the easie and clear Discovery of the Vertues and Parts of Bodies . These we call Dowry-men or Bene●actors . Then after diverse Meetings and Consults of our whole Number , to consider of the former Labours and Collections , we have three that take care , out of them , to Direct New Experiments , of a Higher Light , more Penetrating into Nature than the Former . These we call Lamps . We have Three othe●s t●at do Execute the Experiment , so Directed , and Report them . These we call Inoculators . Lastly , we have Three that raise the former Discoveries by Experiments , into Greater Observations , Axiomes , and Aporismes . These we call Interpreters of Nature . We have also , as you must think , Novices and Apprentices , that the Succession of the former Employed men do not fail ; besides a great Number of Servants and Attendants , Men , and VVomen . And this we do also : We have Consultations , which of the Inventions and Experiences , which we have discovered shall be Published , and which not : And take all an Oath of Secrecy , for the concealing of those which we think meet to keep Secret : Though some of those we do reveal sometime to the State , and some not . For our Ordinances and Rites●We have two very Long , and Fair Galleries : In o●e of these we place Patterns and Samples of all manner of the more Rare and Excellent Inventions : In the other we place the Statuaes of all Principal Inventours . There we have the Statua of your Columbus , that discovered the VVest-Indies : Also the Inventour of Ships : Your Monk that was the Inventour of Ordinance , and of Gunpowder : The Inventour of Musick : The Inventour of Letters : The Inventour of Printing : The Inventour of Observations of Astronomy : The Inventour o● VVorks in Metall : The Inventour of Glasse : The Inventour of Silk of the VVorm : The Inventour of VVine : The Inventour of Corn and Bread : The Inventour of Sugars : And all these , by more certain Tradition , than you have . Then we have divers Inventours of our Own , of Excellent VVorks ; which since you have not seen , it were too long to make Descriptions of them ; And besides , in the right Understanding of those Descriptions , you might easily erre . For upon every Invention of Value , we erect a Statua to the Inventour , and give him a Liberal and Honourable Reward . These Statuaes are , some of Brass ; some of Marble and Touchstone ; some of Cedar and other special VVoods gilt and adorned ; some of Iron ; some of Silver ; some of Gold . We have certain Hymns and Services , which we say daily , of Laud and Thanks to God for his Marvellous VVorks : And Forms of Prayers , imploring his Aide and Blessing for the Illumination of our Labours ; the end turning them into Good and Holy Uses . Lastly , we have Circuits or Visits , of divers Principal Cities of the Kingdome ; where as it commeth to passe , we do publish such New Profitable Inventions , as we think good . And we do also declare Natural Divinations of Diseases , Plagues , Swarms of Hurtfull Creatures , Scarcity , Tempest , Earthquakes , Great Inundations , Comets , Temperature of the Year , and divers other things ; And we give Counsel thereupon , what the People shall do , for the Prevention and Remedy of them . And when He had said this , He stood up : And I , as I had been taught , kneeled down : and he laid his Right Hand upon my Head , and said ; GOD blesse thee my Son , and GOD bless this Relation , which I have made . I give thee leave to Publish it , for the good of other Nations ; For we hear are in GODS Bosome , a Land unknown . And so he left me ; Having assigned a value of about two Thousand Duckets , for a Bounty to me and my Fellows . For they give great Largesses , where they come , upon all occasions . The rest was not perfected . MAGNALIA NATVRAE PRAECIPVE QVOAD VSVS HUMANOS . THe Prologation of Life . The Restitution of Youth in some Degree . The Retardation of Age . The Curing of diseases counted Incurable . The Mitigation of Pain . More Easie and less Loathsome Purgings . The Encreasing of Strength and Activity . The Encreasing of Ability to suffer Torture or Pain . The Altering of Complexions : and Fatness , and Leanesse . The Altering of Statures . The Altering of Features . The Encreasing and Exalting of the Intellectual Parts . Version of Bodies into other Bodies . Making of New Species . Transplanting of one Species into another . Instruments of Destruction , as of Warre and Poyson . Exhilaration of the Spirits , and Putting them in good Disposition . Force of the Imagination , either upon another Body , or upon the Body it self . Acceleration of Time in Maturations . Acceleration of Time in Clarifications . Acceleration of P●trefaction . Acceleration of Decoction . Acceleration of Germination . Making Rich Composts for the Earth . Impressions of the Air , and raising of Tempests . Great Alteration ; As in Induration , Emollition , &c. Turning Crude and Watry Substances , into Oyly and Vnctuous Substances . Drawing of New Foods out of Substances not now in Vse . Making New Threds for Apparell ; And New Stuffs , Such as are Paper , Glass , &c. Natural Divinations . Deceptions of the Senses . Greater Pleasures of the Senses . Artificial Minerals and Cements . FINIS . 
A07711	----	The common-vvealth of Vtopia containing a learned and pleasant discourse of the best state of a publike weale, as it is found in the government of the new ile called Vtopia. Written by the right Honourable, Sir Thomas Moore, Lord Chancellour of England. Utopia. English More, Thomas, Sir, Saint, 1478-1535. 1639 Approx. 283 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 152 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A07711 STC 18098 ESTC S112890 99848131 99848131 13209 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A07711) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 13209) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1249:1) The common-vvealth of Vtopia containing a learned and pleasant discourse of the best state of a publike weale, as it is found in the government of the new ile called Vtopia. Written by the right Honourable, Sir Thomas Moore, Lord Chancellour of England. Utopia. English More, Thomas, Sir, Saint, 1478-1535. Robinson, Ralph, b. 1521. Marshall, William, fl. 1617-1650, engraver. [6], 288, 279-298, 285-288, 303-305, [1] p. Printed by B. Alsop & T. Fawcet, and are to be sold by Wil: Sheares, at his shop in Bedford-street in Coven-garden neere the New Exchange, London : 1639. A translation by Ralph Robinson of: Utopia. With an additional title page, engraved and signed: W. Marshall sculpsit. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Utopias -- Early works to 1800. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE COMMON-VVEALTH OF VTOPIA : Containing a Learned and pleasant Discourse of the best state of a Publike Weale , as it is found in the Government of the new I le called Vtopia . WRITTEN By the right Honourable , Sir THOMAS MOORE , Lord Chancellour of England . LONDON , Printed by B. Alsop & T. Fawcet , and are to be sold by Wil : Sheares , at his shop in Bedford-street in Coven-garden neere the New Exchange . 1639. TO THE HON ble . descended Gentleman , CRESACRE MOORE , of More place in North-Mi●es , in the County of Hertford●sq●●●● ●sq●●●● ▪ Next in Bloud to S. THOMAS MOORE , L. Chancellor of England , and Heire to the ancient Family of th● CRESACRES , sometime Lord of he Mannor of B●●borough , in the County of Yorke , in the time of Edward the first . SIR , _● Have found you so Noble in the first Dedication , that I should much derogate from your true Worth , and wrong my selfe to make choise of a new Patron for the second ( exactly done with applause ) wherein though I presume , yet persume , t' will bee no sinne to multiply my obligation . Your name , and nature , claimes , and deserves it , 't is your due and my duty , and were I able to expresse more MOORE should have it , for I must alwayes acknowledge your goodnesse in whatsoever quality for tune shall bestow me . SIR , I know you are wise . In a word I am , really what I am . Your worships ever to be commanded . Ber. Alsop . THE FIRST BOOKE of the Communication of RAPHAEL HYTHLODAY , concerning the best State of a COMMON-WEALTH . THE most victorious King of England , HENRY the eight of that name , in all royall vertues , a Prince most peerelesse , had of late in Controversie with CHARLES , the right high and mighty King of Castile , weightie matters , and of great importance . For the debatement and finall determination whereof , the Kings Maiestie sent me Ambassadour into Flanders , ioyned in Commission with CVTHBERT TVNSTALL , a man doubtlesse out of comparison , and whom the Kings Maiestie of late , to the great reioycing of all men , did preferre to the Office of Master of the Rolles . But of this mans praises I will say nothing , not because I doe feare that small credence shall be given to the testimony that commeth out of a friends mouth : but because his vertue and learning be greater , and of more excellencie , then that I am able to praise them : and also in all places so famous and so perfectly well knowne , that they need not , nor ought not of me to be praised , unlesse I would seem to shew and set forth the brightnesse of the Sunne with a Candle , as the Proverb saith . There met us at Bruges ( for thus it was before agreed ) they whom their Prince had for that matter appointed Commissioners : excellent men all . The chiefe and head of them was the Margrave ( as they call him ) of Bruges , a right honourable man : but the wisest and the best spoken of them was GEORGE TEMSISE , Provost of Casselses , a man , not only by learning , but also by nature of singuler eloquence , and in the lawes profoundly learned : but in reasoning and debating of matters , what by his naturall wit , and what by daily exercise , surely he had few fellowes . After that we had once or twise met , and vpon certaine points or articles could not fully and throughly agree , they for a certaine space tooke their leaue of vs , and departed to Bruxells , there to know their Princes pleasure . I in the meane time ( for so my businesse lay ) went straight thence to Antwerpe . While I was there abiding , oftentimes among other , but which I judged to be a Marriner . But the said PETER seeing me , came unto me and saluted me . And as I was about to answer him : see you this man , saith he ( and therewith he pointed to the man , that I saw him talking with before ) I was minded ( quoth he ) to bring him straight home to you . He should haue beene very welcome to me , said I , for your sake . Nay ( quoth he ) for his owne sake , if you knew him : for there is no man this day living , that can tell you of so many strange and vnknowne peoples , and Countries , as this man can . And I know well that you be very desirous to heare of such newes . Then I conjectured not farre amisse ( quoth I ) for even at the first sight , I judged him to be a Marriner . Nay ( quoth he ) there ye were greatly deceived : he hath sayled indeed , not as the Mariner Palinure , but as the expert & prudent Prince VLYSSES : Yea , rather as the ancient and Sage Philosopher PLATO . For this same Raphael Hythloday ( for this is his name ) he is very well learned in the Latine tongue : but profound and excellent in the Greeke language . Wherein he ever bestowed more study then in the Latine , because he had given himselfe wholly to the study of Philosophy . Whereof he knew that there is nothing certaine in Latine , that is to any purpose , saving a few of Senecaes , and Ciceroes doings . His patrimonie that he was borne unto , he left to his brethren ( for he is a Portugall borne ) and for the desire he had to see ▪ and know the farre Countries of the world , he joy ned himselfe in company with Americke Vespuce ; and in the three last voyages of those foure that be now in prinr , and abroad in every mans hands , he continued still in his company , saving that in the last voyage he came not home againe with him . For he made such meanes and shift , what by intreatance , and what by importune suite , that he got licence of Master Americke ( though it were sore against his will ) to be one of the twenty foure , which in the end of the last voyage were left in the Country of Gulicke . He was therefore left behind for his mind-sake , as one that tooke more thought and care for travelling , then dying ; having customably in his mouth these sayings : He that bath no grave , is covered with the skie ; and , The way to heaven , out of all places , is of like length and distance . Which fantasie of his , ( if God had not beene his better friend ) he had surely bought full deere . But after the departure of master Vespuce , when he had travelled through and about many Countries with fiue of his companions Gulikians ; at the last by mervailous chance he arrived in Taprobane , from whence he went to C●liquit , where he chanced to finde certaine of his Country Ships , wherein he returned againe into his Country , nothing lesse then looked for . All this when PETER had told me , I thanked him for his gentle kindnesse : that he had vouchsafed to bring me to the speech of that man , whose communication , he thought should be to me pleasant , and acceptable . And therewith I turned me to Raphael : And when we had halsed each other , and had spoke these commune words , that he customably spoke at the first meeting , and acquaintance of strangers , we went thence to my house , and there in my Garden , vpon a bench covered with greene turves , we sate downe talking together . There he told us , how that after the departing of Vespuce , he and his fellowes that tarried behind in Gulicke , began by little and little , through farre and gentle speech , to winne the love and favour of the people of that Country ; insomuch , that within short space , they did dwell among them , not onely harmelesse , but also occupying with them familiarly . He told vs also , that they were in high reputation and favour with a certaine great man ( whose name and Countrey is now quite out of my remembrance ) which of his meere liberality , did beare the costs and charges of him and his fiue companions . And besides that , gaue them a trusty guide to conduct them in their journey ( which by water was in Boats , and by land in Wagons ) and to bring them to other Princes with very friendly commendations . Thus after many dayes journies , he said , they found Townes , and Cities , and Weale publiques , full of people , governed by good and wholsome Lawes : for under the line Equinoctiall , and on both sides of the same , as farre as the Sunne doth extend his course , lyeth ( quoth he ) great and wide Desarts , and Wildernesses , parched , burned , and dried vp with continuall and intollerable heate . All things be hideous , terrible , loathsome , and unpleasant to behold : All things out of fashion and comelinesse , inhabited with wilde Beasts , and Serpents ; or at the least-wise , with people , that be no lesse savage , wild , and noysome , then the very Beasts themselues be . But a little farther beyond that , all things begin by little and little to waxe pleasant . The Ayre soft , temperate , and gentle : the ground covered with greene gras●● : lesse wildnesse in the Beasts . At the last shall yee come to people , Cities and Townes , wherein is continuall entercourse and occupying of merchandize and chaffare , not onely among themselues , and with their Borderers ; but also with Merchant , of farre Countryes , both by land and water . There I had occasion ( said he ) to goe to many Countries on euery side . For there was no ship ready to any voyage or journey , but I and my fellowes were into it very gladly received . The ships that they found first , were made plain , flat , and broad in the bottome trough-wise . The sayles were made of great rushes , or of wickers , and in some places of leather . Afterward they found Ships with ridged kyles , and sayles of Canvasse : yea , and shortly after , having all things like ours . The ship-men also were expert and cunning , both in the Sea , and in the weather . But he said , that he found great favour and friendship among them , for teaching them the feate and use of the Loadstone . Which to them before that time was vnknowne . And therefore they were wont to be very timerous and fearefull vpon the Sea : Nor to venture vpon it , but onely in the Summer time . But now they haue such a confidence in that Stone , that they feare not stormy Winter : in so doing , farther from care then danger . In so much , that it is greatly to be doubted , least that thing , through their owne foolish hardinesse , shall turne them to evill and harme , which at the first was supposed should be to them good and commodious . But , what he told vs that he saw in every Country where he came , it were very long to declare . Neither is it my purpose at this time to make rehearsall thereof . But per adventure in another place will I speak of it : chiefly such things as shall be profitable to be knowne : as in speciall be those decrees and ordinances , that he marked to be well and wittily provided and enacted among such peoples , as doe liue together in a civill policie , and good order . For of such things did we busily enquire , and demand of him , and he likewise very willingly told vs of the same . But as for Monsters , because they be no newes , of them we were nothing inquisitiue : For nothing is more easie to be found , then be barking Scillaes , ravening C●l●●es , and Lestrigones , devourers of people , and such like great and incredible monsters . But to find Citizens ruled by good and wholsome Lawes , that is an exceeding rare , & hard thing . But as he marked many fond and foolish Lawes in those new-found Lands ; so he rehearsed divers acts and constitutions , wherby these our Cities , Nations , Countries , and Kingdomes , may take example to amend their faults , enormities and errours . Whereof in another place ( as I said ) I will intreat . Now at this time I am determined to rehearse onely that he told vs of the Manners , Customes , Lawes , and Ordinances of the Utopians . But first I will respect our former communication by the occasion , and ( as I might say ) the drift whereof he was brought into the mention of the Weale Publique : For when Raphael had very prudently touched divers things that be amisse , some here , and some there ; Yea , very many on both parts ; and againe had spoken of such wise Lawes , and prudent Decrees , as be established and used , both here among vs , and also among them ; as a man so perfect , and expert in the Lawes , and Customes of every severall Country , as though into what place soever he came ghestwise , there he had led all his life : then PETER much marvailing at the man ; Surely Master Raphael ( quoth he ) I wonder greatly , why you get you not into some Kings Court : For I am sure , there is no Prince living , that would not be very glad of you , as a man not only able highly to delight him with your profound learning , and this your knowledge of Countries , and peoples , but also meet to instruct him with examples , and helpe him with counsell . And thus doing , you shall bring your selfe in a very good case , and also be of ability to helpe all your friends and kinsfolke . As concerning my friends and kinsfolke ( quoth he ) I passe not greatly for them : For I thinke I haue sufficiently done my part towards them already . For these things , that other men doe not depart from , vntill they be old and sicke ; yea , which they be then very loath to leaue , when they can no longer keepe , those very same things did I being not onely lusty , and in good health , but also in the flowre of my youth , devide among my friends and kinsfolkes . Which I thinke with this my liberality ought to hold them contented , and not to require not to looke that besides this , I should for their sakes giue my selfe in bondage unto Kings . Nay , God forbid that ( quoth Peter ) it is not my mind that you should be in bondage to Kings , but as a retainer to them at your pleasure . Which surely I thinke is the nighest way that you can devise how to bestow your time fruitfully , not onely for the private commodity of your friends , and for the generall profite of all sorts of people , but also for the advancement of your selfe to a much wealthier state and condition , then you be now in . To a wealthier condition ( quoth Raphael ) by that meanes , that my mind standeth cleane against ? Now I liue at liberty after mine owne mind and pleasure , which I thinke very few of these great States , and Peeres of Realmes can say . Yea , and there be enough of them that sue for great mens friendships : and therefore thinke it no great hurt , if they haue not me , nor third or fourth such other as I am . Well , I perceiue plainly friend Raphael ( quoth I ) that you be desirous neither of riches , nor of power . And truly I haue in no lesse reverence and estimation a man of your mind , then any of them all that be so high in power and authority : But you shall doe as it becommeth you ; yea , and according to this wisedome , to this high and free courage of yours , if you can find in your heart , so to appoint and dispose your selfe , that you may apply your wit and diligence to the profite of the Weale publique , though it be somewhat to your owne paine and hinderance . And this shall you never so well doe , nor with so great profit performe , as if you be of some great Princes counsell , and put into his head ( as I doubt not but you will ) honest opinions , and vertuous perswasions : For from the Prince , as from a perpetuall well-spring , commeth among the people the floud of all that is good or evill . But in you is so perfect learning , that without any experience , and againe , so great experience that without any learning you may well be any Kings Counsellour . You be twise deceived Master More ( quoth he ) first in mee , and againe in the thing it selfe : For neither is in me the ability that you force vpon me , and if it were never so much , yet in disquieting mine owne quietnesse I should nothing further the Weale publike . For first of all , the most part of all Princes haue more delight in warlike matters , and feates of Chivalry ( the knowledge whereof I neither haue nor desire ) then in the good feates of peace : and imploy much more study , how by right or by wrong to enlarge their Dominions , then how well and peaceable to rule , and governe that they haue already . Moreover , they that be Counsellours to Kings , every one of them either is of himselfe so wise indeed that he needeth not , or else he thinketh himselfe so wise , that he will not alow another mans counsell , saving that they doe shamefully , and flatteringly , giue assent to the fond and foolish sayings of certaine great men : whose favours , because they be in high authority with their Prince , by assentation and flattery they labour to obtaine . And verily it is naturally given to all men to esteeme their owne inventions best : So both the Raven and the Ape thinke their owne young ones fairest . Then if a man in such a company , where some disdaine and haue despight at other mens invētions , and some count their owne best , if among such men ( I say ) a man should bring forth any thing , that he hath reade done in times past , or that he hath seene done in other places ; there the hearers , fare as though the whole existimation of their wisedome were in jeopardy to be overthrowne , and that ever after they should be counted for very desarts , unlesse they could in other mens inventions picke out matter to reprehend , and find a fault at . If all other poore helpes faile : then this is their extreame refuge . These things ( say they ) pleased our forefathers and ancestors : would God we could be so wise as they were : and as though they had wittily concluded the matter , and with this answere stopped every mans mouth , they sit downe againe . As who should say , it were a very dangerous matter , if a man in any point should bee found wiser then his fore-fathers were . And yet be we content to suffer the best and wittiest of their Decrees to lye unexecuted : but if in any thing a better order might haue beene taken , then by them was , there we take fast hold , finding there many faults . Many times haue I chanced vpon such proud , lewd , over-thwart , and way-ward judgements ; yea ( and once in England : I pray you Sir ( quoth I ) haue you beene in our Country ? Yea forsooth ( quoth he ) and there I tarried for the space of foure or fiue moneths together , not long after the Insurrection , the Westerne English men made against their King , which by their owne miserable and pitifull saughter , was suppressed and ended . In the meane season , I was much bound and beholding to the right reverend Father , IOHN MORTON , Arch-bishop and Cardinall of Canterburie , and at that time also Lord Chancellour of England ; a man , Master Peter ( for Master Moore knoweth already that I will say ) not more honourable for his authority , then for his prudence and vertue . He was of a meane stature , and though stricken in age , yet bare he his body upright . In his face did shine such an amiable reverence , as was pleasant to behold . Gentle in communication , yet earnest , and sage . He had great delight many times with rough speech to his suiters , to proue , but without harme , what prompt wit , and what bold spirit were in every man. In the which as in a vertue much agreeing with his nature , so that therewith were not joyned impudency , he tooke great delectation . And the same person as apt and meet to haue an administration in the Weale publike , he did lovingly imbrace . In his speech he was fine , eloquent and pithie . In the Law , he had profound knowledge ; in wit , he was incomparable ; and in memory , wonderfull excellent . These qualities , which in him were by nature singular , he by learning and use 〈…〉 perfect . The King 〈…〉 hi● counsell , 〈…〉 in a manner learned 〈…〉 , when I was there ● Fo● even in the chiefe of his youth hee was taken from Schoole into the Court , and there passed all his time in much trouble and businesse , being continually tumbled and tossed in the waves of divers misfortunes and adversities . And so by many and great dangers , he learned the experience of the world , which so being learned , cannot easily be forgotten . It chanced on a certaine day , when I sate at his Table , there was also a certaine lay man , cunning in the Lawes of your Realme : Who , I cannot tell , whereof taking occasion , began diligently and earnestly to praise that strait and rigorous justice , which at that time was there executed upon Felonies ; who as he said , were for the most part twenty hanged together upon one gallowes . And , seeing so few escaped punishment , he said he could not choose , but greatly wonder and marvaile , how and by what evill luck it should so come to passe , that Theeves neverthelesse were in every place so rife and so ranck . Nay , ●ir quoth ● ( for I durst boldly speake my mind , before the Cardinall ) mervaile nothing hereat : for this punishment of Theeves passeth the limits of Iustice , and is also very hurtfull to the Weale publike : For it is too extreame and cruell a punishment for theft , and yet not sufficient to refraine and with-hold men from theft : for simple theft is not so great an offence , that it ought to be punished with death ; neither there is any punishment so horrible , that it can keepe them from stealing , which have none other craft , whereby to get their living . Therefore in this point , not you only , but also the most part of the world be like evill Schoolemasters , which bee readier to beat , then to teach their schollers . For great and horrible punishments be appointed for Theeves , whereas much rather , provision should have bin made , that there were some meanes , wherby they might get their living , so that no man should be driven to this extreame necessitie ; first to steale , and then to dye . Yes ( quoth he ) this matter is well enough provided for already . There be Handy-crafts , there is Husbandry to get their living , if they would not willingly be naught . Nay , quoth I , you shall not scape so : for first of all , I will speake nothing of them , that come home out of the warres maimed and lame , as not long agoe out of Black ●eath field , and a little before that , out of the warres in France : such I say , as put their lives in jeopardy for the Weale publiques , or the Kings sake , and by reason of weaknesse and lamenesse bee not able to occupie their old crafts , and be too aged to learne new : of them I will speake nothing , for asmuch as Warres have their ordinary recourse . But let us consider those things that chance daily before our eyes . First , there is a great number of Gentlemen , which cannot bee content to live idle themselves , like Dorrers , of that which other have laboured for : their Tenants I meane , whom they poll and shave to the quicke , by raising their Rents ( for this onely point of frugalitie doe they use , men else through their lavish and prodigall spending , able to bring themselves to very beggery ) these Gentlemen , I say , doe not onely live in idlenesse themselves , but also carry about with them at their tailes , a great flock or traine of idle and loytering Serving-men , which never learned any craft , wherby to get their livings . These men as soone as their Master is dead , or be sick themselves , be incontinent thrust out of doores : For Gentlemen had rather keepe idle persons , then sick men , and many times the dead mans He●re is not able to maintaine so great a Ho●se , and keepe so many Serving-men is his Father did . Th●● in the meane season , they that be th●● destitute of service , eyther starve for hunger , or manfully play the Theeves : For what would you have them to doe ? When they have wandred abroad so long , untill they have worne threed-bare their apparell , and also appaired their health ; then Gentlemen , because of their pale and sickly faces , and patched coates , will not take them into service . And Husbandmen dare not set them a work : knowing well enough , that hee is nothing meet to doe true and faithfull service to a Poore man with a Spade and Mattocke for small wages and hard fare , which being dain●ily and tenderly pampered up in idlenesse and pleasure , was wont with a Sword and a Buckler by his side , to jet through the street with a bragging looke , and to thinke himselfe too good to bee any mans mate . Nay by Saint Mary sir ( quoth the Lawyer ) not so : For this kinde of men must we make most of ; for in them as men of stouter stomacks , bolder spirits , and manlier courages , then Handicrafts-men and Plough-men be , doth consist the whole power , strength , and puissance of our army , when wee must fight in battaile . Forsooth sir , as well yo might say ( quoth I ) that for Warres sake you must cherish Theeves : For surely you shall never lacke theeves , whiles you have them . No nor Theeves be not the most false and faint-hearted Souldiers , nor souldiers bee not the cowardliest theeves : so well these two Crafts agree together . But this fault , though it be much vsed among you , yet is it not peculiar to you onely , but cōmon also almost to all Nations . Yet France besides this is troubled and infected with a much sorer plague . The whole Realme is filled and besieged with hi●ed Soldiers in peace time ( if that be peace ) which be brought in under the same colour and pretence , that hath perswaded you to keepe these idle Serving men . For these wise-fooles , and very arch-dolts , thought the wealth of the whole Countrey herein to consist , if there were ever in a readinesse a strong and a sure Garrison , specially of old practised Soldiers ; for they put no trust at all in men unexercised . And therefore they must be forced to seeke for warre , to the end they may ever have practised Soldiers , and cunning man-slayers , least that ( as it is pretily said of Salust ) their hands and their minds through idlenesse or lacke of exercise , should waxe dull . But how pernitious and pestilent a thing it is , to maintaine such Beast● , the Frenchmen , by their owne harmes haue learned , and the examples of the Romanes , Carth●ginians , Syrians , and of many other Countries doe manifestly declare : For not onely the Empire , but also the field , and Cities of all these , by divers occasions haue beene o●●r●u●ned and destroyed of their ow●e armies , beforehand had in a readinesse . Now how unnecessary a thing this is , hereby it may appeare : that the French souldiours , which from their youth haue beene practised and inured in feates of armes , doe not cracke or advance themselues to haue very often got the vpper hand and mastry of your new-made and unpractised souldiours . But in this point I will not vse many words , least perchance I may seeme grow the finest , and therefore dearest Wooll , there noble men , and gentlemen , yea , and certaine Abbots , holy men no doubt , not contenting themselues with the yearely revenues , and profits , that were wont to grow to their fore-fathers and predecessours of their lands , nor being content that they liue in rest and pleasure , nothing profiting ; yea , much noying the Weale publike , leaue no ground for tillage : they inclose all into pastures ; they throw downe houses ; they plucke downe townes , and leaue nothing standing , but onely the Church to be madea sheephouse . And as though you lost no small quantity of ground by forrests , chases , lands , and parkes , those good holy men turne all dwelling places and all glebe land into desolation , and wildernesse . Therefore , that one covetous and unsatiable Cormorant , and very plague of his natiue Country , may compasse about and inclose many thousands Akers of ground together within one pale or hedge , the husbandmen be thrust out of their owne , or else either by covine and fraud , or violent oppression they be put besides it , or by wrongs and injuries they be so wearied , that they be compelled to sell all : by one meanes therefore or by other either by hooke or by crooke they must needs depart away , poore , sillie , wretched soules , men , women , husbands , wiues , fatherlesse children , widdowes , wofull mothers with their young babes , and the whole houshold small in substance , and much in number , as husbandry requireth many hands . Away they trudge , I say , out of their knowne and accustomed houses , finding no place to rest in . All their houshold-stuffe , which is very little worth , though it might well abide the sale : yet being suddainly thrust out , they be constrained to sell it for a thing of naught . And when they haue wandered abroad till that be spent , what can they then doe but steale , and then justly pardy be hanged , or el●e goe about a begging . And yet then also they be cast into Prison as Vagabonds , because they goe about and worke not : whom no man will set a worke , though they never so willingly proffer themselues thereto . For one Shepheard or Heardman is enough to eat vp that ground with cattell , to the occupying whereof , about husbandry , many hands were requisite . And this is also the cause why victuals be now in many places dearer . Yea besides this the price of wooll is so risen , that poore folkes , which were wont to worke it , and make cloath thereof , be now able to buy none at all . And by this meanes very many be forced to forsake worke , and to giue themselues to idlenesse . For after that so much ground was inclosed for pasture , an infinite multitude of sheepe died of the rot , such vengeance God tooke of their inordinate and unsatiable covetousnesse , sending among the sheepe that pestiferous murrein , which much more justly should haue fallen on the sheep-masters owne heads . And though the number of sheepe increase never so fast , yet the price falleth not one mite , because there be so few sellers : For they be almost all come into a few rich mens hands , whom no need forceth to sell before they lust , and they lust not before they may sell as deare they lust . Now the same cause bringeth in like dearth of the dearth of the other kinds of Cattell , yea , and that so much the more , because that after Farmes plucked downe , and husbandry decayed , there is no man that passeth for the breeding of young store : for these rich men bring not vp the young ones of great cattell as they doe lambes . But first they buy them abroad very cheape , and afterward when they be fatted in their pastures , they sell them againe exceeding deare . And therefore ( as I suppose ) the whole incommodity hereof is not yet felt : for yet they make dearth onely in those places , where they sell . But when they shall fetch them away from thence where they be bred faster then they can be bought vp : then shall there also be felt great dearth , store beginning there to faile ; where the ware is bought . Thus the unreasonable covetousnesse of a few hath turned that thing to the vtter undoing of your Hand , in the which thing the chiefefelicity of your Realme did consist : For this great dearth of victuals causeth men to keepe as little houses , and as small hospitality as they possible may , and to put away their servants : whither , I pray you , but a begging ; or else ( which these gentle blouds , and stout stomacks ) will sooner set their minds unto stealing ? Now to amend the matter , to this wretched beggery , and miserable poverty , is joyned great wantonnesse , importunate superfluity , and excessiue riot : For not onely gentlemens servants , but also handy craft men ; yea , and almost the Ploughmen of the Country , with all other sorts of people , vse much strange and proud new-fa●●gles in their apparell , and too much prodigall riot , and sumptuous fare at their table . Now Baudes , queanes , whores , harlots , strumpets , brothel-houses , stewes ; and yet another stewes , wine-tauerns , ale-houses , and tipling houses , with so many naughty , lewd , and unlawfull games ; as dice , Cardes , tables , tennis , boules , coytes ; doe not all these send the haunters of them straight a stealing , when their money i , gone ? Cast ou● these pernicious abhominations ; make a law , that they which , plucked downe f●rmes , and townes of husbandry , shall reedifie them , or else yeeld , and vprender the possession thereof to such , as will goe to the cost of building them anew . Suffer not these rich men to buy vp all to ingro●●e , and forestall , and with their monopoly to keepe the market alone as please them . Let not so many be brought vp in idlenesse ; let husbandry and tillage be restored ; let Cloth-working be renued , that there may be honest labours for this idle sort to passe their time in profitably , which hitherto either poverty hath caused to be theeues , or else now be either vagabonds , or idle Servingmen , and shortly will be theeues . Doubtlesse , unlesse you find a remedy for these enormities , you shall in vaine advance your selues of executing justice vpon fellons : For this justice is more beautifull in appearance , and more flourishing to the shew , then either just or profitable : For by suffering your youth wantonly , and viciously to be brought vp , and to be infected , even from their tender age , by little and little with vice : then a Gods name to be punished , when they commit the same faults after being come to mans state , which from their youth they were ever like to doe . In this point , I pray you , what other thing doe you , then make theeues , and then punish them ? Now as I was thus speaking , the Lawyer began to make himselfe ready to answer , and was determined with himselfe , to vse the common fashion , and trade of disputers , which be more diligent in rehearsing , then answering , as thinking the memory worthy of the chiefe praise . Indeed Sir ( quoth he ) you haue said well , being but a stranger , and one that might rather heare something of these matters , then haue any exact or perfect knowledge of the same , as I will incontinent by open proofe make manifest and plaine . For first I will rehearse in order all that you haue said : then I will declare wherein you be deceived , through lacke of knowledge , in all our fashions , manners , and customes ▪ and last of all , I will answer your arguments , and co●●●te them every one . First therefore , I will begin where I promised . Foure things you seemed to me . Hold your peace , quoth t●e Cardinall : for it appeareth that you will make no short answer , which make such a beginning : Wherefore at this time , you shall not take the paines to make your answer , but keepe it to your next meeting , which I would be right glad , that it might be to morrow next , unlesse either you , or Master Raphael haue earnest let . But now Master Raphael , I would very gladly heare of you , why you thinke theft not worthy to be punished with death , or what other punishment you can devise more exp●dient to the Weale publike ? for I am sure that you are not of that mind , that you would haue theft escape unpunished . For if now the extreame punishment of death cannot cause them to leaue stealing , then if ruffians and robbers should be sure of their liues , what violence , what feare , were able to hold their hands from robbing ; which would take the mittigation of the punishment , as a very provocation to the mischiefe ? Surely my Lord , I thinke it not right nor justice , that the losse of money should cause the losse of mans life : For mine opinion is , that all the goods in the world are not able to counterva●le mans life . But if they would thus say ; that the breaking of Iustice , and the transgression of lawes is recompenced with this punishmēt , and not the losse of the money , then why may not this extreame and rigorous justice well be called plaine injury ? For so cruell governance , so straight rules , and unmercifull lawes be not allowable , that if a small offence be committed , by and by the sword should be drawne : Nor so stoicall ordinances are to be borne withall , as to count all offences of such equality , that the killing of a man , or the taking of his money from him were both a matter , and the one no more heinous offence then the other : betweene the which two if we haue any respect to equity , no similitude or equality consisteth . God commandeth vs that we shall not kill . And be we then so hasty to kill a man for taking a little money ? And if a man would understand killing by this commandement of God , to be forbidden after no larger wise , then mans constitutions define killing to be lawfull ; then why may it not likewise by mans constitutions be determined after what sort whoredome , fornication , and perjury may be lawfull ? For whereas by the permission of God , no man neither hath power to kill neither himselfe , no● yet any other man : then if a law made by the consent of men , concerning slaughter of men , ought to be of such strength , force , and vertue , that they which contrary to the commandement of God haue killed those , whom this constitution of man commanded to be killed , be cleane quit & exempt out of the bonds & danger of Gods cōmandement ? shall it not then by this reason follow , that the power of Gods commandement shall extend no further , then mans law doth define , and permit ? And so shall it come to passe , that in like manner , mans constitutions in all things shall determine how farre the observation of all Gods commandements shall extend . To be short , Moses Law , though it were ungentle and sharpe , as a law that was given to bondmen , yea , and them very obstinate , stubborne , and stiffe-necked : yet it punished theft by the purse , and not with death . And let vs not thinke that God in the new law of clemency and mercy , under the which he ruleth vs with fatherly gentlenesse , as his deare children hath given vs greater scope and licence to the execution of cruelty , one vpon another . Now you haue heard the reasons , whereby I am perswaded , that this punishment is unlawfull . Furthermore , I thinke that there is no body that knoweth not , how unreasonable , yea , how pernitious a thing it is to the Weale publike , that a theefe and an homicide or murtherer should suffer equall and like punishment : For the theefe seeing that man , that is condemned for theft in no lesse ●eopardy , nor judged to no lesse punishment , then him that is convict of manslaughter ; through this cogitation onely he is strongly and forcibly provoked , and in a manner constrained to kill him , whom else he would haue but robbed : For the murder being once done he is in le●●●●eare , and in more hope that the ●●●● shall not be bewrayed or knowne , seeing the party is now dead , and ●id out of the way , which onely might haue vtt●●●● ▪ and disclosed it . But if he 〈…〉 and d●s●●i●● 〈…〉 more danger and jeopardie , then if he had committed but single fellony . Therefore , while we goe about with such cruelty to make theeues afraid , we provoke them to kill good men . Now as touching this question , what punishment were more commodious and better : that truly in my judgement is easier to be found then what punishment might be worse . For why should we doubt that to be a good and a profitable way for the punishment of offendors , which we know did in times past so long please the Romanes , men in the administration of a Weale publike most expert , politique and cunning ? Such as among them were convict of great and heynous trespasses , them they condemne into stone quarries , and into mines to digge mettall , there to be kept in chaines all the daye , of their life . But as concerning this matter , I allow the ordinance of nation so well as that which I saw , whiles I travelled abroad about the world , vsed in Persia among the people that commonly be called the Polylerites : whose land is both large and ample , and also well and wittily governed ; and the people in all conditions free , and ruled by their owne lawes , saving that they pay a yearely tribute to the great King of Persia . But because they be farre from the Sea , compassed and inclosed , almost round about with high mountaines , and doe content themselues with the fruits of their owne land , which is of it selfe very fertill and fruitfull : for this cause neither they goe to other Countries , nor other come to them . And according to the old custome of the Land , they desire not to enlarge the bounds of their Dominions : and those that they haue , by reason of the high hills , be easily defended : and the tribute which they pay to their chiefe Lord and King , setteth them quit and free from warfare . Thus their life is commodious rather then gallant , and may better be called happy or wealthy , then notable and famous : For they be not knowne , as much as by name , I suppose saving onely to their next neighbour , and borders . They that in this Land be attained and convict of Fellony , make restitution of that which they stole , to the right owner : and not ( as they doe in other lands ) to the King : whom they thinke to haue no more right to the theefe-stollen thing , then the theefe himselfe hath . But if the thing be lost or made away , then the value of it is paid of the goods of such offenders , which else remaineth all whole to their wiues , and children . And they themselues be cōdemned to be cōmon labourers , and unlesse the theft be very hainous , they be neither locked in prison , nor fettered in gyues , but be vnited and goe at large , labouring in the common workes . They that refuse labour , or goe slowly or slacke to their worke , be not only tyed in chaines , but also pricked forward with stripes . But being diligent about their worke , they liue without checke or rebuke . Every night they be called in by name , and be locked in their chambers . Beside their daily labour , their life is nothing hard or incommodious ; their fare is indifferent good , borne at the charges of the Weale publike ; because they be common servants to the Common-wealth . But their charges in all places of the land is not borne alike . For in some parts that which is bestowed vpon them is gathered of almes . And though that way be vncertaine ; yet the people be so full of mercy and pitty , that none is found more profitable or plentifull . In some places certaine Ladies be appointed hereunto : of the revenues whereof they be maintained . And in some places every man giveth a certaine tribute for the same vse and purpose . Againe in some part of the land these Servingmen ( for so be these damned persons called ) doe not common worke , but as every private man needeth labours , so he commeth into the market-place , and there hireth some of them for meat and drinke , and a certaine limited wages by the day , somewhat cheaper then he should hire a free-man . It is also lawfull for them to chastice the slouth of these servingmen with stripes . By this meanes they never lacke worke , and besides the gaining of their meat and drink , every one of them bringeth daily something into the common Treasury . All and every one of them be apparelled in one colour . Their heads be not poled or shaven , but rounded a little aboue the eares . And the tip of the one eare is cut off . Every one of them may take meate and drinke of their friends , and also a coat of their owne colour : but to receiue money is death , aswell to the giver , as to the receiver . And no lesse jeopardy it is for a freeman to receiue money of a servingman , for any manner of cause : and likewise for serving-men to touch weapons . The servingmen of every severall shiere be distinct and knowne from other , by their severall and distinct badges : which to cast away is death : as it is also to be seene out of the precinct of their owne shiere ▪ or to talke with a servingman of another shiere . And it is no lesse danger to them , for to intend to runne away , then to doe it indeed . Yea , and to conceale such an enterprise in a servingman , it is death ; in a free man , seruitude . Of the contrary part , to him that openeth and vttereth such counsels , be decreed large gifts : to a Freeman , a great summe of money ; to a Serving-man freedome : and to them both forgivenesse and pardon of that they were of counsell in that pretence . So that it can never be so good for them to goe forward in their evill purpose , as by repentance to turne backe . This is the Law and order in this behalfe , as I haue shewed you : Wherein what humanity is vsed , how farre it is from cruelty , and how commodious it is , you doe plainly perceiue . For as much as the end of their wrath and punishment intendeth nothing else , but the destruction of vices , and saving of men : with so vsing , and ordering them , that they cannot chuse but be good ; and what harme soever they did before , in the residue of their life , to make amends for the same . Moreover it is so little feared , that they should turne againe to their vicious conditions , that way-faring men will for their safeguard choose them to their guides before any other , in every shiere changing and taking new : For if they would commit robbery , they haue nothing about them meete for that purpose . They may touch no weapons : money found about them , should betray the robbery . They should be no sooner taken with the manner , but forthwith they should be punished . Neither can they haue any hope at all to scape away by flying : For how should a man , that in no part of his apparell is like other men , flye privily and vnknowne , vnlesse he would runne away naked ? Howbeit , so also flying , he should be descri●d by the rounding of his head , and his c●re-marke . But it is a thing to be doubted , that they will lay their heads together , and conspire against the Weale publike . No , no , I warrant you : For the Servingmen of one shiere alone , could never hope to bring to passe such an enterprise , without solyciting , entising , and alluring the Servingmen of many other sh●eres to take their parts . Which thing is to them so impossible , that they may not as much as speake or talke together , or salute one another . No , it ●● not to be thought that they would make their owne Countrymen and companions of their counsell in such a matter , which they know well should be jeopardy to the concealor thereof , and great commodity and goodnesse to the opener and detector of the same . Whereas on the other part , there is none of them all hopelesse or in despaire to recover againe his former estate of freedome , by humble obedience , by patient suffering , and by giving good tokens and likelihood of himselfe , that he will ever after that , liue like a true , and an honest man. For every yeare divers of them be restored to their freedome , through the commendation of patience . When I had thus spoken , saying moreover , that I could see no cause why this order might not be had in England , with much more profit , then the Iustice with the Lawyer so highly praised . Nay , quoth the Lawyer this could never be ●o stablished in England , but that it must needs bring the Weale publike into great jeopardy and hazard . And as he was thus saying , he shaked his head , and made a wry mouth , and so he held his peace . And all that were present , with one assent agreed to his saying . Well , quoth the Cardinall , yet it were hard to judge with out a proofe , whether this order would doe well here or no. But when the sentence of death is given , if then the King should command execution to be referred and spared , and would prove this order and fashion , taking away the priviledge of Sanctuaries : if then the proofe should declare the thing to be good and profitable , then it were well done that it were stablished : Else then condemned and reprived persons may as well be put to death after this proofe , as when they were first cast . Neither any jeopardy can in the meane space grow hereof . Yea , and me thinketh that these Vagabonds may very well be ordered after the same fashion , against whom we have hitherto made so many lawes , and so little prevailed . When the Cardinall had thus said , then every man gaue great praise to my sayings , which a little before they had disallowed . But most of all was esteemed that which was spoken of Vagabonds , because it was the Cardinals addition . I cannot tell whether it were best to rehearse the communication that followed ; for it was not very sad . But yet you shall heare it , for there was no evill in it , and partly it pertained to the matter before-said . There chanced to stand by a certaine jeasting Parasite , or scoffer , which would seeme to resemble and counterfeit , the foole . But he did in such wise counterfet , that he was almost the very same indeed that he laboured to present : he so studied with words and sayings , brought forth so out of time and place , to make sport and more laughter , that he himselfe was oftner laughed at , then his jeasts were . Yet the foolish fellow brought out now and then such indifferent and reasonable stuffe● , that he made the Proverbe true , which saith : He that shooteth oft , at the last shall h●● the marke : So that when one of the company said , that through my communication , a good order was found for Theeues , and that the Cardinall also had well provided for Vagabonds , so that onely remained some good provision to be made for them that through sicknesse and age were fallen into poverty , and were become so impotent and vnweldy , that they were not able to worke for their living . Tush ( quoth he ) let me alone with them : you shall see me doe well enough with them . For I had rather then any good , that this kind of people were driven somewhere out of my sight , they haue so sore troubled me many times and oft when they haue with their lamentable reares begged money of me : and yet they could never to my mind so tune their song , that thereby they ever got of me one farthing . For evermore the one of these chanced : either that I would not , or else that I could not , because I had it not . Therfore now they be waxed wife : For whē they see me goe by , because they will not leese their labour , they let me passe , and say not one word to me . So they looke for nothing of me , no in good sooth ; no more , then if I were a Priest , or a Monk. But I will make a Law , that all these beggers shall be distributed , and bestowed into houses of religion . The men shall be made Lay brethren , as they call them ; and the women , Nunnes . Hereat the Cardinall smiled , and allowed it in jeast , yea , and all the residue in good earnest . But a certaine Fryar , graduate in divinity , tooke such pleasure and delight in this jeasts of Priests and Monkes , that he also ( being else a man of gr●sly and sterne gravity ) began merily and wantonly to jest and taunt . Nay , ( quoth he ) you shall not be so rid and dispatched of beggers , unlesse you make some provision also for vs Fryars . Why , quoth the ●easter , that is done already , for my Lord himselfe set a very good order for you , when he decreed , that Vagabonds should be kept straight and set to worke : for you be the greatest and veriest Vagabonds that be . This jeast also when they saw the Cardinall not disproue it , every man tooke it gladly , saving onely the Fryar : For he ( and that no mervaile ) being thus touched on the quicke , and hit on the gaule , so fretted , so fumed , and cha●ed at it , and was in such a rage , that he could not refraine himselfe from ch●ding , scolding , raising , and reviling . He called the fellow Ribbald , villaine , javell , backbiter , slaunderer , and the child of perdi●ion : citing therewith terrible threarnings out of holy Scripture . Then the jeasting sco●●er began to play the sco●●er indeed , and verily he was good at that ▪ for he could play a part in that play , no man better . Patient your selfe , good Master Fryar ( quoth he ) and be not angry ; for Scripture saith : In your patience you shall saue your soules . Then the Fryar ( for I will rehearse his owne very words : ) No gallowes wretch , I am not angry ( quoth he ) or at the least-wise , I doe not sinne : for the Psalmist saith . Be you angry and sinne not . Then the Cardinall spake gently to the Fryar , and desired him to quiet himselfe . No my Lord ( quoth he ) I speak not but of a good zeale as I ought ; for holy men had a good zeale : Wherefore it is said ; The zeale of thy house hath eaten me . And it is sung in y● Church : The scorners of Hel●z●us , whiles he went vp into the house of God , felt the zeale of the bald , as peradventure this scorning villaine R●bbauld shall feele . You doe it ( quoth the Cardinall ) perchance of a good minde and affection : but me thinketh you should doe , I cannot and esteeme me and my sayings . I ensure you , Master Raphael , quoth I , I tooke great delectation in hearing you : all things that you said , were spoken so wittily and so pleasantly . And me thought me selfe to be in the meane time , not onely at home in my Country , but also through the pleasant remembrance of the Cardinall , in whose house I was brought up of a Child , to wax a child againe . And friend Raphael , though I did beare very great love towards you before , yet seeing you doe so earnestly favour this man , you will not beleeve how much my love towards you is now increased . But yet , all this notwithstanding , I can by no meanes change my mind , but that I must needs beleeve , that you , if you be disposed , and can find in your heart to follow some Princes Court , shall with your good counsels greatly helpe and further the Common-wealth . Wherefore there is nothing more appertaining to your duty , that is to say , to the duty of a good man. For whereas your Plato judgeth that weale-publikes shall by this meanes attaine perfect felicity , either if Philosophers be Kings , or ●lse if Kings give themselves to the study of Philosophy ; how farre I pray you , shall Common-wealths then be from this felicitie , if Philosophers will vouchsafe to instruct Kings with their good counsell ? They be not so unkind ( quoth he ) but they would gladly doe it , yea , many have done it already in books that they have put forth , if Kings and Princes would be willing and ready to follow good counsell . But Plato doubtlesse did well fore-see , unlesse Kings themselves would apply their mindes to the study of Philosophy , that else they would never thorowly allow the counsell of Philosophers , being themselves before euen from their tender age infected , and corrupt with peruerse and euill opinions , Which thing Plato himselfe prooued true in king Dyonise , If I should propose to any King wholsome decrees , doing my endevour to pluck out of his mind the pernicious originall causes of vice and naughtinesse , thinke you not that I should forthwith either be driven away , or else made a laughing stocke ? Well , suppose I were with the French King ▪ and there sitting in his Counsell , whiles in that most secret consultation , the King himselfe there being present in hi● owne person , they beat their braines , and search the very bottomes of their wits , to discusse by what craft and meanes the King may still keepe Millaine , and draw to him againe fugitiue Naples : and then how to conquer the Venetians , and how to bring vnder his jurisdiction all Italie ; then how to winne the Dominion of Flanders , Brabant , and all Burgundy ; with divers other Lands , whose Kingdomes hee hath long agoe in mind and purpose invaded . Heere , whiles one counsaileth to conclude a League of Peace with the Venetians ; so long to endure , as shall be thought meete and expedient for their purpose , and to make them also of their Councell ; yea and besides that , to give them part of the prey , Which afterward , when they have brought their purpose about , after their owne mindes , they may require and claime again ? Another thinketh best to hyre the Germans : Another , would have the favour of the Switzers wonne with money : Anothers advice , is to appease the puissant power of the Emperors Majestie with Gold , as with a most pleasant and acceptable sacrifice : Whiles another giveth counsell to make peace with the King of Arragon , & to restore unto him his owne Kingdome of Navarre , as a full assurance of of peace : Another commeth in with his five egges , and adviseth to hooke in the King of Castile , with some hope of affinitie , or allyance ; and to bring to their part certaine Peeres of his Court , for great Pensions . Whiles they all stay at the chiefest doubt of all , what to doe in the meane time with England ; and yet agree all in this , to make with the English-men , and with most sure and strong bonds to binde that weake and feeble friendship , so that they must be called friends , and had in suspition as enemies . And that therefore the Scots must be had in a readinesse , as it were in a standing , ready at all occasions ( in case the English-men should stir never so little ) incontinent to set upon them . And moreover , privily and secretly ( for openly it may not be done , by the Truce that is taken ; ) privily therefore , I say , to make much of some Peere of England , that is banished his Countrey , which must clayme Title to the Crowne of the Realme , and affirme himselfe just Inheritor thereof : that by this subtile meanes they may hold to them the King , in whom else they have but small trust and affiance . Here , I say , where so great and high matters be in consultation ▪ where so many noble and wise men counsaile their King onely to Warre : here if I , silly man , should rise up , and will them to turne over the Lea●e , and learne a new Lesson , saying ; That my counsaile is not to meddle with Italie , but to tarry still at home ; and that the Kingdome of France alone is almost greater , then that it may well begoverned of one man ; so that the King should not need to study how to get more : And then should propose unto them the Decrees of the People that be called the Ach●riens , which be scituate over-against the Iland of Vtopia , on the South-east side . These Ach●riens once made warre , in their Kings quarrell , for to get him another Kingdome which hee laid clayme unto , and advanced himselfe right Inheritor to the Crowne thereof , by the Title of an old alliance . At the last , when they had gotten it , and saw that they had even as much vexation and trouble in keeping it , as they had in getting it ; and that either thei● new conquered Subjects by sundry occasions were making daily Insurrections to rebell against them , or else that other Countries were continually with divers In●odes and forraines invading them ; so that they were ever Fighting , either for them , or against them , and never could breake up the● Campes : Seeing themselues in the meane season , pilled and impoverished , their money carryed out of the Realme ; their owne men killed , to maintaine the glory of another Nation : when they had no Warre , peace nothing better then warre , by reason that their people in warre had so injured themselues to corrupt and wicked manners , that they had taken a delight and pleasure in robbing and stealing ; that through man●aughter , they had gathered boldnesse to mischiefe ; that their Lawes were had in contempt , and nothing set by or regarded ; that their King being troubled with the charge and governance of two Kingdomes , could not , nor was ●ot able perfectly to discharge his office towards them both : seeing againe , that all these evils and troubles were endlesse , at the last laid their heads together , and like faithfull and loving subjects gaue to their King free choise and liberty to keepe still the one of these two Kingdomes , whether he would ; alledging , that he was not able to keepe both , and that they were more then might well be governed of halfe a King , for as much as no man would be content to take him for his Mulettor , that keepeth another mans Mules besides his . So this good Prince was constrained to be content with his old Kingdome , and to giue over the new to one of his friends , who shortly after was violently driven out . Furthermore , if I should declare vnto them , that all this busie preparance to warre , whereby so many Nations for his sake should be brought into a troublesome hurly-burly , when all his Coffers were emptied , his Treasures wasted , and his people destroyed , should at the length through some mischance , be in vaine , and to none effect : and that therefore it were best for him to content himselfe with his owne Kingdome of France , as his fore-fathers and predecessors did before him ; to make much of it , to enrich it , and to make it as flourishing as he could ; to endevour himselfe to loue his subjects , and againe to be beloved of them ; willingly to liue with them , peaceably to governe them , and with other Kingdomes not to meddle , seeing that which he hath already is even enough for him , yea , and more then he can well turne him to . This mine advice , Master Moore , how thinke you , would it not be hardly taken ? So God helpe me , not very thankfully ▪ ( quoth I. ) Well let vs proceed then ( quoth he . ) Suppose that some King and his Councell were together , whetting their wlts , and devising what subtile craft they might invent , to enrich the King with great Treasures of Money . First , one coun saileth to raise and enhance the valuation of Money , when the King must pay any ; and againe , to call downe the value of Coyne to lesle then it is worth , when he must receiue or gather any : For thus , great summes shall be paid with a little money ; and where little is due , much shall be received . Another counsaileth to faine Warre : that when under this colour and pretence the King hath gathered great abundance of money , he may , when it shall please him , make peace with great solemnity , and holy ceremonies , to blind the eyes of the poore Communalty , as taking pitty and compassion forsooth vpon mans bloud , like a loving and a mercifull Prince . Another putteth the King in remembrance of certaine old and mouth-eaten Lawes , that of lo●g ti●e have not beene put in execution , which because no man can remember that they ▪ were made , every man hath transgressed . The fines of these Lawes he counsaileth the King to require : for there is no way so profitable , nor more honourable , as that which hath a shew and colour of Iustice . Another adviseth him to forbid many things vnder great Penalties and Fines , specially such things as is for the peoples profit not to be vsed ; & afterward , to dispence for money with them which by this prohibition sustain losse and dammage : For by this means , the favor of the people is won , & profit riseth two wayes : first , by taking forfeits of them , whom covetousnesse of gaynes hath brought in danger of this Statute ; and also by selling Priviledges and Licences : which the better that the Prince is ▪ forsooth , the dearer he selleth them , as one that is loath to grant to any private person any thing that is against the profit of his People ; and therefore may set none , but at an exceeding deare price . Another giveth the king counsel to endanger vnto ●ns Grace the Iudges of the Realme , that he may have them ever on his side , and that they may in every matter dispute and reason for the Kings right . Yea , and further to call them into his Pallace , and to require them , there to argue and discusse his matters in his owne presence : So there shall be no matter of his so openly wrong and unjust , wherein one or other of them , either because he will have something to alledge and object ; or that he is ashamed to say that which is said already ; or else to picke a thanke with his Prince , will not finde some hole open to set a snare in , wherewith to take the contrary part in a trip . Thus whiles the Iudges cannot agree amongst themselves , reasoning and arguing of that which is plaine enough , & bringing the manifest truth in doubt : in the meane season , the King may take a fit occasion to understand the Law as shall most make for his advantage , whereunto all other for shame , or for feare will agree . Then the Iudges may bee bold to pronounce on the Kings side : for hee that giveth sentence for the King , cannot be without a good excuse : For it shall be sufficient for him to have equity on his part , or the bare words of the Law , a wrythen and wrested understanding of the same ( or else , which with good and just Iudges is of greater force then all lawes be ) the Kings indisputable Prerogative . To conclude , all the Counsellers agree and consent together with the rich Crassus , That no abundance of gold can be sufficient for a Prince , which must keepe and maintaine an Army : further more that a King , though he would , can doe nothing vnjustly . For all that men have , yea , also the men themselves be all his . And that every man hath so much of his owne , as the Kings gentlenesse hath not taken from him . And that it shall be most for the Kings advantage , that his subjects have very little or nothing in their possession , as whose safeguard doth herein consist , that his people doe not waxe wanton and wealthy through riches and liberty , because where these things be , there men be not wont patiently to obey hard , vnjust , and vnlawfull commandements . Whereas on the other part , need and poverty doth hold downe and keepe vnder stout courages , and maketh them patient perforce , taking from them bold and rebelling stomackes . Here againe if I should rise vp , and boldly affirme , that all these counsels be to the King dishonour and reproach , whose honour and safety is more and rather supported and vpholden by the wealth and riches of his people , then by his owne Treasures ? and if I should declare that the communalty chooseth their king for their owne sake , and not for his sake : to the intent , that through his labour and study they might all live wealthy , safe from wrongs and injuries : and that therefore the King ought to take more care for the wealth of his people , then for his owne wealth , even as the office and duty of a shepheard is in that he is a shepheard , to feed his sheepe rather then himselfe . For as touching this , that they thinke the defence and maintenance of peace to consist in poverty of the people , the thing it self sheweth that they be farre out of the way : For where shall a man find more wrangling , quarrelling , brawling and chiding , then among Beggers ? Who bee more desirous of new mutations and alterations , then they that be not content with the present state of that life ? Or finally , who be bolder stomacked to bring all in a burly-burly ( thereby trusting to get some wind-fall ) then they that have now nothing to leese ? And if any King were so smally regarded , & so lightly esteemed ; yea , so be-hated of his Subjects , that other wayes hee could not keepe them in awe , but onely by open wrongs , by polling and shaving , and by bringing them to beggerie ; surely , it were better for him to forsake his Kingdome then to hold it by that meanes : whereby though the name of a King be kept , yet the Majesty is lost : For it is against the dignity of a King to have rule over Beggers , but rather over rich and wealthy men . Of this mind was the hardy and couragious Fabrice , when he said ; that He had rather be a Ruler of rich men , then be rich himselfe . And verily , one man to live in pleasure and wealth , whiles all all other weepe and smart for it , that is the part , not of a King , but a jaylour . To be short , as he is a foolish Physitian , that cannot cure his patients disease , vnlesse he cast him in another sicknesse ; so he that cannot amend the liues of his subjects , but by taking from them the wealth and commodity of life : he must needs grant , that he knoweth not the wealth and commodity of life ; he must needs grant , that he knoweth not the feate how to gouerne men , But let him rather amend his owne life , renounce vnhonest pleasures , and forsake pride : for these be the chiefe vices that cause him to runne in the contempt or hatred of his people . Let him liue of his owne , ●urting no man : Lee him do cost not aboue his power : Let him restraine wickednesse : Let him prevent vices , and take away the occasions of offences by well-ordering his subjects , and not by suffering wickednes to encrease , afterward to be punished : Let him not be too hastie in calling againe lawes which a custome hath abrogated ; especially such as have been ●ong forgotten , and never lacked nor needed . And let him neuer under the cloake and ●●●tence of transgression , take such fines and forfeits , as no Iudge will suffer a private person to take , as unjust and full of guile . Here if I should bring forth before them the Law of the Macarie●s , which be not farre distant from Vtop●a , whose King , the day of his Coronatio● is bound ( by a solemne Oath , that he shall never at any time have in his Treasure above a thousand pound of Gold or Silver . They say , that a very good King , which tooke farre more care for the wealth and commodity of his Countrie , then for the enriching of himselfe , made this law to be a stop and barre to kings from heaping and whording vp so much money as might impoverish their people : For he fore-saw that this sum of treasure would suffice to support the king in battaile against his owne people , if they should chance to rebell : & also to maintaine his warres against the invasions of his forraine enemies . Againe , he perceived the same stocke of money to be too little and vnsufficient to encourage and enable him wrongfully to take away other mens goods : which was the chiefe cause why y● law was made . Another cause was this . He thought y● by this provision his people should not lack mony , wherewith to maintaine their daily occupying & chaffer . And seeing the King could not choose but lay out and bestow all that came in at oue the prescript summe of his stocke , he thought he would seeke no occasions to doe his subjects injury . Such a King shall be feared of evill men and loved of good men . These , and such other informations , it I should vse among men wholly inclined and given to the contrary part , how deafe eares thinke you shall I haue ? Deafe hearers doubtlesse ( quoth I. ) And in good faith no mervaile . And to be plaine with you , truly I cannot allow that such communication shall be vsed , or such counsell given , as you be sure shall never be regarded nor received : For how can so strange informations be profitable , or how can they be beaten into their heads , whose minds be already prevented , with cleane contrary perswasions ? This Schoole Philosophy is not unpleasant among friends in familiar communication , but in the counsels of Kings , where great matters be debated and reasoned with great authority , these things haue no place . That is it which I meant ( quoth he ) when I said Philosophy had no place among Kings . Indeed ( quoth I ) this Schoole philosophy hath not : which thinketh all things meet for every place . But there is another Philosophy more civill , which knoweth , as ye would say , her owne stage , and thereafter ordering and behaving her selfe in the play that she hath in hand , playeth her part accordingly with comelinesse , vttering nothing out of due order and fashion . And this is the Philosophy that you must vse . Or else whiles a Comody of Plautus is playing , and the vild bond-men scoffing and trifling among themselues , if you should suddenly come vpon the Stage in a Philosophers apparell , and rehearse out of Octavia the place wherein Seneca disputeth with Nero : had it not beene better for you to haue played the dumme person , then by rehearsing that , which served neither for the time nor place to have made such a tragicall Comedy or gallimalfry : For by bringing in other stuffe that nothing appertaineth to the matter , you must needs marre & prevent the play that is in hand , though the stuffe that you bring be much better . What part soever you have taken vpon you , play that as well as you can and make the best of it : And doe not therefore disturbe and bring out of order the whole matter , because that another , which is merrier and better commeth to your remembrance . So the case standeth in a Common-wealth : and so it is in the consultations of Kings and Princes . If evill opinions and naughty perswasion , cannot be vtterly & quite plucked out of their hearts , if you cannot even as you would remedy vices , which vse and custome hath cōfirmed : yet for this cause you must not leaue and forsake the Common-wealth : you must not forsake the Ship in a tempest , because you cannot rule and keepe downe the winds . No nor you must not labour to driue into their heads new and strange informations , which you know well shall be nothing regarded with them that be of cleane contrary minds . But you must with a crafty wile & subtile train study and endevour your selfe , as much as in you lieth , to handle the matter wittily and handsomly for the purpose , and that which you cannot turne to good , so to order it that it be not very bad : For it is not possible for all things to be well , vnlesse all men were good : which I think will not be yet these good many yeares . By this meanes ( quoth he ) nothing else will be brought to passe ; but but whiles I goe about to remedy the madnesse of others , I should be even as mad as they : For if I should speake things that be true , I must needs speake such things : but as for to speake false things , whether that be a Philosophers part or no I cannot tell , truly it is not my part . How beit this communication of mine though per adventure it may seeme vnpleasant to them , yet cannot I see why it should seeme strange , or foolishly newfangled . If so be that I should speake those things that PLATO faineth in his Weale publike , or that the Vtopians doe in theirs , these things though they were ( as they be indeed ) better , yet they might seeme spoken out of place . For as much as here amongst vs , every man hath his possessions severall to himselfe , and there all things be in commen . But what was in my communication contained , that might not , and ought not in any place to be spoken ? Saving that to them which haue throughly decreed and determined with themselves to runne headlong on the contrary way , it cannot be acceptable and pleasant , because it calleth them backe , and sheweth them the jeopardies : Verily if all things that evill and vitious manners have caused to seeme vnconvenient & naught should be refused , as things vnmeet and reproachfull , then we must among Christian people winke at the most part of all those things which Christ taught vs , and so straightly forbad them to be wincked at , that those things also which he whispered in the eares of his Disciples , he commanded to be proclaimed in open houses . And yet the most part of them is more dissident from the manners of the world now a dayes , then my communication was . But Preachers silly and wily men following swarme into the streetes , and daily wet to the skin with raine , and yet cannot perswade them to goe out of the raine , and to take their house , knowing well , that if they should goe out to them , they should nothing prevaile , nor winne ought by it , but with them be wet also in the raine , they doe keepe themselves within their houses , being content that they be safe themselves , seeing they cannot remedy the folly of the people . How be it doubtlesse Master Moore ( to speake truly as my mind giveth me ) where possessions be private , where money beareth all the stroake , it is hard and almost impossible that there the Weale publike may justly be governed , and prosperously flourish ; vnlesse you thinke thus : That Iustice is there executed , where all things come into the hands of evill men ; or that prosperity there flourisheth , where all is divided among a few : which few neverthelesse doe not leade their liues very wealthily , and the residue live miserably , wretchedly , and beggerly . Wherefore , when I consider with my selfe , and weigh in my mind , the wise and godly ordinances of the Vtopians ; among whom , with very few lawes all things be so well and wealthy ordered , that vertue is had in a price and estimation , and yet all things being there common , every man hath abundance of every thing . Ag●●●●e , on the other part , when I compare with them so many Nations ever making new lawes , yet none of them all well and sufficiently furnished with lawes : where every man calleth that he hath gotten , his owne proper and private goods , where so many new lawes daily made , be not sufficient for every man to enjoy , defend , and know from another mans that which he calleth his owne : which thing the infinite controversies in the law , daily rising , never to be ended , painly declare to be true . These things ( I say ) when I consider with my selfe , I hold well with Plat● , and doe nothing mervaile that he would make no lawes for them , that refused those lawes , whereby all men should have and enjoy equall portions of wealths and commodities . For the wise man did easily fore-see , this to be the one and onely way to the wealth of a communalty , it equality of all things should be brought in and stablished . Which I thinke is not possible to be observed , where every mans goods be proper and peculiar to himselfe : For where every man under certaine titles and pretences draweth , and plucketh to himselfe as much as he can ; so that a few divide among themselves all the whole riches , be there never so much abundance and store , there to the residue is left lacke and poverty . And for the most part it chanceth , that this latter sort is more worthy to enjoy that sta●e of wealth , then the other be : because the rich men be covetous crafty , and vnprofitable . On the other part , the poore be lowly , simple , and by their daily labour , more profitable to the common-wealth , then to themselues . Thus I do fully perswade my selfe , that no equall and just distribution of things can be made , nor that perfect-wealth shall ever be among men , vnle●le this propriety be exiled and banished . But so long as it shall continue , so long shall remaine among the most and best part of men , the heauy and inevitable burthen of poverty and wretchednesle . Which , as I grant that it may be somewhat cased , so I vtterly deny that it can wholly to be taken away : For if there were a Statute made , that no man should haue in his stocke aboue a prescript and appointed summe of money : if it were by certaine Lawes decreed , that neither the King should bee of too great power , neither the People too haughty and wealthy ; and that Offices should not by inordinate sute , or by bribes and guifts : that they should neither bee bought nor sold ; nor that it should be needfull for the Officers , to be at any cost or charge in their Offices : For so occasion ●● given to them by fraud and ravine to gather up their money againe ; and by reason of guifts and bribes , the Offices be given to rich men , which should r●ther have beene executed of Wise men : By such lawes I say , like as Sicke bodies that be desperate and past cure , be wont with continuall good cherishing to be kept and botched up for a time : so these evils also may be lightned and mitigated . But that they may be perfectly cured , brought to a good and upright state , it is not to be hoped for , whiles every man is Master of his owne to himselfe . Yea , and whiles you goe about to doe your cure of one part , you shall make bigger the sore of another part , so the helpe of one causeth anothers harme : for asmuch , as nothing can be given to any one unlesse it be taken from another . But I am of a contrary opinion ( quoth I ) for me thinketh that men shall never there live wealthy , where all things bee common : For how can there be abundance of goods , or of any thing , where every man withdraweth his hand from labour ? Whom the regard of his owne gaines driveth not to worke , but the hope that he hath in other mens travailes maketh him sloathfull . Then when they be pricked with poverty , and yet no man can by any law or right defend that for his owne , which he hath gotten with the labor of his own hands , shall not there of necessity be continuall sedition and bloodshed ? Specially the authority and reverence of Magistrates , being taken away , which , what place it may have with such men among whom is no difference , I cannot devise . I marvaile not ( quoth he ) that you be of this opinion . For you conceiue in your mind either none at all , or else a very false Image and similitude of this thing . But if you had beene with me in Vtopia , and had presently seene their fashions and lawes , as I did , which lived there fiue yeares , and more , & wold never haue come thence , but onely to make that new land knowne heere : Then doubtlesse you would grant , that you never saw people well ordered , but onely there . Surely ( quorh Master PETER ) it shall be hard for you to make me beleeve , that there is better order in that New Land , then is here in the Countries that we know . For good wits be as well here as there : and I thinke our Common-wealths be ancienter then theirs ; wherein long vse and experience hath found out many things commodious for mans life ; besides that many things here among vs have beene found by chance , which no wit could ever have devised . As touching the ancientnesse ( quoth he ) of Common-wealths , then , you might better judge if you had read the Histories , and Chronicles of that land , which , if we may beleeue , Cities were there , before men were heere . Now what thing soever hitherto by wit hath beene devised , or found by chance , that might be as well there as heere . But I thinke verily , though it were so that we did passe them in wit : yet in study , in trauell , and in laboursome endevour , they farre passe vs : For ( as their Chronicles testifie ) before our arrivall there they never heard any thing of vs , whom they call the Vltraequinoctialles : saving that once about 1200 yeares agoe , a certaine Ship was lost by the I●● of Vtopia , which was driven thither by tempest . Certaine Romans and Egyptians were cast on Land. Which after that never went thence . Marke now what profit they tooke of this one occasion through diligence and earnest trauaile . There was no craft nor science within the Empire of Rome whereof any profit could rise , but they either learned it of these strangers , or else of them , taking occasion to search for it , found it out . So great profit was it to them that ever any went thither , from hence . But if any like chance before this hath brought any man from thence hither , that is as quite out of remembrance , as this also perchance in time to come shall be forgotten , that ever I was there . And like as they quickly almost at the first meeting , made their owne , whatsoever is among us wealthily devised : So I suppose it would be long before we should receive any thing , that among them is better instituted then among us . And this I suppose is the chiefe cause why their common-wealths be wiselyer governed , and doe flourish in more wealth then ours , though wee neither in wit nor riches be their inferiours . Therefore gentle Master Raphael ( quoth I ) I pray you and beseech you describe vnto us the Iland . And study not to bee short : but declare largely in order their Grounds , their Rivers , their Cities , their People , their Manners , their Ordinances , their Lawes , and to bee short , all things that you shall thinke us desirous to know . And you sha●l thinke us desirous to know whatsoever we know not yet . There is nothing ( quoth hee ) that I will doe gl●dlier . For all these things I have fresh in minde : But the matter requireth leisure . Let us goe in therefore ( quoth I ) to dinner , and afterward wee will bestow the time at our pleasure . Content ( quoth hee ) be it . So wee went in and dined . When dinner was done , we came into the same place againe , and sate us downe upon the same bench , commanding our servants that no man should trouble us . Then I and Master Peter Giles , desired Master Raphael to performe his promise . Hee therefore seeing us desirous and willing to hearken to him , when he had sate still and paused a little while , musing and bethinking himselfe , thus he began to speake . The end of the first Booke . THE SECOND BOOKE of the Communication of RAPHAEL HYTHLODAY , concerning the best State of a COMMON-WEALTH . Containing the Description of VTOPIA , with a large declaration of the politike government , and of all the good Lawes and Orders of the same Iland . THe Iland of VTOPIA , containeth in bredth in the middle part of it ( for there it is broadest ) 200 miles . Which bredth continueth through the most part of the Land , saving that by little it cōmeth in , and waxeth narrower towards both the ends : which fetching about a circuit or compasse of 500 miles , doe fashion y● who le Iland like to the new Moone . between these two corners the Sea rūneth in , dividing them a funder by the distance of 11 miles or there abouts , & there surmounteth into a large Sea , which by reason that the Land on every side of passeth it about , and sheltreth it from the winds , is not rough , nor mounteth not with great waves , but almost floweth quietly not much vnlike a great standing poole : and maketh well-nigh all the space within the belly of the Land in māner of a haven : and to the great cōmodity of the inhabitants , receiveth in Ships towards every part of the land . The forefront , or frontiers of the two corners , what with bords and shelves and what with rocke , be jeopardous and dangerous . In the middle distance between them both , standeth up above the water a great Rock , which therefore it is is nothing perilous because it is in sight . Vpon the top of this rock is a faire and strong tower builded , which they hold with a garrison of men . Other rockes there be lying hid under the water , which therfore be dangerous . The channels be knowne onely to themselves . And therefore it seldome chanceth that any Stranger unlesse he be guided by an Vtopian , can come into this haven . Insomuch that they themselves could scarcely enter without jeopardy , but that their way is directed and ruled by certaine Land-markes standing on the shore . By turning translating , and removing the markes into other places , they may destroy their enemies navies , be they never so many . The outside or utter circuit of the land , is also full of havens , but the landing is so surely fenced , what by nature , & what by workmanship of mens hands , that a few defenders may drive back many armies Howbeit as they say , and as the fashion of the place it selfe doth partly shew , it was not ever compassed about with the Sea. But King VTOPVS , whose name , as conquerour , the Iland beareth : For before this time it was called Abrax● ) which also brought the rude and wild people to that excellent perfection in all good fashions , humanity , and civill gentlenesse , wherein they now goe beyond all the people in the world : even at his arriving and entering vpon the land , forthwith obtaining the victory , caused fifteene miles space of vplandish ground , where the Sea had no passage , to be cut and digged vp . And so wrought the Sea round about the Land. He set to this worke : not onely the inhabitants of this Iland ( because they should not thinke it done in contumely and despight ) but also all his owne souldiours . Thus the worke being divided into so great a number of workemen , was with exceeding marvailous speed dispatched . Insomuch that the borderers which at the first began to mocke , and to jest as the vaine enterprise , then turned their derision to mervaile at the successe , and to feare . There be in the Iland fifty foure large and faire Cities , or shiere towns , agreeing altogether in one tongue , in like manners , institutions , and lawes , they be all set and situate alike , and in all points fashioned alike , as farre forth as the place or plot suffereth . Of these Cities , they that be nighest together be twenty foure miles asunder . Againe , there is none of them distant from the next , aboue one dayes journey a foot . There come yearely to Amaurote , out of every City , three old men wise and well experienced , there to intreate and debate , of the common matters of the Land. For this City ( because it standeth just in the midst of the Iland , and is therefore most meet for the Ambassadours of all parts of the Realme ) is taken for the chiefe and head Citty . The precincts and bounds of the Shieres , be so commodiously appointed out , and set forth for the Cities , that none of them all hath of any side les●e then twenty miles of ground , and of some side also much more , as of that part where the Cities be of further distance a sunder . None of the Cities desire to enlarge the bounds and limits of thei●●●ir●s . For they count themselves rather the good husbands , then the owners of their lands . They have in the Countrey in all parts of the shiere , houses or f●rmes builded , well appointed and furnished with all sorts of instruments and tooles belonging to Husbandry . These houses be inhib●●●d of the Citizens , which co●…ithe●●o dwell by course . No houshold or Farme in the Countrey hath fewer then fifty persons men and women , besides two bondmen , which be all vnder the rule and order of the good man , and the good wife of the house , being both very sage , discreet ; and ancient persons . And every thirty Farmes or families have one head ruler , which is called a Philarch , being as it were a head Bayli●●e , Out of every one of these families or farmes , commeth every yeare into the City twenty persons , which have continued two yeares before in the Countrey . In their place so many fresh be sent thither out of the City , who , of them that have beene there a yeare already , and be therefore expert and cunning in husbandry , shall be instructed and taught . And they the next yeare shall teach other . This order is vsed for feare that either scarcenesse of victuals , or some other like incommodity should chance , through lacke of knowledge : if they should be altogether new , and fresh , and vnexpert in husbandry . This manner and fashion , of yearely changing and renewing the occupiers of husbandry , though it be solemne and customably vsed , to thinke that no man shall be constrained against his will to continue long in that hard and sharp kind of life ; yet many of them have such a pleasure and delight in husbandry , that they obtaine a longer space of yeares . Th●se husbandmen , plough and till the ground , and breed vp cattell , ●nd provide and make ready wood , which they carry to the City either by land or water , as they most conveniently . They bring vp a g●… of 〈…〉 and that ●y 〈…〉 poll● ▪ cie : for ▪ the 〈…〉 vpon the egges ; but by 〈…〉 in a certaine equ●… they bring life into them , and hatch them . The chickens , as soone as they be come out of the shell , follow men and women in stead of the hennes . They bring vp very few horses : nor none , but very fierce ones : and that for none other vse or purpose , but onely to exercise their youth in riding , and , feates of Armes : For Oxen be put to all the labor of ploughing and drawing : which they grant not to be so good as horses at a sudden brunt , and ( as we say ) at a dead lift ; but yet they hold an opinion , that Oxen will abide and suffer much more labour , paine and hardinesse , then Horses will. And they thinke that Oxen be not in danger and subject unto so many diseases , and that they be kept and maintained with much lesse cost and charge : and finally , that they be good for meat , when they be past labour . They sow corne only for bread . For their drinke is either Wine made of grapes , or else of apples , or Peares , or else it is cleare water : and many times Meath made of honey , or Licouresse sodde in water ; for thereof they haue great store . And though they know certainly ( for they know it perfectly indeed ) how much victuals the City with the whole Country or Shire round about it doth spend : yet they sow much more corne , and breed vp much more cattell , then serveth for their owne vse , parting the overplus among their borderers . Whatsoever necessary things be lacking in the Countrey , all such stuffe they fetch oa● of the City : where without ●ay exchange , they easily obtaine it of the Magistrates of the City . For every moneth many of them goe into the City on the Holiday . When their harvest day draweth neare , and is at hand , then the Philarches , which be the head Officers and B●iliffes of husbandry , send word to the Magistrates of the City what number of harvest men is needfull to be sent to them out of the City . The which company of harvest men being ready at the day appointed , almost in one faire day dispatcheth all the harvest worke . Of the Cities , and namely Amaurote . AS for the Cities , who so knoweth one of them , knoweth them all : they be all so like one to another , as farre forth as the nature of the place permitteth . I will describe to you one or other of them , for it skilleth not greatly which : but which rather then Amaurote ? Of them all , this is the worthiest and of most dig●i●y ▪ another River which indeed is not very great . But it runneth gently and pleasantly : For it riseth even out of the same hill that the City standeth vpon , and runneth downe a slope through the middest of the City into A●yder . And because it riseth a little without the City , the Amauritians have inclosed the head spring of it , with strong fences , and Bulwarkes , and so have joyned it to the City . This is done to the intent that the water should not be stopped , no● turned away , or poysoned , if their enemies should chance to come vpon them . From thence the water is derived and conveyed downe in channels of bricke divers wayes , into the lower part of the Citie . Where that cannot be done , by reason that the place will not suffer it , there they gather the raine water in great ●● sternes , which doth them as good service . The City is compassed about with a high and thicke stone wall full of tu●●ets and bulwarkes . A dry ditch , but deep and b●o●d , and over-grown with bus●●● , b●●ers , and thornes , goeth about three sides or quarters of the City . To the fourth side the riuer it selfe serveth as a ditch . The streets be appointed and set forth very commodious , and handsome , both for cariage and also against the windes . The houses be of faire and gorgious building , and on the 〈…〉 side they stand joy●●d together in a long row through the whole streete , without any partition 〈…〉 seperation . The streetes be ●●v●●●y ●●●●● broad . O● the ba●… of the house ▪ ●…gh the 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 . Eve●… on the backside into the Garden . These doores be made with two leaves , never locked nor bolted , so easie to be opened , that they will follow the least drawing of a finger , and shut againe alone . Who so will , may goe in , for there is nothing within the houses that is private , or any mans owne . And every tenth yeare they change their Houses by lot . They set great store by their Gardens . In them they have Vine-yards , all manner of Fruit , Hearbes , and Flowers , so pleasant , so well furnished , and so finely kept , that I never saw thing more fruitfull , nor better trimmed in any place . Their study and diligence herein commeth not onely of pleasure , but also of a certaine strife and contention that is betweene street and street , concerning the trimming , husbanding , and furnishing of their Gardens : every man for his owne part . A●d verily you shall not lightly find in all the Citty any thing , that is more commodious , either for the profit of the Citizens , or for pleasure . And therefore it may seeme that the first founder of the City minded nothing so much , as these Gardens . For they say that King Vtopus himselfe , even at the first beginning , appointed and drew forth the plat-forme of the City into this fashion and figure that it hath now , but the gallant garnishing , and the beautifull setting forth of it , whereunto he saw that one mans age would not suffice , that he left to his posterity . For their Chronicles which they keepe written with all diligent circumspection , containing the History of 1760 yeares , even from the first conquest of the Iland , record and witnesse that the house ▪ in the beginning were very low , and like homely cottage ▪ or poore shepheard houses , made at all adventures of every rude peece of timber , that came first to hand , with mud walls , & ridged roofes , thatched over with straw . But new the houses be curiously builded after a gorgious and g●llant ●ort , with ●●●●●●●●●es one over another . The out-sides of y● wall● be made either of hand fi●●t , or of Plaister , or else of brick , and the inner-sides be well strengthened with timber work . The roofes be plain and ●●●t , covered with a certaine kind of Plaster , that is of ●o cost , and yet so tempered that ●o fire can hurt or perish it ▪ & withstandeth the violence of the weather better then any lead . They keepe the wind out of their windowes with gl●ste , for it is there much vsed , and some here also with fine linnen cloath dipped in oyle or amber , and that for two commodities : For by this means more light commeth in , and the wind i● better kept out . Of the Magistrates . EVery thirty Fa●●es o● F●rme , choose them yearely an Officer , which in their old language is called the Syphogrant , and by a newer name , the Philarch. Every tenne Siphogrants , with all their thirty families be vnde an Officer , which was once c●lled the Tranibore , now the chiefe Philarch. Moreover as concerning the election of the Prince , all ●he Siphogrants which be in number two hundred , first be sworne to choose him , whom they thinke most meete and expedient . Then by a secret election , they name Prince one of those foure whom the people before named vnto them . For out of the foure quarters of the City there be foure chosen , out of every quarter ● , to stand for the election : which be put vp to the Counsell . The Princes Office continueth all his life time , vnlesse he be deposed or put downe for suspition of tyranny . They choose the Tranibores yearely , but lightly they change them not . All the other Officer , be but for one yeare . The Tranibores every third day , and sometimes , if need be , oftner come into the Counsell house with the Prince . Their counsell is concerning the Common-wealth . If there be any controversies among the commoners , which be very few , they dispatch and end them by and by . They take ever two Siphogrants to them in counsell , and every day a new couple . And it is provided , that nothing touching the common-wealth shall be confirmed and ratified , vnlesse it haue beene ●easoned of and debated , three dayes in the counsell before it be decreed . It is death to haue any consultation , for the common-wealth out of the counsell , or the place of the common election . This statute , they say , was made to the intent , that the Prince and Tranibores , might not easily conspire together to oppresle the people by tyranny , and to change the state of the Weale-publike . Therefore matters of great weight and importance be brought to the election house of the Siphogrants , which , open the matter to their families . And afterward , when they haue consulted among themselues , they shew their devise of the counsell . Sometime the matter is brought before the counsell of the whole Iland . Furthermore this custome also the counsell vseth , to dispute or reason of no matter the same day that it is first proposed or put forth , but to deferre it to the next sitting of the counsell : Because that no m●n when he hath rashly there none other occupation that any number to speake of doth vse there . For their garments , which throughout all the Iland be of one fashion , ( saving that there is a difference betweene the mans garment and the womans , betweene the married and the vnmarried ) and this one continueth for evermore vnchanged , seemely and comely to the eye , no let to the moving and welding of the body , also fit-both for winter and summer : as for these garments ( I say ) every family maketh their owne . But of the other foresaid crafts every man learneth one . And not onely the men but also the women . But the women , as the weaker sort , be put to the easier crafts : as to worke wooll and flaxe . The more laborsome sciences be committed to the men . For the most part , every man is brought vp in his fathers craft . For most commonly ▪ they be naturally thereto bent and inclined . But if a mans mind stand to any other , he is by adoption put into a family of that occupation , which he doth most fantasie . Whom not onely his father , but also the Magistrate doe diligently looke to , that he be put to a discreet and an honest housholder . Yea , and if any person , when he hath learned one craft , be desirous to learne also another , he is likewise suffered and permitted . When he hath learned both , he occupieth whether he will : vnlesse the City hath more need of the one , then the other . The chiefe and almost the onely office of the Syphogrants is , to see and take heed , that no man sit idle : but that every one apply his owne craft with earnest diligence . And yet for all that , not to be wearied from earely in the morning , too late in the evening , with continuall worke , like labouring and toyling Beasts . For this is worse then the miserable and wretched condition of bondmen . Which , neverthelesse is almost every where the life of workmen and artificers , saving in Vtopia . For they dividing the day and the night into twenty foure just houres , appoint and assigne only 6 of those hours to worke , before noone vpon the which they goe strait to dinner , and after dinner , when they have rested 2 houres , then they worke three houres , and vpon that they goe to supper . About eight of the clocke in the evening ( counting one of the clocke the first houre After noone ) they goe to bed : eight houres they give to sleepe . All the voide time , that is betweene the houres of worke , sleepe , and meate , that they be suffered to bestow every man a● he liketh best himselfe . Not to the into it that they should mispend this time in riot , or sloathfulnesse , but being then licensed from the labour of their owne occupations , to bestow the time well & thriftily vpon some other Science , as shall please them : For it is a solemne custome there , to have Lectures daily early in the morning , whereto be present , they only be constrained , that be namely , chosen and appointed to learning . Howbeit a great multitude of every sort of people , both men and women goe to heare Lectures , some one and some another , as every mans nature is inclined . Yet this notwithstanding , if any man had rather bestow this time vpon his owne occupation , as it chanceth in many ( whose minds rise not in the contemplation of any Science liberall ) he is not letted nor prohibited , but is also praised and commended , as profitable to the Common-wealth . After Supper , they bestow one houre in play : in Summer , in their Gardens : in Winter , in their common Halls , where they dine and sup . There they exercise themselves in Musicke , or else in honest and wholsome communication . Dice-play , and such other foolish and pernicious games , they know not . But they vse two games , not much vnlike the Chesse . The one is the battaile of numbers , wherein one number stealeth away another . The other is where vices fight with vertues , as it were in battaile array , or a set Field . In the which game is very properly shewed , both the strife and discord , that the vices have among themselves , and againe their vnity and concord against vertues . And also what vices be repugnant to what vertues : with what power and strength they assaile them openly : by what wiles and subtilty they assault them secretly : with what helpe and ayd the vertue , re●i●t , and overcome the the puissance of the vices : by what craft they frustrate their purposes : and finally by what ●eight or meanes the one getteth the victory . But here least you be deceived , one thing you must looke more narrowly vpon . For seeing they bestow but sixe houres in worke , perchance you may thinke that the lacke of some necessary things hereof may ensue . But this is nothing so ; For that small time is not onely enough , but also too much for the store and abundance of all things , that be requisite , either for the necessity , or commodity of life . The which thing you also shall perceiue , if you weigh and consider with your selves how great a part of the people in other Countries liveth idle . First almost all women , which be the halfe of the whole number : or else if the women be somewhere occupyed , there most commonly in their stead the men be idle . Besides this , how great and how idle a company is there of Priests , and religious men , is they call thein ? put thereto all rich men , specially all landed men , which commonly be called Gentlemen , and noblemen . Take into this number also their servants : I meane all that flocke of stout bragging rushbucklers . ●oyne to them also sturdy and valiant beggers , cloaking their idle life vnder the colour of some disease or sicknesse . And truly you shall find them much fewer then you thought , by whose labour all these things are wrought , that in mens affaires are now daily vsed and frequented . Now consider with your selfe , of these few that doe worke , how few be occupyed , in necessary workes : For where money beareth all the swing , there many vaine and superfluous occupations must needs be vsed to serve onely for riotous superfluity , and vnhonest pleasure : for the same multitude that now is occupyed in worke , if they were divided into so few occupation , as the necessary vse of nature requireth , in so great plenty of things a● then of necessity would e●due , doubtlesse the prices would be too little for the artificers to maintaine their living . But if all these , that be now busied about unprofitable occupations , with all the whole fo●ke of thē that live idlely & sloathfully , which consume and wast every one of them more of these things that come by other mens labour , then two of the workmen themselves doe : if all these ( I say ) were set to profitable occupations : you easily perceive how little time would be enough , yea , and too much to store vs with all things that may be requisite either for necessity or commodity , yea or for pleasure , so that the same pleasure be true and naturall . And this in Viopia the thing it selfe maketh manifest and plaine . For there in all the City with the whole Country , or Shire adjoyning to it , scarcely fiue hundred persons of all the whole number of men and women , that be neither too old nor too weake to worke , be licensed and discharged from labour . Among them be the Syphogrants ( who though they be by the lawes exempt and privileged from labour ) yet they exempt not themselves : to the intent they may the rather by their example to provoke others to worke . The fame vocation from labour doe they also enjoy , to whom the people perswaded by the commendation of the Priests , and secret election of the Syphogrant● , have given a perpetuall licence , from labour to learning . But if any one of them prove not according to the expectation and hope of him conceived , he is forthwith plucked backe to the company of artificers . And contrariwise , and often it chanceth that a handicrafts man doth so earnestly bestow his vacant and spare houres in learning , and through diligence so profiteth therein , that he is taken from his handy occupation , and promoted to the company of the learned . Out of this order of the learned be chosen Ambassadours , Priests , Tranibores , and finally the Prince himselfe . Whom they in their old tongue call Barzanes , and by a newer name , Adamus . The residue of the people being neither idle , nor yet occupyed about vnprofitable exercises , it may be easily judged in how few houres how much good worke by them may be done and dispatched , towards those things that I have spoken off . This commodity they have also above other , that in the most part of necessary occupations they need not so much worke , as other nations doe . For first of all the building or repairing of houses asketh every where so many mens co●…ll labour , because that the vnth●…y h●●re s●lfereth the houses that his father b●●lded , in continuance of time , to fall in decay . So that which he might haue vpholden with little cost , h●● successor is constrained to build it againe a new , to his great charge . Yea many 〈…〉 also the house that stood one m●n in much money : and another is of so nice and so delicate a mind , that he setteth nothing by it . And it being neglected , & therefore shortly falling into ruine , he buildeth vp another in another place with no lesse cost and charge . But among the Vtopians , where all thing be set in good order , and the Common-wealth in a good stay , it seldome chanceth , that they choose a new plot to build an house ●pon . And they doe not onely find speedy 〈…〉 quicke remedies for present 〈…〉 but also prevent them th●● be like to fall . And by 〈…〉 their houses con●… l●st very long with little labour and sm●ll reparations , ●●omuch that these kind of workemen sometimes have almost ●…hing to doe . But that ●●●y ●e commanded to hew tim●er at home , and to square and 〈…〉 vp stones , to the intent that if any worke chance , it may the speed●●●r ●…se . Now Sir , in their apparell , ●●●k● ( I pray you ) how 〈…〉 they need . First ●…ll , while ▪ they be at worke , they be covered homely ●…ther , or ●ki● , that will ●●st s●…v●●re● ▪ When they go 〈…〉 , they c●st vpo● them 〈…〉 hideth the other ●…pp●rell . These 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 I 〈…〉 all of o●… and that is the naturall colour of the wooll . They therefore doe not onely spend much wollen cloth , then is spent in other Countries , but also the same standeth them in much lesse cost . But linnen cloath is made with lesse labour , and is therefore had more in vse . But in linnen cloath only whitenesse ; in wollen , onely clenlinesse is regarded . As for the smalnesse or finenesse of the thred , that is nothing passed for . And this is the cause wherefore in other places foure or fiue cloath gownes of divers colours , and as many silke coates b● not enough for one man. Yea , and if he be of the dilicate and nice sort , tenne be too few : where as there one garment will serve a man most commonly two years : For why should he desire more ? seeing if he had them , he should not be the better hapt or covered from cold , neither in his apparell any whit the comlier . Wherefore , seeing they be all exercised in profitable occupations , and that few Artificiers in the same crafts be sufficient : this is the cause that plenty of all things being among them , they doe sometimes bring forth an innumerable company of people to amend the high-wayes , if any be broken . Many times also , when they have no such worke to be occupyed about , an open proclamation is made , that they shall bestow fewer houres in worke : for the Magistrates doe not exercise their Citizens against their will● in vnneedfull labours . For why , in the institution of the Wea●● publike , this end is onely and chiefly pretended and minded , that what t●… may possibly be spared from the necessary occupation● and affaires of the Common-wealth , all that the Citizens should withdraw from the ●…ily service to the free liberty of the mi●d and gar●●shing of the same . For herein they suppose the felicity of this life to consist . Of their living and mutuall conversation together . But now will I declare how the Citizens vse themselves one to another : what familiar occupying and entertainment , there i● among the people , and what fashion they vse in the distribution of every thing . First , the City consisteth of ●●●●lie , the f●●●lies most co●●o●ly be made of ki●●●d . For the women when they be married ●● a l●●full ●ge , they goe into their husb●●ds house . But the male Children , with all the whole 〈…〉 off-spring 〈…〉 still in their 〈…〉 fi●●●● 〈…〉 be governed of the 〈…〉 he dote for age : for then the next to him in age , is placed in his roome . But to the intent the prescript number of the citizens should neither decrease ; nor aboue measure increase , it is ordained that no family , which in every City be sixe thousand in the whole , besides them of the Countrey , shall at once haue ●ewer children of the age of fourteene yeares or thereabout , then ten , or more then sixteene ; for of children under this age , no number can be prescribed or appointed . This measure or number is easily observed and kept , by putting them that in fuller families be above the number into families of smaller increase . But if chance be that in the whole Citty , the store increase above the just number , wherewith they fill vp the lacke of other Cities . But if so be that the multitude throughout the whole Iland , passe and exceed the due number , then they choose out of every City certaine Citizens , and build up a Towne under their owne lawes in the next Land where the inhabitauts have much waste and unoccupied ground , receiving also of the same Countrey people to them , if they will joyne and dwell with them . They thus joyning and dwelling together doe easily agree in one fashion of living , and that to the great wealth of both the peoples : For they so bring the matter about by their Lawes , that the ground which before was neither good nor profitable for the one nor for the other , is now sufficient and fruitfull enough for them both . But if the inhabitants of the land , will not dwell with them to be ordered by their lawes , then they drive them out of those bounds which they have limited and appointed out for themselves . And if they resist and rebell , then they make warre against them . For they count this the most just cause of warre , when any people holdeth a piece of ground voyd and vacant to no good nor profitable use , keeping other from the use and possession of it , which notwithstanding by the law of Nature ought thereof to be nourished and relieved . If any chance doe so much diminish the number of any of their Cities , that it cannot bee filled up againe , without the diminishing of the just number of the other Cities ( which they say chanced but twice since the beginning of the Land , through a great pestilent Plague ) then they fulfill and make up the number with Citizen , fet●hed out of their owne forraigne Townes , for they had rather suffer their forraigne townes to decay and perish , then any City of their owne I●and to be diminished . But now againe to the conversation of the Citizens among themselves . hands of their Bondmen : for they permit not their free Citizens to accustome themselves to the killing of beasts , through the use whereof they thinke , clemencie the gentlest affection of our nature by little and little , to decay and perish . Neither they suffer any thing that is filthy , loathsome , or uncleanly , to be brought into the City , left the ayre by stench thereof infected and corrupt , should cause Pestilent disease● . Moreover , every Street hath certaine great large hals set in equall distance one from another , every one knowne by a ●●verall name . In these hals dwell the Syphogrants . And to every one of the same halles , be appointed thirty families , on either side fifteene . The stewards of every hall , at a certaine houre come into the meat markets , where they receiue meate according to the number of their hals . But first and chiefely of all , respect is had to the sicke , that be cured in the hospitals . For in the circuit of the City , a little without the walls , they have foure Hospitals , so big , so wide , so ample , and so large , that they may seeme foure little Townes , which were devised of that bignesse , partly to the intent the sick be they never so many in number , should not lye too throng or strait , and therefore uneasily , and incommodiously : and partly that they which were taken and holden with contagious diseases , such as be wont by infection to creepe from one to another , might be laid a farre from the company of the residue . These Hospitals be so well appointed , and with all things necessary to health so furnished , and moreover so diligent attendance through the continuall presence of cunning Physitians is given , that though no man be sent t●●ther against his will , yet notwithstanding there is no sicke person in all the City , that had not rather lye there then at home at his owne house . When the steward of the sicke hath received such meates as the Physitians haue prescribed , then the best is equally divided among the halls according to the company of every one , saving there is had a respect to the Prince , the Bishop , the Tranibores , and to Ambassadours and all strangers , if there be any , which be very few and seldome . But they also when they be there , have certaine severall houses appointed and prepared for them . To these halls at the set houres of dinner and supper , commeth all the whole Syphograntie or Ward , warned by the noise of a brazen Trumpet : except such as be sicke in the Hospitals , or else in their owne houses . Howbeit , no man is prohibited or forbid , or after the halls be served to fetch home meate out of the Market to his owne house ; for they know that no man will doe it without a cause reasonable . For though no man be prohibited to dine at home , yet no man doth it willingly : because it is counted a point of small honesty . And also it were a folly to take the paine to dresse a bad dinner at home , when they may be welcome to good and fine fare so nigh hand at the hall . In this hall , all vile service , and all slavery , with all laboursome toyle , and drudgery , and base businesse , is done by bondmen . But the women of every family by course have the office and charge of cookery for seething and dressing the meate , and ordering all things thereto belonging . They sit at three tables or more , according to the number of their company . The men sit vpon the Beuch next the wall , and the women against them on the other side of the table , and if any sudden evill should chance to them , as many times happeneth to women with child , they may rise without trouble or disturbance of any body , and goe thence into the nursery . The Nurses sit seyerall alone with their young sucklings , in a certaine parlour appointed and deputed to the same purpose , never without fire and cleane water , nor yet without cradles , that when they will they may lay downe the young Infants , and at their pleasure take them out of their swathing cloathes , and hold them to the fire , and refresh them with play . Every mother is nurse to her owne child , vnlesse either death , or sicknesse be the let . When that chanceth , the wiues of the Siphogrants quickly provide a Nurse . And that is not hard to be done . For they that can doe it , proffer themselves to no service so gladly as to that . Because that there this kind of peece is much praised : and the child that is nourished , ever after , taketh his nurse for his owne naturall mother . Also among the nurses , sit all the children that be under the age of siue yeares . All the other children of both kinds , as well boyes as girles , that be under the age of marriage , doe either serve at the tables , or else if they be too young thereto , yet they stand by with marvailous silence . That which is given to them from the table they eate , and other severall dinner time they have none . The Syphogrant and his wife sit in the midst of the high Table , for as much as that is counted the honourablest place , and because from thence all the whole company i● in their sight . For that table standeth over thwart the over end of the Hall. To them be joyned two of the ancientest and eldest . For at every table they sit foure at a messe . But if there be a Church standing in that Syphogranty , or Ward , then the Priest and his wife sitteth with the Syphogrant , as chiefe in the company . On both sides of them sit young men , and next unto them againe , old men . And thus throughout all the house , equall of age be set together , and yet be mixt and matched with unequall ages . This they say , was ordeined , to the intent that the sage gravity and reverence of the elders should keepe the youngers from wanton licence of words and behaviour . For as much as nothing can be so secretly spoken or done at the table , but either they that sit on the one side or on the other , must needs perceive it . The dishes be not set downe in order from the first place , but all the old men ( whose places be marked with some speciall token to be knowne ) be first served of their meate , and then the residue equally . The old men , divide their dainties as they thinke best to the younger on each side of them . Thus the elders be not defrauded of their due honour , and neverthelesse equall commodity commeth to every one . They begin every dinner and supper of reading somthing that pertaineth to good manners and vertue . But it is short , because no man shall be grieved therewith . Hereof the elders take occasion of honest communication , but neither sad nor unpleasant . Howbeit they doe not spend all the whole dinner time themselves , with long and tedious talke , but they gladly heare also the young men : yea , and purposely provoke them to talke , to the intent that they may have a proofe of every mans wit , and towardnesse , or disposition to vertue , which commonly in the liberty of feasting doth shew and vtter it selfe . Their dinuers be very short : but their suppers be somewhat longer , because that after dinner followeth labour , after supper , sleepe and naturall rest , which they thinke to be of more strength and efficacy to wholsome and healthfull digestion . No supper is passed without Musicke . Nor their banquets want no conceits , nor junkets . They burne sweet gummes and spices or perfumes , and pleasant smels , and sprinckle about sweet ointments and waters , yea , they have nothing undone that maketh for the cherishing of the company . For they be much enclined to this opinion : to thinke no kind of pleasure forbidden , whereof commeth no harme . Thus therefore , and after this sort they live together in the City , but in the Countrey they that dwell alone farre from any neighbours , doe dine at home in their owne houses : For no family there lacketh any victuals , as from whom commeth all that the Citizens eat and liue by . Of their journying or travelling abroad , with divers other matters cunningly reasoned , and wittily discussed . BVt if any be desirous to visite either their friends dwelling in another City , or to see the place it selfe , they easily obtaine licence-of the Syphogrants and Tranibores , vnlesse there be some profitable let . No man goeth out alone but a company is sent forth togither with their Princes letters , who doe testifie that they have licence to go that journey , and prescribeth also the day of their returne . They haue a Waine given them , with a common bondman , which driveth the oxen , and taketh charge of them . But vnlesse they haue Women in their Company , they send home the waine againe , as an impediment and let . And though they carry nothing forth with them , yet in all their journey they lacke nothing . For wheresoever they come , they be at home . If they tary in a place longer then one day , then there every one of them falleth to his owne occupation , and be very gently entertained of the workemen and companies of the same crafts . If any man of his owne head and without leaue , walke out of his precinct and bounds , takē without the Princes letters , he is brought againe for a fugitive , or a run-away with great shame and rebuke , and is sharply punished . If he be taken in that fault againe , he is punished with bondage . If any be desirous to walke abroad into the fields , or into the Countrey that belongeth to the same City that hee dwelleth in , obtaining the good will of his Father , and the consent of his Wife , he is not prohibited . But into what part of the Countrey soever he commeth , he hath no meat given him untill he have wrought out his forenoones task , or dispatched so much worke , as there is wont to be wrought before supper . Observing this law and condition , he may goe whither he will within the bounds of his owne City . For hee shall be no lesse profitable to the City , then if he were within it . Now you see how little liberty they have to loyter : how they can haue no cloake or pretence to Idlenesse . There be neither wine tauerns , nor alchouses , nor stewes , nor any occasion of vice or wickednesse , no lurking corners , no places of wicked counsailes an vnlawfull assemblies , but they be in the present sigh● , and vnder the eyes of every man. So that of necessity they must either apply their accustomed labours , or else recreate themselves with honest and laudable past●●es . This fashion and trade of li●e , being vsed among the people , it cannot be chosen , but that they must of necessity have store and plenty of all things . And seeing they be all thereof partners equally , therefore can no man ther● be poore or needy . In the counsell of Amaur●●● , whether as I said , every City se●●eth three men a peece yearely , assoon as it is perfectly knowne of what things there is in every place plenty , and againe what things be scant in any place , incontinent the lacke of the one , is performed and filled vp with the abundance of the other . And this they doe freely without any benefit , talking nothing againe of them , to whom the things is given , but those Cities that have given of their store to any other City , that lacketh , requiring nothing againe of the same City , doe take such things as they lack of another City , to the which they gaue nothing . So the whole Iland is as it were one family or houshold . But when they have made sufficient provision of store for themselves ( which they thinke not done , vntill they haue provided for two yeares following , because of the vncertainty of the next years proofe ) then of those things , whereof they have abundance , they carry forth into other Countries great plenty : as Grayne , honey , wool , flaxe , wood , madd●● , purple died felles , waxe , tallow , leather , and living Beasts . And the seaventh part of all these things they giue franckly and freely to the poore of that Country . The residue they sell at a reasonable and meane price . By this meanes of tra●●●que or marchandise , they bring into their owne countrey ; nor onely great plenty of gold and silver , but also all such things as they lacke at home , which is almost nothing but Iron . And by reason they haue long vsed this trade , now they haue more abundance of these things , then any man will beleeue . Now therefore they care not whether they sell for ready money , or else upon trust to be paid at a day , and to have the most part in debts . But in so doing they never follow the credence of private men : but the assurance or warrantise , of the whole City , by instruments and writings made in that behalfe accordingly . When the day of payment is come and expired , the City gathereth up the debt of the private debtors , and putteth it into the common boxe , and so long hath the use and profit of it , untill the Vtopians their creditors demand it . The most part of it , they never aske . For that thing which is to them is no profit to take it from other , to whom it is profitable , they think it no right nor conscience . But if the case so stand , that they must lend part of that money to another people , then they require their debt : or when they have warre . For the which purpose onely , they keepe at home all the ●●ea●●re which they have , to be holpen and succoured by it either in extreame jeopardies , or in suddaine dangers . But especially and chiefly to hire therewith , and that for unreasonable great wages , strange Soldiers . For they had rather put Strangers in jeopardy , then their owne Country-men : knowing that for money enough , their enemies themselves ma●y times may be bought and sold , or else through treason be set together by the eares , among themselves . For this cause they keepe an inestimable treasure . But yet not as a treasure : But so they haue it , and vse it , as in good faith I am ashamed to shew : fearing that mywordes shall not bee beleeved . And this I haue more cause to feare , for that I know how difficulty and hardly I my selfe would haue beleeved another man telling the same if I had not presently seene it with mine eyes . For it must needes be , that how far a thing is dissonant and disagreeing , from the guise & trade of the hearers , so farre shall it be out of their beleefe . Howbeit , a wise and indifferent esteemer of things , will not greatly meruaile perchance , seeing all their other lawes and customes doe so much differ from ours , if the vse also of gold and silver among them be applied , rather to their owne fashions , then to ours . I meane in that they occupy-not money themselves , but keepe it for that chance , which as it may happen , so it may be , that it shall never come to passe . In the mean time , gold and silver , whereof money is made , they doe so vse , as none of them doth more esteeme it , then the very nature of the thing deserveth . And then who doth not plainly see , how farre it is vnder Iron : as without the which men can no better liue then without fire and water . Whereas to gold and silver , nature hath given no vse , that we may not well lacke : if that the folly of men had not set it in higher estimation for the rarenesse sake . But of the contrary part , nature as a most tender and louing mother , hath placed the best and necessary things open abroad : as the ayre , the water , and the earth it selfe . And hath remooved and hid farthest from vs vaine and vnprofitable things . Therefore if these mettals , among them should be fast locked vp in some Tower , it might be suspected , that the Prince and the Counsell ( as the people is ever foolishly imagining ) intended by some subtilty to deceiue the Commons , and to take some profit of it to themselves . Furthermore if they should make thereof plate , and such other finely & cunningly wrought stuffe , if at any time they should have occasion to breake it , and melt it againe , therewith to pay their souldiours wages , they see and perceive very well , that men would be loth to part from those things , that they once began to have pleasure and delight in . To remedy all this they have found out a means , well as it is agreable to all their other lawes and customes , so it is from ours , where gold is so much set by , and so diligently kept , very farre discripant and repug●●●t : and therefore uncredible , but only to them that be wise . For whereas they eate and drinke in earthen and glasse veslels , which indeed be curiously and properly made , and yet be of very small , value : of gold and silver , they make chamber-pots , and other veslels that serve for most vile vse● , not only in their common hal● , but ●● every mans private house . I ●…more or the same 〈…〉 they make great chaine , s●●●● , and gyues , wherein they ●●● their bond-men . Finally , whosoever for a ●●●●●sence be ●●●●med , by their 〈…〉 , ●ang ●●●g , or gold : vpon their f●●gers they weare rings of gold : and about their necke 〈…〉 of ●…d : & in conclusion then 〈…〉 tied with gold . Thus by ●●●●eanes p●●●●ble they p●o●ure to have gold and 〈…〉 among them 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 And these mettals , which other Nations doe as grievously and sorrowfully soregoe , as in a manner their owne lives : if they should altogether at once be taken from the 〈◊〉 , no man there would thinke that he had lost the worth of one f●rthing . They gather also pearles by the sea sid● , and D●●●onds and Carbun●l●● upon certaine Rocke , and yet they s●●ke ●●● for them : but by chance finding them , they ●ut and polish them . And therewith they deck their young Infants . Which like as in the first yeares of their childe hood , they make much , and 〈…〉 and proud of such 〈◊〉 so when they be a little ●ore growne in yeare● and dis●retio● , perceiue that ●o●e but children doe weare such t●ye and trifles : they ●●● them away even of the●… shame astnesse , without 〈◊〉 ●●dding of their 〈…〉 our children , when they waxe bigge , doe cast away nuttes , brouches , and puppets . Therefore these lawes and custome , which be so far different from all other nations , how divers fantasies also and minds they doe cause , did I never so plainly perceiue in the Ambassadours or the Inemolians . These Ambassadours came to Amauro●e , wh●les I was there . And because they came to ●●treate of great 〈◊〉 weighty matters , those three Citizens a piece out of every City , were come thither before them . But all the Ambassadours of the next Countries , which had beene there before , and kn●w the f●shions and manners of the Vt●pians , among wh●● they perceived no 〈◊〉 given to sumptuou● App●r●l● , 〈◊〉 to be contemned , gold al●o to be ●●●●nied and reproachf●ll , w●re wo●t to come thither in very ho●ely and simple array . But the Inemolians because they dwell farre thence , and had very little acquai●●●nce with them , hearing that they were all apparelled alike , and that very rudely and homely , thinking them not to have the things which they did not weare : being therefore more proud , then wise , determined in the gorg●ousnesle of their apparell to present very Gods , and with the bright shining and glistering of their gay cloathing to dazell the eyes of the silly poore V●●p●ans . So there came in foure Ambassadours with one hundred s●rvant , all apparelled in changeable colour● : the mo●t of them in ●●●kes : the Ambassadours themselves ( for ●t home ●● their owne Country they were noble me● ) ●● 〈◊〉 of gold , with great 〈◊〉 ●● gold , with gold hanging ●● then 〈…〉 gold 〈◊〉 vpon their fingers , 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 of gold vp● th●… , which glistered full of pearles and precious sto●ies : to be short trimmied and adorned with all those things , which among the Vtopians were either the punishment of bondmen , or the reproach of infamed persons , or else trifies for young children to play withall . Therefore it would have done a man good at his heart , to have seene how proudly they displayed their Peacocks feathers , how much they made of their painted sheathes , and how lottily they set forth and advanced themselves , when they compared their gallant apparell , with the poore r●iment of the Vt●pians . For all the people were s●●rmed forth into the streets . And on the other side , it was no lesse pleasure to consider how much they were deceived , and how farre they m●led of then purpose being contrary wayes taken , then they thought they should have beene . For so the eyes of all the Vtopians , except very few , which had beene in other Countries , for some reasonable cause , all that gorgiousnesse of apparell , seemed shamefull and reproachfull . Insomuch that they most reverently saluted the v●lest and most abject of them for Lords : judged them by then we●●ing of Golden ch●●nes to be Bondmen . Yea you should have ●●●e Children also , that had cast away their Pearles and precious stor●es , when they saw the like sticking upon the Ambassadors caps : digge and push their mothers under the sides , saying thus to them . Looke mother how great a lubber doth yet weare pearles and precious ●●●nes , as though he were a little child againe . But the Mother , yea , and that also in good earnest : Peace sonne , saith shee : I thinke he be some of the Ambassadours fooles . Some found fault at their Golden chaynes , as to no use nor purpose , being so small and weake , that a bondman might ea●ily breake them , and againe so wide and large , that when it pleased him , he might cast them off , and runne away at liberty whether he would . But when the Ambassadours had been th●re a day or two , and saw so great abundance of Gold so light●y ●…d , 〈…〉 lesse reproach , 〈…〉 them 〈…〉 that , more gold in the 〈◊〉 and gyve ▪ or one ●●gitive bondman , then all the ●●●tly ornaments of them three 〈◊〉 worth : they began to abate their courage , and for very sh●●e ●ud away all that gorgious array , whereof they were so proud . And specially when they ●●d ●●lked familiarly with the 〈◊〉 , and had learned all their ●●●hions and opinions . For they 〈◊〉 that any men be ●o foolish , as to have delight and pleasure in the doubtfull glistering of a little ●●●●●ing 〈◊〉 , which may behold a●y of the 〈◊〉 , or else the 〈◊〉 it selfe . Or that any 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 the ●… ▪ the 〈…〉 three 〈…〉 , which 〈…〉 ( 〈…〉 ●ever ●… ) 〈…〉 ●…et 〈…〉 . Th●● 〈…〉 th●t gold , which of the owne 〈◊〉 , ●●… so ●●profitable , ●● now among all people in ●● high estimation ▪ ●… ▪ himselfe , by whom yea and ●o● the vse of whom it is so much set by , is in much lesse estimation , then the gold it selfe . Insomuch that a ●●mpish block-head churle , and which hath no more wit then an A●●e , yea and as full of ●●ughtinesse , as of folly , shall have neverthelesse many wise and good men in subjection and bondage , onely for this , because he h●th a great heape of gold . Which i● it should be taken from him by any fortune , or by some subtill wile and cautle of the Law , ( which no les●e then fortune doth both raise vp the low , and plucke down the high ) and be given to the most vile slave and abject drivell of all his houshold , then shortly after he shall goe into the service of his servant , as an augmentation , or over●… money . But they much more mervaile at and de●●st the madnesse of them , which to those rich men , in whose deb● and danger they be not , doe give almost divine honours , for none other consideration ▪ but because they be rich : and yet knowing them to be such ●iggish penny-fathers , that they be sure as long as they live , not the worth of one farthing of that heape of Gold , shall come to them . These and such like opinions have they conceived , partly by education , being brought vp in that Common-wealth , whose lawes and customes be farre different from those kinds of folly , and partly by good literature and learning . For though there be not many in every City , which be exempt and discharged of all other labours , and appointed onely to learning , that is to say : such in whom even from their very child-hood they have perceived a singuler towardnesse , a fine wit , and amind apt to good learning : yet all in their child-hood be instructed in learning . And the better part of the people , both men and women throughout all their whole life , doe bestow in learning those spare houres , which we said they have vacant from bodily labours . They be taught learning in their own natiue tongue . For it is both copious in words , and also pleasant to the eare : and for the vtterance of a mans mind very perfect and sure . The most part of all that side of the world , vseth the same language , saving that among the Vtopians it is finest and pu●●●● , and according to the diversity of the Countries , it is diversly altered . Of all these Phylosophers , whose names be here famous in this part of the world to vs knowne , before our comming thither , not as much as the ●●me of any of them was come among them . And yet in Musique , Logique , Arythmetique , and Geometrie they have found out in a manner all that our ancient Philosopher , have ●a●gl●● . But as they in all thing● be almost equall to our old and ancient Clarkes ; so our ●ew 〈…〉 in subtill inventio●… have farre passed and gone beyond them . For they have not devised one of all those rules , of restrictions , amplifications , very wittily invented in the small Logicals , which heere our Children in every place doe learne . Furthermore , they were never yet able to finde out the second inventions : Insomuch tha● none of them could ever see man himselfe in common , as they call him , though he be ( as you know ) bigger then ever was any Giant , ye● , and pointed to of us even with our finger . But they be in the course of the Starres , and the moving● of the heavenly ●p●●ares very expert and ●…ng . They have also 〈◊〉 ex●ogitated and devised Instruments of divers 〈…〉 wherein is exactly comprehended and conta●●ed the moving● and 〈…〉 or the Sunne , the Moone , and of all the other Starres , which appeare in 〈…〉 Horizon . But 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 and d●… of 〈…〉 Planets , and all that deceitfull divination of the Starres , they never as much as dreamed thereof . Raines , windes , and other courses of tempests , they know before by certaine tokens , which they have learned by long use and observation . But of the causes of all these things , and of the ●●bbing and flowing , and salt●●●●ie of the Sea , and finally of the originall beginning , and na●●●e o● heaven and of the world , they ●●l● . par●ly the s●me opinious that our old Philosophers hold , and partly as our Philosophers vary among themselves , so they also , wh●les they bring new reasons of things , doe disagree from all them , and yet among themselves in all points they doe not accord . In that Philosophy , which which intreateth of manners and vertue the●● reasons and opinions ●gree with our . They dispure of the good qualities of the Soule ▪ of the body , and of fortune . And whether the name of goodnesse may be ●pplied to all these , or onely to the endowments and guirt , of the soule . They reason of vertue and pleasure . But the chiefe and principall question is i● what thing be it one or more the felicity o● man consisteth . But in this point they seeme almost too much given and inclined to 〈…〉 opinion of them , which de●end pleasure , wherein they determine either all or the chiefest part of mans felicity to re●t . And ( which is m●●● to be ●●●v●●●ed at ) the defence of this so d●…y and 〈…〉 an opinion they fetch even from their gra●e , sharpe , bitter , and ●●gorous religion . For they never dispute of felicity or blessednesse , but they joyne unto the reasons of Philosophy certaine principles taken out of religion : without the which , to the investigation of true f●… , th●y thinke reason of it selfe weake and unperfect . Those principles be these and such like . That the soule is immortall : and by the bountifull goodnesse of GOD ordained to felicity . That to our vertues and good deeds , rewards be appointed after this life , and to our evill deeds punishments . Though these be pertaining to religion , yet they thinke it meet that they should be beleeved and granted by proves of reason . But ●● these principles were condemned and disanulled , then without any delay , they pronounce no man to be so foolish , which would not doe ●ll his diligence and endevor to obtaine pleasure be it right or wrong , only avoiding this inconvenience , that the lesse pleasure should not be a let or hinderance to the bigger : or that he laboured not for that pleasure , which would bring after it displeasure , griefe , and sorrow . For they judge it extreame madnesse to follow sharpe and painfull vertue , and not onely to banish the pleasure of life , but also willingly to suffer griefe , without any hope of profit thereof ensuing . For what profit can there be , if a man , when he hath pa●●ed over all his life unpleasantly , that is to say , miserably , shall have no reward after his death ? But ●ow sir , they thinke not felicity to rest in all pleasure , but onely in that pleasure that is good and honest , and that hereto , as to perfect blessednesse our nature is allured and drawne even of vertue , whereto onely they that be of the contrary opinion doe attribute felicity . For they de●●ne vertue to be life ordered according to Nature , and that we be hereunto ordained of God. And that he d●th follow the cou●●e of nature , which in desi●ing and refusing thing● is ruled by reason . Furthermore ▪ the reason 〈…〉 and prin●… the lo●● ●●d veneration of the divine M●●●ty . Or whose goodnesse it is ●●at we be , and that wee be ●n possibility to attaine felicity . And that seconda●●ly it both stir●●th and provoketh us to lead ●ur life out of c●re in joy and ●…h ; and also moveth us to 〈…〉 and further all other in re●p●●● of the society of nature to 〈…〉 and e●joy the same . For 〈…〉 ●ever man so earnest 〈…〉 ●●llo●er of ve●…e 〈…〉 pleasu●● ▪ that would s● enjoyne your labours , watchings , and fastings , but hee would also exhort you to ●a●e , ●g●…n , re●●eve to your power , the l●●ke and misery of others , pr●is●●g the same a●● deed of humanity and pitty . Then i● it be a point of humanity , for man to ●●ing health and comfort to man , and specially ( which is a vertue most peculiarly belonging to man ) to ●●itig●te and ass●●ge the griefe of others , and by taking from them the sorrow and heavinesse of life to restore them to joy , that is to say to pleasure : which may it not then be said , that nature doth provoke every man to doe the same to himselfe ? For a joyfull life , that is to say , a pleasant life is either evill : and if it be so , then thou shouldest not onely helpe no man thereto , but rather as much as in thee lyeth , withdraw all men from it , as noysome and hurtfull , or else if thou not onely must , but also of duty art bound to procure it to others ? why not chiefly to thy selfe ? To whom thou art bound to shew as much favour and gentlenesse as to other . For when nature biddeth thee to be good and gentle to other , she commandeth thee not to be cruell and ungentle to thy selfe . Therefore even very nature ( say they ) prescribeth vs to a joyfull life , that is to say , pleasure as the end of all our operations . And they define vertue to be life ordered according to the prescript of nature . But in that , that nature doth all are and provoke men one to helpe another to live merrily ( which surely she doth not without a good cause : for no man is farre above the lot of mans state , or condition , that nature doth carke and care for him onely , which equally favoureth all , that he comprehended vnder the communion of one shape , forme and fashion ) verily she commandeth them to vse diligent circumspection , that thou doe not seeke for thine owne commodities , that thou procure others incommodities . Wherefore their opinion is , that not onely covenants and bargaines made among private men , ought to be well and faithfully followed , observed , and kept but also common lawes , which either a good Prince hath justly published , or else the people neither oppressed with tyrannie , neither deceived by fraud and guile , hath by their common consent constituted and ratified , concerning the petition of the commodity of life , that is to say , the matter of pleasure . These lawes not offended , it is wisdome , that thou looke to thine owne wealth . And doe the same for the common wealth is no lesse then thy duty , ●f thou bearest any reverent love , or any naturall zeale and affection to thy natiue Country . But to goe about to let another man of his pleasure , whiles thou procurest thine owne , that is open wrong . Contrariwise , to with-draw something from thy selfe to giue to other , that is a point of humanity , and gentlenesse : which never taketh away so much commodity , as it bringeth againe . For it is recompenced with the returne of benefits , and the conscience of the good deed , with the remembrance of the thankfull love and benevolence of them , to whom thou hast done it , doth bring more pleasure to thy mind , then that which thou hast with-holden from thy selfe could have brought to thy body . Finally ( which to a godly disposed and a religious mind is easie to be perswaded ) God recompenseth the gift of a short and small pleasure with great and everlasting joy . Therefore the matter diligently weighed , and considered , thus they thinke , that all our actions , and in them the vertues themselves , be referred at the last to ple●sure , as their end and felicity . Pleasure they call every motion , and state of the body or mind , wherein man hath naturally delectation . Appetite th●y joyne to nature , and that ●ot without a good cause . For like as , not onely the senses , but also ●ight reason coveteth whatsoever is naturally pleasant , so that it may be gotten without wrong or injury , not letting or debarring a greater pleasure , nor causing painfull labour , even so those things that men , by vaine imagination doe faine against nature to be pleasant ( as though it lay in their power to change the things , as they doe the names of things ) all such pleasures they beleeve to be of so small helpe and furtherance to felicity , that they count them a great let and hinderance . Because that in whom they have once taken place , all his mind they possesse with a false opinion of pleasure . So that there is no place left for true and naturall delectations . For there be many things , which of their owne nature containe no pleasantnesse : yea the most part of them much griefe and sorrow . And yet through the perverse and malicious flickering inticements of lewd and honest desires , be taken not onely for speciall and soveraigne pleasures , but also be counted among the chiefe causes of life . In this counterfeit kind of pleasure , they put them that I sp●ke of before . Which the better gownes they have on , the better men they thinke themselves . In the which thing , they doe twise er●e . ●●● they be no lesse deceived , i● that they thinke their gowne the better then they be , in that they thinke themselves the better . For if you consider the profi●●ble use of the garment , why should wooll of a fi●er spunne ●…eed , be thought better , then the wooll of a course spunne ●●●eed ? Yet they , as though the one did passe the other by nature , and not by their mistaking , advance themselves , and thinke the price of their owne persons therby greatly mereased . And therefore the honor , which in a course gowne they durst not have lo●ked for , they require , as it were of duty , for their finer gownes sake . And if they be passed without reverence , they take it displeasantly and disdainfully . And againe , is it not alike madnesse to take a pride in vaine and unprofitable honours ? For what naturall or true pleasure doest thou take of another mans bare head , or bowed knees ; Will this case the paine of thy knees , or remedy the phrensie of thy head ? In this image of counterfeit pleasure , they be of marvailous madnesse , which for the opinion of Nobility , rejoyce much in their owne conceit . Because : was their fortune to come of such ancestors , whose stocke of long time had beene counted rich ( for now nobility is nothing else ) specially rich in lands . And though their Ancestors left them not one foot of land , or else they themselves have pissed it against the walls , yet they thinke themselve , nor the lesse noble therefore of one haire . In this number also they count them that take pleasure and delight ( as I said ) in gemmes and precious stones , and thinke themselues almost gods , if they chance to get an excellent one specially of that kind , which in that time of their own Countreymen , is had in highest estimation . For one kind of stone keepeth not his price still in all countries , and at all times . Nor they buy them not , but taken out of the gold , and bare , no nor so neither , untill they haue made the seller to sweare , that hee will warrant and assure it to be a true stone and no counterfeit gemme . Such care they take least a counterfeit stone should deceiue their eyes in stead of a right stone . But why shouldest thou not take even as much pleasure in beholding a counterfeit stone , which thine eye cannot discerne from a right stone ? They should both be of like value to thee , even as to the blind man. What shall I say of them , that keepe superfluous riches , to take delectation onely in the beholding , and not in the vse or occupying thereof ? D●e they take true pleasure , or else be they deceived with false pleasure ? Or of them that be in a contrary vice , hiding the gold which they shall neither occuupy , nor peradventure never see him more : And whiles they take care least they shall leese , doe leese it indeede . For what is it else , when they hide it in the ground taking it both from their owne vse , and perchance from all other mens also , ? And yet thou , when thou hast hid thy treasure , as one out of all care , hopest for joy . The which treasure , if it should chance to bee stollen , and thou ignorant of the theft , shouldest dye tenne yeares after : all that ten yeares tho● liuedst after thy money was stollen , what matter was it to thee , whether it had beene taken away or else safe as thou leftest it ? Truly both wayes like profit came to thee . To these so foolish pleasures they joyne Dicers , whose madnesse they know by heare-say , and not by use . Hunters also , & Hawkers . For what pleasure is there ( say they ) in casting the Dice upon a table . Which thou hast done so often , that if there were any pleasure in it ; yet the oft use might make thee weary thereof ? Or what delight can there be , and not rather displeasure in hearing the barking & howling of dogs ? Or what greater pleasure is there to be felt , when a Dog followeth an Hare , then when a Dog followeth a dogge ? For one thing is done in both , that is to say , running , if thou hast pleasure therein . But if the hope of slaughter , and the expectation of tearing in peeces the Beast doth please thee : thou shouldest rather be moved with pitty to see a silly innocent Hare murdered of a dogge : the weake of the stronger , the fearefull of the fierce , the innocent of the cruell and unmercifull . Therefore all this exercise of hunting , as a thing unworthy to be vsed of Freemen , the Vtopians have rejected to their butchers , to the which craft ( as we said before ) they appoint their bondmen . For they count hunting the lowest , the vilest , and most abject part of butchery , and the other parts of it , more profitable , and more honest , as bringing much more commodity , in that they kill Beasts onely for necessity . Whereas the hunter secketh nothing but pleasure of the silly and wofull beasts slaughter and murder . The which pleasure in beholding death , they thinke doth rise in the very Beasts , either of a cruell affection or mind , or else to be changed in continuance of time into cruelty , by long vse of so cruell a pleasure . These therefore and all such like , which be innumerable , though the common sort of people doth take them for pleasures , yet they seeing there is no naturall pleasantnesse in them , doe plainly determine them to haue no affinity with true and right pleasure . For as touching that they doe commonly moue the sence with delectation ( which seemeth to be a worke of pleasure ) this doth nothing diminish their opinion . For not the nature of the thing but their perverse and lewd custome is the cause hereof . Which causeth them to accept bitter or sower things for sweet things . Even as women with child in their vicia● and corrupt tast , thinke pitch and ●allow sweeter then honey . Howbeit no mans judgement depraved and corrupt , eyther by sicknesse , or by custome , can change the nature of pleasure , more then it can doe the nature of other things . They make divers k●nds of pleasures . For some they attribute to the Soule , and some to the body . To the soule they give intelligence , and that delication , that commeth of the contemplation of truth . Here●nto is joyned the pleasant remembrance of the good life past . The pleasure of the body they divide into two parts . The first is , when delectation is sensible felt and perceived , which many times chanceth by the renuing and refreshing of those parts , which our naturall heate dryeth up . This commeth by meate and drinke . And sometimes whiles those things be expulsed , and voyded , whereof is in the body over great abundance . This pleasure is felt , when we doe our naturall ●asement , or when we be doing the act of generation , or when the itching of any part is eased with rubbing or scratching . Sometimes pleasure riseth exhibiting to any member nothing that it desireth , nor taking from it any paine that it feeleth , which neverthelesse tickleth and moveth our sences with a certaine secret efficacie , but with a manifest motion turneth them to it . As is that which commeth of Musicke . The second part of bodily pleasure they say , is that which consisteth and resteth in the quiet and upright state of the body . And that truly is every mans owne proper health , intermingled and disturbed with no griefe . For this , if they be not letted nor assaulted with no griefe , is delectable of it selfe , though it be moved with no externall or outward pleasure . For though it be not so plaine and manifest to the sence , as the greedy lust of eating & drinking yet neverthelesse , many take it for the chiefest pleasure . All the Vtopians grant it to be a right soveraigne pleasure , and as you would say the foundation and ground of all pleasures , as which even alone is able to make the state and condition of life delectable and pleasant . And it being once taken away , there is no place left for any pleasure . For to be without griefe not having health , that they call unsensibility , and not pleasure . The Vtopians have long ago● rejected and condemned ●he opinion of them , which said , that stedfast and quiet health , ( for this question also hath beene diligently debated among them ) ought not therefore to be counted a pleasure , because they say it cannot be presently and sensibly perceived and felt by some outward motion . But of the contrary part , now they agree almost all in this , that health is a most soveraigne pleasure . For seeing that in sicknesse ( say they ) is griefe , which is a mortall enemy to pleasure , even as sicknesse is to health , why should not then pleasure be in the quietnes of health ? For they say it maketh nothing to this matter , whether you say that sicknesse is a griefe , or that in sicknesse is griefe for all commeth to one purpose . For whether health be a pleasure it selfe , or a necessary cause of pleasure , as fire is of heat , truly both wayes it followeth , that they cannot be without pleasure , that be in perfect health . Furthermore whiles we eate ( say they ) then health , which began to be appaired , fighteth by the helpe of food against hunger . In the which fight , whiles health by little and little getteth the vpper hand , that same proceeding , and ( as we would say ) that onwardnesse to the wonted strength , ministreth that pleasure , whereby we be so refreshed . Health therefore , which in the conflict is joyfull , shall it not be merry , when it hath gotten the victory ? But as soone as it hath recovered the pristinate strength , which thing only in all the sight it coveted , shall it incontinent be astonied ? Nor shall it not know nor imbrace the owne wealth and goodnesse ? For where it is said , health cannot be felt , this they thinke is nothing true . For what man walking , say they , feeleth not himselfe in health , but he that is not ? Is there any man so possessed with stonish ●nsensibility , or with lethargie , that is to say , the sleeping sicknesse , that he will not grant health to be acceptable to him , and delectable ? But what other things is delectation , then that which by another name is called pleasure a They imbrace chiefly the pleasures of the mind . For them they count the chiefest and most principall of all . The chiefe part of them they thinke doth come of the exercise of vertue , and conscience of good life . Of these pleasures that the body ministreth , they give the preheminence to health . For the delight of eating and drinking , and whatsoever hath any like pleasantnesse , they determine to be pleasures much to be desired , but no otherwayes then for healths sake . For such things of their owne proper nature be not so pleasant , but in that they resist sicknesse privily stealing on : Therefore , like as it is a wisemans part , rather to avoid sicknesse , then to wish for medicines , and rather to drive away and put to flight carefull griefes , then to call for comfort : so it is much better not to need this kind of pleasure , then thereby to be eased of the contrary griefe . The which kind of pleasure , if any man take for his felicity , that man must needs grant , that then he shall be in most felicity , if he live that life , which is lead in continuall hunger , thirst , itching , eating , drinking , scratching , and rubbing . The which life , how not onely foule and unhonest , but also how miserable and wretched it is , who perceiveth not ? These doubtlesse be the basest pleasures of all , as unpure and unperfect . For they never come but accompanied with their contrary griefes . As with the pleasure of eating , i● joyned hunger , and that after no very equall sort . For of these two , the griefe is both the more vehement and also of longer continuance . For it beginneth before the pleasure , and endeth not untill the pleasure die with it . Wherefore such pleasures they thinke not greatly to be set by , but in that they be necessary . Howbeit they have delight also in these . and thankfully knowledge the tender love of mother Nature , which with most pleasant delectation allureth her children to that , to the necessary vse whereof , they must from time to time continually be forced and driven . For how wretched and miserable should our life be , if these daily griefes of hunger and thirst could not be driven away , but with bitter potions , and sowre medicines , as the other diseases be , wherewith we be seldomer troubled ? But beauty , strength , nimblenesse , these as peculiar and pleasant gifts of nature they make much off . But those pleasures that be receiued by the eares , the eyes , and the nose , which nature willeth to be proper and peculiar to man ( for no other living creature doth behold the fairenesse & the beauty of the world , or is moved with any respect of savors , but only for & diversity of meats , neither perceveth the concordant & discordant distances of sounds and tunes ) these pleasures . I say , they accept and allow as certaine pleasant rejoycings of life . But in all things this cautell they vse , that a lesse pleasure hinder not a bigger , and that the pleasure be no cause of displeasure , which they thinke to follow of necessity , if the pleasure be unhonest . But yet to despise the comelinesse of beauty , to wast the bodily strength , to turne nimblenesse unto ●loathishnesse : to consume and make feeble the body with fasting ▪ to doe injury to health , and to reject the pleasant motions of nature , unlesse a man neglect these commodities , whiles he doth with a fervent zeale procure the wealth of others , or the common profit , for the which pleasure forborne , he is in hope of a greater pleasure at Gods hand : else for a vaine shadow of vertue , for the wealth and profit of no man , to punish himselfe , or to the intent he may be able couragiously to suffer adversity , which perchance shall never come to him : this to doe , they thinke it a point of extreame madnesse , and a token of a man cruelly minded towards himselfe , and unkind towards nature , as one so disdaining to be in her danger , that he renounceth and refuseth all her benefits . This is their sentence and opinion of vertue and pleasure . And they beleeve that by mans reason none can be found truer then this , unlesse any godlier be inspired into man from heaven . Wherein whether they beleeve well or no , neither the time doth suffer us to discusse , neither it is now necessary . For we have taken vpon vs to shew and declare their lores and ordinancies , and not to defend them . But this thing I beleeve verily , howsoever these decrees be , that there is in no place of the world , neither a more excellent people , neither a more flourishing Common-wealth . They be light and quicke of body , full of activity and nimblenesse , and of more strength then a man would judge them by their stature , which for al that is not too low . And though their soyle be not very fruitfull , nor their ayre very wholesome , yet against the ayre they so defend them with temperate diet , and so order and husband their ground with diligent travaile , th●●●● no Countrey is greater increase and plenty of Corne and Cattle , nor mens bodies of longer life , and subject or apt to fewer diseases . There therefore a man may see well , and diligently exploited and furnished , not onely those things which husbandmen doe commonly in other Countries , as by craft and cunning to remedy the barrennesse of the ground , but also a whole Wood by the hands of the people plucked vp by the rootes in one place , and set againe in another place . Wherein was had regard and consideration , not of plenty , but of commodious carriage ▪ that wood and timber might be nigher to the Sea , or the Rivers , or the Cities . For it is lesse labour and businesse to carry graine farre by land then wood . The people be gentle , merry , quicke and fine witte● , delighting in quietnesse , and when need requireth , able to abide and suffer much bodily labour . Else they be not greatly desirous and fond of it● : but in the exercise and study of the mind they be never weary . When they had heard me speake of the Greeke literature or learning ( for in Latine there was nothing that I thought they would greatly allow , besides Histories and Poets ) they made wonderfull earnest and importunate sute unto me that I would reach and instruct them in that tongue and learning . I began therefore to read unto them , at the first truly , more because I would not seeme to refuse the labour , then that I hoped that they would any thing profit therein . But when I had gone forward a little , I perceived incontinent by their diligence , that my labour should not be bestowed in vaine . For they began so easily to fashion their letters , so plainly to pronounce the words , so quickly to learne by heart , and so surely to rehearse the ●ame , that I merv●●le at it , saving that the most part of them were fine , a●d cho●… wits , and of ripe age , picked out of the company of the learned men , which not onely of their owne free and voluntary will , but also by the commandement of the Councell , undertooke to learne this language . Therefore in lesse then three yeares space , there was nothing in the Greeke tongue that they lacked . They were able to read good Authors without any stay , if the booke were not false . This kind of learning , as I suppose , they tooke so much the sooner , because , it is somewhat alliant to them : For I thinke that this Nation tooke their beginning of the Greekes , because their speech , which in all other points is not much unlike the Per sian tongue , keeping divers sig●es and token of the Greeke language in the names of their Cities , and of their Magistrates . They have of me ( for when I was determined to enter into my fourth voyage , I cast into ●he Ship in the stead of merchandise a prety far●le of bookes , because I intended to come againe rather never , then shortly ) they have , I say of me , the most part of Platoes workes , more of Aristotles , also Theophrastus of plants , but in divers places ( which I am sory for ) vnperfect . For whiles they were a Ship-boord , a Marmoset chanced vpon the booke , as it was negligently laid by , which wantonly playing therewith , plucked out certaine leaves and tore them in peeces . Of them that have written the Grammer , they have only Las●aris . For Theodorus I carried not with me , nor never a Dictionarie , but Hes●chius , and Dioscorides . They set great store by Plutarches bookes . Aud they be delighted with Lucianes merry conceits and jeasts . Of the Poets they have Aristophanes , Homer , Euripides , and Sophocles in Ald●s small print . Of the Historians they have Thucidides , Herodotus , and Herodian . Also my companion Tricius Apinatus carried with him Physicke bookes , certaine small workes of Hippocrates , and Galens ▪ Microtechne . The which booke they have in great estimation : For though there be almost no natiō under heaven that hath lesse need of Physicke then they , yet this notwith standing , Physicke is no where in greater honour . Because they count the knowledge of it among the godliest , and most profitable parts of Philosophie . For whiles they by the helpe of this Philosophy search out the secret my steries of nature , they thinke themselves to recciue thereby not onely wonderfull great pleasure , but also to obtaine great thanks and favour of the Author and maker thereof . Whom they thinke according to the fashion of other Artificers , to have set forth the marvailous and gorgious frame of the world for man , with great affection , incentiuely to behold . Whom onely he hath made of wit , and capacity to consider and understand the excellency of so great a worke . And therefore he beareth ( say they ) more good will and love to the curious and diligent beholder , and viewer of his worke and marveilour at the same , then he doth to him , which like a very bruit Beast without wit and reason , or as one without sense or mooving , hath no regard to so great and so wonderfull a spectacle . The wits therefore of the Vtopians inured and exercised in learning , be marvailous quicke in the invention of feats , helping any thing to the advantage and wealth of life . Howbeit two feats they may thanke vs for . That is , the science of Imprinting , and the craft of making Paper . And yet not onely vs , but chiefly and principally themselves . For when we shewed to them Aldus his print in bookes of paper , & told them of the stuffe whereof paper is made , and of the feat of graving letters , speaking somewhat more , then we could plainely declare ( for there was none of vs , that knew perfectly eyther the one or the other ) they forth with very wittily conjectured the thing . And whereas before , they wrote onely in skins , in barkes of Trees , and in reedes , now they have attempted to make Paper , and to imprint Letters . And though at the first it proved not all of the best , yet by often assaying the same , they shortly got the feare of both . And have so brought the matter about , that if they had copies of Greeke authors , they could lack no Bookes . But now they have no more , then I rehearsed before , saving that by printing of bookes , they have multiplied and increased the same into many thousands of Copies . Whosoever commeth thither to see the Land , being excellent in any gift of wit , or through much and long journeying , well experienced and seene in the knowledge of many Countries ( for the which cause wee were very welcome to them ) him they receive and entertaine wondrous gently and lovingly . For they have delight to heare what is done in every Land , howbeit very few Marchant men come thither . For what should they bring thither , vnlesse it were yron , or else Gold and silver , which they had rather carry home againe ? Also such things as are to be carried out of their land , they thinke it more wisedome to carry that geere forth themselues , then that other should come thither to fetch it , to the intent they may the better know the out lands on every side of them , and keepe in ure the feate and knowledge of failing . Of Bond-men , Sicke Persons , Wedlocke , and ▪ divers other matters . THey neither make Bondmen of prisoners taken in Battaile , unlesse it be in ba●●●ile that they fought themselves , ●or of bondmens children ; nor to be short , of any such as they can get out of forraigne Countries , though he were yet there a bondman . But eyther such , as among themselves for heynous offences be punished bondage , or else such , as in the Cities of other Lands for great trespasses be cōdemned to death . And of this sort of bondmen they have most store . For many of them they bring home sometimes , paying very little for them , yea most commonly getting them for gramercy . These sorts of bondmen they keep not only in continuall work and labour , but also in bands . But their owne men they handle hardest , whom they judge more desperate , and to haue deserved greater punishment , because they being so godly brought vp to vertue in so excellent a common wealth , could not for all that be refrained from misdoing . Another kind of bondmen they haue , when a vile drudge being a poore laborer in another Countrey , doth choose of his owne free will to be a bondman among them . These they intreat and o●der honestly , and entertaine almost as gently , as their owne free citizens , saving that they put them to a little more labour , as thereto accustomed . If any such , bee disposed to depart thence ( which seldome is seene ) they neither hold him against his will , neither send him a way with empty hands . The sicke ( as I said ) they see to with great affection , and let nothing at all passe , c●cerning either Phisicke or good diet , whereby they may be restored againe to their health . Such as be sicke or incureable diseases , they comfort with sitting by them , and to be short , withall manner of helpes that may be . But if the disease bee not onely vncureable , but also full of continuall paine and anguish thē the Priests and the Magistrates exhort the man , seeing hee is not able to doe any duty of life and by overliving ; his owne death is noysome and irkesome to other and grieuous to himselfe : that he will determine with himselfe no longer to cherish that pestilent and painfull disease ▪ And seeing his life is to him but a torment , that he will not be vnwilling to dy , but rather take a good hope to him , and either dispatch himselfe out of that painefull life , as out of a prison , or a racke of torment , or else suffer himselfe willingly to be ridde out of it by other . And in so doing , they tell him he shall doe wisely , seeing by his death he shall loose no commodity , but end his paine . And because in that act he shall follow the counsel of the Priests , that is to say , of the Interpreters of Gods will and pleasure , they shew him that he shall doe like a godly and a vertuous man. They that be thus perswaded , finish their lives willingly , either with hunger , or else dye in their sleepe without any feeling of death . But they cause none such to dye against his will , nor they vse no lesse ●iligence and attendance about him : beleeuing this to be an honourable death . Else he that killeth himselfe before that the Priests & the Counsell haue allowed the cause of his death , him as vnworthy either to be buried , or with fire to be consumed , they cast v●buried into some stinking marrish . The woman is not married before she be eighteene yeares old . The man is foure yeares elder before he marry . If eyther the man or the woman be proued to haue actually offended before their mariage , with another , the party that so hath trespassed , is sharpely punished . And both the offenders , be forbidden ever after in all their life to marry : vnlesse the fault be forgiven by the Princes pardon . Both the good man and good wife of the house , where that offence was committed , as being slacke and negligent in looking to their charge , be in danger of great reproach , and infamy . That offence is so sharpely punished , because they perceiue that vnlesse they be diligently kept from the liberty of this vice , few will joyne together in the loue of marriage , wherein all the life must be led with one , and also all the griefes and displeasures cōming therewith patiently be taken and born . Furthermore in choosing wiues and husbands , they obserue earnestly and straightly a custome , which seemed to us very fond and foolish . For a sad and honest patron sheweth the woman be she Maid or widdow , naked to the wooer . And likewise a sage and discreet man , exhibiteth the wooer naked to the woman . At this custome we laughed , and disallowed it as foolish . But they on the other part doe greatly wonder at the folly of all other Nations , which in buying a Colt , whereas a little money is in hazard , be so chary and circumspect , that though he be almost all bare , yet they will not buy him , unlesse the saddle and all the harnesse be taken off , least under those coverings be hid some gall or sore . And yet in chusing a Wife , which shall be either pleasure or displeasure to them all their life after , they be so rechlesse , that all the residue of the womans body being eovered with cloathes , they esteeme her scarcely by one hand breadth ( for they can see no more but her face ) and so to joyne her to them not without great jeopardy of evill agreeing together , if any thing in her body after ward should chance to offend , and mislike them . For all men be not so wise , as to have respect to the vertuous condition of the party . And the endowments of the body , cause the vertues of the mind more to be esteemed and regarded : yea , even the marriages of wise men . Verily so foule deformity may be hid under those coverings , that it may quite alienate and take away the mans mind from his wife , when it shall not be lawfull for their bodies to be separate againe . If such deformity happen by any chance after the Marriage is consummate and finished , well , therein no remedy but patience . Every man must take his fortune well in worth . But it were well done that a law were made wherby all such deceits might be eschewed , and avoided before hand . And this were they constrained more earnestly to looke vpon , because they onely of the nations in that part of the world be content every man with one wife a piece . And matrimony is there never broken , but by death : except adultery breake the bond , or else the intollerable wayward manners of either party . For if eyther of them find themselves for any such cause grieved , they may by the licence of the Counsell , change and take another . But the other party liveth ever after in infamy , and out of wedlocke . Howbeit the husband to put away his wife for no other fault , but for that some mishap is fallen to her body , this by no meanes they will suffer ? for they judge it a great point of cruelty , that any body in their most need of helpe and comfort , should be cast off and forsaken , and that old age , which both bringeth sicknesse with it , and is a sicknesse it selfe , should unkindly , and unfaithfully be delt withall . But now and then it chanceth , wheras the man and woman cannot well agree betweene themselves both of them finding other , with whom they hope to live more quietly and merrily , that they by the full consent of them both , be divorsed asunder and married againe to other . But that not without the authority of the Councell . Which agreeth to no divorses , before they and their wives have diligently tryed and examined the matter . Yea , and then also they be loath to consent to it , because they know this to be the next way to breake love betweene man and wife , to be in easie hope of a new marriage . Breakers of wedlocke be punished with most grievous bondage . And if both the offendors were married , then the parties which in that behalfe have suffered wrong , being divorced from the adulterers , be married together , if they will , or else to whom they lust . But if either of them both doe still continue in love toward so unkind a bed-fellow , the vse of wedlock is not to them forbidden , if the party faultlesse be disposed to follow in toyling and drudgery , ●he person , which for that offence is condemned to bondage . And very oft it chanceth , that the repentance of the one , and the earnest diligence of the other , doth so moue the Prince with pitty and compassion , that he restoreth the bond person from seruitude , to liberty and freedome againe . But if the same party be taken e●●soones in that fault , there is no other way but death . To other trespasses no prescript punishment is appointed by any law . But according to the hainousnesse of the offence , or contrary , so the punishment is moderated by the discretion of the Councell . The husbands chastice their wives , and the parents their children , unlesse they have done any so horrible an offence , that the open punishment thereof maketh much for the advancement of honest manners . But most commonly the most hainous faults be punished with the incommodity of bondage . For that they suppose to be to the offendors no le●se griefe , and to the Common-wealth more profit , then if they should hastily put them to death , and so make them quite out of the way . For their commeth more profit of their labour , thē of their death , and by their example they feare other the longer from like offences . But if they being thus vsed , do● rebell and kicke againe , then forsooth they be ●laine as desperate and wild beasts , whom neither prison nor chaine could restraine and keepe vnder . But they , which take their bondage patiently , be not left al hopelesse . For after they haue beene broken and tamed with long miseries , if then they shew such repentance , as thereby it may be perceived that they be ●orier for their offence then for their punishment : sometimes by the Princes prerogatiue , and sometimes by the voice or else consent of the people , their bondage either is m●ttigated , or cleane released and forgiven . He that mooveth to adultery is in no lesse danger and jeopardy , then if he had committed adultery in deed . For in all offences they count the intent and pretensed prpose as evill , as the act or deed it selfe , thanking that no let ought to excuse him , that did his best to haue no let . They haue singuler delight and pleasure in Fooles . And as it is a great reproach to doe to any of them hurt or injury , so they prohibite not to take pleasure of foolishnesse . For that they think , doth much good to the fooles . And if any man be so sad and sterne , that he cannot laugh neither at their words , nor at their deeds , none of them be committed to his tuition : for feare least he would not intreat them gently and favourably enough : to whom they should bring no delectation ( for other good ●esse in them is none ) much les●e any profit should they yeeld him . To ●ocke a man for his deformity , or that he lacketh one part or limme of his body , is counted great dishonesty and reproach , not to him that is mocked , but to him that mocketh . Which vnwisely doth imbraid any man of that as a vice , that was not in his power to eschew , also as they count and reckon very little wit to be in him , that regardeth not naturall beauty and comelinesse ; so to helpe the same with paintings , is taken for a vaine and a wanton pride , not without great infamy . For they know even by very experience , that no comelinesse of beauty doth so highly commend and advance the wiues in the conceits of their husbands , as honest conditions and lowlinesse : For as love is oftentimes wonne with beauty , so it is not kept , preserved and continued , but by vertue and obedience . They doe not onely feare their people from doing evill , by punishments , but also allure them to vertue with rewards of honour . Therefore they set vp in the Market place the Images of notable men , and of such as have beene bountifull benefactors to the Common-wealth , for the perpetuall memory of their good acts : and also that the glory and renowne of the ancestors may stirre and provoke their posterity to vertue . He that inordinatly and ambitiously desireth promotions , is left all hopelesse for ever attaining any promotion as long as he liveth . They live together lovingly : For no Magistrate is either haughty or fearefull . Fathers they be called , and like fathers they use themselves . The Citizens ( as it is their duty ) willingly exhibit unto them due honour without any compulsion . Nor the Prince himselfe is not knowne from the other by princely apparell , or a robe of state , nor by a crowne or diade me royall , or cap of maintenance , but by a little sheafe of Corne carried before him . And so a taper of waxe is borne before the Bishop , whereby onely he is knowne . They have but few lawes . For to people to instruct and institute , very few doe suffice . Yea , this thing they chiefly reproue among other actions , that inumerable books of laws & expositions vpon the same be not sufficient . But they think it against all right and justice , that men should be bound to those laws , which either be in number moe then be able to be read , or else blinder and darker , then that any man can well vnderstand them . Furthermore they vtterly exclude and banish all Atturnies , Proctors , and Sergeants at the Law , which craftily handle matters , and subtilly dispute of the lawes . For they thinke it most meet , that every man should plead his owne matter , and tell the same tale to the Iudge , that he would tell to his man of law . So shall there be lesse circumstance of words , & the truth shall sooner come to light , whiles the Iudge with a discreet judgement doth away the words of him , whō no lawyer hath instruct with deceit , and whiles he beareth out simple wits against the false and malicious circumventions of crafty children . This is hard to be observed in other Countries , in so infinit a number of blind and intricate lawes . But in Vtopia every man is a cunning Lawyer . For as ( I said ) they have very few lawes : and the plainer and grosser that any interpretation is : that they allow as most just . For all lawes ( say they ) be made and published only to the intent , that by them every man shall be put in remembrance of his duty . But the crafty and subtill interpretation of them ( forasmuch as few can attaine thereto ) can put very few in that remembrance , whereas the simple , the plaine , and grosse meaning of the lawes is open to every man. Else as touching the vulgar sort of the people , which be both most in number , and ▪ have most need to know their duties , were it not as good for then that no Law were made at all , as when it is made to bring so blind an interpretation vpon it , that without great wit and long arguing no man can discusse it ? To the finding out whereof , neither the grosse judgement of the people can attaine , neither the whole life of them that be occupyed in working for their livings , can suffice thereto . These verrues of the Vtopians have caused their next neighbours and borderers , which live free and under no subjection ( for the Vtopians long agoe , have delivered many of them from Tyrannie ) to make Magistrates of them , some for a yeare , and some for fiue yeares space . Which when the time of their office is expired , they bring home againe with honour and praise , and take new againe with them into their Country . These nations haue undoubtedly very well and holsomly provided for their Common-wealths . For seeing that both the making and the marring of the Weale publique , doth depend and hang vpon the manners of the Rulers and Magistrates , what officers could they more wisely have chosen , then those which cannot be lead from honesty by bribes ( for to thē that shortly after shall depart thence into their owne Country , money should be unprofitable ) nor yet be moved either with favour , or malice towards any man , as being strangers , and unacquainted with the people ? The which two vices of affection and avarice , where they take place in judgements , incontinent they breake justice , the strongest and surest bond of a Common-wealth . These people which fetch their officers and rulers from them , the Vtopians call their fellowes . And other to whom they have beene beneficiall , they call their friends . As and to breake both league and truth . The which crafty dealing , yea the which fraud and deceit , if they should know it to be practised among private men in their bargaines and contracts , they would incontinent cry out a●●● with an open mouth , and a sowre countenance , as an offence most detestable , and worthy to be punished with a s●●●me● all death : yea even very they that advance themselves Authors of like counsaile , is given to Princes . Wherefore it may well be thought , either that all justice is but a base and a low vertue , and which availeth it selfe farre under the high dignity of Kings : Or , at the least-wise , that there be two lustices , the one meet for the inferiour sort of the people , going a foot and creeping low by the ground , and bound downe on every side with many bands , because it shall not run at rovers . The other a princely vertue , which like as it is of much higher Majesty , then the other poore justice , so also it is of much more liberty , as to the which nothing is unlawfull that it h●steth after . These manners of Princes ( as I said ) which be there so evill keepers of leagues , cause the Vtopians , as I suppose , to make no leagues at all which perchance would change their mind if they lived here . Howbeit they thinke that though leagues be never so faithfully observed and kept , yet the custome or making leagues was very evill begun . For this causeth men ( as though nations which be separate a sunder , by the space of a little hill , or River , were coupled together by no society or bond of nature ) to thinke themselves borne adversaries and enemies one to another , and that it were lawfull for the one to seeke the death and destruction of the other , if leagues were not : yea , and that after the leagues be accorded , friendship doth not grow and increase : But the licence of robbing and stealing doth still remaine , as faire forth as for lacke of fore-sight and advisement in writing the words of the league , any sentence or clause to the contrary is not therein sufficiently comprehended . But they be of a contrary opinion . That is , that no man ought to be counted an enemy which hath done no injury . And that the fellowship of nature is a strong league , and that men be better and more surely knit together by love and benevolence , then by covenants of leagues : by hearty affection of mind , then by words Of War-fare . VVArre or Battaile as a thing very beastly , and yet no kind of beasts in so much vse as to man , they doe detest and abhorre . And contrary to the custome almost of all other nations , they count nothing so much against glory , as glory gotten in warre . And therefore though they doe daily practice and exercise themselves in the discipline of warre , not only the men , but also the women vpon certaine appointed dayes , least they should be to seek in the feat of armes , if need should require , yet they never goe to battaile , but either in the defence of their owne Country , or to drive out of their friends Land the enemies that have invaded it , or by the power to deliver from the yoake and bondage of Tyrannie some people , that be therewith oppressed . Which thing they doe of meere pitty and compassion . Howbeit they send helpe to their friends , not ever in their defence , but sometimes also to requite and revenge injuries before to them done . But this they doe not vnlesse their counsell and advise in the matter be asked , whiles it is yet new and fresh , For if they find the cause probable , and if the contrary part will not restoreagaine such things as be of them justly demanded , then they be the chiefe authors and makers of the warre . Which they doe not onely as oft as by ●●rodes and invosions of souldiers preyes and booties be driven , but then also much more mortally , when their friends marchants in any land , either vnder the pretence of vnjust lawes , or else by the wresting and wrong vnderstanding of good lawes , doe sustaine an vnjust accusation vnder the colour of justice . Neither the battaile which the Vtopians fought for the Nephelogetes against the Alaopolitanes a little before our time , was made for any other cause , but that the Nephelogete marchant men , as the Vtopians thought , suffered wrong of the Alaopolitans , vnder the pretence of right . But whether it were right or wrong , it was with so cruell and mortall warre revenged , the Countries round about joyning their helpe and power to the puissance and malice of both parties , that most flourishing and wealthy peoples , being some of them shrewdly shaken , and some of them sharply beaten , the mischiefes were not finished nor ended , vntill the Alaopolitans , at the last were yeelded vp as bondmen into the jurisdiction of the Nephelogetes . For the Vtopians fought not this warre for themselves . And yet the Nephelogetes before the warre , when the Alaopolitanes flourished in wealth , were nothing to be compared with them . So eagerly the Vtopians prosecute the injuries done to their friends : yea , in money matters and not their owne likewise . For if they by covine or g●●le be wiped beside their goods , so that no violence be done to their bodies , they ease their anger by abstaining from occupying with that nation , untill they have made satisfaction . Not for because they set lesse store by their owne Citizens , then by their friends : but that they take the losse of their friends money more heavily then the losse of their owne . Because that their friends Merchant men , for as much as that the losse is their owne private goods , sustaine great damage by the losse . But their own Citizens lose nothing but of the common goods , and of that which was at home plentifull and almost superfluous , else had it not beene sent forth . Therefore no man feeleth the losse . And for this cause they thinke it too cruell an act , to revenge the losse with the death of man , the incommodity ▪ of the which losse no man feeleth neither in his life , nor yet in his living . But if it chance that any of their men be in any other Country be maimed or killed , whether it be done by a common or a private Councell , knowing and trying out the truth of the matter by their Ambassadours , unlesse the offendors be rendered unto them in recompence of the injury , they will not be appeased : but incontinent they proclaime Warre against them . The offendors yeelded , they punish either with death , or with bondage . They be not onely sory , but also ashamed to atchieve the victory with bloodshed , counting it great folly to buy precious wares too deare . They rejoyce and avant themselves , if they vanquish and oppresse their enemy by craft and deceit . And for that act they make a generall triumph , and as if the matter were manfully handled , they set vp a pillar of stone in the place , where they so vanquished their enemies , in token of their victory . For then they glory , then they boast and crack , that they haue plaied the men indeed , when they haue so overcome , as no other living creature , but only man could : that is to say , by the might and puissance of wit. For with bodily strength ( say they ) Beares , Lions , Boares , wolfes , dogs , and other wild beasts doe fight . And as the most pa●t of them doe passe vs in strength and fierce courage , so in wit & reason we be much stronger then they all . Their chiefe & principall purpose in war , is to obtaine that thing , which if they had before obtained , they would not haue mooved battaile . But if that be not possible , they take such cruell vengeance of them which be in the fault , that ever after they be affraid to doe the like . This is their chiefe and principall intent , which they immediatly and first of all prosecute , and set forward . But yet so , that they be more circumspect in auoyding and eschewing jeopardies , then they be desirous of praise and renowne . Therefore immediatly after that warre is once solemnly denounced , they procure many Proclamations signed with their owne common seale , to be set vp privily at one time in their enemes land , in places most frequented . In these proclamations they promise great rewards to him that will kill their enemies Prince , and somewhat lesse gifts , but them very great also , for every head of thē , whose names be in the said proclamations contained . They be those whom they count their chiefe adversaries , next unto the Prince whom there is prescribed , unto him that killeth any of the proclaimed persons , that is doubled to him that bri●geth any of the s●me to them alive : yea , and to the procla●●ed persons themselves , if they will change their minds , and come into them , taking their parts , they proffer the same great rewards with pardon and surety of their lives . Therefore it quickly commeth to passe , that their enemies have all other men in suspition , and be unthankfull , and mistrusting among themselves one to another living in great feare , and in no l●s●e jeopardy . For it is well knowne , that divers times the most part of them ( and specially the Prince himselfe ) hath beene betrayed of them , in whom they put their most hope and trust . So there is no manner of act nor deed that gifts and rewards doe not inforce men unto . And in rewards they keepe no measure . But remembring and considering into how great hazard and jeopardy they call them , endevour themselves to recompence the greatnesse of the danger with like great benefits . And therefore they promise not onely wonderfull great abundance of gold , but also lands of great revenues lying in most safe places among their friends . And their promises they performe faithfully without any fraud or covine . This custome of buying and selling adversaries , among other people is disallowed , as a cru●l act of a base and a cowardish mind . But they in this behalfe thinke themselves much praise worthy , as who likewise , men by this meanes dispatch great Warres without Batta●●e o● skirmish . Yea , they count it also a deed of pitty and mercy , because that by the death of a few offenders , the lives of a great number of Innocents , as well of their owne men , as also of their enemies , be ransomed and saved , which in fighting should have beene slaine . For they doe no lesse pitty the base and common sort of their enemies people , then they doe their owne : knowing that they be driven and forced to warre against their wills , by the furious in●dnesse of their Princes and heads . If by none of these meanes the matter goe forward , as they would have it , then they procure occasions of debate , and dissention to be spread among their enemies . As by bringing the Princes brother , o● some of the noble men in hope to obtaine the Kingdome . If this way prevaile not , then they raise vp the people that be next neighbours and borde●e●s to their enemies , and them they set in their necks under the colour of some old title of right , such as Kings doe never lacke . To them they promise their helpe and ayd in their Warre . And as for money they giue them abundance . But of their owne Citizens they send to them few or none : whom they make so much of ▪ and love so ●●tirely , that they would not be willing to change any of them for their adversaries Prince . But them gold and silver , because they keepe it all for this onely purpose , they lay it out ●ranckly and ●●●ly : as who should live even a , wealthily , if they had ●●stowed it every penny . Yea and besides their riches , which they keepe at home , they have also an infinite treasure abroad , by reason that ( as I said before ) many Nations be in their debt . There●ore they hire souldiours out of all Countries and send them to Battaile , but chiefly of the Zapolets . This people , is five hundred miles from Vtopia Eastward . They be hidious , savage , and fierce , dwelling in wild Woods , and high mountaines , where they were bred and brought vp . They be of an hard nature , able to abide and sustaine heate , cold , and labour , abhorring from all dilicate dainties , occupying no husbandry no● tillage of the ground , homely and rude both in building of their houses , and in their apparell , given unto no goodnesse , but onely to the breeding and bringing vp of Cat●le . The most part of their living is by hunting and stealing . They be borne onely to warre , which they diligently and earnestly seek for . And when they have gotten it , they be wondrous glad thereof . They goe forth of their Co●●●●y in great companies together and w●●os●ever lacketh souldio●rs , there they proffer their service for smal wages . This is onely the craft that they have to get their living by . They maintaine their lives , by seeking their death . For them with whom they be in wages , they fight hardly , fiercely , and faithfully . But they bind themselves for no certaine time . But vpon this condition they enter into bonds , that the next day they will take part with the other side for greater wages , and the next day after that , they will be ready to come back againe for a little more money . There be few warrs there away , wherein is not a great number of them in both parties . Therefore it daily chanceth , that nigh kinsfolke which were hired together on one part , and there very friendly and familiarly vsed themselves one with another , shortly after being separate into contrary parts , run one against another enviously and fiercely : and forgetting both kindred and friendship thrust their swords one in another . And that for none other cause , but that they be hired for contrary Princes for a little money . Which they doe so highly regard and esteeme , that they will easily be provoked to change parts for a halfe-penny more wages by the day . So quickly they have taken a smacke in covetousnesse . Which for all that , is to them no profit . For that they get by fighting , immediately they spend need●esse , unthri●●ily and wretchedly in ry●● . This people sighteth for the Vtopians against all Natio●s , because they give them greater wages , then any other nation will. For the Vtopians like as they seeke good men to vse well , so they seeke these evill and vicious men to abuse . Whom , when need requireth , with promises of great rewards , they put forth into great jeopardies . From whence the most part of them never commeth againe to aske their rewards . But to them that remaine alive , they pay that which they promised faithfully , that they may be the more willing to put themselves in like danger another time . Nor the Vtopians passe not how many of them they bring to destruction . For they beleeve that they should doe a very good deed for all mankind , if they could rid out of that world all that foule stincking denne of that most wicked and cursed people . Next unto these , they vse the souldiours of them for whom they fight : and then the helpe of their other friends . And last of all , they joyne to their owne Citizens . Among whom they give to one of tried vertue ▪ and powers , the rule , governance and conduction of the whole Army . Vnder him they appoint two other , which whiles he is safe , be both private and out of office . But if he be taken or slaine the one of the other succedeth him , as it were by inheritance . And if the second miscarry , then the third taketh his roome , least that ( as the chance of Battaile is uncertaine and doubtfull ) the jeopardy of death of the Captaine should bring the whole army in hazard . They choose souldiours out of every City , those , which put forth themselves willingly . For they thrust no man forth into warre against his will : because they beleeve , if any man be fearefull and faint-hearted of nature , he will not onely doe no manfull and hardy act himselfe , but also be occasion of cowardnesse to his fellowes . But if any Battaile be made against their owne Country , then they put these cowards ( so that they be strong bodied ) in Ships among other bold harted men . Or else they dispose them vpon the w●ls , frō whence they may n●● flie . Thus what for shame that their enemies be at hand , and what for because they be without hope of running away , they forget all feare . And many times extreame necessity turneth cowardnesse into prowesse and manlinesse . But as none o● them is thrust forth of his Country into warre against his will , so women that be willing to accompany their husbands in time of warre , be not prohibited o● letted . Yea they provoke and exhort them to it with praises . And in set field the wives doe stand every one by their owne husbands side . Also every man is compassed next about with his owne children , kinsfolkes , and alliance , That they whom nature chiefly mooveth to mutuall succour , thus standeth together , may helpe one another . It is a great reproach and dishonesty for the husband ●●●ome home without his wife , or the wife without her husband , or the sonne without his father . And therefore if the other part sticke so hard by it , that the battaile come to their hands , it is fought with great slaughter and blood-shed , even to the utter destruction of both parties . For as they make all the meanes and shifts that may be , to keepe themselves from the necessity of fighting , or that they may dispatch the battaile by their hired souldiors , so when there is no remedy , but that they must needs fight themselves ▪ then they doe as couragiously fall to it , as before , whiles they might , they did wisely avoid and refuse it . Nor they be not most fierce at the first brunt . But in continuance by little and little their fierce courage encreaseth , with so stubborne and obstinate minds , that they will rather die then give backe an ●nch . For that surety of living , which every man hath at home , being joyned with no carefull anxiety or remembrance how their posterity shall live after them ( for this pensivenesse oftentimes breaketh and abateth couragious stomackes ) making them stout and hardy , and disdainfull to be conquered . Moreover , their knowledge in chiualry and feates of armes , putteth them in a good hope . Finally the wholesome and vertuous opinions wherein they were brought vp even from their childhood , partly through learning , and partly through the good ordinance and lawes of their Weale publique , augment and encrease their manfull courage . By reason whereof , they neither set so little store by their lives , that they will rashly and vnadvisedly cast them away : nor they be not so farre in lewd and fond love therewith , that they will shamefully covet to keepe them , when honesty biddeth leave them . When the battaile is hottest , and in all places most fierce and fervent , a band of chosen and picked yong men , which be sworne to liue and dye together , take vpon them to destroy their adversaries captaine . Whom they invade now with privy wiles , now by open strength . At him they strike both neare and farre off . He is assailed with a long and a continuall assault , fresh men still comming in the wearied mens places . And seldome it chanceth ( vnlesse he saue himselfe by fiying ) that he is not either slain or else taken prisoner , and yeelded to his enemies aliue . If they win the field , they persecute not their enemies with the violent rage of slaughter . For they had rather take them aliue , then kill them . Neither doe they follow the chase and pursuit of their enemies , but they leaue behinde them one part of their hoast in battaile aray , vnder their standards . Insomuch , that if all their whole army be discomfited and over-come , saving the reward , and that they therewith atchieue the victory , then they had rather let all their enemies scape , then to follow them out of array . For they remember it hath chanced vnto themselves more then once : the whole power and strength of their hoast being vanquished and put to flight , whiles their enemies rejoycing in the victory haue persecuted them , flying some one away and some another , a small company of their men lying in ambush , there ready at all occasions , haue suddainely risen vpon them thus dispersed and scattered out of array , and through presumption of safety vnadvisedly pursuing the chase and haue incontinent changed the fortune of the whole battaile , and spite of their teethes wresting out of their hands the sure and vndoubted victory , being a little before conquered , have for their part conquered the conquerers . It is hard to say whether they be craftier in laying an ambush , or wittier in avoiding the same . You would thinke they ●●tend to file , when they meane nothing lesse . And contrariwise , when they goe about that purpose , you would beleeve it were the least part of their thought . For if they perceive themselves overmatched in number , or closed in too narrow a place , then they remove their campe either in the night season with silence , or by some policy they deceive their enemies , or in the day time they retire backe so softly , that it is no lesse jeopardy to meddle with them when they give backe , then when they presse on . They fence and fortifie their campe surely with a deepe and a broad trench . The earth thereof is cast inward . Nor they doe not set drudges and slaves a worke about it . It is done by the hands of the souldiours themselves . All the whole Army worketh upon it , except them that keepe watch and ward in armor before the trench for suddaine adventures . Therefore by the labour of so many , a large trench closing in a great compasse of ground , is made in lesse time then any man would beleeve . Their Armour or hardnesse which they weare , is sure and strong to receive stroakes , and handsome for all moovings and gestures of the body , insomuch that it is not unweldy to swimme in . For in the discipline of their war-fare , among other feats they learne to swimme in harnesse . Their weapons be arrowes aloofe , which they shoot both strongly and surely , not only footmen , but also horsemen . At hand stroakes they vsed not sword , but Pollaxes , which be mortall , as well in sharpenesse as in weight , both for foynes and downe stroakes . Engines for war they devise and invent wondrous wittily . Which when they be made they keepe very secret , least if they should be knowne before neede require , they should be but laughed at , and serue to no purpose . But in making them , hereunto they haue chiefe respect , that they be both easie to be carried , a●d handsome to be moved , and turned about . Truce taken with their enemies for a short time , they doe so firinely and faithfully keepe , that they will not breake it , no , not though they be thereunto provoked . They doe not waste nor destroy their enemies land with forragings , nor they burne not vp their Corne. Yea they saue it as mnch as may be from being overrunne and trodden downe , either with men or horses , thinking that it groweth for their owne vse & profit . They hurt no man that is vnarmed , vnles●e he be an Espyall . All Cities that be yeelded unto them , they defend . And such as they winne by force of assault , they neither dispoyle nor sacke , but them that withstood and disswaded the yeelding vp of the same , they put to death , the other souldiers they punish with bondage . All the weake multitude they leave untouched If they know that any Citizens counselled to yeeld and render vp the City , to them they give part of the condemned mens goods . The residue they distribute and give freely among them , whose helpe they had in the same warre . For none of themselves taketh any portion of the prey . But when the battaile is finished and ended , they put their friends to never a penny cost of all the charge ; that they were at , but lay it vpon their neckes that be conquered . Them they burthen with the whole charge of their expenses , which they demand of them partly in money , to be kept for like vse of battaile , and partly in lands of great evenewes to be paid unto them yearely for ever . Such revenewes they have now in many Countries . Which by little and little rising of ●●vers and sundry causes , be increased aboue seven hundred thousand ducates by the yeare . Thither they send forth some of their Citizens as Lieft enants , to live there sumptuously , like men of honour and renowne . And yet this notwithstanding , much money is saved , which commeth to the common treasury : unlesse it so chan●e , that they had rather trust the Country with the money . Which many times they doe so long , untill they have need to occupy it . And it seldome happeneth that they demand all . Of these lands they assigne part unto them , which at their rebuest and exhortation , put themselves in such jeopardies , as I spake of before . If any Prince stirre up warre , against them , intending to invade their land , they mee● him incontinent out of their owne borderers , with great power and strength . For they never lightly make warre in their owne Country . Nor they be never brought into so extreame necessity , as to take helpe out of forraine lands into their owne Iland . Of the Religions in Vtopia . THere be divers kinds of Religion , not onely in sundry parts of the Iland but also in divers places of every City . Some worship for God , the Sun : some the Moone : some other of the Planets . There be that give worship to a man that was once of excellent● vertue or of famous glory , not only as GOD , but also as the chiefest and highest GOD. But the most and the wisest part ( rejecting all these ) beleeve , that there is a certaine godly power unknowne , everlasting , incomprehensible , inexplicable , farre above the capacity & reach of mans wit , dispersed throughout all the whole world , not in bignesse , but in vertue and power . Him they call the father of all . To him alone they attribute the beginnings , the increasings , the proceedings , the changes , and the ends of all things . Neither they give any divine honours to any other then to him . Yea all the other also , though they be in divers opinions , yet in this point they agree all together with the wisest sort , in beleeving that there is one principall GOD , the maker and ruler of the whole world : whom they all commonly in their Country language call Mythra . But in this they disagree that among some he is counted one , and among some another . For every one of them , whatsoever that is which he taketh for the chiefe God , thinketh it to be the very same nature , to whose only divine might and majesty the summe and soveraignty of all things by the consent of all people is attributed and given . Howbeit they all begin by little and little to forsake and fall from this variety of superstitions , and to agree together in that religion which seemeth by reason to passe and excell the residue . And it is not to be doubted , but all the other would long agoe have been abolished , but that whatsoever unprosperous thing happened to any of them , as he was minded to change his religion , the fearefulnesse of people did take it , not as a thing comming by chance but as sent from GOD out of Heaven . As though the the God , whose honour he was forsaking , would haue revenged that wicked purpose against him . But after they heard vs speake of the name of Christ , of his doctrin , lawes , myracles , and of the no lesse wonderfull constancy of so many martyrs , whose blood willingly shead , brought a great number of nations throughout all parts of the world into their sect : you will not beleeue with how glad minds , they agreed vnto the same : whether it were by the secret inspiration of God , or else for that they thought it nighest vnto that opinion , which among them is counted the chiefest . Howbeit I thinke this was no small helpe and furtherance in the matter , that they heard vs say , that Christ instituted among his , all things common : and that the same cōmunity doth yet remaine amongst y● rightest Christian cōpanies . Verily howsoever it came to passe , many of them consented together in our religion , and were washed in the holy water of Baptisine . But because among vs foure ( for no moe of vs was left aliue , two of our company being dead ) there was no Priest , which I am right sory for : they being entred and instructed in all other points of our religion , lacke onely those sacraments , which none but Priests doe minister . Howbeit they vnderstand & percciue them , and be very desirous of the same . Yea they reason and dispute the matter earnestly among themselves , whither without the sending of a Christian Bishop , one chosen out of their owne people , may receiue the order of Priesthood . And truely they were minded to choose one . But at my departure thence they had chosen none . They also which doe not agree to Christs religion , ferre no man from it , nor speake against any man that hath received it . Saving that one of our company in my presence was sharpely punished . He as soone as he was baptised began against our wils with more earnest affection , then wisedome to reason of Christs Religion : and began to waxe so hot in this matter , that he did not onely preferre our Religion before all other , but also did vtterly despise and condemne all other , calling them prophane , and the followers of them wicked and devilish , and the children of everlasting damnation . When he had thus long reasoned the matter , they laid hold on him , accused him , and condemned him into exile , not as a dispiser of religion , but as a sedicious person , and a rayser vp of dissention among the people . For this is one of the ancientest lawes among them : that no man shall be blamed for reasoning in the maintenance of his owne religion . For King Vtopus , even at the first beginning , hearing that the inhabitants of the land were before his comming thither , at continuall dissention and strife among them selves for their religions : perceiving also that this common dissention ( whiles every severall Sect tooke severall parts in fighting for their Country ) was the onely occasion of his Conquest over them all , as soone as he had gotten the victory . First of all , he made a decree , that it should be lawfull for every man to favour and follow what religion he would , and that he might doe the best he could to bring other to his opinion , so that he did it peaceably , gently , quietly , and soberly , without hasty and contentious rebuking and inveying against other . If he could not by faire and gentle speech induce them vnto his opinion , yet he should vse no kind of violence , and refraine from displeasant and sedicious words . To him that would vehemently and fervently in this cause strife and contend , was decreed , banishment , or bondage . This law did King Vtopus make not onely for the maintenance of peace , which hee saw through continual contentation and mortall hatred vtterly extinguished : but also because he thought this decree should make for the furtherance of religion . Whereof he durst define and determine nothing vnadvisedly , as doubting whither God desiring manifold and divers sorts of honour , would inspire sundry men with sundry kinds of religion . And this surely he thought a very vnmeet and foolish thing , & a point of arrogant presumption , to compell all other by violence and threatnings to agree to the same , that thou beleevest to be true . Furthermore , though there be one religion , which a lone is true , and all other vaine and superstitions , yet did he well foresee ( so that the matter were handdled with reason and sober modesty ) that the truth of the owne power would at the last issue out and come to light . But if contention and debate in that behalfe should continually be vsed , as the worst men be most obstinate and stubborne , and in their evill opinion most constant : he perceived that the● the best and honest religion would be ●roden vnder foote and destroyed by most vaine superstitions , even as good corne is by thornes and weeds over grown and choaked . Therefore all this matter he left vndiscussed , and gaue to every man free liberty and choice to beleeue what he would . Saving that he earnestly and straitly charged them , that no man should conceiue so vile and base an 〈◊〉 ●● 〈◊〉 of mans nature , as to thinke that the soules doe die and perish with the body : or that the world runneth at all adventures , governed by no divine providence . And therefore they beleeue that after this life vices be extreamely punished , and vertues bountifully rewarded . He that is of a contrary opinion , they count not in the number of men , as one that hath availed the high nature of his soule , to the vilenesse of brute beasts bodies : much lesse in the number of the Citizens . whose lawes and ordinances , if it were not for feare , he would nothing at all esteeme . For you may ▪ be sure that he will study either with craft privily to mocke , or else violently to breake the common lawes of his countrey , in whom remaineth no further feare then of the lawes , nor no further hope then of the body . Wherefore he that is thus minded is deprived of all honors , excluded from all offices , and reject from all common administrations in the weale-publique . And thus he is of all sorts despised , as of an vnprofitable , and of a base and vile nature . Howbeit , they put him to no punishment , because they be perswaded , that it is in no mans power to beleeue what he list . No , nor they constraine him not with threatnings to dissemble his mind , and shew countenance contrary to his thought . For deceit and falshood , and all manner of lies , as next vnto fraud , they doe marveilously deject and abhorre . But they suffer him not to dispute in his opinion , and that onely among the common people . For else apart among the Priests and men of grauity ▪ they doe not onely suffer , but also exhort him to dispute and argue hoping that , at the last , that mid●e●se will giue place to reason . There bee also other , and of them no small number , which be not bidden to speake their minds , as grounding their opinion vpon some reason , being in their living neither evill nor vicious . Their here●ie is much contrary to the other . For they beleeue that the soules of the brute beasts be immorall and everlasting . But nothing to be compared with others in dignity , neither ordained and predestinate to like felicity . For all they beleeue certainly and surely that mans blisse shall be so great , that they doe mourne and lament euery mans sicknesse , but no mans death , vnlesse it be on whom they see depart from his life carefully , and against his will. For this they take for a very evill token , as though the soule being in dispaire , and vexed in conscience , through some privy and secret forefeeling of the punishment now at hand , were affraid to depart . And the● they thinke he shall not be welcome to GOD , which when he is called , runneth not to him gladly , but is drawne by force , and sore against his will. They therefore that see this kind of death , doc abhorre it , and them that so die , they bury with sorrow and silence . And when they haue prayed to GOD to be mercifull to the soule , and mercifull to pardon the infirmities thereof , they cover the dead corse with earth . Contrariwise , all that depart merily and full of good hope , for then no man mourneth , but followeth the hearse with joyfull singing , commending the soules to GOD with great affection . And at the last , not with mourning sorrow , but with a great reverence they burne the bodies . And in the same place they set vp a pillar of stone , with the dead mens titles therein graved . When they be come home , they rehearse his vertuous manners and his good deeds . But no part of his life is so oft or gladly talked of , as his mery death . They thinke that this remembrance of the vertue and goodnesse of the dead , doth vehemently provoke and enforce the liuing to vertue . And that nothing can be more pleasant and acceptable to the dead . Whom they suppose to bee present among them , when they talke of them , though to the dull and feeble eye-sight of mortall men they be invisible . For it were an inconvenient thing , that the blessed should not be at liberty to goe whither they would . And it were a point of great vnkindnesse in them , to haue vtterly cast away the desire of visiting & seeing their friends , to whom they were in their life time joyned by mutuall loue and amity . Which in good men after their death , they count to be rather increased the● diminished . They beleeue therefore that the dead be presently conversant among the quicke , as beholders and witnesses of all their words and deeds . Therefore they goe more couragiously to their businesse , as hauing a trust and a fiance in such overseers . And this beleefe of the present conversation of their forefathers and ancestors among them , feareth them from all secret dishonesty . They vtterly dispise and mocke southsayings and divinations of things to come , by the flight and voyces of birds , and all other diuination of vaine superstition , which in other countries be in great observation . But they highly esteeme and worship miracles that come by no helpe of nature , as workes and witnesses of the present power of GOD. And such they say doe chance there very often . And sometimes in great and doubtfull matters , by common intercession and prayers , they procure and obtaine them with a sure hope and confidence , and a stedfast beleefe . They thinke that the contemplation of nature , and the praise thereof comming , is to GOD a very acceptable honour , Yet there be many so earnestly bent and affected to religion , that they passe nothing for learning , nor give their minds to any knowledge of things . But idlenesse they utterly forsake and ●schew , thinking felicity after this life to be gotten and obtained by busie labour and good exercises . Some therefore of thē attend vpon the sicke , some amen● high-wayes , cleanse ditches , repaire Bridges , digge turfes , gravell , and stone , fell and cleaue wood , bring wood corne , and other things , into the Cities in carts , and serve not onely in common workes , but also in private labours , as servants : yea , more then bondmen . For whatsoever unpleasant , hard and vile worke is any where , from the which labour , loathsomnesse , and desperation doth fray other , all that they take upon thē willingly and gladly , procuring rest and quiet to other , remaining in continuall worke and labour themselves , not embraiding others there with . They neither reprove other mens lives , nor glory in their owne . These men the more serviceable they behave themselves , the more they be honored of all men . Yet they be divided into two sects . The one of them ●hat live single and chast , abstaining not only from the company of women , but also from eating of flesh , and some of them from all manner of beasts . Which vtterly rejecting the pleasures of this present life as hur●full , be all wholly set vpon the desire of the life to come , by watching , waiting , and sweating , hoping shortly to obtaine it , being in the meane season merry and lu●ty . The other sect is no lesse desirous of Labour , but they imbrace Matrimony , not despising the solace thereof , thinking that they cannot be discharged of their bounden duties toward nature , without labour and toyle , nor towards their native Country , without procreation of children . They abstaine from no pleasure that doth nothing hinder them from labour . They love the flesh of foure-footed beasts , because they beleeve that by the meat they be made hardy and stronger to worke . The Vtopians count this Sect the wiser , but the other the holyer . Which in that they preferre single life before matrimony , and that sharpe life before the easier life , if herein they grounded upon reason , they would mocke them . But now forasmuch as they say they be lead to it by religion , they honour and worship them . And these be they whom in their language by a peculiar name , they call Bruthe scas , the which word by interpretation , signifieth to vs , Men of religion , or religious men . They have Priests of exceeding holinesse , and therefore very few . For there be but thirteen in every City according to the number of their Churches , saving when they goe forth to battaile . For then seaven of them goe forth with the army : in whose steads so many n●w be made at home . But the other at their returne home againe , reenter every one in his owne place : they that be above the number , untill such time as they succeed into the places of the other at their dying , be in the meane season continually in company with the Bishop . For he is the chiefe head of them all . They be chosen of the people , as the other Magistrates be by secret voices , for the avoiding of strife . After their election , they be consecrate of their own cōpany . They be Overseers of all divine matters , orderers of religions , and as it were ●udges and Masters of manners . And it is a great dishonesty and shame to be rebuk●● or spoken to by any of them , for dissolute and incontinent living . But as it is their office to give good exhortations and counsell , so it is the duty of the Prince and the other Magistrates , to correct and punish offenders , saving that the Priests , whom they find exceeding vicious livers , them they excommunicate from having any interest in divine matters . And there is almost no punishment among them more feared . For they run in very great infamy , and be inwardly tormented with a secret feare of religion , and shall not long escape free with their bodies . For unlesse they by quicke repentance approve the amendment of their lives to the Priests , they be taken and punished of the Councell , as wicked and irreligious . Both child-hood and youth is instructed and taught of them . Nor they be not more diligent to instruct them in learning , then in vertue and good manners . For they vse with very great endevour and diligence to put into the heads of their children , whiles they be yet tender , and plyant , good opinions and profitable for the conservation of the Weale publike . Which when they be once rooted in children doe remaine with them all their life after , and be wondrous profitable for their defence and maintenance of the state of the Common-wealth : which never decayeth but through vices rising of evill opinions . The Priests , unlesse they be women ( for that kind is not excluded from Priest-hood , how beit few be chosen and none but v●ddowes and old women ) the men Priests , I say , take to their wiues the chiefest women in all their Countrey . For to no office among the Vtopians is there more honour and preheminence giuen . Insomuch that if they commit any offence , they be vnder no common judgement , but be left onely to GOD and themselves . For they thinke it not lawfull to touch him with mans hand , be he neuer so vicious , which after so singuler a sort was dedicate and consecrate to GOD , as a holy offering . This manner may they easily obserue , because they haue so few Priests , and doe choose them with such circumspection . For it scarcely euer chanceth , that the most vertuous among vertuous , which in respect only of his vertue is advanced to so high a dignity , can fall to vice & wickednesse . And if it should chance indeed ( as mans nature is mutable and fraile ) yet by reason they be so few , and promoted to no might nor power , but onely to honour , it were not to be feared that any great dammage by them should happen & ensue to the common-wealth . They haue so rare and few Priests , least if the honour were communicated to many , the dignity of the order , which among them now is so highly estetmed , should run in contempt . Specially because they thinke it hard to find many so good , as to be meete for that dignity , to the execution and discharge wherof , it is not sufficient to be indued with meane vertues . Furthermore , these Priests be not more esteemed of their owne Countrey men , then they be of forreigne and strange Countries . Which thing may hereby plainly appeare . And I thinke also that this is the cause of it . For whiles the armies be fighting together in open field , they a little beside not farre off kneele vpon their knees in their hallowed vestments , holding vp their hands to heaven : praying first of all for peace , next for victory of their owne part , but to neither part a bloudy victory . If their Host get the vpper hand , they runne into the maine Battaile , and restraine their owne men from slaying and cruelly pursuing their vanquished enemies . Which enemies , if they doe but see them and speake to them , it is enough for the safeguard of their lives . And the touching of their cloathes defendeth and saveth all their goods from ravine and spoile . This thing hath advanced them to so great worship and true Majesty among all Nations , that many times they have as well preserved their owne Citizens from the cruell force of their enemies , as they have their enemies from the furious rage of their owne men . For it is well knowne , that when their owne Army hath recoiled and in despaire turned backe , and runne away , their enemies fiercely pursuing with slaughter and spoile , then the Priests comming betweene have stayed the murder , and parted both the hoasts . So that peace hath beene made and concluded betweene both parts vpon equall and indifferent conditions . For there was never any Nation , so fierce , so cruell , and rude , but they had them in such reverence , that they counted their bodies hallowed and sanctified , and therefore not to be violently and unreverently touched . They keepe holy the first and last day of every Moneth and yeare , dividing the yeare into Moneths , which they measure by the course of the Moone , as they doe the yeare by the course of the Sunne . The first dayes they call in their language Cinimernes , and the last Tapermernes , the which words may be interpreted , Primifest and Finifest , or else in our speech , first feast and last feast . Their Churches be very gorgious , not onely of fine and curious workmanship , but also ( which in the fewnesse of them was necessary ) very wide and large , and able to receiue a great company of people . But they be all somewhat darke . Howbeit that was not done through ignorance in building , but as they say , by the counsell of the Priests . Because they thought that overmuch light doth disperse mens cogitations , whereas in dimme and doubtfull light they be gathered together , and more earnestly fixed vpon religion and devotion : which because it is not there of one sort among all men , and yet all the kinds and fashions of it , though they be sundry and manifold , agree together in the honor of divine nature , as going divers wayes to one end : therefore nothing is seene or heard in the Churches , but that seemeth to agree indifferently with them all . If there be a distinct kind of Sacrifice peculiar to any severall sect , that they execute at home in their owne houses . The common sacrifices be so ordered , that they be no derogation nor prejudice to any of the private sacrifices and religions . Therefore no Image of any GOD is seene in the Church , to the intent it may be free for every man to conceiue GOD by their religion after what likenesse and similitude they will. They call vpon no peculiar name of GOD but onely Mythra . In the which word they all agree together in one nature of the divine Majesty whatsoever it be . No prayers be vsed such as every man may boldly pronounce without the offending of any Sect. They come therefore to the Church , the last day of every Moneth and yeare in the evening yet fasting , there to give thankes to GOD for that they have prosperously passed over the yeare or Moneth , whereof that holiday is the last day . The next day they come to the Church earely in the morning to pray to God that they may have good fortune and successe all the New yeare or Moneth , which they doe vse to begin of that same holy day . But in the holy dayes that be the last dayes of the Moneths and yeares , before they come to the Church , the wives fall downe prostrate before their husbands feet at home , and the children before the feet of their parents , confessing and acknowledging themselves offenders either by some actuall deed , or by omission of their duty , and desire pardon for their offence . Thus if any cloud of priuy displeasure was risen at home , by this satisfaction it is over-blowne , that they may be present at the Sacrifices with pure and charitable minds . For they be afraid to come there with troubled consciences . Therefore if they know themselves to beare any hatred or grudge towards any man , they presume not to come to the sacrifices , before they have reconciled themselves and purged their consciences , for feare of great vengeance and punishment for their offence . When they be come thither , the men goe into the right side of the Church , and the women into the left side . There they place themselves in such order , that all they which be of the male-kind in every houshold , sit before the good man of the house ; and they of the female kind before the good wife . Thus it is fore-seene , that all their gestures and behaviours be marked and observed abroad of them , by whose authority and discipline they be governed at home . This also they diligently see unto , that the younger evermore be coupled with his elder , least children being joyned together , they should passe over the time in childish wantonnesse , wherein they ought principally ●o conceive a religious & devout feare towards GOD : which is the chiefe and almost the only incitation to vertue . They kill no living beast in sacrifice , nor they thinke not that the mercifull clemencie of GOD doth dwell in bloud and slaughter , which hath given life to beasts to the intent they should live . They burne frankensence , and other sweet savors , and light also a great number of waxe candles and tapers , not supposing this geere to be any thing availeable to the divine nature , as neither the prayers of men . But this unhurtfull and harmelesse kind of worship pleaseth them . And by these sweet savours and lights , and other such ceremonies men feele themselves secretly lifted vp , and incouraged to devotion with more willing and fervent hearts . The people weareth in the Church white apparell . The Priest is cloathed in changeable colours , which in workmanship be excellent , but in stuffe not very precious . For their vestments be neither imbrodered with gold , nor set with precious stones . But they be wrought so finely and cunningly with divers feathers of fowles , that the estimation of no earthly stuffe is able to countervaile the price of the work . Furthermore , in these birds feathers , and in the due order of them , which is observed in their setting ; they say , is contained certaine divine mysteries . The interpretation whereof knowne , which is diligently taught by the Priests , they be out in remembrance of the bountifull benefits of God toward them , and of the loue and honour which of their behalfe is due to God : and also of their duties one toward another . When the Priest first commeth out of the Vestry thus apparelled , they fall downe incontinent every one reverently to the ground , with so still silence , that the very fashiō of the thing striketh into them a certaine feare of God , as though he were there personally present . When they haue l●en a little space on the ground , the Priest giveth them a signe to rise . Then they sing praises vnto God , which they intermixe with instruments of musicke , for the most part of other fashions then-these that we vse in this part of the world . And like as some of ours be much sweeter then theirs , so some of theirs doe far passe ours . But in one thing doubtlesse they goe exceeding farre beyond vs. For all their musicke both that they play vpon instruments , and that they sing with mans voice , doth so resemble and expresse naturall affections , the sound and tune is so applied and made agreeable to the thing , that whether it be a prayer , or else a duty of gladnesse , of patience , of trouble , of mourning , or of anger : the fashion of the melody doth so represent the meaning of the thing , that it doth wonderfully move , stirre , pierce , and enflame the hearers minds . At the last , the people and the Priest together , rehearse solemne prayers in words , expressely pronounced , so made , that every man may privately apply to himselfe that which is commonly spoken of all . In these prayers every man recogniseth , and knowledgeth God to be his maker , his governor , and the principall cause of all other goodnesse , thanking him for so many benefits received at his hand . But namely that through the favour of God he hath chanced into that publike weale , which is most happy and wealthy , and hath chosen that religion which he hopeth to be most true . In the which thing if he doe any thing erre , or if there be any other better then either of them is , being more acceptable to God , he desireth him that he will of his goodnes let him have knowledge thereof , as one that is ready to follow what way soever he will lead him . But if this forme and fashion of a Common-wealth be best , and his owne religion most true and pefect , then he desireth GOD to give him a constant stedfastnesse in the same , and to bring all other people to the same order of living , and to the same opinion of God , unlesse there be any thing that in this diversity of Religions doth delight his unsearchable pleasure . To be short , he prayeth him that after his death he may come to him . But how soone or late that he dare not assigne nor determine . How beit , if it might stand with his Majesties pleasure , he would be much gladder to die a painfull death and so to goe to GOD , then by long living in worldly prosperity to be away from him . When this prayer is said , they fall down to the ground againe and a little after they rise vp and goe to dinner . And the residue of the day they passe over in playes , and exercise of chiualry . Now I haue declared and prescribed unto you as truely as I could , the forme and order of that Common-wealth , which verily in my judgement is not onely the best , but also that which alone of good right may claime and take vpon it the name of a Common-welth or publike weal. For in other places ▪ they speake still of the Common wealth . But every man procureth his owne private gaine . Here where nothing is private , the common affaires be earnestly looked vpon . And truly on both parts they have good cause so to doe as they doe . For in other Countries who knoweth not that he shall starve for hunger , unlesse he make some severall provision for himselfe , though the Common wealth flourish never so much in riches ? And therefore he is compelled even of very necessity to haue regard to himselfe , rather then to the people , that is to say , to others . Contrariwise , there where all things be common to every man , it is not to be doubted that any man shall lacke any thing necessary for his private vses , so that the common store houses and barnes be sufficiently stored . For there nothing is destributed after a niggish sort , neither there is any poore man or begger . And though no man have any thing , yet every man is rich . For what can be more rich , then to live joyfull and merrily , without all griefe and pensivenesse : Not caring for his owne living , nor vexed or troubled with his wifes importunate complaints , nor dreading poverty to his sonne , nor sorrowfull for his daughters dowry . Yea they take no care at all for the living and wealth of themselves and all theirs , and their wives , their children , their nephewes , their childrens children , and all the succession that ever shall follow in their posterity . And yet besides this , there is no lesse provision for them that were once labourers , and be now weake and impotent , then for them that doe now labour and take paine . Here now would I see , If any man dare be so bold as to compare with the equity , the justice of other Nations . Among whom , I forsake GOD , if I can find any signe or token of equity and justice . For what justice is this , that a rich Gold-smith , or an Vsurer , or to be short , any of them , which either doe nothing at all , or else that which they do is such , that it is not very necessary to the Common-wealth , should have a pleasant and a wealthy living , either by idlenesse , or by unnecessary businesse : When in the meane time poore labourers , Carters , yron smiths , Carpenters , and ploughmen , by so great and continuall toyle , as drawing and bearing beasts be scant able to sustaine , and again so necessary toyle , that without it no Common-wealth were able to continue and endure one yeare , should yet get so hard and poore a living , and live so wretched and miserable a life , that the state and condition of the labouring beast may seeme much better and wealthier ? For they be not put to so continuall labour , nor their living is not much worse : yea , to them much pleasanter , taking no thought in the meane season for the time to come . But these silly poore wretches be presently tormented with barraine and unfruitfull labour . And the remembrance of their poore indigent and beggerly old age kille●● them vp . For their daily wages is so little , that it will not suffice for the same day , much lesse it yeeldeth any over-plus , that may daily be laid vp for the reliefe of old age . Is not this an unjust , and an unkind Publique weale , which giveth great fees and rewards to Gentlemen , as they call them , and to Goldsmiths , and to such other , which be either idle persons , or else onely flatterers , and devisers of vaine pleasures : And of the contrary part , maketh no gentle provision for poore Plowmen , Colliers , Labourers , Yron-smiths , and Carpenters , without whom no Common-wealth can continue ? But after it hath abused the Labourers of their lusty and flowring age , at the last when they be oppressed with old age and sicknesse being needy , poore , and indigent of all things , then so getting their so many painfull watchings , not remembring their so many and so great benefits , recompenceth and acquainteth them most unkindly , with miserable death . And yet besides this , the rich men not onely by private fraud , but also by common lawes , doe every day plucke and snatch away from the poore , some part of their daily living . So whereas it seemed before unjust to repentance with unkindnesse their paines , that they have beene beneficiall to the Common-weale , now they have to their wrong and unjust dealing ( which is yet a much worse point ) given the name of justice , yea , and that by force of a Law. Therefore when I consider and weigh in my mind all these Common-wealths , which now a dayes any where do flourish , so GOD helpe me , I can perceive nothing but a certaine conspiracy of rich men procuring their owne commodities , under the name and title of the Common-wealth . They invent and devise all meanes and crafts , first how to keepe safely without feare of loosing , that they have unjustly gathered together : and next how to hire and abuse the worke and labour of the poore for as little money as may be . These devises when the rich men have decreed to be kept and observed under colour of the communalty , that is to say , also of the poore people , then they be made lawes . But these most vicious and wicked men , when they have by their unsatiable covetousnesse , devided among themselves all those things which would have sufficed all men , yet how farre be they from the wealth and felicity of the Vtopian Common-wealth ? Out of the which , in that all the desire of money with the vse thereof is vtterly secluded and banished , how great a heape of cares is cut away ? How great an occasion of wickednesse and mischiefe is pulled vp by the root ? For who knoweth not that fraud , theft , ravine , brawling , quarrelling , b●abling , strife , chiding , contention , murder , treason , poisoning , which by daily punishments are rather revenged then refrained , doe die when money dyeth ? And also that feare , griefe , care , labours , and watching , doe perish even the very same moment that money perisheth ? Yet poverty it selfe , which onely seemed to lacke money , if money were gone , it also would decrease and vanish away . And that you may perceiue this more plainly , consider with your selves some barraine and unfruitfull yeare , wherein many thousands of people have starved for hunger : I dare be bold to say , that in the end of that penury , so much Corne or graine might have beene found in rich mens barnes , if they had beene searched , as being divided among them whō famine and pestilence then consumed , no man at all should have felt that plague and penury . So easily might men get their living if that same worthy Princesse Lady money did not alone stoppe vp the way betweene vs and our living , which a Gods name was very excellently devised and invented , that by her the way thereto should be opened . I am sure the rich men perceive this , nor they be not ignorant how much better it were to lacke no necessary thing , then to abound with overmuch superfluity : to be rid out of innumerable cares and troubles , then to be besieged and encombred with great riches . And I doubt not that either the respect of every mans private commodity , or else the authority of our Saviour Christ ( which for his great wisedome could not but know what were best , and for his inestimable goodnesse could not but counsell to that which he knew to the best ) would have brought all the World long agoe into the lawes of this Weale publike if it were not the one onely best , the Princesse and mother of all mischiefe Pride , doth withstand and let it . She measureth not wealth and prosperity by her owne commodities , but by the misery and incommodities of other : she would not by her good will be made a Goddesse , if there were no wretches left , over whom she might like a scornfull Lady rule and triumph , over whose miseries her felicities might shine , whose poverty she might vexe , torment and increase , by rigorously setting forth her riches . This hel-hound creepeth into mens hearts , and pulleth them backe from entring the right path of life , and is so deeply rooted in mens breasts , that she cannot be pulled out . This forme and fashion of a Weale publike , which I would gladly wish unto all Nations , I am glad yet that it chanced to the Vtopians , which have followed those institutions of life , whereby they have laid such foundations of their Common-wealth , as shall continue and last not onely wealthy , but also as farre as mans wit may judge and conjecture , shall endure for ever . For seeing the chiefe causes of Ambition ▪ and sedition , with other vices , be plucked vp by the roots , and abandoned at home there , can be no jeopardy of domesticall dissention , which alone hath cast underfoot and brought to naught the wel-fortified and strongly defenced wealth and riches of many Cities . But for as much as perfect concord remaineth , and wholsome lawes be executed at home , the envie of all forreigne Princes be not able to shake or moove the Empire , though they have many times long agoe gone about to doe it , being evermore driven backe . Thus when RAPHAEL had made an end of his tale , though many things came to my mind , which in the manners and lawes of that people , seemed to be instituted and founded of no good reason , but onely in the fashion of their chiualry , and in their Sacrifices , and Religions , and in other of their Lawes ; but also , yea and chiefly , in that which is the principall foundation of all their ordinances : that is to say , in the communalty of their life and living , without any occupying of money , by the which thing onely all nobility , magnificience , worship , honour , and majesty , the true ornaments and honours , as the common opinion is , of a Common-wealth , vtterly be overthrowne and destroyed : yet because I knew that he was weary of talking , and was not sure whether he could abide that any thing should be said against his mind : specially remembring that he had reprehended this fault in other , which be affraid least they should seeme not to be wise enough , unlesse they could find some fault in other mens inventions : therefore I praising both their institutions and his communication , tooke him by the hand , and lead him into supper , saying that we would choose another time to weigh and examine the same matters , and to talke with him more at large therein . Which would GOD it might once come to passe . In the meane time , as I cannot agree and consent to all things that he said , being else without doubt a man singularly well learned , and also in all wordly matter exactly and profoundly experienced : so must I needs confesse and grant , that many things be in the Vtopian Weale-publique , which in our Cities I may rather wish for , then hope after . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A07711-e340 Cuthbert Tunstall . Rophael Hithloday . Ships of strange fa●●i●●s . The Loadstone . Partiall judgement . Cardinall MORTON Of Lawes not made according to equity . By what meanes thee might be sower theeues and robbers . Idlenesse , the m●t●e● of theeues . Landlords by the way checked for Rent raising . Of idle Serving-men co●● theeues . Betweene souldiours and theeus small diversity . What inconve●●e ●ces commeth by continuall Garrisons of souldiours . Sheep-masters decayers of husband●● . The decay of husbandry causeth beggery , which is the mother of usg●●●●ds & theeves . The cause of dearth of victuals Woat inconvenience commeth of dearth of Wooll . The cause of dearth of Wooll . Dearth of cattell , with the cause therof . Dearth of victuals is the decay of house-keeping ; whereof c●s●eth beggery and thefs Excesse in apparell and d●●t , a maintainer of beggery and theft . Baudes , Whores , wine-tavernes , ale-houses , and unlawfull games ▪ be very mothers of thee●es . Richmen i●grossers and fore●tal●ers . The corrupt education of youth , a mother of theevery . He is worthily put to silence that ●s too full of words . That theft ●ught not to ●● punished by death . Straight Lawes not allowable . That mans law ought n●t to be prejudiciall to Gods law . Theft is the old law not punished by death . What in convenience ensueth of punishing theft with death . Punishing of theft by death causeth theft to be a murtherer . What lawfull punishment may be devised for Theft . How the Romans punished theft . A worthy and commendable punishmēt of theeves in the Weale publike of the Polilerites in Persia . A pr●vy nip for them that doe otherwise . Theeves condemned to be c●●●●● labo●ers . Serving-men . An ●vi● intent esteemed as the deed . The right ●●● and intenn of punishment . 〈◊〉 The ●●vering judgement● of 〈◊〉 . Sick , aged , impotent perso●s and begge●s . A common Proverbe among Beggers . A merry talke betweene a Fryar and a Foole. Talke qualified according to the person that speaketh . The Frēch men privily be counsailed from the desire of Italy . Lanceknights . A notable Example , and worthy to be followed . Enhancing and embesing of Coynes . Counterfes Warres . The 〈…〉 of old Lawes Restraint Selling of Licences . The saying of rich Crassus . Poverty the mother of debate , and decay of Realms . A wort●y saying of Fabrice . A stra●g● and notable law of the M●●●ri●●s Schoole Philosophy in the consultations of Princes hath no place . A ●ine and fit s●●ilitud● A d●mme player . The Vto pi●● weale publike . Plato willed all things in a Common-wealth to be common . Notes for div A07711-e2670 The fight and fashion of the new Iland Vtopia . A place naturally ●eaced , needeth one Garrison . A politike devise in the changing land-markes . The Iland of Vtopis , so named of King Vtopi● . Many hāds make light worke . Cities in Vtopia . Similitude causeth concord . A meane distance betweene City and City . The distribution of Lands . But this now a daies is the ground of all mischiefe . Husbandry & tillage , chiefly and principally regarded and advanced . The duties of men of husbandry . A strange fashion to ●atching and bringing vp of Pulle●● . The vse . of Horses The vse of Oxen. Bread and drinke . A great discretion in sowing of Corne. Mutuall helpe quickly dispatched . The vse of fresh water . The defence of the Townew●ls . Streets , Buildings and Houses To 〈…〉 This geare sine ●leth of Plato h●● community Glased o● canvased windowes . A Tranibore in the Vtopian tongue , signifieth a head or chiefe Peere . A me●vilous strange fashion in choosing Magistrates . Tyranny in a well ordered Weale publike vtterly to be abhorred . ●●ite● and ●…fies between party & party forthwith to be ended , which ●●w a dares of a set purpose be 〈…〉 de●a●ed . Against hosty and rash decrees or statutes . A custome worthy to be vsed in these daies in our Councels and Parli●ments . Similitude in apparell . No Citizen without a science . To what occupation every one is naturally inclined that let hi● . learne . Idle persons to be driven out of the Weale publique . A moderation in the labour and toyle of artificers . The study of good literature . Playing after supper . But new a daies dice-play is the pastime of Princes . Playes of games also profitable . The kinds of sorts of idle people . Women . Priests and religious men . Rich men and landed men . Serving-men . Sturdy and valiant beggars . Wonderfull wittily spoken . Not asmuch as the Magistrates liue idlely . Only learned men called to Offices . How to avo●●excessiv● 〈…〉 building . How to l●ss●n the char●e in apparell . The number of Citizens . Of the slaughter of Beasts , we have learned manslaughter . Filth and ordure b●ing the injection of Pestilence into Cities Care , diligence and attendance about the sicke , Everyman is at his liberty , so that nothing is done by compulsiō Women both dresse and serve the meat . Nurses . Nothing sooner provoketh men to well doing then praise and commendation . The eles C●tt●n of yong children The young mixed with their elders . Old men regarded and reverenced . This now adaies is observed in our Vniversity . Talke at Table . This is repugnant to the opinion of our Physiti●●s● Musicke at the Table . Pleasure without bar●e , commendable . O holy common-wealth and of Christians to be followed . Equality is the cause that every man hath enough . A common wealth is nothing else but a great houshold . In all things and aboue all things , to the community they haue an eye . By what policy money ●●y be in lesse estimation ▪ It is better either with money or by policy to avoid warr● th●● with much losse of ma●s blood to fight . O fine wit. Goldworse then yron as touching the necessary vse thereof . O●●● full 〈…〉 . Gold ●●● repr●…s . Gemme● and 〈…〉 ●to●●s , 〈…〉 ●●ildren to play ●●●all . A ver● pleasant t●le . O ●itty ●e●d . ●…ull ●…t●●…er 〈…〉 〈◊〉 an●●…t ●…t ●…y 〈…〉 A tru●t ●t●● and ●●itty How much more wi● is ●● the ●eds of the V●●●●an● , ●●●● of the common sort of Christians . The studies among the Vtopians . Musique , Logique , Arithmetique , Geonetrie . 〈…〉 lace 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 a vp●… A 〈…〉 ●●t among 〈…〉 t●is 〈…〉 Naturall Philosophy is a knowledge most uncertaine . Moral philosophie . The ends of good things . The Vtopians hold opinion that felicity consisteth t● honest pleasure . The theologie of the Vtopians . The immortality of the soule , whereof these daies certaine christians be doubtfull . As every pleasure ought to be imbraced , so griefe is not to be pursue I ●ut for vertues sake . In this definition of vertue they agree with th● S●●●cians ▪ The worke a●● effect of reason ●n ●●n . But now a daies some there be that willingly procure unto themselues painefull griefe , as though therein restedsome high point of religion where as rather the religiously disposed person , if they happen to him either by chance or else by naturall necessity ought patiently to receive and suffer them . Bargaines and lawes . The mutual recourse of kindnesse . The definition of pleasure . False and counterfeit pleasures The errour o●th ▪ ●● that ●…e more for apparels sake . Foolish honour . Pleasure in precious stones must foolish . The opinion and fancie of people doth a●g●●nt and diminish the price and estimation of precious stones . Hiders of Treasure . Dice-play Hunting and Hawking . Hunting the basest part of butchery among the Vtopians , yet this is now in the exercise of most noble men . The kindnesse of true pleasure Bodily health . Delecta●ions . The pleasures of the mind . The gifts of nature . Marke this well . The w●lth ●●● descirption of the V●●pi●●s . A wonderfull ●p● nesse to lea●●●g ●● the Vtopians . But now most block beaded Asse ▪ be set to learning , and most prog●●●●●its corrupt with pleasures . Phisicke highly regarded . The contemplation of nature . A●●●●vailons ●quity of this nation . 〈…〉 th●t be 〈…〉 . Voluntary de●th . Of Wedl●… . Diversement . The deseruing of punishment put to the discretion ▪ of the Magistrates . Motion to Adultery punished . Pleasure of fooles . Co●●terfe● beauty . Si●●e punished and vertue rewarded . The inordinate desire of honors condemned . Magistrats honoured . F●● Lawes . The multitude of Lawyers superfluous . The intent of Lawes . Victory deere bought . The Captaine is chiefly to be pursued to the intent the battaile may the sooner ●e ended . Their Armour . Of Truces Religious houses . Sedi●ious reasone●s punished . Novil● opinion to be conceived of mans worthy ●●t●re . Irreligious people secluded from all honours . A very strange saying . Deceit and falshood detested . A mar●eilous stronge opinion touching the soules of brute beasts . To die unwillingly an evill taken . A willing and merry death not to be lamented . Southsayers not regarded nor credited . Miracles . The life contemplation . The life active . It is not all one to be wise and good . Priests . Excommunicate . The Mejesty and preheminence of Priests . The observation of holy dayes among the Vtopians . Their Churches . Churches of adimme light , and a reason why . An order for place in the Church . Their Church ●sic●ke . Contempt of money . A marvai●●●● saying . 
A51327	----	Utopia written in Latin by Sir Thomas More, Chancellor of England ; translated into English. Utopia. English More, Thomas, Sir, Saint, 1478-1535. 1684 Approx. 235 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 104 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A51327 Wing M2691 ESTC R7176 12089518 ocm 12089518 53806 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51327) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53806) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 75:10) Utopia written in Latin by Sir Thomas More, Chancellor of England ; translated into English. Utopia. English More, Thomas, Sir, Saint, 1478-1535. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. [22], 206 p. Printed for Richard Chiswell ..., London : 1684. Translation of: Utopia. First ed. of Burnet's translation. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Utopias. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2006-02 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2006-04 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion UTOPIA : Written in Latin by Sir THOMAS MORE , CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND : Translated into English. LONDON ; Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard . MDCLXXXIV . THE PREFACE . THere is no way of writing so proper , for the refining and polishing a Language , as the translating of Books into it , if he that undertakes it , has a competent skill of the one Tongue , and is a Master of the other . When a Man writes his own Thoughts , the heat of his Fancy , and the quickness of his Mind , carry him so much after the Notions themselves , that for the most part he is too warm to judg of the aptness of Words , and the justness of Figures ; so that he either neglects these too much , or overdoes them : But when a Man translates , he has none of these Heats about him : and therefore the French took no ill Method , when they intended to reform and beautify their Language , in setting their best Writers on Work to translate the Greek and Latin Authors into it . There is so little praise got by Translations , that a Man cannot be engaged to it out of Vanity , for it has past for a sign of a slow Mind , that can amuse it self with so mean an Entertainment ; but we begin to grow wiser , and tho ordinary Translators must succeed ill in the esteem of the World , yet some have appeared of late that will , I hope , bring that way of writing in credit . The English Language has wrought it self out , both of the fulsome Pedantry under which it laboured long ago , and the trifling way of dark and unintelligible Wit that came after that , and out of the course extravagance of Canting that succeeded this : but as one Extream commonly produces another , so we were beginning to fly into a sublime pitch , of a strong but false Rhetorick , which had much corrupted , not only the Stage , but even the Pulpit ; two places , that tho they ought not to be named together , much less to resemble one another ; yet it cannot be denied , but the Rule and Measure of Speech is generally taken from them : but that florid strain is almost quite worn out , and is become now as ridiculous as it was once admired . So that without either the Expence or Labour that the French have undergone , our Language has , like a rich Wine , wrought out its Tartar , and is i●…insensibly brought to a Purity that could not have been compassed without much labour , had it not been for the great advantage that we have of a Prince , who is so great a Judg , that his single approbation or dislike has almost as great an Authority over our Language , as his Prerogative gives him over our Coin. We are now so much refined , that how defective soever our Imaginations or Reasonings may be , yet our Language has fewer Faults , and is more natural and proper , than it was ever at any time before . When one compares the best Writers of the last Age , with these that excel in this , the difference is very discernable : even the great Sir Francis Bacon , that was the first that writ our Language correctly ; as he is still our best Author , yet in some places has Figures so strong , that they could not pass now before a severe Judg. I will not provoke the present Masters of the Stage , by preferring the Authors of the last Age to them : for tho they all acknowledg that they come far short of B. Iohnson , Beamont and Fletcher , yet I believe they are better pleased to say this themselves , than to have it observed by others . Their Language is now certainly properer , and more natural than it was formerly , chiefly since the correction that was given by the Rehearsal ; and it is to be hoped , that the Essay on Poetry , which may be well matched with the best Pieces of its kind that even Augustus's Age produced , will have a more powerful Operation , if clear sense , joined with home but gentle Reproofs , can work more on our Writers , than that unmerciful exposing of them has done . I have now much leisure , and want diversion , so I have bestowed some of my hours upon Translations , in which I have proposed no ill Patterns to my self : but the Reader will be best able to judg whether I have copied skilfully after such Originals . This small Volume which I now publish , being writ by one of the greatest Men that this Island has produced , seemed to me to contain so many fine and well-digested Notions , that I thought it might be no unkind nor ill entertainment to the Nation , to put a Book in their Hands , to which they have so good a Title , and which has a very common fate upon it , to be more known and admired all the World over , than here at Home . It was once translated into English not long after it was written ; and I was once apt to think it might have been done by Sir Thomas More himself : for as it is in the English of his Age , and not unlike his Stile ; so the Translator has taken a liberty that seems too great for any but the Author himself , who is Master of his own Book , and so may leave out or alter his Original as he pleases : which is more than a Translator ought to do , I am sure it is more than I have presumed to do . It was writ in the Year 1516 , as appears by the Date of the Letter of Peter Giles's , in which he says , That it was sent him but a few days before from the Author , and that bears date the first of November that Year ; but I cannot imagine how he comes to be called Sheriff of London in the Title of the Book , for in all our printed Catalogues of Sheriffs , his Name is not to be found . I do not think my self concerned in the Matter of his Book , no more than any other Translator is in his Author : nor do I think More himself went in heartily to that which is the chief Basis of his Utopia , the taking away of all Property , and the levelling the World ; but that he only intended to set many Notions in his Reader 's way ; and that he might not seem too much in earnest , he went so far out of all Roads to do it the less suspected : the earnestness with which he recommends the precaution used in Marriages among the Utopians , makes one think that he had a misfortune in his own choice , and that therefore he was so cautious on that Head ; for the strictness of his Life covers him from severe Censures : His setting out so barbarous a practice , as the hiring of Assassinates to take off Enemies , is so wild and so immoral both , that it does not admit of any thing to soften or excuse it , much less to justify it ; and the advising Men in some Cases to put an end to their Lives , notwithstanding all the Caution with which he guards it , is a piece of rough and fierce Philosophy . The tenderest part of the whole Work , was the representation he gives of Henry the Seventh's Court ; and his Discourses upon it , towards the end of the first Book , in which his Disguise is so thin , that the Matter would not have been much plainer if he had named him : But when he ventured to write so freely of the Father in the Son's Reign , and to give such an Idea of Government under the haughtiest Prince , and the most impatient of uneasy Restraints that ever reigned in England , who yet was so far from being displeased with him for it , that as he made him long his particular Friend , so he employed him in all his Affairs afterwards , and raised him to be L. Chancellor , I thought I might venture to put it in more Modern English : for as the Translators of Plutarch's Hero's , or of Tullies Offices , are not concerned , either in the Maxims , or in the Actions that they relate ; so I , who only tell , in the best English I can , what Sir Thomas More writ in very Elegant Latin , must leave his Thoughts and Notions to the Reader 's censure , and do think my self liable for nothing but the fidelity of the Translation , and the correctness of the English ; and for that I can only say , that I have writ as carefully , and as well as I can . THE Author's Epistle TO PETER GILES . I Am almost ashamed , my dearest Peter Giles , to send you this Book of the Utopian Common-Wealth , after almost a Years delay ; whereas no doubt you look'd for it within six Weeks : for as you know I had no occasion for using my Invention , or for taking pains to put things into any method , because I had nothing to do , but to repeat exactly those things that I heard Raphael relate in your presence ; so neither was there any occasion given for a studied Eloquence : since as he delivered things to us of the sudden , and in a careless Stile ; so he being , as you know , a greater Master of the Greek , than of the Latin ; the plainer my words are , they will resemble his simplicity the more : and will be by consequence the nearer to the Truth , and that is all that I think lies on me : and it is indeed the only thing in which I thought my self concerned . I confess , I had very little left on me in this Matter , for otherwise the inventing and ordering of such a Scheme , would have put a Man of an ordinary pitch , either of Capacity , or of Learning , to some pains , and have cost him some time ; but if it had been necessary that this Relation should have been made , not only truly , but eloquently , it could never have been performed by me , even after all the pains and time that I could have bestowed upon it . My part in it was so very small , that it could not give me much trouble , all that belonged to me being only to give a true and full account of the things that I had heard : but although this required so very little of my time ; yet even that little was long denied me by my other Affairs , which press much upon me : for while in pleading , and hearing , and in judging or composing of Causes , in waiting on some Men upon Business , and on others out of Respect , the greatest part of the Day is spent on other Mens Affairs , the remainder of it must be given to my Family at home : So that I can reserve no part of it to my self , that is , to my Study : I must talk with my Wife , and chat with my Children , and I have somewhat to say to my Servants ; for all these things I reckon as a part of Business , except a Man will resolve to be a Stranger at Home : and with whomsoever either Nature , Chance , or Choice has engaged a Man , in any Commerce , he must endeavour to make himself as acceptable to these about him , as he possibly can ; using still such a temper in it , that he may not spoil them by an excessive gentleness , so that his Servants may not become his Masters . In such things as I have named to you , do Days , Months , and Years slip away ; what is then left for Writing ? and yet I have said nothing of that time that must go for Sleep , or for Meat : in which many do waste almost as much of their time , as in Sleep , which consumes very near the half of our Life ; and indeed all the time which I can gain to my self , is that which I steal from my Sleep and my Meals ; and because that is not much , I have made but a slow progress ; yet because it is somewhat , I have at last got to an end of my Utopia , which I now send to you , and expect that after you have read it , you will let me know if you can put me in mind of any thing that has escaped me ; for tho I would think my self very happy , if I had but as much Invention and Learning as I know I have Memory , which makes me generally depend much upon it , yet I do not relie so entirely on it , as to think I can forget nothing . My Servant John Clement has started some things that shake me : You know he was present with us , as I think he ought to be at every Conversation that may be of use to him , for I promise my self great Matters from the progress he has so early made in the Greek and Roman Learning . As far as my Memory serves me , the Bridg over Anider at Amaurot , was 500 paces broad , according to Raphael's account ; but John assures me , he spoke only of 300 paces ; therefore I pray you recollect what you can remember of this , for if you agree with him , I will believe that I have been mistaken ; but if you remember nothing of it , I will not alter what I have written , because it is according to the best of my remembrance : for as I will take care that there may be nothing falsly set down ; so if there is any thing doubtful , tho I may perhaps tell a lie , yet I am sure I will not make one ; for I would rather pass for a good Man , than for a wise Man : but it will be easy to correct this Mistake , if you can either meet with Raphael himself , or know how to write to him . I have another Difficulty that presses me more , and makes your writing to him the more necessary : I know not whom I ought to blame for it , whether Raphael , you , or my self ; for as we did not think of asking it , so neither did he of telling us , in what part of the new-found World Utopia is situated ; this was such an omission that I would gladly redeem it at any rate : I am ashamed , that after I have told so many things concerning this Island , I cannot let my Readers know in what Sea it lies . There are some among us that have a mighty desire to go thither , and in particular , one pious Divine is very earnest on it , not so much out of a vain curiosity of seeing unknown Countries , as that he may advance our Religion , which is so happily begun to be planted there ; and that he may do this regularly , he intends to procure a Mission from the Pope , and to be sent thither as their Bishop . In such a case as this , he makes no scruple of aspiring to that Character , and thinks it is rather meritorious to be ambitious of it , when one desires it only for advancing the Christian Religion , and not for any Honour or Advantage that may be had by it , but is acted meerly by a pious Zeal . Therefore I earnestly beg it of you , if you can possibly meet with Raphael , or if you know how to write to him , that you will be pleased to inform your self of these things , that there may be no falshood left in my Book , nor any important Truth wanting . And ▪ perhaps it will not be unfit to let him see the Book it self : for as no Man can correct any Errors that may be in it , so well as he ; so by reading it , he will be able to give a more perfect judgment of it than he can do upon any Discourse concerning it : and you will be likewise able to discover whether this Vndertaking of mine is acceptable to him or not ; for if he intends to write a Relation of his Travels , perhaps he will not be pleased that I should prevent him , in that part that belongs to the Utopian Common-Wealth ; since if I should do so , his Book will not surprize the World with the pleasure which this new Discovery will give the Age. And I am so little fond of appearing in print upon this occasion , that if he dislikes it , I will lay it aside ; And even though he should approve of it , I am not positively determined as to the publishing of it . Mens tastes differ much ; some are of so morose a Temper , so sour a Disposition , and make such absurd Iudgments of Things , that Men of chearful and lively Tempers , who indulge their Genius , seem much more happy , than those who waste their time and strength in order to the publishing some Book , that tho of it self it might be useful or pleasant , yet instead of being well received , will be sure to be either loathed at , or censured . Many know nothing of Learning , and others despise it : a Man that is accustomed to a course and harsh Sile , thinks every thing is rough that is not barbarous . Our trifling Pretenders to Learning , think all is slight that is not drest up in words that are worn out of use ; some love only old things , and many like nothing but what is their own . Some are so sour , that they can allow no Iests , and others are so dull that they can endure nothing that is sharp ; and some are as much afraid of any thing that is quick or lively , as a Man bit with a mad Dog is of Water ; others are so light and unsetled , that their Thoughts change as quick as they do their Postures : and some , when they meet in Taverns , take upon them among their Cups to pass Censures very freely on all Writers ; and with a supercilious liberty to condemn every thing that they do not like : in which they have the advantage that a bald Man has , who can catch hold of another by the Hair , while the other cannot return the like upon him . They are safe as it were of Gun-shot , since there is nothing in them considerable enough to be taken hold of . And some are so unthankful , that even when they are well-pleased with a Book , yet they think they owe nothing to the Author ; and are like those rude Guests , who after they have been well entertained at a good Dinner , go away when they have glutted their Appetites , without so much as thanking him that treated them . But who would put himself to the charge of making a Feast for Men of such nice Palats , and so different Tastes ; who are so forgetful of the Civilities that are done them ? But do you once clear those Points with Raphael , and then it will be time enough to consider whether it be fit to publish it or not ; for since I have been at the pains to write it , if he consents to the publishing it , I will follow my Friend's Advice , and chiefly yours . Farewel my dear Peter , commend me kindly to your good Wise , and love me still as you use to do , for I assure you I love you daily more and more . The Discourses of RAPHAEL HYTHLODAY , Of the best State of a Common-Wealth . Written by Sir Thomas More , Citizen and Sheriff of London . HENRY the 8th , the unconquered King of England , a Prince adorned with all the Vertues that become a great Monarch ; having some Differences of no small Consequence with Charles the most serene Prince of Castile , sent me into Flanders as his Ambassador , for treating and composing Matters between them . I was Collegue and Companion to that incomparable Man Cuthbert Tonstal , whom the King made lately Master of the Rolls , with such an Universal Applause ; of whom I will say nothing , not because I fear that the Testimony of a Friend will be suspected , but rather because his Learning and Vertues are greater than that they can be set forth with advantage by me , and they are so well known , that they need not my Commendations , unless I would , according to the Proverb , Shew the Sun with a Lanthorn . Those that were appointed by the Prince to treat with us , met us at Bruges , according to Agreement : they were all worthy Men. The Markgrave of Bruges was their Head , and the chief Man among them ; but he that was esteemed the wisest , and that spoke for the rest , was George Temse the Provost of Casselsee ; both Art and Nature had concurred to make him eloquent : He was very learned in the Law ; and as he had a great Capacity , so by a long practice in Affairs , he was very dextrous at them . After we had met once and again , and could not come to an Agreement , they went to Brussels for some days to receive the Prince's Pleasure . And since our Business did admit of it , I went to Antwerp : While I was there , among many that visited me , there was one that was more acceptable to me than any other ; Peter Giles born at Antwerp , who is a Man of great Honour , and of a good Rank in his Town ; yet it is not such as he deserves : for I do not know if there be any where to be found a learneder and a better bred young Man : for as he is both a very worthy Person , and a very knowing Man ; so he is so civil to all Men , and yet so particularly kind to his Friends , and is so full of Candor and Affection , that there is not perhaps above one or two to be found any where , that is in all respects so perfect a Friend as he is : He is extraordinarily modest , there is no artifice in him ; and yet no Man has more of a prudent simplicity than he has : His Conversation was so pleasant and so innocently chearful , that his Company did in a great measure lessen any longings to go back to my Country , and to my Wife and Children , which an absence of four months had quickned very much . One day as I was returning home from Mass at St. Maries , which is the chief Church , and the most frequented of any in Antwerp , I saw him by accident talking with a Stranger , that seemed past the flower of his Age ; his Face was tanned , he had a long Beard , and his Cloak was hanging carelesly about him , so that by his Looks and Habit , I concluded he was a Seaman . As soon as Peter saw me , he came and saluted me ; and as I was returning his Civility , he took me aside , and pointing to him with whom he had been discoursing , he said , Do you see that Man ? I was just thinking to bring him to you . I answered , He should have been very welcome on your account : And on his own too , replied he , if you knew the Man ; for there is none alive that can give you so copious an account of unknown Nations and Countries as he can do ; which I know you very much desire . Then said I , I did not guess amiss , for at first sight I took him for a Seaman : But you are much mistaken , said he , for he has not sailed as a Seaman , but as a Traveller , or rather as a Philosopher ; for this Raphael , who from his Family carries the Name of Hythloday , as he is not ignorant of the Latine Tongue , so he is eminently learned in the Greek , having applied himself more particularly to that than to the former , because he had given himself much to Philosophy , in which he knew that the Romans have left us nothing that is valuable , except what is to be found in Seneca and Cicero . He is a Portuguese by birth , and was so desirous of seeing the World , that he divided his Estate among his Brothers , and run Fortunes with Americus Vesputius , and bore a share in three of his four Voyages , that are now published : only he did not return with him in his last , but obtained leave of him almost by force , that he might be one of those four and twenty who were left at the farthest place at which they touched , in their last Voyage to New Castile . The leaving him thus , did not a little gratify one that was more fond of travelling than of returning home , to be buried in his own Country : for he used often to say , That the way to Heaven was the same from all places ; and he that had no Grave , had the Heavens still over him . Yet this disposition of Mind had cost him dear , if God had not been very gracious to him ; for after he , with five Castilians , had travelled over many Countries , at last , by a strange good fortune , he got to Ceylon , and from thence to Calicut , and there he very happily found some Portuguese Ships ; and so , beyond all Mens expectations , he came back to his own Country . When Peter had said this to me , I thanked him for his kindness , in intending to give me the acquaintance of a Man , whose Conversation he knew would be so acceptable to me ; and upon that Raphael and I embraced one another : And after those Civilities were past , which are ordinary for Strangers upon their first meeting , We went all to my House , and entring into the Garden , sat down on a green Bank , and entertained one another in Discourse . He told us , that when Vesputius had sailed away , he and his Companions that staid behind in New-Castile , did by degrees insinuate themselves into the People of the Country , meeting often with them , and treating them gently : and at last they grew not only to live among them without danger , but to converse familiarly with them ; and got so far into the Heart of a Prince , whose Name and Country I have forgot , that he both furnished them plentifully with all things necessary , and also with the conveniences of travelling ; both Boats when they went by Water , and Wagons when they travelled over Land ; and he sent with them a very faithful Guide , who was to introduce and recommend them to such other Princes as they had a mind to see : and after many days Journey , they came to Towns , and Cities , and to Common-Wealths , that were both happily governed , and well-peopled . Under the Aequator , and as far on both sides of it as the Sun moves , there lay vast Deserts that were parched with the perpetual heat of the Sun ; the Soil was withered , all Things look'd dismally , and all Places were either quite uninhabited , or abounded with Wild Beasts and Serpents , and some few Men , that were neither less wild , nor less cruel than the Beasts themselves . But as they went farther , a new Scene opened , all things grew milder , the Air less burning , the Soil more verdant , and even the Beasts were less wild : And at last there are Nations , Towns , and Cities , that have not only mutual commerce among themselves , and with their Neighbours , but trade both by Sea and Land , to very remote Countries . There they found the Conveniencies of seeing many Countries on all Hands , for no Ship went any Voyage into which he and his Companions were not very welcome . The first Vessels that they saw were Flat-bottomed , their Sails were made of Reeds and Wicker woven close together , only some were made of Leather ; but afterwards they found Ships made with round Keels , and Canvass Sails , and in all things like our Ships : and the Seamen understood both Astronomy and Navigation . He got wonderfully into their favour , by shewing them the use of the Needle , of which till then they were utterly ignorant ; and whereas they sailed before with great caution , and only in Summer-time , now they count all Seasons alike , trusting wholly to the Loadstone , in which they are perhaps more secure than safe ; so that there is reason to fear , that this Discovery which was thought would prove so much to their Advantage , may by their imprudence become an occasion of much Mischief to them . But it were too long to dwell on all that he told us he had observed in every place , it would be too great a digression from our present purpose : and what-ever is necessary to be told , chiefly concerning the wise and prudent Institutions that he observed among civilized Nations , may perhaps be related by us on a more proper occasion . We ask'd him many questions concerning all these things , to which he answered very willingly ; only we made no enquiries after Monsters , than which nothing is more common ; for every where one may hear of ravenous Dogs and Wolves , and cruel Men-eaters ; but it is not so easy to find States that are well and wisely governed . But as he told us of many things that were amiss in those New-found Nations , so he reckoned up not a few things , from which Patterns might be taken for correcting the Errors of these Nations among whom we live ; of which an account may be given , as I have already promised , at some other time ; for at present I intend only to relate these Particulars that he told us of the Manners and Laws of the Vtopians : but I will begin with the Occasion that led us to speak of that Common-Wealth . After Raphael had discoursed with great judgment of the Errors that were both among us and these Nations , of which there was no small number , and had treated of the wise Institutions both here and there , and had spoken as distinctly of the Customs and Government of every Nation through which he had past , as if he had spent his whole Life in it ; Peter being struck with admiration , said , I wonder , Raphael , how it comes that you enter into no King's Service , for I am sure there are none to whom you would not be very acceptable : for your Learning and Knowledg , both of Men and Things , is such , that you would not only entertain them very pleasantly , but be of good use to them , by the Examples that you could set before them , and the Advices that you could give them ; and by this means you would both serve your own Interest , and be of great use to all your Friends . As for my Friends , answered he , I need not be much concerned , having already done all that was incumbent on me toward them ; for when I was not only in good Health , but fresh and young , I distributed that among my Kindred and Friends , which other People do not part with till they are old and sick ; and then they unwillingly give among them , that which they can enjoy no longer themselves . I think my Friends ought to rest contented with this , and not to expect that for their sakes I should enslave my self to any King whatsoever . Soft and fair , said Peter , I do not mean that you should be a Slave to any King , but only that you should assist them , and be useful to them . The change of the Word , said he , does not alter the Matter . But term it as you will , replied Peter , I do not see any other way in which you can be so useful , both in private to your Friends , and to the Publick , and by which you can make your own Condition happier . Happier ! answered Raphael , is that to be compassed in a way so abhorrent to my Genius ? Now I live as I will , to which I believe few Courtiers can pretend : and there are so very many that court the Favour of great Men , that there will be no great loss , if they are not troubled either with me , or with others of my temper . Upon this , I said , I perceive Raphael that you neither desire Wealth nor Greatness ; and indeed I value and admire such a Man much more than I do any of the great Men in the World. Yet I think you would do a thing well-becoming so generous and so philosophical a Soul as yours is , if you would apply your Time and Thoughts to Publick Affairs , even though you may happen to find that a little uneasy to your self ; and this you can never do with so much advantage , as by being taken into the Council of some great Prince , and by setting him on to noble and worthy Things , which I know you would do if you were in such a Post ; for the Springs , both of Good and Evil , flow over a whole Nation , from the Prince , as from a lasting Fountain . So much Learning as you have , even without practice in Affairs ; or so great a practice as you have had , without any other Learning , would render you a very fit Counsellor to any King whatsoever , You are doubly mistaken , said he , Mr. More , both in your Opinion of me , and in the Judgment that you make of things : for as I have not that Capacity that you fancy to be in me ; so if I had it , the Publick would not be one jot the better , when I had sacrificed my quiet to it . For most Princes apply themselves more to warlike Matters , than to the useful Arts of Peace ; and in these I neither have any knowledg , nor do I much desire it : They are generally more set on acquiring new Kingdoms , right or wrong , than on governing those well that they have : and among the Ministers of Princes , there are none that either are not so wise as not to need any assistance , or at least that do not think themselves so wise , that they imagine they need none ; and if they do court any , it is only those for whom the Prince has much personal Favour , whom by their Faunings and Flatteries they endeavour to fix to their own Interests : and indeed Nature has so made us , that we all love to be flattered , and to please our selves with our own Notions . The old Crow loves his Young , and the Ape his Cubs . Now if in such a Court , made up of Persons that envy all others , and do only admire themselves , one should but propose any thing that he had either read in History , or observed in his Travels , the rest would think that the Reputation of their Wisdom would sink , and that their Interests would be much depressed , if they could not run it down : And if all other things failed , then they would fly to this , That such or such things pleased our Ancestors , and it were well for us if we could but match them . They would set up their Rest on such an Answer , as a sufficient confutation of all that could be said ; as if this were a great Mischief , that any should be found wiser than his Ancestors : But tho they willingly let go all the good Things that were among those of former Ages ; yet if better things are proposed , they cover themselves obstinately with this excuse , of reverence to past Times . I have met with these proud , morose , and absurd Judgments of Things in many places , particularly once in England . Was you ever there , said I ? Yes , I was , answered he , and staid some months there , not long after the Rebellion in the West was suppressed , with a great slaughter of the poor People that were engaged in it . I was then much obliged to that reverend Prelate Iohn Morton Archbishop of Canterbury , Cardinal , and Chancellor of England ; a Man , said he , Peter ( for Mr. More knows well what he was ) that was not less venerable for his Wisdom and Vertues , than for the high Character he bore : He was of a middle stature , not broken with Age ; his looks begot Reverence rather than Fear ; his Conversation was easy , but serious and grave ; he took pleasure sometimes to try the force of those that came as Suiters to him upon Business , by speaking sharply , tho decently to them , and by that he discovered their Spirit and presence of Mind ; with which he was much delighted , when it did not grow up to an impudence , as bearing a great resemblance to his own temper ; and he look'd on such Persons as the fittest Men for Affairs . He spoke both gracefully and weightily ; he was eminently skilled in the Law , and had a vast Understanding , and a prodigious Memory : and those excellent Talents with which Nature had furnished him , were improved by Study and Experience . When I was in England , the King depended much on his Councils , and the Government seemed to be chiefly supported by him ; for from his Youth up , he had been all along practised in Affairs ; and having passed through many Traverses of Fortune , he had acquired to his great cost , a vast stock of Wisdom : which is not soon lost , when it is purchased so dear . One day when I was dining with him , there hapned to be at Table one of the English Lawyers , who took occasion to run out in a high commendation of the severe execution of Justice upon Thieves , who , as he said , were then hanged so fast , that there were sometimes 20 on one Gibbet ; and upon that he said , he could not wonder enough how it came to pass , that since so few escaped , there were yet so many Thieves left who were still robbing in all places . Upon this , I who took the boldness to speak freely before the Cardinal , said , There was no reason to wonder at the Matter , since this way of punishing Thieves , was neither just in it Self , nor good for the Publick ; for as the Severity was too great , so the Remedy was not effectual ; simple Theft not being so great a Crime , that it ought to cost a Man his Life ; and no Punishment how severe soever , being able to restrain those from robbing , who can find out no other way of livelihood ; and in this , said I , not only you in England , but a great part of the World , imitate some ill Masters , that are readier to chastise their Scholars , than to teach them . There are dreadful Punishments enacted against Thieves , but it were much better to make such good Provisions , by which every Man might be put in a Method how to live , and so be preserved from the fatal necessity of stealing , and of dying for it . There has been care enough taken for that , said he , there are many Handycrafts , and there is Husbandry , by which they may make a shift to live , unless they have a greater mind to follow ill Courses . That will not serve your turn , said I , for many lose their Limbs in Civil or Forreign Wars , as lately in the Cornish Rebellion , and some time ago in your Wars with France , who being thus mutilated in the Service of their King and Country , can no more follow their old Trades , and are too old to learn new Ones : But since Wars are only accidental Things , and have Intervals , let us consider those Things that fall out every day . There is a great number of Noble Men among you , that live not only idle themselves as Drones , subsisting by other Mens Labours , who are their Tenants , and whom they pare to the quick , and thereby raise their Revenues ; this being the only instance of their Frugality , for in all other things they are Prodigal , even to the beggering of themselves : But besides this , they carry about with them a huge number of idle Fellows , who never learn'd any Art by which they may gain their Living ; and these , as soon as either their Lord dies , or they themselves fall sick , are turned out of Doors ; for your Lords are readier to feed idle People , than to take care of the sick ; and often the Heir is not able to keep together so great a Family as his Predecessor did : Now when the Stomachs of those that are thus turned out of Doors , grow keen , they rob no less keenly ; and what else can they do ? for after that , by wandring about , they have worn out both their Health and their Cloaths , and are tattered , and look ghastly , Men of Quality will not entertain them , and poor Men dare not do it ; knowing that one who has been bred up in Idleness and Pleasure , and who was used to walk about with his Sword and Buckler , despising all the Neighbourhood with an insolent Scorn , as far below him , is not fit for the Spade and Mattock : Nor will he serve a poor Man for so small a Hire , and in so low a Diet as he can afford . To this he answered , This sort of Men ought to be particularly cherished among us , for in them consists the Force of the Armies for which we may have occasion ; since their Birth inspires them with a nobler sence of Honour , than is to be found among Tradesmen or Ploughmen . You may as well say , replied I , that you must cherish Thieves on the account of Wars , for you will never want the one , as long as you have the other ; and as Robbers prove sometimes gallant Souldiers , so Souldiers prove often brave Robbers ; so near an Alliance there is between those two sorts of Life . But this bad custom of keeping many Servants , that is so common among you , is not peculiar to this Nation . In France there is yet a more pestiferous sort of People , for the whole Country is full of Souldiers , that are still kept up in time of Peace ; if such a state of a Nation can be called a Peace : and these are kept in Pay upon the same account that you plead for those Idle Retainers about Noble Men : this being a Maxim of those pretended Statesmen , That it is necessary for the Publick Safety , to have a good Body of Veteran Souldiers ever in readiness . They think raw Men are not to be depended on , and they sometimes seek Occasions for making War , that they may train up their Souldiers in the Art of cutting Throats , or as Salust observed , for keeping their Hands in use , that they may not grow dull by too long an intermission . But France has learn'd , to its cost , how dangerous it is to feed such Beasts . The Fate of the Romans , Carthaginians , and Syrians , and many other Nations , and Cities , which were both overturned , and quite ruined by those standing Armies , should make others wiser : and the folly of this Maxim of the French , appears plainly even from this , that their trained Souldiers find your raw Men prove often too hard for them ; of which I will not say much , lest you may think I flatter the English Nation . Every day's Experience shews , that the Mechanicks in the Towns , or the Clowns in the Country , are not afraid of fighting with those idle Gentlemen , if they are not disabled by some Misfortune in their Body , or dispirited by extream Want. So that you need not fear , that those well-shaped and strong Men , ( for it is only such that Noblemen love to keep about them , till they spoil them ) who now grow feeble with ease , and are softned with their effeminate manner of Life , would be less fit for Action if they were well bred and well employed . And it seems very unreasonable , that for the prospect of a War , which you need never have but when you please , you should maintain so many idle Men , as will always disturb you in time of Peace , which is ever to be more considered than War. But I do not think that this necessity of Stealing , arises only from hence , there is another Cause of it that is more peculiar to England . What is that ? said the Cardinal : The encrease of Pasture , said I , by which your Sheep , that are naturally mild , and easily kept in order , may be said now to devour Men , and unpeople , not only Villages , but Towns : For where-ever it is found , that the Sheep of any Soil yield a softer and richer Wool than ordinary , there the Nobility and Gentry , and even those Holy Men the Abbots , not contented with the old Rents which their Farms yielded , nor thinking it enough that they living at their ease , do no good to the Publick , resolve to do it Hurt instead of Good. They stop the course of Agriculture , inclose Grounds , and destroy Houses and Towns , reserving only the Churches , that they may lodg their Sheep in them : And as if Forrests and Parks had swallowed up too little Soil , those worthy Country-Men turn the best inhabited Places into Solitudes ; for when any unsatiable Wretch , who is a Plague to this Country , resolves to inclose many thousand Acres of Ground , the Owners , as well as Tenants , are turned out of their Possessions , by Tricks , or by main Force , or being wearied out with ill Usage , they are forced to sell them . So those miserable People , both Men and Women , Married , Unmarried , Old and Young , with their Poor , but numerous Families , ( since Country-Business requires many Hands ) are all forced to change their Seats , not knowing whither to go ; and they must sell for almost nothing , their Houshold-stuff , which could not bring them much Mony , even tho they might stay for a Buyer : when that little Mony is at an end , for it will be soon spent ; what is left for them to do , but either to steal , and so to be hanged , ( God knows how justly ) or to go about and beg ? And if they do this , they are put in Prison as idle Vagabonds ; whereas they would willingly work , but can find none that will hire them ; for there is no more occasion for Country Labour , to which they have been bred , when there is no Arable Ground left . One Shepherd can look after a Flock , which will stock an extent of Ground that would require many hands , if it were to be ploughed and reaped . This likewise raises the price of Corn in many places . The price of Wool is also so risen , that the poor People who were wont to make Cloth , are no more able to buy it ; and this likewise makes many of them idle : For since the increase of Pasture , God has punished the Avarice of the Owners , by a Rot among the Sheep , which has destroyed vast numbers of them , but had been more justly laid upon the Owners themselves . But suppose the Sheep should encrease ever so much , their Price is not like to fall ; since tho they cannot be called a Monopoly , because they are not engrossed by one Person , yet they are in so few hands , and these are so rich , that as they are not prest to sell them sooner than they have a mind to it , so they never do it till they have raised the Price as high as is possible . And on the same account it is , that the other kinds of Cattel are so dear , and so much the more , because that many Villages being pulled down , and all Country-Labour being much neglected , there are none that look after the breeding of them . The Rich do not breed Cattel as they do Sheep , but buy them Lean , and at low Prices ; and after they have fatned them on their Grounds , they sell them again at high rates . And I do not think that all the Inconveniences that this will produce , are yet observed ; for as they sell the Cattle dear , so if they are consumed faster then the breeding Countries from which they are brought , can afford them ; then the stock most decrease , and this must needs end in a great Scarcity ; and by these means this your Island , that seemed as to this particular , the happiest in the World , will suffer much by the cursed Avarice of a few Persons ; besides that , the rising of Corn makes all People lessen their Families as much as they can ; and what can those who are dismissed by them do , but either Beg or Rob ? And to this last , a Man of a great Mind is much sooner drawn than to the former . Luxury likewise breaks in apace upon you , to set forward your Poverty and Misery ; there is an excessive Vanity in Apparel , and great Cost in Diet ; and that not only in Noblemens Families , but even among Tradesmen , and among the Farmers themselves , and among all Ranks of Persons . You have also many infamous Houses , and besides those that are known , the Taverns and Alehouses are no better ; add to these , Dice , Cards , Tables , Football , Tennis , and Coits , in which Mony runs fast away ; and those that are initiated into them , must in conclusion betake themselves to robbing for a supply . Banish those Plagues , and give order that these who have dispeopled so much Soil , may either rebuild the Villages that they have pulled down , or let out their Grounds to such as will do it : Restrain those engrossings of the Rich , that are as bad almost as Monopolies ; leave fewer Occasions to Idleness ; let Agriculture be set up again , and the Manufacture of the Wooll be regulated , that so there may be Work found for these Companies of Idle People , whom want Forces to be Thieves , or who now being idle Vagabonds , or useless Servants , will certainly grow Thieves at last . If you do not find a Remedy to these Evils , it is a vain thing to boast of your Severity of punishing Theft ; which tho it may have the appearance of Justice , yet in it self it is neither just nor convenient : for if you suffer your People to be ill Educated , and their Manners to be corrupted from their Infancy , and then punish them for those Crimes to which their first Education disposed them , what else is to be concluded from this , but that you first make Thieves , and then punish them ? allow of it ; upon the same Grounds , Laws may be made to allow of Adultery and Perjury in some Cases : for God having taken from us the Right of disposing , either of our own , or of other Peoples Lives , if it is pretended that the mutual Consent of Men in making Laws , allowing of Manslaughter in Cases in which God has given us no Example , frees People from the Obligation of the Divine Law , and so makes Murder a lawful Action ; What is this , but to give a preference to Humane Laws before the Divine ? And if this is once admitted , by the same Rule Men may in all other things put what Restrictions they please upon the Laws of God. If by the Mosaical Law , tho it was rough and severe , as being a Yoke laid on an obstinate and servile Nation , Men were only fined , and not put to death for Theft ; we cannot imagine that in this new Law of Mercy , in which God treats us with the tenderness of a Father , he has given us a greater License to Cruelty , than he did to the Iews . Upon these Reasons it is , that I think the putting Thieves to death is not lawful ; and it is plain and obvious that it is absurd , and of ill Consequence to the Common-Wealth , that a Thief and a Murderer should be equally punished : for if a Robber sees that his Danger is the same , if he is convicted of Theft , as if he were guilty of Murder , this will naturally set him on to kill the Person whom otherwise he would only have robbed , since if the Punishment is the same , there is more security , and less danger of discovery , when he that can best make it is put out of the way ; so that the terrifying Thieves too much , provokes them to cruelty . But as to the Question , What more convenient way of Punishment can be found ? I think it is much easier to find out that , than to invent any thing that is worse ; Why should we doubt but the way that was so long in use among the old Romans , who understood so well the Arts of Government , was very proper for their Punishment ? they condemned such as they found guilty of great Crimes , to work their whole Lives in Quarries , or to dig in Mines with Chains about them . But the Method that I liked best , was that which I observed in my Travels in Persia , among the Polylerits , who are a considerable and well-governed People . They pay a yearly Tribute to the King of Persia ; but in all other respects they are a free Nation , and governed by their own Laws . They lie far from the Sea , and are environed with Hills ; and being contented with the Productions of their own Country , which is very fruitful , they have little commerce with any other Nation ; and as they , according to the Genius of their Country , have no appetite of inlarging their Borders ; so their Mountains , and the Pension that they pay to the Persian , secure them from all Invasions . Thus they have no Wars among them ; they live rather conveniently than splendidly , and may be rather called a Happy Nation , than either Eminent or Famous ; for I do not think that they are known so much as by Name to any but their next Neighbours . Those that are found guilty of Theft among them , are bound to make restitution to the Owner , and not as it is in other places , to the Prince , for they reckon that the Prince has no more right to the stollen Goods than the Thief ; but if that which was stollen is no more in being , then the Goods of the Thieves are estimated , and Restitution being made out of them , the Remainder is given to their Wives , and Children : And they themselves are condemned to serve in the Publick Works , but are neither imprisoned , nor chained , unless there hapned to be some extraordinary Circumstances in their Crimes . They go about loose and free , working for the Publick : If they are Idle or backward to work , they are whipp'd ; but if they work hard , they are well used and treated without any mark of Reproach , only the Lists of them are called always at Night , and then they are shut up , and they suffer no other uneasiness , but this of constant Labour ; for as they work for the Publick , so they are well entertained out of the Publick Stock , which is done differently in different places : In some places , that which is bestowed on them , is raised by a charitable Contribution ; and tho this way may seem uncertain , yet so merciful are the Inclinations of that People , that they are plentifully supplied by it ; but in other places Publick Revenues are set aside for them ; or there is a constant Tax of a Poll-mony raised for their Maintenance . In some places they are set to no Publick Work , but every privat Man that has occasion to hire Workmen , goes to the Market-places and hires them of the Publick , a little lower than he would do a Free-man : If they go lazily about their Task , he may quicken them with the Whip . By this means there is always some piece of Work or other to be done by them ; and beside their Livelyhood , they earn somewhat still to the Publick . They wear all a peculiar Habit , of one certain colour , and their Hair is cropt a little above their Ears , and a little of one of their Ears is cut off . Their Friends are allowed to give them either Meat , Drink , or Clothes , so they are of their proper Colour ; but it is Death , both to the Giver and Taker , if they give them Mony ; nor is it less penal for any Free-man to take Mony from them , upon any account whatsoever : And it is also Death for any of these Slaves ( so they are called ) to handle Arms. Those of every Division of the Country , are distinguished by a peculiar Mark : And it is capital to lay that aside , and so it is also to go out of their Bounds , or to talk with a Slave of another Jurisdiction ; and the very attempt of an escape , is no less penal than an escape it self ; it is Death for any other Slave to be accessary to it : If a Free-man engages in it , he is condemned to slavery : Those that discover it are rewarded ; if Free-men , in Mony ; and if Slaves , with Liberty , together with a Pardon for being accessary to it ; that so they may find their Account , rather in repenting of their accession to such a design , than in persisting in it . These are their Laws and Rules in this Matter ; in which both the Gentleness and the Advantages of them are very obvious ; since by these Means , as Vices are destroyed , so Men are preserved ; but are so treated , that they see the necessity of being good : and by the rest of their Life they make reparation for the Mischief they had formerly done . Nor is there any hazard of their falling back to their old Customs : And so little do Travellers apprehend Mischief from them , that they generally make use of them for Guides , from one Jurisdiction to another ; for there is nothing left them by which they can rob , or be the better for it , since as they are disarmed , so the very having of Mony is a sufficient Conviction : and as they are certainly punished if discovered , so they cannot hope to escape : for their Habit being in all the parts of it different from what is commonly worn , they cannot fly away , unless they should go naked , and even then their crop'd Ear would betray them . The only danger to be feared from them , is their conspiring against the Government : but those of one Division and Neighbourhood can do nothing to any purpose , unless a general Conspiracy were laid amongst all the Slaves of the several Jurisdictions , which cannot be done , since they cannot meet or talk together ; nor will any venture on a Design where the Concealment would be so dangerous , and the Discovery so profitable : and none of them is quite hopeless of recovering his Freedom , since by their Obedience and Patience , and by giving grounds to believe that they will change their manner of Life for the future , they may expect at last to obtain their Liberty : and some are every Year restored to it , upon the good Character that is given of them . When I had related all this , I added , That I did not see why such a Method might not be followed with more advantage , than could ever be expected from that severe Justice which the Counsellor magnified so much . To all this he answered , That it could never be so setled in England , without endangering the whole Nation by it ; and as he said that , he shook his Head , and made some grimaces , and so held his peace ; and all the Company seemed to be of his mind : only the Cardinal said , It is not easy to guess whether it would succeed well or ill , since no trial has been made of it : But if when the Sentence of Death were past upon a Thief , the Prince would reprieve him for a while , and make the Experiment upon him , denying him the privilege of a Sanctuary ; then if it had a good effect upon him , it might take place ; and if it succeeded not , the worst would be , to execute the Sentence on the condemned Persons at last . And I do not see , said he , why it would be either injust or inconvenient , or at all dangerous , to admit of such a delay : And I think the Vagabonds ought to be treated in the same manner , against whom tho we have made many Laws , yet we have not been able to gain our end by them all . When the Cardinal had said this , then they all fell to commend the Motion , tho they had despised it when it came from me ; but they did more particularly commend that concerning the Vagabonds , because it had been added by him . I do not know whether it be worth the while to tell what followed , for it was very ridiculous ; but I shall venture at it , for as it is not forreign to this Matter , so some good use may be made of it . There was a Jester standing by , that counterfeited the Fool so naturally , that he seemed to be really one . The Jests at which he offered were so cold and dull , that we laughed more at him than at them ; yet sometimes he said , as it were by chance , things that were not unpleasant ; so as to justify the old Proverb , That he who throws the Dice often , will sometimes have a lucky Hit . When one of the Company had said , that I had taken care of the Thieves , and the Cardinal had taken care of the Vagabonds , so that there remained nothing but that some publick Provision might be made for the Poor , whom Sickness or Old Age had disabled from Labour : Leave that to me , said the Fool , and I shall take care of them ; for there is no sort of People whose sight I abhor more , having been so often vexed with them , and with their sad Complaints ; but as dolefully soeveras they have told their Tale to me , they could never prevail so far as to draw one Penny of Mony from me : for either I had no mind to give them any thing , or when I had a mind to it , I had nothing to give them : and they now know me so well , that they will not lose their labour on me , but let me pass without giving me any trouble , because they hope for nothing from me , no more in faith than if I were a Priest : But I would have a Law made , for sending all these Beggars to Monasteries , the Men to the Benedictines to be Lay-Brothers , and the Women to be Nuns . The Cardinal smiled , and approved of it in jest ; but the rest liked it in earnest . There was a Divine present , who tho he was a grave morose Man , yet he was so pleased with this Reflection that was made on the Priests and the Monks , that he began to play with the Fool , and said to him , This will not deliver you from all Beggers , except you take care of us Friars . That is done already , answered the Fool , for the Cardinal has provided for you , by what he proposed for the restraining Vagabonds , and setting them to work , for I know no Vagabonds like you . This was well entertained by the whole Company , who looking at the Cardinal , perceived that he was not ill pleased at it ; only the Friar himself was so bit , as may be easily imagined , and fell out into such a passion , that he could not forbear railing at the Fool , and called him Knave , Slanderer , Backbiter , and Son of Perdition , and cited some dreadful Threatnings out of the Scriptures against him . Now the Jester thought he was in his Element , and laid about him freely : he said , Good Friar be not angry , for it is written , In patience possess your Soul. The Friar answered , ( for I shall give you his own words ) I am not angry , you Hangman ; at least I do not sin in it , for the Psalmist says , Be ye angry , and sin not . Upon this the Cardinal admonished him gently , and wished him to govern his Passions . No , my Lord , said he , I speak not but from a good Zeal , which I ought to have ; for Holy Men have had a good Zeal , as it is said , The Zeal of thy House hath eaten me up ; and we sing in our Church , that those who mock'd Elisha as he went up to the House of God , felt the Effects of his Zeal ; which that Mocker , that Rogue , that Scoundrel , will perhaps feel . You do this perhaps with a goodintention , said the Cardinal ; but in my Opinion , it were wiser in you , not to say better for you , not to engage in so ridiculous a Contest with a Fool. No , my Lord , answered he , that were not wisely done ; for Solomon , the wisest of Men , said , Answer a Fool according to his folly ; which I now do , and shew him the Ditch into which he will fall , if he is not aware of it ; for if the many Mockers of Elisha , who was but one bald Man , felt the Effect of his Zeal , What will become of one Mocker of so many Friars , among whom there are so many bald Men ? We have likewise a Bull , by which all that jeer us are excommunicated . When the Cardinal saw that there was no end of this Matter , he made a sign to the Fool to withdraw , and turned the Discourse another way ; and soon after he rose from the Table , and dismissing us , he went to hear Causes . Thus , Mr. More , I have run out into a tedious Story , of the length of which I had been ashamed , if , as you earnestly begged it of me , I had not observed you to hearken to it , as if you had no mind to lose any part of it : I might have contracted it , but I resolved to give it you at large , that you might observe how those that had despised what I had proposed , no sooner perceived that the Cardinal did not dislike it , but they presently approved of it , and fawned so on him , and flattered him to such a degree , that they in good earnest applauded those things that he only liked in jest . And from hence you may gather , how little Courtiers would value either me or my Counsels . To this I answered , You have done me a great kindness in this Relation ; for as every thing has been related by you , both wisely and pleasantly , so you have made me imagine , that I was in my own Country , and grown young again , by recalling that good Cardinal into my thoughts , in whose Family I was bred from my Childhood : And tho you are upon other accounts very dear to me , yet you are the dearer , because you honour his Memory so much : but after all this I cannot change my Opinion , for I still think that if you could overcome that aversion which you have to the Courts of Princes , you might do a great deal of good to Mankind , by the Advices that you would give ; and this is the chief Design that every good Man ought to propose to himself in living : for whereas your Friend Plato thinks that then Nations will be happy , when either Philosophers become Kings , or Kings become Philosophers . No wonder if we are so far from that Happiness , if Philosophers will not think it fit for them to assist Kings with their Councels . They are not so base minded , said he , but that they would willingly do it : many of them have already done it by their Books , if these that are in Power would hearken to their good Advices . But Plato judged right , that except Kings themselves became Philosophers , it could never be brought about , that they who from their Childhood are corrupted with false Notions , should fall in intirely with the Counsels of Philosophers , which he himself found to be true in the Person of Dionysius . Do not you think , that if I were about any King , and were proposing good Laws to him , and endeavouring to root out of him all the cursed Seeds of Evil that I found in him , I should either be turned out of his Court , or at least be laughed at for my pains ? For Instance , What could I signify if I were about the King of France , and were called into his Cabinet-Council , where several wise Men do in his hearing propose many Expedients ; as by what Arts and Practices Milan may be kept ; and Naples , that has so oft slip'd out of their hands , recovered ; and how the Venetians , and after them the rest of Italy may be subdued ; and then how Flanders , Brabant , and all Burgundy , and some other Kingdoms which he has swallowed already in his Designs , may be added to his Empire . One proposes a League with the Venetians , to be kept as long as he finds his account in it , and that he ought to communicate Councils with them , and give them some share of the Spoil , till his Success makes him need or fear them less , and then it will be easily taken out of their Hands . Another proposes the hireing the Germans , and the securing the Switzers by Pensions . Another proposes the gaining the Emperor by Mony , which is Omnipotent with him . Another proposes a Peace with the King of Arragon , and in order to the cementing it , the yielding up the King of Navar 's Pretensions . Another thinks the Prince of Castile is to be wrought on , by the hope of an Alliance ; and that some of his Courtiers are to be gained to the French Faction by Pensions . The hardest Point of all is , what to do with England : a Treaty of Peace is to be set on foot , and if their Alliance is not to be depended on , yet it is to be made as firm as can be ; and they are to be called Friends , but suspected as Enemies : Therefore the Scots are to be kept in readiness , to be let loose upon England on every occasion ; and some banished Nobleman is to be supported underhand , ( for by the League it cannot be done avowedly ) who has a pretension to the Crown , by which means that suspected Prince may be kept in awe . Now when things are in so great a Fermentation , and so many gallant Men are joining Councils , how to carry on the War , if so mean a Man as I am should stand up , and wish them to change all their Councils , to let Italy alone , and stay at home , since the Kingdom of France was indeed greater than that it could be well governed by one Man ; So that he ought not to think of adding others to it : And if after this , I should propose to them the Resolutions of the Achorians , a People that lie over against the Isle of Vtopia to the South-east , who having long ago engaged in a War , that they might gain another Kingdom to their King , who had a Pretension to it by an old Alliance , by which it had descended to him ; and having conquered it , when they found that the trouble of keeping it , was equal to that of gaining it ; for the conquered People would be still apt to rebel , or be exposed to Forreign Invasions , so that they must always be in War , either for them , or against them ; and that therefore they could never disband their Army : That in the mean time Taxes lay heavy on them , that Mony went out of the Kingdom ; that their Blood was sacrificed to their King's Glory , and that they were nothing the better by it , even in time of Peace ; their Manners being corrupted by a long War ; Robbing and Murders abounding every where , and their Laws falling under contempt , because their King being distracted with the Cares of the Kingdom , was less able to apply his Mind to any one of them ; when they saw there would be no end of those Evils , they by joint Councils made an humble Address to their King , desiring him to chuse which of the two Kingdoms he had the greatest mind to keep , since he could not hold both ; for they were too great a People to be governed by a divided King , since no Man would willingly have a Groom that should be in common between him and another . Upon which the good Prince was forced to quit his new Kingdom to one of his Friends , ( who was not long after dethroned ) and to be contented with his old One. To all this I would add , that after all those Warlike Attempts , and the vast Confusions , with the Consumptions both of Treasure and of People , that must follow them ; perhaps upon some Misfortune , they might be forced to throw up all at last ; therefore it seemed much more eligible that the King should improve his ancient Kingdom all he could , and make it flourish as much as was possible ; that he should love his People , and be beloved of them ; that he should live among them , and govern them gently ; and that he should let other Kingdoms alone , since that which had fallen to his share was big enough , if not too big for him . Pray how do you think would such a Speech as this be heard ? I confess , said I , I think not very well . But what said he , if I should sort with another kind of Ministers , whose chief Contrivances and Consultations were , by what Art Treasure might be heaped up ? Where one proposes , the crying up of Mony , when the King had a great Debt on him , and the crying it down as much when his Revenues were to come in , that so he might both pay much with a little , and in a little receive a great deal : Another proposes a pretence of a War , that so Money might be raised in order to the carrying it on , and that a Peace might be concluded as soon as that was done ; and this was to be made up with such appearances of Religion as might work on the People , and make them impute it to the piety of their Prince , and to his tenderness of the Lives of his Subjects . A third offers some old musty Laws , that have been antiquated by a long disuse ; and which , as they had been forgotten by all the Subjects , so they had been also broken by them ; and that the levying of the Penalties of these Laws , as it would bring in a vast Treasure , so there might be a very good Pretence for it , since it would look like the executing of Law , and the doing of Justice . A fourth proposes the prohibiting of many things under severe Penalties , especially such things as were against the Interest of the People , and then the dispensing with these Prohibitions upon great Compositions , to those who might make Advantages by breaking them . This would serve two ends , both of them acceptable to many ; for as those whose Avarice led them to transgress , would be severely fined ; so the selling Licences dear , would look as if a Prince were tender of his People , and would not easily , or at low Rates , dispense with any thing that might be against the Publick Good. Another proposes , that the Judges must be made sure , that they may declare always in favor of the Prerogative , that they must be often sent for to Court , that the King may hear them argue those Points in which he is concerned ; since that how unjust soever any of his Pretensions may be , yet still some one or other of them , either out of contradiction to others , or the pride of singularity , or that they may make their Court , would find out some Pretence or other to give the King a fair colour to carry the Point : For if the Judges but differ in Opinion , the clearest thing in the World is made by that means disputable , and Truth being once brought in question , the King upon that may take advantage to expound the Law for his own profit : the Judges that stand out will be brought over , either out of fear or modesty ; and they being thus gained , all of them may be sent to the Bench to give Sentence boldly , as the King would have it : for fair Pretences will never be wanting when Sentence is to be given in the Prince's Favor : it will either be said , that Equity lies of his side , or some words in the Law will be found sounding that way , or some forced sence will be put on them ; and when all other things fail , the King 's undoubted Prerogative will be pretended , as that which is above all Law ; and to which a Religious Judg ought to have a special regard . Thus all consent to that Maxim of Grassus , That a Prince cannot have Treasure enough , since he must maintain his Armies out of it : that a King , even tho he would , can do nothing unjustly ; that all Property is in him , not excepting the very Persons of his Subjects : And that no Man has any other Property , but that which the King out of his goodness thinks fit to leave him : and they think it is the Prince's Interest , that there be as little of this left as may be , as if it were his advantage that his People should have neither Riches nor Liberty ; since these things make them less easy and tame to a cruel and injust Government ; whereas Necessity and Poverty blunts them , makes them patient , and bears them down , and breaks that height of Spirit , that might otherwise dispose them to rebel . Now what if after all these Propositions were made , I should rise up and assert , That such Councels were both unbecoming a King , and mischievous to him : and that not only his Honor but his Safety consisted more in his Peoples Wealth , than in his own ; if I should shew , that they choose a King for their own sake , and not for his ; that by his care and endeavors they may be both easy and safe : and that therefore a Prince ought to take more care of his Peoples Happiness , than of his own , as a Shepherd is to take more care of his Flock than of himself . It is also certain , that they are much mistaken , that think the Poverty of a Nation is a means of the Publick Safety : Who quarrel more than Beggers do ? who does more earnestly long for a change , than he that is uneasy in his present Circumstances ? and who run in to create Confusions with so desperate a boldness , as those who having nothing to lose , hope to gain by them ? If a King should fall under so much contempt or envy , that he could not keep his Subjects in their Duty , but by Oppression and ill Usage , and by impoverishing them , it were certainly better for him to quit his Kingdom , than to retain it by such Methods , by which tho he keeps the Name of Authority , yet he loses the Majesty due to it . Nor is it so becoming the Dignity of a King to reign over Beggars , as to reign over rich and happy Subjects . And therefore Fabritius , that was a Man of a noble and exalted Temper , said , He would rather govern rich Men , than be rich himself ; and for one Man to abound in Wealth and Pleasure , when all about him are mourning and groaning , is to be a Goaler and not a King. He is an unskilful Physician , that cannot cure a Disease , but by casting his Patient into another : So he that can find no other way for correcting the Errors of his People , but by taking from them the Conveniences of Life , shews that he knows not what it is to govern a free Nation . He himself ought rather to shake off his Sloth , or to lay down his Pride ; for the Contempt or Hatred that his People have for him , takes its rise from the Vices in himself . Let him live upon what belongs to himself , without wronging others , and accommodate his Expence to his Revenue . Let him punish Crimes , and by his wise Conduct let him endeavour to prevent them , rather than be severe when he has suffered them to be too common : Let him not rashly revive Laws that are abbrogated by disuse , especially if they have been long forgotten , and never wanted . And let him never take any Penalty for the breach of them , to which a Judg would not give way in a private Man , but would look on him as a crafty and unjust Person for pretending to it . To these things I would add , that Law among the Macarians , that lie not far from Vtopia , by which their King , in the day on which he begins to reign , is tied by an Oath confirmed by solemn Sacrifices , never to have at once above a thousand Pounds of Gold in his Treasures , or so much Silver as is equal to that in value . This Law , as they say , was made by an excellent King , who had more regard to the Riches of his Country , than to his own Wealth ; and so provided against the heaping up of so much Treasure , as might impoverish the People : he thought that moderate Sum might be sufficient for any Accident ; if either the King had occasion for it against Rebels , or the Kingdom against the Invasion of an Enemy , but that it was not enough to encourage a Prince to invade other Mens Rights , which was the chief cause of his making that Law. He also thought , that it was a good Provision for a free circulation of Mony , that is necessary for the course of Commerce and Exchange : And when a King must distribute all these extraordinary Accessions that encrease Treasure beyond the due pitch , it makes him less disposed to oppress his Subjects . Such a King as this is , will be the terror of ill Men , and will be beloved of all good Men. If , I say , I should talk of these or such like things , to Men that had taken their biass another way , how deaf would they be to it all ? No doubt , very deaf , answered I ; and no wonder , for one is never to offer at Propositions or Advices , that he is certain will not be entertained . Discourses so much out of the road could not avail any thing , nor have any effect on Men , whose Minds were prepossessed with different Sentiments . This Philosophical way of Speculation , is not unpleasant among Friends in a free Converrsation ; but there is no room for it in the Courts of Princes , where great Affairs are carried on by Authority . That is what I was saying , replied he , that there is no room for Philosophy in the Courts of Princes . Yes , there is , said I , but not for this Speculative Philosophy , that makes every thing to be alike fitting at all times : But there is another Philosophy that is more pliable , that knows its proper Scene , and accommodates it self to it ; and that teaches a Man to act that part which has fallen to his share , fitly and decently . If when one of Plautus's Comedies is upon the Stage , and a Company of Servants are acting their parts , you should come out in the Garb of a Philosopher , and repeat out of Octavia , a Discourse of Seneca's to Nero , had it not been better for you to have said nothing , than by mixing things of such different Natures , to have made such an impertinent Tragi-Comedy ? for you spoil and corrupt the Play that is in hand , when you mix with it things disagreeing to it , even tho they were better than it is : therefore go through with the Play that is acting , the best you can ; and do not confound it , because another that is pleasanter comes into your thoughts . It is even so in a Common-Wealth , and in the Councils of Princes ; if ill Opinions cannot be quite rooted out ; and if you cannot cure some received Vices according to your wishes , you must not therefore abandon the Common-Wealth ; or forsake the Ship in a Storm , because you cannot command the Winds ; nor ought you to assault People with Discourses that are out of their Road , when you see their Notions are such that you can make no impression on them : but you ought to cast about , and as far as you can to manage things dextrously , that so if you cannot make Matters go well , they may be as little ill as is possible ; for except all Men were good , all things cannot go well ; which I do not hope to see in a great while . By this , answered he , all that I shall do shall be to preserve my self from being mad , while I endeavour to cure the madness of other People : for if I will speak truth , I must say such things as I was formerly saying ; and for lying , whether a Philosopher can do it or not , I cannot tell ; I am sure I cannot do it . But tho these Discourses may be uneasy and ungrateful to them , I do not see why they should seem foolish or extravagant : indeed if I should either propose such things as Plato has contrived in his Common-Wealth , or as the Vtopians practise in theirs , tho they might seem better , as certainly they are , yet they are so quite different from our Establishment , which is founded on Property , there being no such thing among them , that I could not expect that it should have any effect on them : But such Discourses as mine , that only call past Evils to mind , and give warning of what may follow , have nothing in them that is so absurd , that they may not be used at any time ; for they can only be unpleasant to those who are resolved to run headlong the contrary way : and if we must let alone every thing as absurd or extravagant , which by reason of the wicked Lives of many may seem uncouth , we must , even among Christians , give over pressing the greatest part of those things that Christ hath taught us : tho he has commanded us not to conceal them , but to proclaim on the House-tops that which he taught in secret . The greatest parts of his Precepts are more disagreeing to the Lives of the Men of this Age , than any part of my Discourse has been : But the Preachers seem to have learn'd that craft to which you advise me ; for they observing that the World would not willingly sute their Lives to the Rules that Christ has given , have fitted his Doctrine , as if it had been a leaden Rule , to their Lives ; that so some way or other they might agree with one another . But I see no other effect of this compliance , except it be that Men become more secure in their wickedness by it . And this is all the success that I can have in a Court ; for I must always differ from the rest , and then I will signify nothing ; or if I agree with them , then I will only help forward their madness . I do not comprehend what you mean by your casting about , or by the bending and handling things so dextrously , that if they go not well , they may go as little ill as may be : for in Courts they will not bear with a Man's holding his peace , or conniving at them : a Man must bare-facedly approve of the worst Councils , and consent to the blackest Designs : So that one would pass for a Spy , or possibly for a Traitor , that did but coldly approve of such wicked Practices : And when a Man is engaged in such a Society , he will be so far from being able to mend Matters by his casting about , as you call it , that he will find no occasions of doing any good : the ill Company will sooner corrupt him , than be the better for him : or if notwithstanding all their ill Company , he remains still entire and innocent , yet their Follies and Knavery will be imputed to him ; and by mixing Councils with them , he must bear his share of all the blame that belongs wholly to others . It was no ill Simily , by which Plato set forth the unreasonableness of a Philosopher's medling with Government : If one , says he , shall see a great company run out into the Rain every day , and delight to be wet in it ; and if he knows that it will be to no purpose for him to go and perswade them to come into their Houses , and avoid the Rain ; so that all that can be expected from his going to speak to them , will be , that he shall be wet with them ; when it is so , he does best to keep within Doors , and preserve himself , since he cannot prevail enough to correct other Peoples Folly. Tho to speak plainly what is my Heart , I must freely own to you , that as long as there is any Property , and while Mony is the Standard of all other things , I cannot think that a Nation can be governed either Justly or Happily : Not Justly , because the best things will fall to the share of the worst of Men : Nor Happily , because all things will be divided among a few , ( and even these are not in all respects happy ) the rest being left to be absolutely miserable . Therefore when I reflect on the wise and good Constitutions of the Vtopians , among whom all things are so well governed , and with so few Laws ; and among whom as Vertue hath its due reward , yet there is such an equality , that every Man lives in plenty ; and when I compare with them so many other Nations that are still making new Laws , and yet can never bring their Constitution to a right Regulation , among whom tho every one has his Property ; yet all the Laws that they can invent , cannot prevail so far , that Men can either obtain or preserve it , or be certainly able to distinguish what is their own , from what is another Man's ; of which the many Law Suits that every day break out , and depend without any end , give too plain a demonstration : When , I say , I ballance all these things in my thoughts , I grow more favourable to Plato , and do not wonder that he resolved , not to make any Laws for such as would not submit to a community of all things : For so wise a Man as he was , could not but foresee that the setting all upon the Level , was the only way to make a Nation happy ; which cannot be obtained so long as there is Property : for when every Man draws to himself all that he can compass , by one Title or another , it must needs follow , that how plentiful soever a Nation may be , yet a few dividing the Wealth of it among themselves , the rest must fall under Poverty . So that there will be two sorts of People among them , that deserve that their Fortunes should be interchanged ; the former being useless , but wicked and ravenous ; and the latter , who by their constant industry serve the Publick more than themselves , being sincere and modest Men. From whence I am perswaded , that till Property is taken away , there can be no equitable or just distribution made of things , nor can the World be happily governed : for as long as that is maintained , the greatest and the far best part of Mankind , will be still oppressed with a load of Cares and Anxieties . I confess , without the taking of it quite away , those Pressures that lie on a great part of Mankind , may be made lighter ; but they can never be quite removed . For if Laws were made , determining at how great an extent in Soil , and at how much Mony every Man must stop , and limiting the Prince that he may not grow too great , and restraining the People that they may not become too insolent , and that none might factiously aspire to publick Employments ; and that they might neither be sold , nor made burdensome by a great expence ; since otherwise those that serve in them , will be tempted to reimburse themselves by Cheats and Violence , and it will become necessary to find out rich Men for undergoing those Employments for which wise Men ought rather to be sought out ; these Laws , I say , may have such Effects , as good Diet and Care may have on a Sick Man , whose recovery is desperate : they may allay and mitigate the Disease , but it can never be quite healed , nor the Body Politick be brought again to a good Habit , as long as Property remains ; and it will fall out as in a complication of Diseases , that by applying a Remedy to one Sore , you will provoke another ; and that which removes one ill Symptom , produces others , while the strengthning of one part of the Body weakens the rest . On the contrary , answered I , it seems to me that Men cannot live conveniently , where all things are common : How can there be any Plenty , where every Man will excuse himself from Labour ? For as the hope of Gain doth not excite him , so the confidence that he has in other Mens Industry , may make him slothful : And if People come to be pinched with Want , and yet cannot dispose of any thing as their own ; what can follow upon this , but perpetual Sedition and Bloodshed , especially when the Reverence and Authority due to Magistrates falls to the Ground ? For I cannot imagine how that can be kept up among those that are in all things equal to one another . I do not wonder , said he , that it appears so to you , since you have no Notion , or at least no right one , of such a Constitution : But if you had been in Vtopia with me , and had seen their Laws and Rules as I did , for the space of five Years , in which I lived among them ; and during which time I was so delighted with them , that indeed I would never have left them , if it had not been to make the discovery of that new World to the Europeans ; you would then confess that you had never seen a People so well constituted as they are . You will not easily perswade me , said Peter , that any Nation in that New World , is better governed than those among us are . For as our Understandings are not worse than theirs , so our Government , if I mistake not , being ancienter , a long practice has helped us to find out many Conveniences of Life : And some happy Chances have discovered other things to us , which no Man's Understanding could ever have invented . As for the Antiquity , either of their Government , or of ours , said he , you cannot pass a true Judgment of it , unless you had read their Histories ; for if they are to be believed , they had Towns among them , before these parts were so much as inhabited : And as for these Discoveries , that have been either hit on by chance , or made by ingenious Men , these might have hapned there as well as here . I do not deny but we are more ingenious than they are , but they exceed us much in Industry and Application : They knew little concerning us , before our arrival among them ; they call us all by a general Name of the Nations that lie beyond the Equinoctial Line ; for their Chronicle mentions a Shipwrack that was made on their Coast 1200 Years ago ; and that some Romans and Egyptians that were in the Ship , getting safe a Shore , spent the rest of their days amongst them ; and such was their Ingenuity , that from this single Opportunity , they drew the advantage of Learning from those unlook'd for Guests , all the useful Arts that were then among the Romans , which those Shipwrack'd Men knew : And by the Hints that they gave them , they themselves found out even some of those Arts which they could not fully explain to them ; so happily did they improve that Accident , of having some of our People cast upon their shore : But if any such Accident have at any time brought any from thence into Europe , we have been so far from improving it , that we do not so much as remember it ; as in after Times perhaps it will be forgot by our People that I was ever there . For tho they from one such Accident , made themselves Masters of all the good Inventions that were among us ; yet I believe it would be long before we would learn or put in practice any of the good Institutions that are among them : And this is the true Cause of their being better governed , and living happier than we do , tho we come not short of them in point of Understanding , or outward Advantages . Upon this I said to him , I do earnestly beg of you , that you would describe that Island very particularly to us . Be not too short in it , but set out in order all things relating to their Soil , their Rivers , their Towns , their People , their Manners , Constitution , Laws , and in a word , all that you imagine we desire to know : and you may well imagine that we desire to know every thing concerning them , of which we are hitherto ignorant . I will do it very willingly , said he , for I have digested the whole Matter carefully ; but it will take up some time . Let us go then , said I , first and dine , and then we shall have leasure enough . Be it so , said he . So we went in and dined , and after Dinner we came back , and sat down in the same place . I ordered my Servants to take care that none might come and interrupt us : and both Peter and I desired Raphael to be as good as his word : So when he saw that we were very intent upon it , he paused a little to recollect himself , and began in this manner . The Second Book . THE Island of Vtopia , in the middle of it , where it is broadest , is 200 miles broad , and holds almost at the same breadth over a great part of it ; but it grows narrower towards both ends . It s Figure is not unlike a Crescent : between its Horns , the Sea comes in eleven miles broad , and spreads it self into a great Bay , which is environed with Land to the compass of about 500 miles , and is well secured from Winds : There is no great Current in the Bay , and the whole Coast is , as it were , one continued Harbour , which gives all that live in the Island great convenience for mutual Commerce : but the entry into the Bay , what by Rocks on one hand , and Shallows on the other , is very dangerous . In the middle of it there is one single Rock which appears above Water , and so is not dangerous ; on the top of it there is a Tower built , in which a Garrison is kept . The other Rocks lie under Water , and are very dangerous ▪ The Channel is known only to the Natives , so that if any Stranger should enter into the Bay , without one of their Pilates , he would run a great danger of Shipwrack : for even they themselves could not pass it safe , if some marks that are on their Coast did not direct their way ; and if these should be but a little shifted , any Fleet that might come against them , how great soever it were , would be certainly lost . On the other side of the Island , there are likewise many Harbours ; and the Coast is so fortified , both by Nature and Art , that a small number of Men can hinder the descent of a great Army . But they report ( and there remains good marks of it to make it credible ) that this was no Island at first , but a part of the Continent . Vtopus that conquered it ( whose Name it still carries , for Abraxa was its first Name ) and brought the rude and uncivilized Inhabitants into such a good Government , and to that measure of Politeness , that they do now far excel all the rest of mankind ; having soon subdued them , he designed to separate them from the Continent , and and to bring the Sea quite about them , and in order to that he made a deep Channel to be digged fifteen miles long : He not only forced the Inhabitants to work at it , but likewise his own Souldiers , that the Natives might not think he treated them like Slaves ; and having set vast numbers of Men to work , he brought it to a speedy conclusion beyond all Mens expectations : By this their Neighbours , who laughed at the folly of the Undertaking at first , were struck with admiration and terror , when they saw it brought to perfection . There are 54 Cities in the Island , all large and well built : the Manners , Customs , and Laws of all their Cities are the same , and they are all contrived as near in the same manner , as the Ground on which they stand will allow : The nearest lie at least 24 miles distant from one another , and the most remote are not so far distant , but that a Man can go on foot in one day from it , to that which lies next it . Every City sends three of their wisest Senators once a Year to Amaurot , for consulting about their common Concerns ; for that is the cheif Town of the Island , being situated near the Center of it , so that it is the most convenient place for their Assemblies . Every City has so much Ground set off for its Jurisdiction , that there is twenty miles of Soil round it , assigned to it : and where the Towns lie wider , they have much more Ground : no Town desires to enlarge their Bounds , for they consider themselves rather as Tenants than Landlords of their Soil . They have built over all the Country , Farm-houses for Husbandmen , which are well contrived , and are furnished with all things necessary for Countey-labour . Inhabitants are sent by turns from the Cities to dwell in them ; no Country-family has fewer than fourty Men and Women in it , besides two Slaves . There is a Master and a Mistress set over every Family ; and over thirty Families there is a Magistrate setled . Every Year twenty of this Family come back to the Town , after they have stayed out two Years in the Country : and in their room there are other twenty sent from the Town , that they may learn Country-work , from those that have been already one Year in the Country , which they must teach those that come to them the next Year from the Town . By this means such as dwell in those Country-Farms , are never ignorant of Agriculture , and so commit no Errors in it , which might otherwise be fatal to them , and bring them under a scarcity of Corn. But tho there is every Year such a shifting of the Husbandmen , that none may be forced against his mind to follow that hard course of life too long ; yet many among them take such pleasure in it , that they desire leave to continue many Years in it . These Husbandmen labour the Ground , breed Cattel , hew Wood , and convey it to the Towns , either by Land or Water , as is most convenient . They breed an infinite multitude of Chickens in a very curious manner : for the Hens do not sit and hatch them , but they lay vast numbers of Eggs in a gentle and equal heat , in which they are hatched ; and they are no sooner out of the Shell , and able to stir about , but they seem to consider those that feed them as their Mothers , and follow them as other Chickens do the Hen that hatched them . They breed very few Horses , but those they have , are full of Mettle , and are kept only for exercising their Youth in the Art of sitting and riding of them ; for they do not put them to any Work , either of Plowing or Carriage , in which they imploy Oxen ; for tho Horses are stronger , yet they find Oxen can hold out longer ; and as they are not subject to so many Diseases , so they are kept upon a less charge , and with less trouble : And when they are so worn out , that they are no more fit for labour , they are good Meat at last . They sow no Corn , but that which is to be their Bread ; for they drink either Wine , Cider , or Perry , and often Water , sometimes pure , and sometimes boiled with Hony or Liquorish , with which they abound : and tho they know exactly well how much Corn will serve every Town , and all that tract of Country which belongs to it , yet they sow much more , and breed more Cattel than are necessary for their consumption : and they give that overplus of which they make no use to their Neighbours . When they want any thing in the Country which it does not produce , they fetch that from the Town , without carrying any thing in exchange for it : and the Magistrates of the Town take care to see it given them : for they meet generally in the Town once a month , upon a Festival-Day . When the time of Harvest comes , the Magistrates in the Country send to those in the Towns , and let them know how many hands they will need for reaping the Harvest ; and the number they call for being sent to them , they commonly dispatch it all in one day . Of their Towns , particularly of Amaurot . HE that knows one of their Towns , knows them all , they are so like one another , except where the scituation makes some difference . I shall therefore describe one of them , and it is no matter which ; but none is so proper as Amaurot : for as none is more eminent , all the rest yielding in precedence to this , because it is the Seat of their Supream Council ; so there was none of them better known to me , I having lived five Years altogether in it . It lies upon the side of a Hill , or rather a rising Ground : its Figure is almost square , for from the one side of it , which shoots up almost to the top of the Hill , it runs down in a descent for two miles to the River Anider ; but it is a little broader the other way that runs along by the Bank of that River . The Anider rises about 80 miles above Amaurot , in a small Spring at first ; but other Brooks falling into it , of which two are more considerable , as it runs by Amaurot , it is grown half a mile broad , but it still grows larger and larger , till after sixty miles course below 〈◊〉 , it is buried in the Ocean . Between the Town and the Sea , and for some miles above the Town , it ebbs and flows every six hours , with a strong Current . The Tide comes up for about thirty miles so full , that there is nothing but Salt-water in the River , the fresh Water being driven back with its force ; and above that , for some miles , the Water is brackish , but a little higher , as it runs by the Town , it is quite fresh ; and when the Tide ebbs , it continues fresh all along to the Sea. There is a Bridg cast over the River , not of Timber , but of fair Stone , consisting of many stately Arches ; it lies at that part of the Town which is farthest from the Sea , so that Ships without any hindrance lie all along the side of the Town . There is likewise another River that runs by it , which tho it is not great , yet it runs pleasantly , for it rises out of the same Hill on which the Town stands , and so runs down throw it , and falls into the Anider . The Inhabitants have fortified the Fountain-head of this River , which springs a little without the Towns ; that so if they should happen to be besieged , the Enemy might not be able to stop or divert the course of the Water , nor poison it ; from thence it is carried in earthen Pipes to the lower Streets : and for those places of the Town to which the Water of that small River cannot be conveyed , they have great Cisterns for receiving the Rain-water , which supplies the want of the other . The Town is compassed with a high and thick Wall , in which there are many Towers and Forts ; there is also a broad and deep dry Ditch , set thick with Thorns , cast round three sides of the Town , and the River is instead of a Ditch on the fourth side . The Streets are made very convenient for all Carriage , and are well sheltred from the Winds . Their Buildings are good , and are so uniform , that a whole side of a Street looks like one House . The Streets are twenty foot broad ; there lie Gardens behind all their Houses ; these are large , but enclosed with Buildings , that on all Hands face the Streets ; so that every House has both a Door to the Street , and a back Door to the Garden : their Doors have all two Leaves , which as they are easily opened , so they shut of their own accord ; and there being no Property among them , every Man may freely enter into any House whatsoever . At every ten Years ends , they shift their Houses by Lots . They cultivate their Gardens with great care , so that they have both Vines , Fruits , Herbs , and Flowers in them ; and all is so well ordered , and so finely kept , that I never saw Gardens any where that were both so fruitful and so beautiful as theirs are . And this humor of ordering their Gardens so well , is not only kept up by the pleasure they find in it , but also by an emulation between the Inhabitants of the several Streets , who vie with one another in this Matter ; and there is indeed nothing belonging to the whole Town , that is both more useful , and more pleasant . So that he who founded the Town , seems to have taken care of nothing more than of their Gardens ; for they say , the whole Scheme of the Town was designed at first by Vtopus , but he left all that belonged to the Ornament and Improvement of it , to be added by those that should come after him , that being too much for one Man to bring to perfection . Their Records , that contain the History of their Town and State , are preserved with an exact care , and run backwards 1760 Years . From these it appears , that their Houses were at first low and mean , like Cottages made of any sort of Timber , and were built with mud Walls , and thatch'd with Straw : but now their Houses are three Stories high , the Fronts of them are faced either with Stone , Plaistering , or Brick ; and between the facings of their Walls , they throw in their Rubbish ; their Roofs are flat , and on them they lay a sort of Plaister which costs very little , and yet is so tempered , that as it is not apt to take Fire , so it resists the Weather more than Lead does . They have abundance of Glass among them , with which they glaze their Windows : they use also in their Windows , a thin linnen Cloth , that is so oiled or gummed , that by that means it both lets in the Light more freely to them , and keeps out the Wind the better . Of their Magistrates . THirty Families chuse every Year a Magistrate , who was called anciently the Syphogrant , but is now called the Philarch : and over every ten Syphogrants , with the Families subject to them , there is another Magistrate , who was anciently called the Tranibore , but of late the Archphilarch . All the Syphogrants , who are in number 200 , chuse the Prince out of a List of four , whom the People of the four Divisions of the City name to them ; but they take an Oath before they proceed to an Election , that they will chuse him whom they think meetest for the Office : They give their Voices secretly , so that it is not known for whom every one gives his Suffrage . The Prince is for Life , unless he is removed upon suspicion of some design to enslave the People . The Tranibors are new chosen every Year , but yet they are for the most part still continued : All their other Magistrates are only Annual . The Tranibors meet every third day , and oftner if need be , and consult with the Prince , either concerning the Affairs of the State in general , or such private Differences as may arise sometimes among the People ; tho that falls out but seldom . There are always two Syphogrants called into the Council-Chamber , and these are changed every day . It is a fundamental Rule of their Government , that no Conclusion can be made in any thing that relates to the Publick , till it has been first debated three several days in their Council . It is Death for any to meet and consult concerning the State , unless it be either in their ordinary Council , or in the Assembly of the whole Body of the People . These things have been so provided among them , that the Prince and the Tranibors may not conspire together to change the Government , and enslave the People ; and therefore when any thing of great importance is set on foot , it is sent to the Syphogrants ; who after they have communicated it with the Families that belong to their Divisions , and have considered it among themselves , make report to the Senate ; and upon great Occasions , the Matter is referred to the Council of the whole Island . One Rule observed in their Council , is , never to debate a thing on the same day in which is first proposed ; for that is always referred to the next meeting , that so Men may not rashly , and in the heat of Discourse , engage themselves too soon , which may biass them so much , that instead of considering the Good of the Publick , they will rather study to maintain their own Notions ; and by a perverse and preposterous sort of shame , hazard their Country , rather than endanger their own Reputation , or venture the being suspected to have wanted foresight in the Expedients that they proposed at first . And therefore to prevent this , they take care that they may rather be deliberate , than sudden in their Motions . Of their Trades , and manner of Life . AGriculture is that which is so universally understood among them all , that no Person , either Man or Woman , is ignorant of it ; from their Childhood they are instructed in it , partly by what they learn at School , and partly by practice , they being led out often into the Fields , about the Town , where they not only see others at work , but are likewise exercised in it themselves . Besides Agriculture , which is so common to them all , every Man has some peculiar Trade to which he applies himself , such as the Manufacture of Wool , or Flax , Masonry , Smiths Work , or Carpenters Work ; for there is no other sort of Trade that is in great esteem among them . All the Island over , they wear the same sort of Clothes without any other distinction , except that which is necessary for marking the difference between the two Sexes , and the married and unmarried . The fashion never alters ; and as it is not ungrateful nor uneasy , so it is fitted for their Climate , and calculated both for their Summers and Winters . Every Family makes their own Clothes ; but all among them , Women as well as Men , learn one or other of the Trades formerly mentioned . Women , for the most part , deal in Wool and Flax , which sute better with their feebleness , leaving the other ruder Trades to the Men. Generally the same Trade passes down from Father to Son , Inclination often following Descent : but if any Man's Genius lies another way , he is by Adoption translated into a Family that deals in the Trade to which he is inclined : And when that is to be done , care is taken , not only by his Father , but by the Magistrate , that he may be put to a discreet and good Man. And if after a Man has learn'd one Trade , he desires to acquire another , that is also allowed , and is managed in the same manner as the former . When he has learn'd both , he follows that which he likes best , unless the Publick has more occasion for the other . The chief , and almost the only Business of the Syphogrants , is to take care that no Man may live idle , but that every one may follow his Trade diligently : yet they do not wear themselves out with perpetual Toil , from Morning to Night , as if they were Beasts of Burden ; which as it is indeed a heavy slavery , so it is the common course of Life of all Tradesmen every where , except among the Vtopians : But they dividing the Day and Night into twenty four hours , appoint six of these for Work , three of them are before Dinner ; and after that they dine , and interrupt their Labour for two hours , and then they go to work again for other three hours ; and after that they sup , and at eight a Clock , counting from Noon , they go to bed and sleep eight hours : and for their other hours , besides those of Work , and those that go for eating and sleeping , they are left to every Man's discretion ; yet they are not to abuse that Interval to Luxury and Idleness , but must imploy it in some proper Exercise according to their various Inclinations , which is for the most part Reading . It is ordinary to have Publick Lectures every Morning before day-break ; to which none are obliged to go , but those that are mark'd out for Literature ; yet a great many , both Men and Women of all Ranks , go to hear Lectures of one sort or another , according to the variety of their Inclinations . But if others , that are not made for Contemplation , chuse rather to imploy themselves at that time in their Trade , as many of them do , they are not hindred , but are commended rather , as Men that take care to serve their Country . After Supper , they spend an hour in some Diversion : In Summer it is in their Gardens , and in Winter it is in the Halls where they eat ; and thy entertain themselves in them , either with Musick or Discourse . They do not so much as know Dice , or such-like foolish and mischievous Games : They have two sorts of Games not unlike our profitable Trades ; and if all that number that languishes out their Life in sloth and idleness , of whom every one consumes as much as any two of the Men that are at work do , were forced to labour , you may easily imagine that a small proportion of time would serve for doing all that is either necessary , profitable , or pleasant to Mankind , pleasure being still kept within its due bounds : Which appears very plainly in Vtopia , for there , in a great City , and in all the Territory that lies round it , you can scarce find five hundred , either Men or Women , that by their Age and Strength , are capable of Labour , that are not engaged in it ; even the Syphogrants themselves , tho the Law excuses them , yet do not excuse themselves , that so by their Examples they may excite the industry of the rest of the People ; the like exemption is allowed to those , who being recommended to the People by the Priests , are by the secret Suffrages of the Syphogrants , priviledged from Labour , that they may apply themselves wholly to study ; and if any of these falls short of those Hopes that he seemed to give at first , he is obliged to go to work . And sometimes a Mechanick , that does so imploy his leasure hours , that he makes a considerable advancement in Learning , is eased from being a Tradesman , and ranked among their Learned Men. Out of these they chuse their Ambassadors , their Priests , their Tranibors , and the Prince himself ; who was anciently called their Barzenes , but is called of late their Ademus . And thus from the great numbers among them , that are neither suffered to be idle , nor to be imployed in any fruitless Labour ; you may easly make the estimate , how much good Work may be done in those few hours in which they are obliged to labour . But besides all that has been already said , this is to be considered , that those needful Arts which are among them , are managed with less labour than any where else . The building , or the repairing of Houses among us , employs many hands , because often a thriftless Heir suffers a House that his Father built , to fall into decay , so that his Successor must , at a great cost , repair that which he might have kept up with a small charge : and often it falls out , that the same House which one built at a vast expence , is neglected by another , that thinks he has a more delicate sense of such things ; and he suffering it to fall to ruin , builds another at no less charge . But among the Vtopians , all things are so regulated , that Men do very seldom build upon any new piece of Ground ; and they are not only very quick in repairing their Houses , but shew their foresight in preventing their decay : So that their Buildings are preserved very long , with very little labour : And thus the Craftsmen to whom that care belongs , are often without any Imploiment , except it be the hewing of Timber , and the squaring of Stones , that so the Materials may be in readiness for raising a Building very suddenly , when there is any occasion for it . As for their Clothes , observe how little work goes for them : While they are at labour , they are cloathed with Leather and Skins , cast carelesly about them , which will last seven Years ; and when they appear in publick , they put on an upper Garment , which hides the other : and these are all of one colour , and that is the natural colour of the Wool : and as they need less Woollen Cloth than is used any where else , so that which they do need , is much less costly . They use Linnen Cloth more ; but that is prepared with less labour , and they value Cloth only by the whiteness of the Linnen , or the cleanness of the Wool , without much regard to the fineness of the Thread ; and whereas in other places , four or five upper Garments of Woollen Cloth , and of different Colours , and as many Vests of Silk will scarce serve one Man ; and those that are nicer , think ten too few ; every Man there is contented with one which very oft serves him two Years . Nor is there any thing that can tempt a Man to desire more ; for if he had them , he would neither be the warmer , nor would he make one jot the better appearance for it . And thus since they are all imploied in some useful Labour ; and since they content themselves with fewer things , it falls out that there is a great abundance of all things among them : So that often , for want of other Work , if there is any need of mending their High Ways at any time , you will see marvellous numbers of people brought out to work at them ; and when there is no occasion of any publick work , the hours of working are lessened by publick Proclamation ; for the Magistrates do not engage the people into any needless Labour , since by their constitution they aim chiefly at this , that except in so far as publick necessity requires it , all the people may have as much free time for themselves as may be necessary for the improvement of their minds , for in this they think the happiness of Life consists . Of their Traffick . BUT it is now time to explain to you the mutual Intercourse of this People , their Commerce , and the Rules by which all things are distributed among them . As their Cities are composed of Families , so their Families are made up of those that are nearly related to one another . Their Women , when they grow up , are married out ; but all the Males , both Children and Grandchildren , live still in the same House , in great obedience to their common Parent , unless Age has weakned his Understanding ; and in that case he that is next to him in Age , comes in his room . But lest any City should become either out of measure great , or fall under a dispeopling by any accident , provision is made that none of their Cities may have above six thousand Families in it , besides those of the Country round it ; and that no Family may have less than ten , and more than sixteen Persons in it ; but there can be no determined number for the Children under Age : And this Rule is easily observed , by removing some of the Children of a more fruitful Couple , to any other Family that does not abound so much in them . By the same Rule , they supply Cities that do not encrease so fast , by others that breed faster : And if there is any encrease over the whole Island , then they draw out a number of their Citizens out of the several Towns , and send them over to the Neighbouring Continent ; where , if they find that the Inhabitants have more Soil than they can well cultivate , they fix a Colony , taking in the Inhabitants to their Society , if they will live with them ; and where they do that of their own accord , they quickly go into their method of Life , and to their Rules , and this proves a happiness to both the Nations : for according to their constitution , such care is taken of the Soil , that it becomes fruitful enogh for both , tho it might be otherwise too narrow and barren for any one of them . But if the Natives refuse to conform themselves to their Laws , they drive them out of those Bounds which they mark out for themselves , and use force if they resist . For they account it a very just cause of War , if any Nation will hinder others to come and possess a part of their Soil , of which they make no use , but let it lie idle and uncultivated ; since every Man has by the Law of Nature a right to such a waste Portion of the Earth , as is necessary for his subsistence . If any Accident has so lessened the number of the Inhabitants of any of their Towns , that it cannot be made up from the other Towns of the Island , without diminishing them too much , which is said to have fallen out but twice , since they were first a People , by two Plagues that were among them ; then the number is filled up , by recalling so many out of their Colonies , for they will abandon their Colonies , rather than suffer any of their Towns to sink too low . But to return to the manner of their living together ; the Ancientest of every Family governs it , as has been said . Wives serve their Husbands , and Children their Parents , and always the Younger serves the Elder . Every City is divided into four equal Parts , and in the middle of every part there is a Market-place : that which is brought thither manufactured by the several Families , is carried from thence to Houses appointed for that purpose , in which all things of a sort are laid by themselves ; and every Father of a Family goes thither , and takes whatsoever he or his Family stand in need of , without either paying for it , or laying in any thing in pawn or exchange for it . There is no reason for denying any thing to any Person , since there is such plenty of every thing among them : and there is no danger of any Man 's asking more than he needs ; for what should make any do that , since they are all sure that they will be always supplied ? It is the fear of want that makes any of the whole Race of Animals , either greedy or ravenous ; but besides Fear , there is in Man a vast Pride , that makes him fancy it a particular Glory for him to excel other in Pomp and Excess . But by the Laws of the Vtopians , there is no room for these things among them . Near these Markets there are also others for all sorts of Victuals , where there are not only Herbs , Fruits , and Bread , but also Fish , Fowl , and Cattel . There are also without their Towns , places appointed near some running Water , for killing their Beasts , and for washing away their filth ; which is done by their Slaves , for they suffer none of their Citizens to kill their Cattel , becaues they think , that Pity and good Nature , which are among the best of those Affections that are born with us , are much impaired by the butchering of Animals : Nor do they suffer any thing that is foul or unclean to be brought within their Towns , lest the Air should be infected by ill smells which might prejudice their Health . In every Street there are great Halls that lie at an equal distance from one another , which are marked by particular Names . The Syphogrants dwell in these , that are set over thirty Families , fifteen lying on one side of it , and as many on the other . In these they do all meet and eat . The Stewards of every one of them come to the Market-place at an appointed hour ; and according to the number of those that belong to their Hall , they carry home Provisions . But they take more care of their Sick , than of any others , who are looked after and lodged in public Hospitals : They have belonging to every Town four Hospitals , that are built without their Walls , and are so large , that they may pass for little Towns : By this means , if they had ever such a number of sick Persons , they could lodg them conveniently , and at such a distance , that such of them as are sick of infectious Diseases , may be kept so far from the rest , that there can be no danger of Contagion . The Hospitals are so furnished and stored with all things that are convenient for the ease and recovery of their Sick ; and those that are put in them , are all looked after with so tender and watchful a care , and are so constantly treated by their skilful Physicians ; that as none is sent to them against their will , so there is scarce one in a whole Town , that if he should fall ill , would not chuse rather to go thithither , than lie sick at home . After the Steward of the Hospitals has taken for them whatsoever the Physician does prescribe at the Market-place , then the best things that remain , are distributed equally among the Halls , in proportion to their numbers , only , in the first place , they serve the Prince , the chief Priest , the Tranibors and Ambassadors , and Strangers , ( if there are any , which indeed falls out but seldom , and for whom there are Houses well furnished , particularly appointed when they come among them ) . At the hours of Dinner and Supper , the whole Syphogranty being called together by sound of Trumpet , meets and eats together , except only such as are in the Hospitals , or lie sick at home . Yet after the Halls are served , no Man is hindred to carry Provisions home from the Market-place ; for they know that none does that but for some good reason ▪ for tho any that will may eat at home , yet none does it willingly , since it is both an indecent and foolish thing , for any to give themselves the trouble to make ready an ill Dinner at home , when there is a much more plentiful one made ready for him so near hand . All the uneasy and sordid Services about these Halls , are performed by their Slaves ; but the dressing and cooking their Meat , and the ordering their Tables , belongs only to the Women ; which goes round all the Women of every Family by turns . They sit at three or more Tables , according to their numbers ; the Men sit towards the Wall , and the Women sit on the other side , that if any of them should fall suddenly ill , which is ordinary to Women with Child , she may , without disturbing the rest , rise and go to the Nurses Room , who are there with the suckling Children ; where there is always Fire , and clean Water at hand , and some Cradles in which they may lay the young Children , if there is occasion for it , and that they may shift and dress them before the Fire . Every Child is nursed by its own Mother , if Death or Sickness does not intervene ; and in that case the Syphogrants Wives find out a Nurse quickly , which is no hard matter to do ; for any one that can do it , offers her self chearfully : for as they are much inclined to that piece of Mercy , so the Child whom they nurse , considers the Nurse as its Mother . All the Children under five Years old , sit among the Nurses , the rest of the younger sort of both Sexes , till they are fit for Marriage , do either serve those that sit at Table ; or if they are not strong enough for that , they stand by them in great silence , and eat that which is given them , by those that sit at Table ; nor have they any other formality of dining . In the middle of the first Table , which stands in the upper end of the Hall , a - trey , where they live at a greater distance , every one eats at home , and no Family wants any necessary sort of Provision , for it is from them that Provisions are sent unto those that live in the Towns. Of the Travelling of the Utopians . IF any of them has a mind to visit his Friends that live in some other Town , or desires to travel and see the rest of the Country , he obtains leave very easily from the Syphogrant and Tranibors to do it , when there is no particular occasion for him at home : such as travel , carry with them a Passport from the Prince , which both certifies the Licence that is granted for travelling , and limits the Time of their return . They are furnished with a Wagon and a Slave , who drives the Oxen , and looks after them : but unless there are Women in the Company , the Wagon is sent back at the end of the Journey as a needless trouble : While they are on the Road , they carry no Provisions with them ; yet they want nothing , but are every way treated as if they were at home . If they stay in any place longer then a Night , every one follows his proper Occupation , and is very well used by those of his own Trade : but if any Man goes out of the City to which he belongs , without leave , and is found going about without a Passport , he is roughly handled , and is punished as a Fugitive , and sent home disgracefully ; and if he falls again into the like Fault , he is condemned to slavery . If any Man has a mind to travel only over the Precinct of his own City , he may freely do it , obtaining his Father's Permission , and his Wives Consent ; but when he comes into any of the Countrey-houses , he must labour with them according to their Rules , if he expects to be entertaind by them : and if he does this , he may freely go over the whole Precinct , being thus as useful to the City to which he belongs , as if he were still within it . Thus you see that there are no idle Persons among them , nor pretences of excusing any from Labour . There are no Taverns , no Alehouses , nor Stews among them ; nor any other occasions of corrupting themselves , or of getting into Corners , or forming themselves into Parties : All Men live in full view , so that all are obliged , both to perform their ordinary Task , and to employ themselves well in their spare hours . And it is certain , that a People thus ordered , must live in great abundance of all things ; and these being equally distributed among them , no Man can want any thing , or be put to beg . In their great Council at Amaurot , to which there are three sent from every Town once every Year , they examine what Towns abound in Provisions , and what are under any Scarcity , that so the one may be furnished from the other ; and this is done freely , without any sort of exchange ; for according to their Plenty or Scarcity , they supply , or are supplied from one another ; so that indeed the whole Island is , as it were , one Family . When they have thus taken care of their whole Country , and laid up stores for two Years , which they do in case that an ill Year should happen to come , then they order an Exportation of the Overplus , both of Corn , Honey , Wool , Flax , Wood , Scarlet , and Purple ; Wax , Tallow , Leather , and Cattel , which they send out commonly in great quantities to other Countries . They order a seventh part of all these Goods to be freely given to the Poor of the Countries to which they send them , and they sell the rest at moderate Rates . And by this exchange , they not only bring back those few things that they need at home , for indeed they scarce need any thing but Iron , but likewise a great deal of Gold and Silver ; and by their driving this trade so long , it is not to be imagined how vast a Treasure ▪ they have got among them : so that now they do not much care whether they sell off their Merchandize for Mony in hand , or upon trust . A great part of their Treasure is now in Bonds ; but in all their Contracts no private Man stands bound , but the Writing runs in Name of the Town ; and the Towns that owe them Mony , raise it from those private hands that owe it to them , and lay it up in their publick Chamber , or enjoy the profit of it till the Vtopians call for it ; and they chuse rather to let the greatest part of it lie in their hands , who make advantage by it , then to call for it themselves : but if they see that any of their other Neighbours stand more in need of it , then they raise it , and lend it to them ; or use it themselves , if they are engaged in a War , which is the only occasion that they can have for all that Treasure that they have laid up ; that so either in great Extremities , or sudden Accidents , they may serve themselves by it ; cheifly for hiring Foreign Souldiers , whom they more willingly expose to danger than their own People : They give them great Pay , knowing well that this will work even on their Enemies , and engage them either to betray their own side , or at least to desert it , or will set them on to mutual Factions among themselves : for this end they have an incredible Treasure ; but they do not keep it as a Treasure , but in such a manner as I am almost affraid to tell it , lest you think it so extravagant , that you can hardly believe it ; which I have the more reason to apprehend from others , because if I had not seen it my self , I could not have been easily perswaded to have beleived it upon any Man's Report . It is certain , that all things appear so far incredible to us , as they differ from our own Customs : but one who can judg aright , will not wonder to find , that since their other Constitutions differ so much from ours , their value of Gold and Silver should be measured , not by our Standard , but by one that is very different from it ; for since they have no use of Mony among themselves , but keep it for an accident ; that tho , as it may possibly fall out , it may have great intervals ; they value it no further than it deserves , or may be useful to them . So that it is plain , that they must prefer Iron either to Gold or Silver : for Men can no more live without Iron , than without Fire or Water ; but Nature has markt out no use for the other Metals , with which we may not very well dispence . The folly of Man has enhansed the value of Gold and Silver , because of their scarcity : whereas on the contrary they reason , that Nature , as an indulgent Parent , has given us all the best things very freely , and in great abundance , such as are Water and Earth , but has laid up and hid from us the things that are vain and useless . If those Metals were laid up in any Tower among them , it would give jealousy of the Prince and Senate , according to that foolish mistrust into which the Rabble is apt to fall , as if they intended to cheat the People , and make advantages to themselves by it ; or if they should work it into Vessels , or any sort of Plate , they fear that the People might grow too fond of it , and so be unwilling to let the Plate be run down , if a War made it necessary to pay their Souldiers with it : Therefore to prevent all these inconveniences , they have fallen upon an expedient , which as it agrees with their other Policy , so is very different from ours , and will scarce gain belief among us , who value Gold so much , and lay it up so carefully : for whereas they eat and drink out of Vessels of Earth , or Glass , that tho they look very prety , yet are of very slight Materials ; they make their Chamber-pots and Close-stools of Gold and Silver ; and that not only in their publick Halls , but in their private Houses : Of the same Mettals they likewise make Chains and Fetters for their Slaves ; and as a Badge of Infamy , they hang an Ear-ring of Gold to some , and make others wear a Chain or a Coronet of Gold ; and thus they take care , by all manner of ways , that Gold and Silver may be of no esteem among them ; And from hence it is , that whereas other Nations part with their Gold and their Silver , as unwillingly as if one tore out their Bowels , those of Vtopia would look on their giving in all their Gold or Silver , when there were any use for it , but as the parting with a Trifle , or as we would estimate the loss of a Penny. They find Pearls on their Coast ; and Diamonds , and Carbuncles on their Rocks : they do not look after them , but if they find them by chance , they polish them , and with them they adorn their Children , who are delighted with them , and glory in them during their Childhood ; but when they grow to Years , and see that none but Children use such Baubles , they of their own accord , without being bid by their Parents , lay them aside ; and would be as much ashamed to use them afterwards , as Children among us , when they come to Years , are of their Nuts , Puppets , and other Toies . I never saw a clearer Instance of the different impressions that different Customs make on People , than I observed in the Ambassadors of the Anemolians who came to Amaurot when I was there : and because they came to treat of Affairs of great Consequence , the Deputies from the several Towns had met to wait for their coming . The Ambassadours of the Nations that lie near Vtopia , knowing their Customs , and that fine Cloaths are in no esteem among them ; that Silk is despised , and Gold is a Badg of Infamy , use to come very modestly cloathed ; but the Anemolians that lay more remote , and so had little commerce with them , when they understood that they were coursly cloathed , and all in the same manner , they took it for granted that they had none of those fine Things among them of which they made no use ; and they being a vain-glorious , rather than a wise People , resolved to set themselves out with so much pomp , that they should look like Gods , and so strike the Eyes of the poor Vtopians with their splendor . Thus three Ambassadors made their entry with an hundred Attendants , that were all clad in Garments of different colours , and the greater part in Silk ; the Ambassadors themselves , who were of the Nobility of their Country , were in Cloth of Gold , and adorned with massy Chains , Ear-rings and Rings of Gold : Their Caps were covered with Bracelets set full of Pearls and other Gems : In a word , they were set out with all those things , that among the Vtopians were either the Badges of Slavery , the Marks of Infamy , or Childrens Rattels . It was not unpleasant to see on the one side how they lookt big , when they compared their rich Habits with the plain Cloaths of the Vtopians , who were come out in great numbers to see them make their Entry : And on the other side , to observe how much they were mistaken in the Impression which they hoped this Pomp would have made on them : It appeared so ridiculous a shew to all that had never stirred out of their Country , and so had not seen the Customs of other Nations ; that tho they paid some reverence to those that were the most meanly clad , as if they had been the Ambassadors , yet when they saw the Ambassadors themselves , so full of Gold Chains , they looking upon them as Slaves , made them no reverence at all . You might have seen their Children , who were grown up to that bigness , that they had thrown away their Jewels , call to their Mothers , and push them gently , and cry out , See that great Fool that wears Pearls and Gems , as if he were yet a Child . And their Mothers answered them in good earnest , Hold your Peace , this is , I believe , one of the Ambassador's Fools . Others censured the fashion of their Chains , and observed that they were of no use , for they were too slight to bind their Slaves , who could easily break them ; and they saw them hang so loose about them , that they reckoned they could easily throw them away , and so get from them . But after the Ambassadors had staid a day among them , and saw so vast a quantity of Gold in their Houses , which was as much despised by them , as it was esteemed in other Nations , and that there was more Gold and Silver in the Chains and Fetters of one Slave , than all their Ornaments amounted to , their Plumes fell , and they were ashamed of all that Glory for which they had formerly valued themselves , and so laid it aside : to which they were the more determined , when upon their engaging into some free Discourse with the Vtopians , they discovered their sense of such things , and their other Customs . The Vtopians wonder how any Man should be so much taken with the glaring doubtful lustre of a Jewel or Stone , that can look up to a Star , or to the Sun himself ; or how any should value himself , because his Cloth is made of a finer Thread : for how fine soever that Thread may be , it was once no better than the Fleece of a Sheep , and that Sheep was a Sheep still for all its wearing it . They wonder much to hear , that Gold which it self is so useless a thing , should be every where so much esteemed , that even Men for whom it was made , and by whom it has its value , should yet be thought of less value than it is : So that a Man of Lead , who has no more sence than a Log of Wood , and is as bad as he is foolish , should have many wise and good Men serving him , only because he has a great heap of that Metal ; and if it should so happen , that by some Accident , or Trick of Law , ( which does sometimes produce as great Changes as Chance it self ) all this Wealth should pass from the Master to the meanest Varlet of his whole Family , he himself would very soon become one of his Servants , as if he were a thing that belonged to his Wealth , and so were bound to follow its Fortune . But they do much more admire and detest their folly , who when they see a rich Man , tho they neither owe him any thing , nor are in any sort obnoxious to him , yet meerly because he is rich , they give him little less than Divine Honours ; even tho they know him to be so covetous and base minded , that notwithstanding all his Wealth , he will not part with one Farthing of it to them as long as he lives . These and such like Notions has that People drunk in , partly from their Education , being bred in a Country , whose Customs and Constitutions are very opposite to all such foolish Maxims : and partly from their Learning and Studies ; for tho there are but few in any Town that are excused from Labour , so that they may give themselves wholly to their Studies , these being only such Persons as discover from their Childhood an extraordinary capacity and disposition for Letters , yet their Children , and a great part of the Nation , both Men and Women , are taught to spend those hours in which they are not obliged to work , in Reading : and this they do their whole Life long . They have all their Learning in their own Tongue ; which is both a copious and pleasant Language , and in which a Man can fully express his Mind : It runs over a great Tract of many Countries , but it is not equally pure in all places : They had never so much as heard of the Names of any of those Philosophers that are so famous in these parts of the World , before we went among them : and yet they had made the same Discoveries that the Greeks had done , both in Musick , Logick , Arithmetick , and Geometry . But as they are equal to the Ancient Philosophers almost in all things , so they far exceed our Modern Logicians , for they have never yet fallen upon the barbarous Nicities that our Youth are forced to learn in those trifling Logical Schools that are among us ; and they are so far from minding Chimera's , and Fantastical Images made in the Mind , that none of them could comprehend what we meant , when we talked to them of a Man in the Abstract , as common to all Men in particular , ( so that tho we spoke of him as a thing that we could point at with our Fingers , yet none of them could perceive him ) and yet distinct from every one , as if he were some monstrous Colossus or Giant . Yet for all this ignorance of these empty Notions , they knew Astronomy , and all the Motions of the Orbs exactly ; and they have many Instruments , well contrived and divided , by which they do very accurately compute the Course and Positions of the Sun , Moon , and Stars . But for the Cheat , of divining by the Stars , and by their Oppositions or Conjunctions , it has not so much as entred into their Thoughts . They this caution , that a lesser Pleasure might not stand in the way of a greater , and that no pleasure ought to be pursued , that should draw a great deal of pain after it : for they think it the maddest thing in the World to pursue Vertue , that is a sour and difficult thing ; and not only to renounce the pleasures of Life , but willingly to undergo much pain and trouble , if a Man has no prospect of a Reward . And what Reward can there be , for one that has passed his whole Life , not only without pleasure , but in pain , if there is nothing to be expected after death ? Yet they do not place Happiness in all sorts of Pleasures , but only in those that in themselves are good and honest : for whereas there is a Party among them that places Happiness in bare Vertue , others think that our Natures are conducted by Vertue to Happiness , as that which is the chief Good of Man. They define Vertue thus , that it is a living according to Nature ; and think that we are made by God for that end : They do believe that a Man does then follow the Dictates of Nature , when he pursues or avoids things according to the direction of Reason : they say , that the first dictate of Reason is , the kindling in us a love and reverence for the Divine Majesty , to whom we owe both all that we have , and all that we can ever hope for . In the next place , Reason directs us , to keep our Minds as free of Passion , and as chearful as we can ; and that we should consider our selves as bound by the ties of good Nature and Humanity , to use our utmost endeavours to help forward the Happiness of all other Persons ; for there was never any Man that was such a morose and severe pursuer of Vertue , and such an Enemy to Pleasure , that tho he set hard Rules to Men to undergo , much pain , many watchings , and other rigors , yet did not at the same time advise them to do all they could in order to the relieving and easing such People as were miserable ; and did not represent it as a mark of a laudable temper , that it was gentle and good natured : And they infer from thence , that if a Man ought to advance the welfare and comfort of the rest of Mankind , there being no Vertue more proper and peculiar to our Nature , than to ease the miseries of others , to free them from trouble & anxiety , in furnishing them with the Comforts of Life , that consist in Pleasure ; Nature does much more vigorously lead him to do all this for himself . A Life of Pleasure , is either a real Evil ; and in that case we ought not only , not to assist others in their pursuit of it , but on the contrary , to keep them from it all we can , as from that which is hurtful and deadly to them ; or if it is a good thing , so that we not only may , but ought to help others to it , Why then ought not a Man to begin with himself ? since no Man can be more bound to look after the good of another , than after his own : for Nature cannot direct us to be good and kind to others , and yet at the same time to be unmerciful and cruel to our selves . Thus as they define Vertue to be a living according to Nature , so they reckon that Nature sets all People on to seek after Pleasure , as the end of all they do . They do also observe , that in order to the supporting the Pleasures of Life , Nature inclines us to enter into Society ; for there is no Man so much raised above the rest of mankind , that he should be the only Favorite of Nature , which on the contrary seems to have levelled all those together that belong to the same Species . Upon this they infer , that no Man ought to seek his own Conveniences so eagerly , that thereby he should prejudice others ; and therefore they think , that not only all Agreements between private Persons ought to be observed ; but likewise , that all those Laws ought to be kept , which either a good Prince has published in due form , or to which a People , that is neither oppressed with Tyranny , nor circumvented by Fraud , has consented , for distributing those Conveniences of Life which afford us all our Pleasures . They think it is an evidence of true Wisdom , for a Man to pursue his own Advantages , as far as the Laws allow it . They account it Piety , to prefer the Publick Good to one's Private Concerns ; but they think it unjust , for a Man to seek for his own Pleasure , by snatching another Man's Pleasures from him . And on the contrary , they think it a sign of a gentle and good Soul , for a Man to dispence with his own Advantage for the good of others ; and that by so doing , a good Man finds as much pleasure one way , as he parts with another ; for as he may expect the like from others when he may come to need it , so if that should fail him , yet the Sense of a good Action , and the Reflections that one makes on the Love and Gratitude of those whom he has so obliged , gives the Mind more Pleasure , than the Body could have found in that from which it had restrained it self : they are also perswaded that God will make up the loss of those small Pleasures , with a vast and endless Joy , of which Religion does easily convince a good Soul. Thus upon an enquiry into the whole Matter , they reckon that all our Actions , and even all our Vertues terminate in Pleasure , as in our chief End and greatest Happiness ; and they call every Motion or State , either of Body or Mind , in which Nature teaches us to delight , a Pleasure . And thus they cautiously limit Pleasure , only to those Appetites to which Nature leads us ; for they reckon that Nature leads us only to those Delights to which Reason as well as Sense carries us , and by which we neither injure any other Person , nor let go greater Pleasures for it ; and which do not draw troubles on us after them : but they look upon those Delights which Men , by a foolish tho common Mistake , call Pleasure , as if they could change the Nature of Things , as well as the use of Words , as things that not only do not advance our Happiness , but do rather obstruct it very much , because they do so entirely possess the Minds of those that once go into them , with a false Notion of Pleasure , that there is no room left for truer and purer Pleasures . There are many things that in themselves have nothing that is truly delighting : On the contrary , they have a good deal of bitterness in them ; and yet by our perverse Appetites after forbidden Objects , are not only ranked among the Pleasures , but are made even the greatest Designs of Life . Among those who pursue these sophisticated Pleasures , they reckon those whom I mentioned before , who think themselves really the better for having fine Clothes ; in which they think they are doubly mistaken , both in the Opinion that they have of their Clothes , and in the Opinion that they have of themselves ; for if you consider the use of Clothes , why should a fine Thread be thought better than a course one ? And yet that sort of Men , as if they had some real Advantages beyond others , and did not owe it wholly to their Mistakes , look big , and seem to fancy themselves to be the more valuable on that account , and imagine that a respect is due to them for the sake of a rich Garment , to which they would not have pretended , if they had been more meanly cloathed ; and they resent it as an Affront , if that respect is not paid them . It is also a great folly to be taken with these outward Marks of Respect , which signify nothing : For what true or real Pleasure can one find in this , that another Man stands bare , or makes Legs to him ? Will the bending another Man's Thighs give yours an ease ? And will his Head 's being bare , cure the madness of yours ? And yet it is wonderful to see how this false Notion of Pleasure bewitches many , who delight themselves with the fancy of their Nobility , and are pleased with this Conceit , that they are descended from Ancestors , who have been held for some Successions rich , and that they have had great Possessions ; for this is all that makes Nobility at present ; yet they do not think themselves a whit the less noble , tho their immediate Parents have left none of this Wealth to them ; or tho they themselves have squandred it all away . The Vtopians have no better Opinion of those , who are much taken with Gems and Precious Stones , and who account it a degree of Happiness , next to a Divine one , if they can purchase one that is very extraordinary ; especially if it be of that sort of Stones , that is then in greatest request ; for the same sort is not at all times of the same value with all sorts of People ; nor will Men buy it , unless it be dismounted and taken out of the Gold : And then the Jeweller is made to give good Security , and required solemnly to swear that the Stone is true , that by such an exact Caution , a false one may not be bought instead of a true : Whereas if you were to examine it , your Eye could find no difference between that which is counterfeit , and that which is true ; so that they are all one to you as much as if you were blind : And can it be thought that they who heap up an useless Mass of Wealth , not for any use that it is to bring them , but meerly to please themselves with the contemplation of it , enjoy any true Pleasure in it ? The Delight they find , is only a false shadow of Joy : those are no better , whose Error is somewhat different from the former , and who hide it , out of their fear of losing it ; for what other Name can fit the hiding it in the Earth , or rather the restoring it to it again , it being thus cut off from being useful , either to its Owner , or to the rest of Mankind ? and yet the Owner having hid it carefully , is glad , because he thinks he is now sure of it . And in case one should come to steal it , the Owner , tho he might live perhaps ten Years after that , would all that while after the Theft , of which he knew nothing , find no difference between his having it , or losing it , for both ways it was equally useless to him . Among those foolish pursuers of Pleasure , they reckon all those that delight in Hunting , or Birding , or Gaming : Of whose madness they have only heard , for they have no such things among them : but they have asked us ; What sort of Pleasure is it that Men can find in throwing the Dice ? for if there were any pleasure in it , they think the doing it so often should give one a Surfeit of it : And what pleasure can one find in hearing the barking and howling of Dogs , which seem rather odious than pleasant sounds ? Nor can they comprehend the pleasure of seeing Dogs run after a Hare , more than of seeing one Dog run after another ; for you have the same entertainment to the Eye on both these Occasions ; if the seeing them run is that which gives the pleasure , since that is the same in both cases : but if the Pleasure lies in seeing the Hare killed and torn by the Dogs , this ought rather to stir pity , when a weak , harmless , and fearful Hare , is devoured by a strong , fierce , and cruel Dog. Therefore all this business of hunting , is among the Vtopians turned over to their Butchers ; and those are all Slaves , as was formerly said : and they look on Hunting , as one of the basest parts of a Butcher's work : for they account it both more profitable , and more decent to kill those Beasts that are more necessary and useful to Mankind ; whereas the killing and tearing of so small and miserable an Animal , which a Huntsman proposes to himself , can only attract him with the false shew of Pleasure ; for it is of little use to him : they look on the desire of the Bloodshed , even of Beasts , as a mark of a Mind that is already corrupted with cruelty , or that at least by the frequent returns of so brutal a pleasure , must degenerate into it . Thus tho the Rabble of Mankind looks upon these , and all other things of this kind , which are indeed innumerable , as Pleasures ; the Vtopians on the contrary observing , that there is nothing in the nature of them that is truly pleasant , conclude that they are not to be reckoned among Pleasures : for tho these things may create some tickling in the Senses , ( which seems to be a true Notion of Pleasure ) yet they reckon that this does not arise from the thing it self , but from a depraved Custom , which may so vitiate a Man's taste , that bitter things may pass for sweet ; as Women with Child think Pitch or Tallow taste sweeter than Hony ; but as a Man's Sense when corrupted , either by a Disease , or some ill Habit , does not change the nature of other things , so neither can it change the nature of Pleasure . They reckon up several sorts of these Pleasures , which they call true Ones : Some belong to the Body , and others to the Mind . The Pleasures of the Mind lie in Knowledg , and in that delight which the contemplation of Truth carries with it ; to which they add the joyful Reflections on a well-spent Life , and the assured hopes of a future Happiness . They divide the Pleasures of the Body into two sorts ; the one is that which gives our Senses some real delight , and is performed , either by the recruiting of Nature , and supplying those parts on which the internal heat of Life feeds ; and that is done by eating or drinking : Or when Nature is eased of any surcharge that oppresses it , as when we empty our Guts , beget Children , or free any of the parts of our Body from Aches or Heats by friction . There is another kind of this sort of Pleasure , that neither gives us any thing that our Bodies require , nor frees us from any thing with which we are overcharged ; and yet it excites our Senses by a secret unseen Vertue , and by a generous Impression , it so tickles and affects them , that it turns them inwardly upon themselves ; and this is the Pleasure begot by Musick . Another sort of bodily Pleasure is , that which consists in a quiet and good constitution of Body , by which there is an entire healthiness spread over all the parts of the Body , not allayed with any Disease . This , when it is free from all mixture of pain , gives an inward pleasure of it self , even tho it should not be excited by any external and delighting Object ; and altho this Pleasure does not so vigorously affect the Sense , nor act so strongly upon it ; yet as it is the greatest of all Pleasures , so almost all the Vtopians reckon it the Foundation and Basis of all the other Joys of Life ; since this alone makes one's state of Life to be easy and desirable ; and when this is wanting , a Man is really capable of no other Pleasure . They look upon indolence and freedom from Pain , if it does not rise from a perfect Health , to be a state of Stupidity rather than of Pleasure . There has been a Controversy in this Matter very narrowly canvassed among them ; Whether a firm and entire Health could be called a Pleasure , or not ? Some have thought that there was no Pleasure , but that which was excited by some sensible Motion in the Body . But this Opinion has been long ago run down among them , so that now they do almost all agree in this , That Health is the greatest of all bodily Pleasures ; and that as there is a Pain in Sickness , which is as opposite in its nature to Pleasure , as Sickness it self is to Health , so they hold that Health carries a Pleasure along with it : And if any should say , that Sickness is not really a Pain , but that it only carries a Pain along with it , they look upon that as a fetch of subtilty , that does not much alter the Matter . So they think it is all one , whether it be said , that Health is in it self a Pleasure , or that it begets a Pleasure , as Fire gives Heat ; so it be granted , that all those whose Health is entire , have a true pleasure in it : And they reason thus , What is the Pleasure of eating , but that a Man's Health which had been weakned , does , with the assistance of Food , drive away Hunger , and so recruiting it self , recovers its former Vigour ? And being thus refresh'd , it finds a pleasure in that Conflict : and if the Conflict is Pleasure , the Victory must yet breed a greater Pleasure , except we will fancy that it becomes stupid as soon as it has obtained that which it pursued , and so does neither know nor rejoice in its own welfare . If it is said , that Health cannot be felt , they absolutely deny that , for what Man is in Health , that does not perceive it when he is awake ? Is there any Man that is so dull and stupid , as not to acknowledg that he feels a delight in Health ? And what is Delight , but another name for Pleasure ? But of all Pleasures , they esteem those to be the most valuable that lie in the Mind ; and the chief of these , are those that arise out of true Vertue , and the witness of a good Conscience : They account Health the chief Pleasure that belongs to the Body ; for they think that the pleasure of eating and drinking , and all the other delights of the Body , are only so far desirable , as they give or maintain Health : but they are not pleasant in themselves , otherwise than as they resist those Impressions that our natural Infirmity is still making upon us : And as a wise Man desires rather to avoid Diseases , than to take Physick ; and to be freed from pain , rather than to find ease by Remedies : so it were a more desirable state , not to need this sort of Pleasure , than to be obliged to indulge it : And if any Man imagines that there is a real Happiness in this Pleasure , he must then confess that he would be the happiest of all Men , if he were to lead his life in a perpetual hunger , thirst , and itching , and by consequence in perpetual eating , drinking , and scratching himself , which any one may easily see would be not only a base , but a miserable state of Life . These are indeed the lowest of Pleasures , and the least pure : for we can never relish them , but when they are mixed with the contrary pains . The pain of Hunger , must give us the pleasure of Eating ; and here the Pain outballances the Pleasure : and as the Pain is more vehement , so it lasts much longer ; for as it is upon us before the Pleasure comes , so it does not cease , but with the Pleasure that extinguishes it , and that goes off with it : So that they think none of those Pleasures are to be valued , but as they are necessary . Yet they rejoice in them , and with due gratitude acknowledg the tenderness of the great Author of Nature , who has planted in us Appetites , by which those things that are necessary for our preservation , are likewise made pleasant to us . For how miserable a thing would Life be , if those daily Diseases of Hunger and Thirst , were to be carried off by such bitter Drugs , as we must use for those Diseases that return seldomer upon us ? and thus these pleasant , as well as proper Gifts of Nature , do maintain the strength and the sprightliness of our Bodies . They do also entertain themselves with the other Delights that they let in at their Eyes , their Ears , and their Nostrils , as the pleasant relishes and seasonings of Life , which Nature seems to have marked out to be seen a greater encrease , both of Corn and Cattel , nor are there any where healthier Men to be found , and freer from Diseases than among them : for one may see there , not only such things put in practice , that Husbandmen do commonly for manuring and improving an ill Soil , but in some places a whole Wood is plucked up by the Roots , as well as whole ones planted in other places , where there were formerly none : In doing of this the cheif consideration they have is of carriage , that their Timber may be either near their Towns , or lie upon the Sea , or some Rivers , so that it may be floated to them ; for it is a harder work to carry Wood at any distance over Land , then Corn. The Peole are industrious , apt to learn , as well as chearful and pleasant ; and none can endure more labour , when it is necessary , than they ; but except in that case they love their ease . They are unwearied pursuers of knowledg ; for when we had given them some hints of the Learning and Discipline of the Greeks , concerning whom we only instructed them , ( for we know that there was nothing among the Romans , except their , Historians and their Poets , that they would value much ) it was strange to see how eagerly they were set on learning that Language : We began to read a little of it to them , rather in compliance with their importunity , than out of any hopes of their profiting much by it : But after a very short trial , we found they made such a progress in it , that we saw our labour was like to be more successful than we could have expected . They learned to write their Characters , and to pronounce their Language so right , and took up all so quick , they remembered it so faithfully , and became so ready and correct in the use of it , that it would have look'd like a Miracle , if the greater part of those whom we taught had not been Men , both of extraordinay Capacity , and of a fit Age for it : They were for the greatest part chosen out among their learned Men , by their cheif Council , tho some learn'd it of their own accord . In three Years time they became Masters of the whole Language , so that they read the best of the Greek Authors very exactly . I am indeed apt to think , that they learned that Language the more easily , because it seems to be of kin to their own : I believe that they were a Colony of the Greeks ; for tho their Language comes nearer the Persian , yet they retain many Names , both for their Towns and Magistrates , that are of Greek Origination . I had happened to carry a great many Books with me , instead of Merchandise , when I failed my fourth Voyage ; for I was so far from thinking of coming back soon , that I rather thought never to have returned at all , and I gave them all my Books , among which many of Plato's and some of Aristotle's works were . I had also Theophrastus of the Plants , which to my great regret , was imperfect ; for having laid it carelessly by , while we were at Sea , a Monkey had fallen upon it and had torn out leaves in many places . They have no Books of Grammar , but Lascares , for I did not carry Theodorus with me ; nor have they any Dictionaries but Hesichius and Dioscorides . They esteem Plutarch highly , and were much taken with Lucian's Wit , and with his pleasant way of writing . As for the Poets , they have Aristophanes , Homer , Euripides , and Sophocles of Aldus's Edition ; and for Historians , they have Thucidydes , Herodotus and Herodian . One of my Companions , Thricius Apinatus , happened to carry with him some of Hippocrates's Works , and Galen's Microtechne , which they hold in great estimation ; for tho there is no Nation in the World , that needs Physick so little as they do , yet there is not any that honours it so much : They reckon the knowledg of it to be one of the pleasantest and profitablest parts of Philosophy , by which , as they search into the Secrets of Nature , so they not only find marvellous pleasure in it , but think that in making such enquiries , they do a most acceptable thing to the Author of Nature ; and imagine that he , as all Inventers of curious Engines , has exposed to our view this great Machine of the Universe , we being the only Creatures capable of contemplating it : and that therefore an exact and curious Observer and Admirer of his Workmanship , is much more acceptable to him , than one of the Herd ; who as if he were a Beast , and not capable of Reason , looks on all this glorious Scene , only as a dull and unconcerned Spectator . The Minds of the Vtopians , when they are once excited by Learning , are very ingenious in finding out all such Arts as tend to the conveniences of Life . Two things they owe to us , which are the Art of Printing , and the Manufacture of Paper : yet they do not owe these so entirely to us , but that a great part of the invention was their own ; for after we had shewed them some Paper-books of Aldus's Impression , and began to explain to them the way of making Paper , and of printing , tho we spake but very crudely of both these , not being practised in either of them , they presently took up the whole matter from the hints that we gave them : and whereas before they only writ on Parchment , or on the Barks of Trees , or Reeds ; they have now set up the Manufacture of Paper , and Printing-presses : and tho at first they could not arrive at a perfection in them , yet by making many essays , they at last found out , and corrected all their Errors , and brought the whole thing to perfection ; so that if they had but a good number of Greek Authors , they would be quickly supplied with many Copies of them : at present ; tho they have no more than those I have mentioned , yet by several Impressions , they have multiplied them into many thousands . If any Man should go among them , that had some extraordinary Talent , or that by much travelling had observed the Customs of many Nations , ( which made us to be so well received ) he would be very welcome to them ; for they are very desirous to know the state of the whole World. Very few go among them on the account of Traffick , for what can a Man carry to them but Iron , or Gold , or Silver , which Merchants desire rather to export , than import to any strange Country : and as for their Exportation , they think it better to manage that themselves , than to let Forraigners come and deal in it , for by this means , as they understand the state of the neighbouring Countries better , so they keep up the Art of Navigation , which cannot be maintained but by much practise in it . Of their Slaves , and of their Marriages . THEY do not make Slaves of Prisoners of War , except those that are taken fighting against them ; nor of the Sons of their Slaves , nor of the Slaves of other Nations : the Slaves among them , are only such as are condemned to that state of Life for some Crime that they had committed , or which is more common , such as their Merchants find condemned to die in those parts to which they trade , whom they redeem sometimes at low rates ; and in other places they have them for nothing ; and so they fetch them away . All their Slaves are kept at perpetual labour , and are always chained , but with this difference , that they treat their own Natives much worse , looking on them as a more profligate sort of People ; who not being restrained from Crimes , by the advantages of so excellent an Education , are judged worthy of harder usage than others . Another sort of Slaves , is , when some of the poorer sort in the neighbouring Countries , offer of their own accord to come and serve them ; they treat these better , and use them in all other respects , as well as their own Country Men , except that they impose more labour upon them , which is no hard task to them that have been accustomed to it ; and if any of these have a mind to go back to their own Country , which indeed falls out but seldom , as they do not force them to stay ▪ so they do not send them away empty handed . I have already told you with what care they look after their Sick , so that nothing is left undone that can contribute either to their Ease or Health : and for those who are taken with fixed and incurable Diseases , they use all possible ways to cherish them , and to make their Lives as comfortable as may be : they visit them often , and take great pains to make their time pass off easily : but when any is taken with a torturing and lingering pain , so that there is no hope , either of recovery or ease , the Priests and Magistrates come and exhort them , that since they are now unable to go on with the business of Life , and are become a burden to themselves , and to all about them , so that they have really out-lived themselves , they would no longer nourish such a rooted Distemper , but would chuse rather to die , since they cannot live , but in much misery : being assured , that if they either deliver themselves from their Prison and Torture , or are willing that others should do it , they shall be happy after their Deaths : And since by their dying thus , they lose none of the Pleasures , but only the Troubles of Life ; they think they act , not only reasonably in so doing , but religiously and piously ; because they follow the Advices that are given them by the Priests , who are the Expounders of the Will of God to them . Such as are wrought on by these Perswasions , do either starve themselves of their own accord , or they take Opium , and so they die without pain . But no Man is forced on this way of ending his Life ; and if they cannot be perswaded to it , they do not for that fail in their attendance and care of them : But as they believe that a voluntary Death , when it is chosen upon such an Authority , is very honourable ; so if any Man takes away his own Life , without the approbation of the Priests and the Senate , they give him none of the Honours of a decent Funeral , but throw his Body into some Ditch . Their Women are not married before eighteen , nor their Men before two and twenty ; and if any of them run into forbidden Embraces before their Marriage , they are severely punished , and the privilege of Marriage is denied them , unless there is a special Warrant obtained for it afterward from the Prince . Such Disorders cast a great reproach upon the Master and Mistress of the Family in which they fall out ; for it is supposed , that they have been wanting to their Duty . The reason of punishing this so severely , is , because they think that if they were not so strictly restrained from all vagrant Appetites , very few would engage in a married state , in which Men venture the quiet of their whole Life , being restricted to one Person ; besides many other Inconveniences that do accompany it . In the way of chusing of their Wives , they use a method that would appear to us very absurd and ridiculous , but is constantly observed among them , and accounted a wise and good Rule . Before Marriage , some grave Matron presents the Bride naked , whether she is a Virgin or a Widow , to the Bridegroom ; and after that , some grave Man presents the Bridegroom naked to the Bride . We indeed both laughed at this , and condemned it as a very indecent thing . But they , on the other hand , wondered at the folly of the Men of all other Nations ; who if they are but to buy a Horse of a small value , are so cautious , that they will see every part of him , and take off both his Sadle , and all his other Tackle , that there may be no secret Ulcer hid under under any of them ; and that yet in the choice of a Wife , on which depends the happiness or unhappiness of the rest of his Life , a Man should venture upon trust , and only see about an handbreadth of the Face , all the rest of the Body being covered ; under which there may lie hid that which may be contagious , as well as loathsome . All Men are not so wise , that they chuse a Woman only for her good Qualities ; and even wise Men consider the Body , as that which adds not a little to the Mind : And it is certain , there may be some such deformity covered with ones Clothes , as may totally alienate a Man from his Wife , when it is too late to part with her : for if such a thing is discovered after Marriage , a Man has no remedy but patience : So they think it is reasonable , that there should be a good provision made against such mischievous Frauds . There was so much the more reason in making a regulation in this Matter , because they are the only People of those parts that do neither allow of Polygamy , nor of Divorces , except in the cases of Adultery , or insufferable Perversness : for in these Cases the Senate dissolves the Marriage , and grants the injured Person leave to marry again ; but the Guilty are made infamous , and are never allowed the privilege of a second Marriage . None are suffered to put away their Wives against their Wills , because of any great Calamity that may have fallen on their Person ; for they look on it as the height of Cruelty and Treachery to abandon either of the married Persons , when they need most the tender care of their Consort ; and that chiefly in the case of old Age , which as it carries many Diseases along with it , so it is a Disease of it self . But it falls often out , that when a married Couple do not agree well together , they by mutual consent separate , and find out other Persons with whom they hope they may live more happily : yet this is not done , without obtaining leave of the Senate ; which never admits of a Divorce , but upon a strict enquiry made , both by the Senators and their Wives , into the Grounds upon which it proceeds : and even when they are satisfied concerning the Reasons of it , they go on but slowly , for they reckon that too great easiness , in granting leave for new Marriages , would very much shake the kindness of married Persons . They punish severely those that defile the Marriage-Bed : If both Parties are married , they are divorced , and the injured Persons may marry one another , or whom they please ; but the Adulterer , and the Adulteress are condemned to slavery . Yet if either of the injured Persons cannot shake off the Love of the married Person , they may live with them still in that state ; but they must follow them to that Labour to which the Slaves are condemned ; and sometimes the Repentance of the condemned Person , together with the unshaken kindness of the innocent and injured Person , has prevailed so far with the Prince , that he has taken off the Sentence . But those that relapse , after they are once pardoned , are punished with Death . Their Law does not determine the Punishment for other Crimes ; but that is left to the Senate , to temper it according to the Circumstances of the Fact. Husbands have power to correct their Wives , and Parents to correct their Children , unless the Fault is so great , that a publick Punishment is thought necessary for the striking terror into others . For the most part , Slavery is the punishment even of the greatest Crimes ; for as that is no less terrible to the Criminals themselves than Death ; so they think the preserving them in a state of servitude , is more for the Interest of the Common-Wealth , than the killing them outright ; since as their Labour is a greater benefit to the Publick , than their Death could be ; so the sight of their Misery is a more lasting terror to other Men , than that which would be given by their Death . If their Slaves rebel , and will not bear their Yoke , and submit to the Labour that is enjoined them , they are treated as wild Beasts that cannot be kept in order , neither by a Prison , nor by their Chains ; and are at last put to death . But those who bear their Punishment patiently , and are so much wrought on by that pressure , that lies so hard on them , that it appears they are really more troubled for the Crimes they have committed , than for the Miseries they suffer , are not out of hope , but that at last either the Prince will , by his Prerogative , or the People will by their intercession restore them again to their liberty , or at least very much mitigate their slavery . He that tempts a married Woman to Adultery , is no less severely punished , than he that commits it ; for they reckon that a laid and studied Design of committing any Crime , is equal to the Fact it self ; since it s not taking effect does not make the Person that did all that in him lay in order to it , a whit the less guilty . They take great pleasure in Fools , and as it is thought a base and unbecoming thing to use them ill , so they do not think it amiss for People to divert themselves with their Folly : and they think this is a great advantage to the Fools themselves : For if Men were so sullen and severe , as not at all to please themselves with their ridiculous behaviour , and foolish sayings , which is all that they can do to recommend themselves to others , it could not be expected that they would be so well look'd to , nor so tenderly used as they must otherwise be . If any Man should reproach another for his being mishaped or imperfect in any part of his Body , it would not at all be thought a reflection on the Person that were so treated , but it would be accounted a very unworthy thing for him that had upbraided another with that which he could not help . It is thought a sign of a sluggish and sordid Mind , not to preserve carefully one 's natural Beauty ; but it is likewise an infamous thing among them to use Paint or Fard . And they all see that no Beauty recommends a Wife so much to her Husband , as the probity of her Life , and her Obedience : for as some few are catched and held only by Beauty , so all People are held by the other Excellencies which charm all the World. As they fright Men from committing Crimes by Punishments , so they invite them to the love of Vertue , by publick Honours : therefore they erect Statues in honour to the memories of such worthy Men as have deserved well of their Country , and set these in their Market-places , both to perpetuate the remembrance of their Actions , and to be an incitement to their Posterity to follow their example . If any Man aspires to any Office , he is sure never to compass it : They live all easily together , for none of the Magistrates are either insolent or cruel to the People ; but they affect rather to be called Fathers , and by being really so , they well deserve that Name ; and the People pay them all the marks of Honour the more freely , because none are exacted of them . The Prince himself has no distinction , either of Garments , or of a Crown ; but is only known by a Sheaf of Corn that is carried before him , as the High Priest is also known by a Wax Light that is carried before him . They have but few Laws , and such is their Constitution , that they need not many . They do very much condemn other Nations , whose Laws , together with the Commentaries on them , swell up to so many Volumes ; for they think it an unreasonable thing to oblige Men to obey a Body of Laws , that are both of such a bulk , and so dark , that they cannot be read or understood by every one of the Subjects . They have no Lawyers among them , for they consider them as a sort of People , whose Profession it is to disguise Matters , as well as to wrest Laws ; and therefore they think it is much better that every Man should plead his own Cause , and trust it to the Judg , as well as in other places the Client does it to a Counsellor . By this means they both cut off many delays , and find out Truth more certainly : for after the Parties have laid open the Merits of their Cause , without those Artifices which Lawyers are apt to suggest , the Judg examines the whole Matter , and supports the simplicity of such well-meaning Persons , whom otherwise crafty Men would be sure to run down : And thus they avoid those Evils , which appear very remarkably among all those Nations that labour under a vast load of Laws . Every one of them is skilled in their Law , for as it is a very short study , so the plainnest meaning of which words are capable , is always the sense of their Laws . And they argue thus ; All Laws are promulgated for this end , that every Man may know his Duty ; and therefore the plainest and most obvious sense of the words , is that which must be put on them ; since a more refined Exposition cannot be easily comprehended , and Laws become thereby useless to the greater part of Mankind , who need most the direction of them : for to them it is all one , not to make a Law at all , and to couch it in such tearms , that without a quick apprehension , and much study , a Man cannot find out the true meaning of it ; and the generality of Mankind are both so dull , and so much imployed in their several Trades , that they have neither the leisure nor the capacity requisite for such an enquiry . Some of their Neighbours , who are Masters of their own Liberties , having long ago , by the assistance of the Vtopians , shaken off the Yoke of Tyranny ; and being much taken with those Vertues that they observe among them , have come to them , and desired that they would send Magistrates among them to govern them ; some changing them every Year , and others every five Years . At the end of their Government , they bring them back to Vtopia , with great expressions of honour and esteem , and carry away others to govern in their stead . In this they seem to have fallen upon a very good Expedient for their own happiness and safety : For since the good or ill Condition of a Nation depends so much upon their Magistrates , they could not have made a better choice , than by pitching on Men whom no Advantages can biass ; for Wealth is of no use to them , since they must go so soon back to their own Country ; and they being strangers among them , are not engaged in any of their Heats or Animosities : And it is certain , that when Publick Judicatories are swayed , either by partial Affections , or by Avarice , there must follow upon it a dissolution of all Justice , which is the chief Sinew of Society . The Vtopians call those Nations that come and ask Magistrates from them , Neighbours ; but they call those to whom they have been more particularly assisting , Friends . And whereas all other Nations are perpetually either making Leagues , or breaking them , they never enter into any Alliance with any other State. They think Leagues are useless things , and reckon , that if the common Ties of Humane Nature do not knit Men together , the Faith of Promises will have no great effect on them : And they are the more confirmed in this , by that which they see among the Nations round about them , who are no strict observers of Leagues and Treaties . We know how religiously they are observed in Europe ; more particularly where the Christian Doctrine is received , among whom they are sacred and inviolable . Which is partly owing to the Justice and Goodness of the Princes themselves , and partly to their Reverence that they pay to the Popes : who as they are most religious observers of their own Promises , so they exhort all other Princes to perform theirs ; and when fainter Methods do not prevail , they compel them to it by the severity of the Pastoral Censure ; and think that it would be the most indecent thing possible , if Men who are particularly designed by the title of the Faithful , should not religiously keep the Faith of their Treaties . But in that new found World , which is not more distant from us in Scituation , than it is disagreeing from us in their Manners , and course of Life , there is no trusting to Leagues , even tho they were made with all the pomp of the most Sacred Ceremonies that is possible : On the contrary , they are the sooner broken for that , some slight Pretence being found in the words of the Treaties , which are contrived in such ambiguous Terms , and that on design , that they can never be so strictly bound , but they will always find some Loop-hole to escape at ; and so they break both their Leagues and their Faith. And this is done with that impudence , that those very Men who value themselves on having suggested these Advices to their Princes , would yet , with a haughty scorn , declaim against such Craft , or to speak plainer , such Fraud and Deceit , if they found private Men make use of it in their Bargains ; and would readily say , that they deserved to be hanged for it . By this means it is , that all sort of Justice passes in the World , but for a low-spirited and vulgar Vertue , which is far below the dignity of Royal Greatness ▪ Or at least , there are two sorts of Justice set up : the one is mean , and creeps on the Ground , and therefore becomes none but the baser sort of Men , and so must be kept in severely by many restraints , that it may not break out beyond the Bounds that are set to it . The other is , the peculiar Vertue of Princes , which as it is more majestick than that which becomes the , Rabble , so takes a freer compass ; and lawful or unlawful , are only measured by Pleasure and Interest . These practices among the Princes that lie about Vtopia , who make so little account of their Faith , seem to be the Reasons that determine them to engage in no Confederacies : perhaps they would change their mind if they lived among us : but yet tho Treaties were more religiously observed , they would still dislike the custom of making them ; since the World has taken up a false Maxim upon it , as if there were no tie of Nature knitting one Nation to another , that are only separated perhaps by a Mountain , or a River , and that all were born in a state of Hostility , and so might lawfully do all that mischief to their Neighbours , against which there is no provision made by Treaties : And that when Treaties are made , they do not cut off the Enmity , or restrain the License of preying upon one another , if by the unskilfulness of wording them , there are not effectual Proviso's made against them . They on the other hand judg , that no Man is to be esteemed our Enemy that has never injured us ; and that the Partnership of the Humane Nature , that is among all Men , is instead of a League . And that kindness and good Nature unite Men more effectually , and more forcibly than any Agreements whatsoever ; since thereby the Engagements of Mens Hearts become stronger , than any thing can be to which a few words can bind them . Of their Military Discipline . THey detest War as a very brutal thing ; and which , to the reproach of Humane Nature , is more practised by Men , than by any sort of Beasts : and they , against the custom of almost all other Nations , think that there is nothing more inglorious than that Glory that is gained by War : And therefore tho they accustom themselves daily to Military Exercises , and the Discipline of War , in which not only their Men , but their Women likewise , are trained up , that so in cases of Necessity , they may not be quite useless : Yet they do not rashly engage in War , unless it be either to defend themselves , or their Friends , from any unjust Aggressors ; or out of good Nature , or in compassion to an oppressed Nation , that they assist them to the shaking off the Yoke Tyranny . They indeed help their Friends , not only in Defensive , but also in Offensive Wars : but they never do that , unless they had been consulted with while the Matter was yet entire ; and that being satisfied with the Grounds on which they went , they had found that all Demands of Reparation were rejected , so that a War was necessary : which they do not think to be only just , when one Neighbour makes an inrode on another , by publick Order , and carries away their Spoils ; but when the Merchants of one Country are oppressed in another , either under the pretence of some unjust Laws , or by the perverse wresting of good ones : this they count a juster cause of War than the other , because those Injuries are done under some colour of Laws . This was the only Ground of that War , in which they engaged with the Nephelogetes against the Aleopolitanes , a little before our time : for the Merchants of the former , having , as they thought , met with great injustice among the latter , that , whether it was in it self right or wrong , did draw on a terrible War , many of their Neighbours being engaged in it ; and their keenness in carrying it on , being supported by their strength in maintaining it ; it not only shook some very flourishing States , and very much afflicted others ; but after a series of much Mischief , it ended in the entire conquest and slavery of the Aleopolitanes , who tho before the War , they were in all respects much superior to the Nephelogetes , yet by it they fell under their Empire ; But the Vtopians , tho they had assisted them in the War , yet pretended to no share of the spoil . But tho they assist their Friends so vigorously , in taking reparation for Injuries that are done them in such Matters ; yet if they themselves should meet with any such fraud , provided there were no violence done to their Persons , they would only carry it so far , that unless satisfaction were made , they would give over trading with such a People . This is not done , because they consider their Neighbours more than their own Citizens ; but since their Neighbours trade every one upon his own Stock , Fraud is a more sensible injury to them , than it is to the Vtopians , among whom the Publick only suffers in such a case : And since they expect nothing in return for the Merchandize that they export ; but that in which they abound so much , and is of little use to them , the loss does not much affect them ; therefore they think it would be too severe a thing to revenge a Loss that brings so little inconvenience with it , either to their Life , or their Livelihood , with the death of many People : but if any of their People is either killed or wounded wrongfully , whether that be done by Publick Authority , or only by private Men , as soon as they hear of it , they send Ambassadors , and demand , that the Guilty Persons may be delivered up to them ; and if that is denied , they declare War ; but if that is done , they condemn those either to Death or Slavery . They would be both troubled and ashamed of a bloody Victory over their Enemies ; and think it would be as foolish a Purchase , as to buy the most valuable Goods at too high a Rate . And in no Victory do they glory so much , as in that which is gained by dexterity and good conduct , without Bloodshed . They appoint publick Triumphs in such Cases , and erect Trophies to the honour of those who have succeeded well in them ; for then do they reckon that a Man acts sutably to his Nature , when he conquers his Enemy in such a way , that no other Creature but a Man could be capable of it , and that is , by the strength of his Understanding . Bears , Lions , Boars , Wolves , and Dogs , and other Animals , imploy their bodily Force one against another , in which as many of them are superior to Man , both in strength and fierceness , so they are all subdued by the reason and understanding that is in him . The only Design of the Vtopians in War , is to obtain that by Force , which if it had been granted them in time , would have prevented the War ; or if that cannot be done , to take so severe a Revenge of those that have injured them , that they may be terrified from doing the like in all time coming . By these Ends they measure all their Designs , and manage them so , that it is visible that the Appetite of Fame or Vain-glory , does not work so much on them , as a just care of their own Security . As soon as they declare War , they take care to have a great many Schedules , that are sealed with their Common Seal , affixed in the most conspicuous places of their Enemies Country . This is carried secretly , and done in many places all at once . In those they promise great Rewards to such as shall kill the Prince , and lesser in proportion to such as shall kill any other Persons , who are those on whom , next to the Prince himself , they cast the chief blame of the War. And they double the Sum to him , that instead of killing the Person so marked out , shall take him alive , and put him in their hands . They offer not only Indemnity , but Rewards , to such of the Persons themselves that are so marked , if they will act against their Country-men : By this means those that are named in their Schedules , become not only distrustful of their Fellow-Citizens , but are jealous of one another : and are much distracted by Fear and Danger ; for it has often fallen out , that many of them , and even the Prince himself , have been betrayed by those in whom they have trusted most : for the Rewards that the Vtopians offer , are so unmeasurably great , that there is no sort of Crime to which Men cannot be drawn by them . They consider the Risque that those run , who undertake such Services , and offer a Recompence proportioned to the danger ; not only a vast deal of Gold , but great Revenues in Lands ▪ that lie among other Nations that are their Friends , where they may go and enjoy them very securely ; and they observe the Promises they make of this kind most religiously . They do very much approve of this way of corrupting their Enemies , tho it appears to others to be a base and cruel thing ; but they look on it as a wise course , to make an end of that which would be otherwise a great War , without so much as hazarding one Battel to decide it . They think it likewise an Act of Mercy and Love to Mankind , to prevent the great slaughter of those that must otherwise be killed in the progress of the War , both of their own side , and of their Enemies , by the death of a few that are most guilty ; and that in so doing , they are kind even to their Enemies , and pity them no less than their own People , as knowing that the greater part of them do not engage in the War of their own accord , but are driven into it by the Passions of their Prince . If this Method does not succeed with them , then they sow Seeds of Contention among their Enemies , and animate the Prince's Brother , or some of the Nobility , to aspire to the Crown . If they cannot disunite them by Domestick Broils , then they engage their Neighbours against them , and make them set on foot some old Pretensions , which are never wanting to Princes , when they have occasion for them . And they supply them plentifully with Mony , tho but very sparingly with any Auxiliary Troops : for they are so render of their own People , that they would not willingly exchange one of them , even with the Prince of their Enemies Country . But as they keep their Gold and Silver only for such an occasion , so when that offers it self , they easily part with it , since it would be no inconvenience to them , tho they should reserve nothing of it to themselves . For besides the Wealth that they have among them at home , they have a vast Treasure abroad ; Many Nations round about them , being deep in their Debt : so that they hire Souldiers from all Places for carrying on their Wars ; but chiefly from the Zapolets , who lie five hundred miles from Vtopia eastward . They are a rude , wild , and fierce Nation , who delight in the Woods and Rocks , among which they were born and bred up . They are hardned both against Heat , Cold , and Labour , and know nothing of the delicacies of Life . They do not apply themselves to Agriculture , nor do they care either for their Houses or their Clothes . Cattel is all that they look after ; and for the greatest part , they live either by their Hunting , or upon Rapine ; and are made , as it were , only for War. They watch all opportunities of engaging in it , and very readily embrace such as are offered them . Great numbers of them will often go out , and offer themselves upon a very low Pay , to serve any that will employ them : they know none of the Arts of Life , but those that lead to the taking it away ; they serve those that hire them , both with much courage and great Fidelity ; but will not engage to serve for any determin'd time , and agree upon such Terms , that the next day they may go over to the Enemies of those whom they serve , if they offer them a greater pay : and they will perhaps return to them the day after that , upon a higher advance of their Pay. There are few Wars in which they make not a considerable part of the Armies of both sides : so it falls often out , that they that are of kin to one another , and were hired in the same Country , and so have lived long and familiarly together ; yet they forgetting both their Relation and former Friendship , kill one another upon no other consideration , but because they are hired to it for a little Mony , by Princes of different Interests : and so great regard have they to Mony , that they are easily wrought on by the difference of one Penny a Day , to change sides . So entirely does their Avarice turn them , and yet this Mony on which they are so much set , is of little use to them ; for what they purchase thus with their Blood , they quickly waste it on Luxury , which among them is but of a poor and miserable form . This Nation serves the Vtopians against all People whatsoever , for they pay higher than any other . The Vtopians hold this for a Maxim , that as they seek out the best sort of Men for their own use at home , so they make use of this worst sort of Men for the Consumption of War , and therefore they hire them with the offers of vast Rewards , to expose themselves to all sorts of hazards , out of which the greater part never returns to claim their Promises . Yet they make them good most religiously to such as escape . And this animates them to adventure again , when there is occasion for it ; for the Vtopians are not at all troubled how many of them soever happen to be killed ; and reckon it a service done to Mankind , if they could be a mean to deliver the World from such a leud and vicious sort of People , that seem to have run together , as to the Drain of Humane Nature . Next to these they are served in their Wars , with those upon whose account they undertake them , and with the Auxiliary Troops of their other Friends , to whom they join some few of their own People , and send some Man of eminent and approved Vertue to command in chief . There are two sent with him , who during his Command , are but private Men , but the first is to succeed him if he should happen to be either killed or taken ; and in case of the like misfortune to him , the third comes in his place ; and thus they provide against ill Events , that such Accidents as may befal their Generals , may not endanger their Armies . When they draw out Troops of their own People , they take such out of every City as freely offer themselves , for none are forced to the Laws of the Country , and their Learning , add more vigor to their Minds : for as they do not undervalue Life to the degree of throwing it away too prodigally ; so they are not so indecently fond of it , that when they see they must sacrifice it honourably , they will preserve it by base and unbecoming Methods . In the greatest heat of Action , the bravest of their Youth , that have jointly devoted themselves for that piece of Service , single out the General of their Enemies , and set on him either openly , or lay an Ambuscade for him : if any of them are spent and wearied in the Attempt , others come in their stead , so that they never give over pursuing him , either by close Weapons , when they can get near him , or those that wound at a distance , when others get in between : thus they seldom fail to kill or take him at last , if he does not secure himself by flight . When they gain the Day in any Battel , they kill as few as possibly they can ; and are much more set on taking many Prisoners , than on killing those that fly before them : nor do they ever let their Men so loose in the pursuit of their Enemies , that they do not retain an entire Body still in order ; so that if they have been forced to engage the last of their Battalions , before they could gain the day , they will rather let their Enemies all escape than pursue them , when their own Army is in disorder ; remembring well what has often fallen out to themselves ; that when the main Body of their Army has been quite defeated and broken , so that their Enemies reckoning the Victory was sure and in their hands , have let themselves loose into an irregular pursuit , a few of them that lay for a reserve , waiting a fit opportunity , have fallen on them while they were in this chase , stragling and in disorder , apprehensive of no danger , but counting the Day their own ; and have turned the whole Action , and so wresting out of their hands a Victory that seemed certain and undoubted , the vanquished have of a sudden become victorious . It is hard to tell whether they are more dextrous in laying or avoiding Ambushes : they sometimes seem to fly when it is far from their thoughts ; and when they intend to give Ground , they do it so , that it is very hard to find out their Design . If they see they are ill posted , or are like to be overpowred by numbers , then they their Friends to reimburse them of their expence in it ; but they take that from the conquered , either in Mony which they keep for the next occasion , or in Lands , out of which a constant Revenue is to be paid them ; by many increases , the Revenue which they draw out from several Countries on such Occasions , is now risen to above 700000 Ducats a Year . They send some of their own People to receive these Revenues , who have orders to live magnificently , and like Princes , and so they consume much of it upon the place ; and either bring over the rest to Vtopia , or lend it to that Nation in which it lies . This they most commonly do , unless some great occasion which falls out , but very seldom , should oblige them to call for it all . It is out of these Lands that they assign those Rewards to such as they encourage to adventure on desperate Attempts , which was mentioned formerly . If any Prince that engages in War with them , is making preparations for invading their Country , they prevent him , and make his Country the Seat of the War ; for they do not willingly suffer any War to break in upon their Island ; and if that should happen , they would only defend themselves by their own People ; but would not at all call for Auxiliary Troops to their assistance . Of the Religions of the Utopians . THere are several sorts of Religions , not only in different parts of the Island , but even in every Town ; some worshipping the Sun , others the Moon , or one of the Planets : some worship such Men as have been eminent in former times for Vertue , or Glory , not only as ordinary Deities , but as the supream God : yet the greater and wiser sort of them worship none of these , but adore one Eternal , Invisible , Infinite , and Incomprehensible Deity ; as a Being that is far above all our Apprehensions , that is spread over the whole Universe , not by its Bulk , but by its Power and Vertue ; him they call the Father of all , and acknowledg that the beginnings , the encrease , the progress , the vicissitudes , and the end of all things come only from him ; nor do they offer divine honouts to any but to him alone . And indeed , tho they differ concerning other things , yet all agree in this ; that they think there is one supream Being that made and governs the World , whom they call in the Language of their Country , Mithras . They differ in this , that one thinks the God whom he worships is this Supream Being , and another thinks that his Idol is that God ; but they all agree in one principle , that whatever is this Supream Being , is also that Great Essence , to whose Glory and Majesty all honours are ascribed by the consent of all Nations . By degrees , they all fall off from the various Superstitions that are among them , and grow up to that one Religion that is most in request , and is much the best : and there is no doubt to be made , but that all the others had vanished long ago , if it had not happned that some unlucky Accidents , falling on those who were advising the change of those superstitious ways of Worship ; these have been ascribed not to Chance , but to somewhat from Heaven ; and so have raised in them a fear , that the God , whose Worship was like to be abandoned , has interposed and revenged himself on those that designed it . After they had heard from us , an account of the Doctrine , the course of Life , and the Miracles of Christ , and of the wonderful constancy of so many Martyrs , whose Blood , that was so willingly offered up by them , was the chief occasion of spreading their Religion over a vast number of Nations ; it is not to be imagined how inclined they were to receive it . I shall not determine whether this proceeded from any secret inspiration of God , or whether it was because it seemed so favorable to that community of Goods , which is an opinion so particular , as well as so dear to them ; since they perceived that Christ and his Followers lived by that Rule ; and that it was still kept up in some Communities among the sincerest sort of Christians , from which soever of these Motives it might be true it is , that many of them came over to our Religion , and were initiated into it by Baptism . But as two of our number were dead , so none of the four that survived , were in Priests Orders ; therefore we could do no more but baptize them ; so that to our great regret , they could not partake of the other Sacraments , that can only be administred by Priests : but they are instructed concerning them , and long most vehemently for them ; and they were disputing very much among themselves , Whether one that were chosen by them to be a Preist , would not be thereby qualified to do all the things that belong to that Character , even tho he had no Authority derived from the Pope ; and they seemed to be resolved to chuse some for that Imployment , but they had not done it when I left them Those among them that have not received our Religion , yet do not fright any from it , and use none ill that goes over to it ; so that all the while I was there , one Man was only punished on this occasion . He being newly baptized , did , notwithstanding all that we could say to the contrary , dispute publickly concerning the Christian Religion , with more zeal than discretion ; and with so much heat , that he not only preferred our Worship to theirs , but condemned all their Rites as profane ; and cried out against all that adhered to them , as impious and sacrilegious Persons , that were to be damned to everlasting Burnings . Upon this he , having preached these things often , was seized on , and after a Trial , he was condemned to banishment , not for having disparaged their Religion , but for his inflaming the People to Sedition : for this is one of their ancientest Laws , that no Man ought to be punished for his Religion . At the first constitution of their Goverment , Vtopus having understood , that before his coming among them , the old Inhabitans had been engaged in grtat quarrels concerning Religion , by which they were so broken among themselves , that he found it an easy thing to conquer them , since they did not unite their Forces against him , but every different Party in Religion fought by themselves : upon that , after he had subdued them , he made a Law that every Man might be of what Religion he pleased , and might endeavor to draw others to it by the force of Argument , and by amicable and modest ways , but without bitterness against those of other Opinions ; but that he ought to use no other Force but that of Persuasion ; and was neither to mixt Reproaches nor Violence with it ; and such as did otherwise , were to be condemned to Banishment or Slavery . This Law was made by Vtopus , not only for preserving the Publick Peace , which he saw suffered much by daily Contentions and Irreconcilable Heats in these Matters , but because he thought the Interest of Religion it self required it . He judged it was not fit to determine any thing rashly in that Matter ; and seemed to doubt whether those different Forms of Religion might not all come from God , who might inspire Men differently , he being possibly pleased with a variety in it : and so he thought it was a very indecent and foolish thing for any Man to frighten and threaten other Men to believe any thing because it seemed true to him ; and in case that one Religion were certainly true , and all the rest false , he reckoned that the native Force of Truth would break forth at last , and shine bright , if it were managed only by the strength of Argument , and with a winning gentleness ; whereas if such Matters were carried on by Violence and Tumults , then , as the wickedest sort of Men is always the most obstinate , so the holiest and best Religion in the World might be overlaid with so much foolish superstition , that it would be quite choaked with it , as Corn is with Briars and Thorns ; therefore he left Men wholly to their liberty in this matter , that they might be free to beleive as they should see cause ; only he made a solemn and severe Law against such as should so far degenerate from the dignity of humane Nature , as to think that our Souls died with our Bodies , or that the World was governed by Chance , without a wise over-ruling Providence : for they did all formerly believe that there was a state of Rewards and Punishments to the Good and Bad after this Life ; and they look on those that think otherwise , as scarce fit to be counted Men , since they degrade so noble a Being as our Soul is , and reckon it to be no better than a Beast's ; so far are they from looking on such Men as fit for humane society , or to be Citizens of a well-ordered Common-Wealth ; since a Man of such Principles must needs , as oft as he dares do it , despise all their Laws and Customs : for there is no doubt to be made , that a Man who is affraid of nothing but the Law , and apprehends nothing after death , will not stand to break through all the Laws of his Country , either by fraud or force , that so he may satisfy his Appetites . They never raise any that hold these Maxims , either to Honours or Offices , nor imploy them in any publick Trust , but despise them , as Men of base and sordid Minds : yet they do not punish them , because they lay this doun for a ground , that a Man cannot make himself beleive any thing he pleases ; nor do they drive any to dissemble their thoughts by threatnings , so that Men are not tempted to lie or disguise their Opinions among them ; which being a sort of Fraud , is abhorred by the Vtopians : they take indeed care that they may not argue for these Opinions , especially before the common People : But they do suffer , and even encourage them to dispute concerning them in private with their Priests , and and other grave Men , being confident that they will be cured of those mad Opinions , by having reason laid before them . There are many among them that run far to the other extream , tho it is neither thought an ill nor unreasonable Opinion , and therfore is not at all discouraged . They think that the Souls of Beasts are immortal , tho far inferior to the dignity of the humane Soul , and not capable of so great a happiness . They are almost all of them very firmly perswaded , that good Men will be infinitely happy in another state ; so that tho they are compassionate to all that are sick , yet they lament no Man's Death , except they see him part with Life uneasy , and as if he were forced to it ; For they look on this as a very ill persage , as if the Soul being conscious to it self of Guilt , and quite hopeless , were affraid to die , from some secret hints of approaching misery . They think that such a Man's appearance before God , cannot be acceptable to him , who being called on , does not go out chearfully , but is backward and unwilling , and is , as it were , dragged to it . They are struck with horror , when they see any die in this manner , and carry them out in silence , and with sorrow , and praying God that he would be merciful to the Errors of the departed Soul , they lay the Body in the Ground : but when any die chearfully , and full of hope , they do not mourn for them , but sing Hymns when they carry out their Bodies , and commending their Souls very earnestly to God , in such a manner , that their whole behaviour is rather grave then sad , they burn their Body , and set up a Pillar where the Pile was made , with an Inscription to the honour of such Mens memory ; And when they come from the Funeral , they discourse of their good Life , and worthy Actions , but speak of nothing oftner and with more himself that happiness that comes after Death . Some of these visit the Sick ; others mend High-ways , cleanse Ditches , or repair Bridges , and dig Turf , Gravel , or Stones . Others fell and cleave Timber , and bring Wood , Corn , and other Necessaries , on Carts , into their Towns. Nor do these only serve the Publick , but they serve even Private Men , more than the Slaves themselves do : for if there is any where a rough , hard , and sordid piece of work to be done , from which many are frightned by the labour and loathsomeness of it , if not the despair of accomplishing it , they do chearfully , and of their own accord , take that to their share ; and by that means , as they ease others very much , so they afflict themselves , and spend their whole life in hard Labor : and yet they do not value themselves upon that , nor lessen other peoples credit , that by so doing they may raise their own ; but by their stooping to such sevile Employments , they are so far from being despised , that they are so much the more esteemed by the whole Nation . Of these there are two sorts : Some live unmarried and chast , and abstain from eating any sort of Flesh ; and thus weaning themselves from all the pleasures of the present Life , which they account hurtful , they pursue , even by the hardest and painfullest methods possible , that blessedness which they hope for hereafter ; and the nearer they approach to it , they are the more chearful and earnest in their endeavours after it . Another sort of them is less willing to put themselves to much toil , and so they prefer a married state to a single one ; and as they do not deny themselves the pleasure of it , so they think the begetting of Children is a debt which they owe to Humane Nature , and to their Country : nor do they avoid any Pleasure that does not hinder Labour ; and therefore they eat Flesh so much the more willingly , because they find themselves so much the more able for work by it : The Vtopians look upon these as the wiser Sect , but they esteem the others as the holier . They would indeed laugh at any Man , that upon the Principles of Reason , would prefer an unmarried state to a married , or a Life of Labour to an easy Life : but they reverence and admire such as do it upon a Motive of Religion . There is nothing in which they are more cautious , than in giving their Opinion positively concerning any sort of Religion . The Men that lead those severe Lives , are called in the Language of their Country Brutheskas , which answers to those we call Religious Orders . Their Priests are Men of eminent Piety , and therefore they are but few , for there are only thirteen in every Town , one for every Temple in it ; but when they go to War , seven of these go out with their Forces , and seven others are chosen to supply their room in their absence ; but these enter again upon their Employment when they return ; and those who served in their absence , attend upon the High Priest , till Vacancies fall by Death ; for there is one that is set over all the rest . They are chosen by the People , as the other Magistrates are , by Suffrages given in secret , for preventing of Factions : and when they are chosen , they are consecrated by the College of Priests . The care of all Sacred Things , and the Worship of God , and an inspection into the Manners of the People , is committed to them . It is a reproach to a Man to be sent for by any of them , or to be even spoke to in secret by them , for that always gives some suspicions : all that is incumbent on them , is only to exhort and admonish People ; for the power of correcting and punishing ill Men , belongs wholly to the Prince , and to the other Magistrates : The severest thing that the Priest does , is the excluding of Men that are desperately wicked from joining in their Worship : There 's not any sort of Punishment that is more dreaded by them than this , for as it loads them with Infamy , so it fills them with secret Horrors , such is their reverence to their Religion ; nor will their Bodies be long exempted from their share of trouble ; for if they do not very quickly satisfy the Priests of the truth of their Repentance , they are seized on by the Senate , and punished for their Impiety . The breeding of the Youth belongs to the Priests , yet they do not take so much care of instructing them in Letters , as of forming their Minds and Manners aright ; and they use all possible Methods to infuse very early in the tender and flexible Minds of Children , such Opinions as are both good in themselves , and will be useful to their Country : for when deep impressions of these things are made at that Age , they follow Men through the whole course of their Lives , of much Blood on either side ; and when the Victory turns to their side , they run in among their own Men to restrain their Fury ; and if any of their Enemies see them , or call to them , they are preserved by that means : and such as can come so near them as to touch their Garments , have not only their Lives , but their Fortunes secured to them : It is upon this account , that all the Nations round about consider them so much , and pay them so great reverence , that they have been often no less able to preserve their own People from the fury of their Enemies , than to save their Enemies from their rage : for it has sometimes fallen out , that when their Armies have been in disorder , and forced to fly , so that their Enemies were running upon the slaughter and spoil , the Priests by interposing , have stop'd the shedding of more Blood , and have separated them from one another ; so that by their Mediation , a Peace has been concluded on very reasonable Terms ; nor is there any Nation about them so fierce , cruel , or barbarous , as not to look upon their Persons as Sacred and Inviolable . The first and the last day of the Month , and of the Year , is a Festival : they measure their Months by the course of the Moon ; and their Years by the course of the Sun : The first days are called in their Language the Cynemernes , and the last the Trapemernes , which answers in our Language to the Festival that begins , or ends the Season . They have magnificent Temples , that are not only nobly built , but are likewise of great Reception : which is necessary , since they have so few of them : They are a little dark within , which flows not from any Error in their Architecture , but is done on design ; for their Priests think that too much light dissipates the thoughts , and that a more moderate degree of it , both recollects the Mind , and raises Devotion . Tho there are many different Forms of Religion among them , yet all these , how various soever , agree in the main Point , which is the worshipping the Divine Essence ; and therefore there is nothing to be seen or heard in their Temples , in which the several Perswasions among them may not agree ; for every Sect performs those Rites that are peculiar to it , in their private Houses , nor is there any thing in the Publick Worship , that contradicts the particular ways of those different Sects . There are no Images for God in their Temples , so that every one may represent him to his thoughts , according to the way of his Religion ; nor do they call this one God by any other Name , but that of Mithras , which is the common Name by which they all express the Divine Essence , whatsoever otherwise they think it to be ; nor are there any Prayers among them , but such as every one of them may use without prejudice to his own Opinion . They meet in their Temples on the Evening of the Festival that concludes a Season : and not having yet broke their Fast , they thank God for their good success during that Year or Month , which is then at an end : and the next day , being that which begins the new Season , they meet early in their Temples , to pray for the happy Progress of all their Affairs during that Period , upon which they then enter . In the Festival which concludes the Period , before they go to the Temple , both Wives and Children fall on their Knees before their Husbands or Parents , and confess every thing in which they have either erred or failed in their Duty , and beg pardon for it : Thus all little Discontents in Families are removed , that so they may offer up their Devotions with a pure and serene mind ; for they hold it a great impiety to enter upon them with disturbed thoughts ; or when they are conscious to themselves that they bear Hatred or Anger in their Hearts to any Person ; and think that they should become liable to severe Punishments , if they presumed to offer Sacrifices without cleansing their Hearts , and reconciling all their Differences . In the Temples , the two Sexes are separated , the Men go to the right hand , and the Women to the left : and the Males and Females do all place themselves before the Head , and Master or Mistress of that Family to which they belong ; so that those who have the Government of them at home , may see their deportment in publick : and they intermingle them so , that the younger and the older may be set by one another ; for if the younger sort were all set together , they would perhaps trifle away that time too much , in which they ought to beget in themselves a most religious dread of the Supream Being , which is the greatest , and almost the only incitement to Vertue . They offer up no living Creature in Sacrifice , nor do they think it suitable to the Divine Being , from whose Bounty it is that these Creatures have derived their Lives , to take pleasure in their Death , or the offering up their Blood. They burn Incense , and other sweet Odours , and have a great number of Wax Lights during their Worship ; not out of any Imagination that such Oblations can add any thing to the Divine Nature , for even Prayers do not that ; but as it is a harmless and pure way of worshipping God , so they think those sweet Savors and Lights , together with some other Ceremonies , do , by a secret and unaccountable Vertue , elevate Mens Souls , and inflame them with more force and chearfulness during the Divine Worship . The People appear all in the Temples in white Garments ; but the Priest's Vestments are particoloured ; both the Work and Colours are wonderful : they are made of no rich Materials , for they are neither embroidered , nor set with precious Stones , but are composed of the Plumes of several Birds , laid together with so much Art , and so neatly , that the true value of them is far beyond the costliest Materials . They say , that in the ordering and placing those Plumes , some dark Mysteries are represented , which pass down among their Priests in a secret Tradition concerning them ; and that they are as Hieroglyphicks , putting them in mind of the Blessings that they have received from God , and of their Duties , both to him and to their Neighbours . As soon as the Priest appears in those Ornaments , they all fall prostrate on the Ground , with so much reverence and so deep a silence , that such as look on , cannot but be struck with it , as if it were the effect of the appearance of a Deity . After they have been for some time in this posture , they all stand up , upon a sign given by the Priest , and sing some Hymns to the Honour of God , some musical Instruments playing all the while . These are quite of another form than those that are used among us : but , as many of them are much sweeter than ours , so others are not to be compared to those that we have . Yet in one thing they exceed us much , which is , that all their Musick , both Vocal and Instrumental , does so imitate and express the Passions , and is so fitted to the present occasion , whether the subject matter of the Hymn is chearful , or made to appease , or troubled , doleful , or angry ; that the Musick makes an impression of that which is represented , by which it enters deep into the Hearers , and does very much affect and kindle them . When this is done , both Priests and People offer up very solemn Prayers to God in a set Form of Words ; and these are so composed , that whatsoever is pronounced by the whole Assembly , may be likewise applied by every Man in particular to his own condition ; in these they acknowledg God to be the Author and Governor of the World , and the Fountain of all the Good that they receive ; for which they offer up their Thanksgivings to him ; and in particular , they bless him for his Goodness in ordering it so , that they are born under a Government that is the happiest in the World , and are of a Religion that they hope is the truest of all others : but if they are mistaken , and if there is either a better Government , or a Religion more acceptable to God , they implore his Goodness to let them know it , vowing , that they resolve to follow him whithersoever he leads them : but if their Government is the best , and their Religion the truest , then they pray that he may fortify them in it , and bring all the World , both to the same Rules of Life , and to the same Opinions concerning himself ; unless , according to the unsearchableness of his Mind , he is pleased with a variety of Religions . Then they pray that God may give them an easy passage at last to himself ; not presuming to set limits to him , how early or late it should be ; but if it may be wish'd for , without derogating from his Supream Authority , they desire rather to be quickly delivered , and to go to God , tho by the terriblest sort of Death , than to be detained long from seeing him , in the most prosperous course of Life possible . When this Prayer is ended , they all fall down again upon the Ground , and after a little while they rise up , and go home to Dinner ; and spend the rest of the day in diversion or Military Exercises . Thus have I described to you , as particularly as I could , the Constitution of that Common-Wealth , which I do not only think to be the best in the World , but to be indeed the only Common-Wealth that truly deserves that name . In all other places , it is visible , that whereas People talk of a Common-Wealth , every Man only seeks his own Wealth ; but there where no Man has any Property , all Men do zealously pursue the good of the Publick : and indeed , it is no wonder to see Men act so differently , for in other Common-Wealths , every Man knows , that unless he provides for himself , how flourishing soever the Common-Wealth may be , he must die of Hunger ; so that he sees the necessity of preferring his own Concerns to the Publick ; but in Vtopia , where every Man has a right to every thing , they do all know , that if care is taken to keep the Publick Stores full , no private Man can want any thing ; for among them there is no unequal distribution , so that no Man is poor , nor in any necessity ; and tho no Man has any thing , yet they are all rich ; for what can make a Man so rich , as to lead a serene and chearful Life , free from anxieties ; neither apprehending want himself , nor vexed with the endless complaints of his Wife ? he is not affraid of the misery of his Children , nor is he contriving how to raise a Portion for his Daughters , but is secure in this , that both he and his Wife , his Children and Grand-Children , to as many Generations as he can fancy , will all live , both plentifully and happily , since among them there is no less care taken of those who were once engaged in Labour , but grow afterwards unable to follow it , than there is elsewhere for these that continue still at it . I would gladly hear any Man compare the Justice that is among them , with that which is among all other Nations ; among whom , may I perish , if I see any thing that looks either like Justice , or Equity ; for what Justice is there in this , that a Noble-man , a Goldsmith , or a Banquer , or any other Man , that either does nothing at all , or at best is imployed in things that are of no use to the Publick , should live in great luxury and splendor , upon that which is so ill acquired ; and a mean Man , a Carter , a Smith , or a Ploughman , that works harder , even than the Beasts themselves , and is imployed in Labours that are so necessary , that no Common-Wealth could hold out an Year to an end without them , can yet be able to earn so poor a livelihood out of it , and must lead so miserable a Life in it , that whole People , then they are accounted Laws : and yet these wicked Men after they have , by a most insatiable covetousness , divided that among themselves , with which all the rest might have been well supplied , are far from that happiness , that is enjoyed among the Vtopians : for the use as well as the desire of Mony being extinguished , there is much anxiety and great occasions of Mischief cut off with it : and who does not see that Frauds , Thefts , Robberies , Quarrels , Tumults , Contentions , Seditions , Murders , Treacheries , and Witchrafts , that are indeed rather punished than restrained by the severities of Law , would all fall off , if Mony were not any more valued by the World ? Mens Fears , Solicitudes , Cares , Labours , and Watchings , would all perish in the same moment , that the value of Mony did sink : even Poverty it self , for the relief of which Mony seems most necessary , would fall , if there were no Mony in the World. And in order to the apprehending this aright , take one instance . Consider any Year that has been so unfruitful , that many thousands have died of Hunger ; and yet if at the end of that Year a survey were made of the Granaries of all the rich Men , that have hoarded up the Corn , it would be found that there was enough among them , to have prevented all that consumption of Men that perished in that Misery : and that if it had been distributed among them , none would have felt the terrible effects of that scarcity ; so easy a thing would it be to supply all the necessities of Life , if that blessed thing called Mony , that is pretended to be invented for procuring it , were not really the only thing that obstructed it . I do not doubt but rich Men are sensible of this , and that they know well how much a greater happiness it were to want nothing that were necessary , than to abound in many superfluities ; and to be rescued out of so much Misery , than to abound with so much Wealth : and I cannot think but the sense of every Man's Interest , and the Authority of Chirst's Commands , who as he was infinitely wise , and so knew what was best , so was no less good in discovering it to us , would have drawn all the World over to the Laws of the Vtopians , if Pride , that plague of Humane Nature , that is the source of so much misery , did not hinder count the had given of it in general ; and so taking him by the hand , I carried him to supper , and told him I would find out some other time for examining that matter more particularly , and for discoursing more copiously concerning it ; for which I wish I may find a good opportunity . In the mean while , tho I cannot perfectly agree to every thing that was related by Raphael , yet there are many things in the Common-Wealth of Vtopia , that I rather wish than hope to see followed in our Governments ; tho it must be confessed , that he is both a very learned Man , and has had a great practice in the World. FINIS . 
A64809	----	The history of the Sevarites or Sevarambi, a nation inhabiting part of the third continent commonly called Terræ australes incognitæ with an account of their admirable government, religion, customs, and language / written by one Captain Siden, a worthy person, who, together with many others, was cast upon those coasts, and lived many years in that country. Histoire des Sevarambes. English Allais, Denis Vairasse d', ca. 1630-1672. 1675 Approx. 354 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 151 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64809 Wing V20 ESTC R13659 12002160 ocm 12002160 52248 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64809) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52248) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 79:1a) The history of the Sevarites or Sevarambi, a nation inhabiting part of the third continent commonly called Terræ australes incognitæ with an account of their admirable government, religion, customs, and language / written by one Captain Siden, a worthy person, who, together with many others, was cast upon those coasts, and lived many years in that country. Histoire des Sevarambes. English Allais, Denis Vairasse d', ca. 1630-1672. Roberts, A., 17th cent. [20], 114, [6] p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1675. Written by D. Vairasse. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Preface signed: D.V. Translation of: Histoire des Sevarambes. Translated by A. Roberts. The second part has separate t.p. with imprint date 1679. Advertisements on p. [1]-[4] at end. Reproduction of original in University of Michigan Libraries. With: The history of the Sevarites or Sevarambi ... The second part ... London : Printed by J.M. for Henry Brome ..., 1679 (Wing V20A). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Voyages, Imaginary. Utopias -- Early works to 1800. 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HISTORY OF THE Sevarites or Sevarambi : A Nation inhabiting part of the third CONTINENT , Commonly called , Terrae Australes Incognitae . WITH An Account of their admirable GOVERNMENT , RELIGION , CUSTOMS , and LANGUAGE . Written By one Captain Siden , A Worthy Person , Who , together with many others , was cast upon those Coasts , and lived many Years in that Country . LONDON , Printed for Henry Brome , at the Gun at the West End of St. Pauls Church-Yard . 1675 THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER . THere are many , who having read Plato's Commonwealth , Sir Thomas More 's Vtopia , the Lord Verulam's New Atlantis , ( which are but Ideas and ingenious fancies ) are apt to suspect all relatons of new discoveries to be of that kind ; and chiefly when they find in them any thing extraordinary and wonderful . But although these persons are to be commended for being wary and cautious , yet it is but so long as they keep within the bounds of moderation , and do not pass to the excess of incredulity . For as some men , through a believing simplicity , are easily imposed upon , and receive that for a truth , which in effect is not one : So others , on the contrary , through a contrary humour , are apt to reject , as fabulous , that which often proves to be a real truth . This clearly appears in the case of Vergilius Bishop of Collen , who was like to have suffered a severe punishment for affirming , that There were Antipodes ; neither could any thing save him but a publick Recantation . Columbus was looked upon ( here in England , and afterward in France ) as a brain-sick Fellow for saying , There was Land on the West parts of the Ocean : Yet the Voyages since made round the World have justified Vergilius his opinion : And the discovery of America ( where we have many flourishing Plantations ) has sufficiently evidenced the truth of Columbus his Assertion . The Histories of Peru , Mexico , China , &c. were at first taken for Romances by many , but time has shewed since that they are verities not to be doubted of . Those remote Countries were for thousands of years unknown to the People of Europe , and so are still many others perhaps , and at this day we know little more of them , than what lies upon the Sea-coasts . But how should we have a perfect knowledge of remote Countries , lately discovered , since there are many parts of Europe very little known yet , and some not at all ? Nay , the British Islands are not perfectly described : And before their last Civil Wars , the Highlands of Scotland ; many parts of Ireland , and other smaller Isles about , were very little known to the People of England : And their Customs , Laws , and Religion , are things we have not yet had any very good account of . Few Travellers make it their business to write Histories , and make descriptions of those Countries they have travelled in , for most of them being Merchants , or Seamen , they mind little more than their Trade ; and being intent upon gain and profit , seldom busie themselves in making observations . Besides , few of them are qualified for the writing of Books if they were never so willing ; and fewer have time and opportunity to apply themselves to that study ; so it falls out , that we have few exact relations of remote Countries , although they be often seen , and even described in Maps . For an Instance , The Isle of Borneo lies near Java , and in the way to China , it is one of the biggest in the world according to Geographical Descriptions , and yet we have very little knowledge of it , although the Dutch have very large Dominions in Java , and other Islands about it , and sail daily by it in their way to Jappan and China . Many other places there are which Sailers take no more notice of than as it is necessary for their Ships to avoid them . And how can it be expected we should have any good descriptions of them , unless some great Powers should undertake it , and send fit persons for that purpose , with all the helps and encouragement requisite in so useful and honourable a design ? Among all remote Countries , there is none so vast , and so little known , as the third Continent , commonly called , Terra Australis . It is true , Geographers give some small and unperfect descriptions of it , but it is with little knowledge and certainty ; and most of their draughts may be suspected , and look'd upon , as imaginary and fictitious . Sure it is , that there is such a Continent ; many have seen it , and even landed there , but few durst venture far in it , if any there were ; and I do not think that any body hath made any true description of it , either for want of knowledge , or other necessary means and opportunities . This History will supply that defect , in a great measure , if it be true , as I have reason to believe upon these grounds : First , Upon the testimony of the Reporter , who doth not only herein affirm this History to be true , but did it also by word of mouth , a good while before , and again near the time of his death , when he gave his Papers to the Gentleman , who did lately put them into my hands . These two Gentlemen came to know one another at Smirna , a little before the Dutch Fleet departed from thence , in or about the year 1607. and being both bound for Holland ; they came together in the same Ship where by a daily converse they contracted a very strict friendship . This Fleet being attacked in its return , there were many men killed and wounded ; and among the rest , the Author of this Relation , called Captain Siden , was mortally wounded , and lived but little after the fight . Upon his death-bed he made his Friend Heir of what he had in the Ship , and spake to him in this manner : as the Gentleman , himself , hath often declared to me . Sir , Since it is Gods Decree that I should live no longer , I patiently submit to his Divine Will without any murmuring . But before I die , I am willing to dispose of a Chest I have in this Ship , where you will find some Money , and a few Jewels , of no great value , I confess , but such as they are I give them to you , and I am sorry they are not better worth your acceptance , I give you also the Chest , and every thing in it ; and though , it seems , the whole is worth but little , yet you will find a great Treasure in it , and that is the History of my Adventures in the South Continent , as you have heard me relate to you several times . You will find it in a great disorder and confusion for the most part ; and written in several Languages , as being intended only to serve for memoires till I could digest them into an orderly contexture . But since God will not permit me to do it my self , I commit it to your care , knowing you are an ingenious person , and give you full power and authority to dispose of the said Papers as you will think most convenient ; assuring you upon my death bed , as I have done before in several discourses , that they contain nothing but truth ; which , I hope , time and further experience will bring to light . These were the last words of the dying Gentleman , who a few hours after gave up his Soul to God ; and who , according to his Friends testimony , was a very sober , discreet , and worthy Person . After his Death his Heir examined the Papers , and found they were written , for the most part , in Latine ; the rest in French , Italian , and Provencal ; the diversity of which Languages put him to a great deal of trouble , for he did not understand them all , neither was he willing to trust the Writings into Strangers hands . These difficulties , together with the confusion of the Wars that followed , and several troublesome Affairs , were the reason why he kept this History concealed all this while , not knowing whom to trust it with . But being come from Holland into England since the Peace was proclaimed betwixt the two Nations ; and having contracted some acquaintance and friendship with me , he did me the favour a while ago to intrust me with his Papers , and desired my assistance in putting them into an orderly method . I perused them , and found the matter , therein contained , so extraordinary and wonderful , that I was never at rest till I had disposed them into a good order and contexture ; which I , at last , effected , not without much labour and pains , with the Gentlemans help and counsel . Now we were a while uncertain in what Language we should publish this History , he being inclined to do it in Latine , or French : But at last I prevailed with him , and perswaded him to let me Print it in English , taking the whole task upon my self . But before we proceeded in that design , I was desirous to enquire after the truth of this discovery some other way , and told him it were very material to send into Holland , to know of the Officers of the Admiralties there , whether any such Ship , as the Golden Dragon , herein mentioned , was at any time gone from thence for Batavia : To which he readily answered , he had satisfied himself therein , and found upon examination , that a Vessel of that name was gone from the Texel , at the time herein expressed , with all the other Circumstances . But this was not enough to satisfie me , because I had nothing but his bare Affirmation : I therefore went to Mr. Van Dam , Advocate to the East-India Company But this could not be done , because the Dutch Gentleman was then in Flanders ; whereupon he intreated him to write to him , and desire him to give the best account he could of it ; which he readily consented to , and having sent a Letter to his Friend concerning this matter , received the following answer , which we have faithfully translated out of French , and inserted it here . SIR , ACcording to your desire , and for your Friends satisfaction , I shall tell you ; that when I was at Batavia , in the year 1659 , a Dutch Seaman , named Prince , hearing that I had been near the South-Continent , told me , that some years before ( I do not remember how many , nor at what height ) he was cast away in a new Ship , called the Green , or Golden Dragon ; which carried a great deal of Money , designed for Batavia , and about four hundred people ; who for the most part had got into the said Land , and kept there the same Discipline they had at Sea. That having entrenched themselves , with what they had saved , and among the rest , most of their Victuals , they made a new Pinnace out of the broken pieces of their Ship , casting Lots for eight men ( whereof this Seaman was one ) to go to Batavia , to inform the General of the Holland Company of their disaster , to the end he might send Ships to fetch those who had been cast away . That Pinnace being come to Batavia , with much ado ; The said General dispatched presently a Frigot , which being come to that Coast , they sent their long Boat ashore with many men , who landed at the place and height to them described before , but found no body there . They ranged along that Coast till they lost their Boat , and some of their men , through the badness of the weather , which that Coast is very subject to , and so returned to Batavia without effecting any thing . The General sent a second Frigot , which likewise came back , with no better success than the former . People speak differently of that Country , some saying , that in the Inland , there are People of a great Stature ; others , that they are little and subtile , and that they carry those they can catch into the inner parts of the Land along with them . I was like to have landed there , but , as through Gods special favour , a sudden calm in the night saved us from being cast away ; soon after a sudden storm made us alter our minds of landing there , and we thought our selves happy to get to Sea again . This is all I can tell you of this business : Your Friends may hear more of this Ship from those who belong to the East-India Company . General Maetsuycker was then , and is still , General in Batavia ; but I had this account only of the Seaman above mentioned . The Land of this Country is reddish , and barren , and the Coasts as if they were enchanted by reason of frequent storms , which hinder much those who will land there : And that is the reason why the aforesaid Frigots lost their Boats and men . They could not land every where ; and this Seaman is of opinion , they could not find the right place . I remain Bridges , Oct. 28. 1672. Your most humble Servant Th. S. This is the true Copy of the Letter sent to this French Gentleman , who has given me the Original and I have it still in my possession . He added , That the Savoyard took a Copy of it , and told him , that he himself had made great enquiry after a Gentleman of his Country , who was said to have gone in this Ship. That the same Gentleman had been a great Traveller , and had left an Estate near Nice de Provence , where he was born , and that his Kindred , not having heard from him for many years , were much troubled to know what was become of him . All these things are , in my opinion , very strong Arguments to establish the truth of this History , since they agree so well with the History it self in all the Circumstances of Time , Place , and Person , and are attested by so many credible Witnesses , which are yet alive , for the most part , and who living in several places , not knowing one another , and having no interest in the publishing of this Story , cannot rationally be suspected , to have all joyned together to give credit to a Fictitious Narration . But I leave the Reader to the liberty of using his own Judgment , and content my self with shewing the Reasons which have been able to convince mine . I wish that those who shall read this most delightful and admirable Relation may reap some profit out of it either in point of Pleasure or Utility , it being a very ingenious Piece , and the most perfect model of Government I ever read or heard of in my life . D. V. The History of the Sevarites , or Sevarambi . MY , Natural Genius , the manner of my Education , and the Example of others , inspired me in my young years with a restless desire of travelling the World , that I might my self be an Eye Witness of those things I had either read or heard of . But the Authority of my Parents , who designed me for the Gown , and my want of sufficient means , were powerful Obstacles to my desires ; and would have confined me at home , had not fortune , mightier than all these , ordered it contrary to their intent , and according to my wishes . For before I had attained the fifteenth year of my age , I was sent into Italy , in a Military Imployment , which kept me there two whole years before I came home again into my own Country ; from whence , soon after my Return , I was obliged to march into Catalonia with a better Command than that I had before . I continued there in the Army for the space of three years , and would not have quitted the Service , if my Fathers untimely Death had not called we home again to take possession of a small Estate he left me , and to obey my Mothers absolute Commands , who called me back , as the only person , after so great a loss , that was able to dry up her tears . These Considerations made me to return ; and after that , to leave the Sword , and to put on the Gown , and change a Souldiers life for that of a Lawyer ; to which study upon this occasion I did wholly apply my self ; read the Institutions , the Codex , and the Digests or Pandects , where having made a pretty good progress in four or five years time I was perswaded to take my Degrees in the University , which I did accordingly with an indifferent good success . Then was I received into the Soveraign Court of Judicature of my Country in the quality of an advocate , as being the first step to higher dignities , exercised my self in Declamations upon fictitious Causes , and pleaded real and choice ones in Apparatu , as they term it , with some applause and credit . I was well enough pleased with these kinds of exercises , in which young men love to shew their Wit and Eloquence to the Publick , and where they get more praise than money ; But when I descended to the lower practice of the Law , I found it so crabbed , so mean and slavish , that in a short time I was quite weary of it . I carefully examined the ways and means by which Lawyers attain to Riches and Dignities , and found there was much of fraud and indirect proceeding in them , and that unless I did comply with men of that Calling in all these vices , I should never get either Wealth or Credit by my practice . Now being naturally inclined to Ease and Pleasure , and loving frankness and honesty , I clearly perceived I was no ways fit for that Imployment . So while I was thinking and contriving how to cast it off with some plausible reason , a fatal accident took away my loving Mother ; and although her death made me absolute Master of my self and Estate , yet it laid so much grief and sorrow on my heart , that all things at home became odious to me , insomuch that I made a strong resolution to leave my Native Land , if not for ever , at least for a long time . Pursuant to this design , I disposed of all my Concerns , except of a small Estate in Land , which I reserved for a place of retreat in case of necessity , leaving it in the hands of a faithful Friend , who ever since gave me a very good account of it so long as he could hear from me . Having in that manner ordered my affairs and taken leave of my best friends , I travelled into the chiefest Provinces of the Kingdom of France 'till I came to the famous City of Paris , where I spent almost two years without going above fifty or sixty Miles from it . But the former desire of seeing more Countries , and an opportunity while I was there of travelling into Germany made me depart from that Populous City to go and see the several Courts of the German Princes , those of the Kings of Swedeland and Denmark , and at last the Low-Countries , where I made an end of my European travels , and rested my self , till the year 1655. in which I took shipping for the East Indies . The causes and motives which induced me to take this long Voyage were these : First , My natural curiosity of seeing Countries , and the wonderful relations I had heard or read of those remote parts of the world . Secondly , The earnest solicitations of a Friend who had a concern in Batavia , and was bound for that place . And last of all , The great gain and profits which I was told would accrue to me by this Voyage if it should prove successful . These Arguments and Invitations easily prevailed with me , so that having in a short time ordered my affairs , and prepared my self for this purpose , I went with my friend aboard a new Ship , called the Golden Dragon , bound for Batavia . She was a Vessel of about six hundred Tuns , and thirty two Guns , and carried near four hundred People Seamen or Passengers , and great Sums of Money , where my Friend , called Monsieur de Nuits , had a great concern . In order to our Voyage we weighed Anchor from the Texel on the twelfth day of April 1655. and with a fresh Easterly Wind sailed through the Channel betwixt France and England with all the speed and good success we could wish , till we came to the open Seas , and thence prosecuted our Voyage to the Canary Islands with variety of Winds and weather , but no Storms or Tempests . There we took in fresh Provisions , such as the Islands afford , and which we had occasion for ; and steering from thence towards the Isles of Capo verdo to fetch a constant Trade Wind , we came in sight of them without any accident worth my relating It is true , we saw several Sea Monsters , flying Fishes , new Constellations , &c. But because those things are usual , that they have been described by others , and have for many years lost the grace of Novelties , I purposely omit them , not being willing to increase the Bulk of this Book with unnecessary relations which would but tire the Readers patience and my own . To proceed therefore with my intended brevity , I think it will be sufficient to tell you that we made the Coasts of Brasil , and got there another Trade Wind , which carried us towards the Cape of Good Hope with indifferent good success . We doubled the Cape without any danger , and pursued our Voyage with all chearfulness and alacrity , till we came to 38 degrees of South Latitude , on the Second day of August of the same year 1655. Till this time and place Fortune had smiled upon us , but now she began to frown , for about three or four a clock in the afternoon the Sky began to change its former clearness and serenity into thick Clouds , Lightnings and Thunders , which were the forerunners of the vehement Winds , Rain , Hail and Tempest , which succeeded soon after . The very approach of this violent storm did much terrifie our Seamen , and although they had time to take down their Sails , tie fast their Guns , and order every thing as they thought fit , yet foreseeing the terrible Hurricane that hapned immediately after , they could not chuse but dread the violence and fierceness of it . The Sea began to foam , and turn its smooth Surface into Mountains and Vales. The Winds ran all the points of the Compass in less than two hours time . Our Ship was tossed to and fro , up and down again , in the horridest manner imaginable ; one Wind drove us forward , and another beat us back again ; our Masts , Yards , and Tackling were broken , and the storm was so violent that a great part of our Seamen being sick could hardly hear and obey command . All this while our Passengers were kept under Deck , and my Friend and I lay at the main Mast sadly cast down , and both repenting , he for his covetous desire of gain , and I for my foolish curiosity . We wished our selves a hundred times in Holland , and as often despaired ever to see it again , or any other Land , for any would have served our turn then . He was a very honest young man , but no Souldier nor Seaman . At the begining of the storm I was full of courage , and well resolved to submit to the will of God without any murmuring or fear of dying , but he did not understand that Philosophy , the dreadful image of Death appeared to him with all his horrour , and I think I might have seen it in his face if we had not been in the dark . I have admired he did not die for the very fear of it : At first he sigh'd and and groaned only , but a while after , when the storm increased , he broke out into the saddest howling in the world . He accused his Fathers Counsel and Command , who had sent him , but chiefly his own folly in obeying . He called his dear Mother , Brothers , and Sisters , and bad them an Eternal Farewel , as likewise his beloved Country , which he had no hopes ever to see again . He lamented and deplored the cruelty of his Fate that put an end to his life in the flower of his Age by so horrid and untimely a Death . In fine , he made such sad complaints , and was so eloquent in his affliction , that I was moved with Compassion more than with the fear of being drowned . Pity first wrought upon my heart , and drove out of it all the Stoicity my reason had laid there in store ; then fear and infirmity came in , so that I began to howl and lament with my afflicted Friend , as if I had been as weak as he , and had it not been for some ridiculous Expressions of his , which made me sometimes laugh , I think I had been as much dejected as he . Mans weakness and simplicity is much to be admired in such occasions as this , and shews that Custom , Prejudices , and Opinions , have more influence upon his mind than true reason he so much boasts of , and which in such occurrences as this forsakes him , and leaves the mastery of his Soul to weak and silly Passions . Death is but one and the same thing what shape soever it assumes to appear in , and we commonly fear the manner of Death more than Death it self . Before this storm ( wherein none of our People perished by the special Grace of God ) I had been exposed to a great deal more danger than I was now ; I had been exposed to the mouth of Canons , I had fought in Battels , and in Sieges , where many thousands of men had lost their lives , and where we marched upon the slain to a seeming inevitable Death : Yet the fear of it did hardly make an Impression on my heart because it was an usual thing , and the contempt of danger as much accounted courage and gallantry as the fear of it cowardliness and infamy , yet death is still but one and the same thing . While my Friend and I were thus lamenting , the Master and his Crew were not asleep , neither did they neglect any thing that could contribute to our preservation ; They used all their art , and all their endeavours , some about the Stern , some about the Pumps , and others about several other parts of the Ship ; and God did so bless their labour , that they kept her up while the violent Hurrricane lasted , which at last fell into one particular Wind , that got the mastery of the others , and drove us to the Southward with so great rapidity that we were not able to keep out of that Course , but must yield to his violence . After two days running that Course the Wind changed a little , and drove us to the Southeast for the space of three days , the weather being so foggy that we could see nothing at five or six yards distance . On the sixth day the Wind slaked a little , but drove us still to the Southeast till towards night , when of a sudden we felt a very great Calm , just as if our Ship had fallen into a Pool or dead Lake , which caused no small wonder in us . Two or three hours after we were thus becalmed the weather cleared up , and we spied a great many Stars , but could not make any good observation by them . We judged in general that we were not far from Batavia , and a great many Leagues from the South Continent : But it proved afterwards we were much deceived in our Conjecture . The seventh day we continued in this great Calm , as if we had been ordered to celebrate the Sabbath day after six days labour and toyl ; during this Calm we searched and examined all the parts of our Ship , and found her pretty tight , though she was a new Ship , and had never gone a Voyage before . But she was so strongly built that she endured the rage of the Seas without springing any Leak able to endamage her . The eighth day at Noon a fine breeze began to blow , and drove us to the Eastward , much to our joy and satisfaction , for besides that it made for our purpose , we were afraid of being becalmed ; at night the weather grew dark and misty , and the Wind stiff and violent , so that we feared another storm The Fog continued all the day following , and the wind blowing by fits and puffs , which did sometimes put us to great danger , at night the Wind changed , grew boisterous and drove us again to the Southeast with great impetuosity , the Fog growing still thicker and thicker . About the middle of the night , the Wind being very high , and our Ship running very swiftly , she struck of a sudden upon a Bank , much contrary to our expectation , and stuck there so fast that she remained there without any motion as if she had been nailed to the place . Then did we think our selves absolutely lost , and looked every moment to see our Ship staved in pieces by the fury of the Seas and Wind , and every body fell to his Prayers seeing neither Art nor Industry could avail . But God , whose mercies are great , shewed us salvation where we expected nothing but destruction ; for the Morning being come , and the Sun having expelled the darkness of the Night , and dissipated the thickness of the Fog , we saw that our Vessel stuck upon a Bank near the shore of a great Island or Continent . The discovery of this Land turned our despair into hopes , for although it was unknown to us , and we could not tell what good or bad fortune we should have in it : Yet any Land was then welcome to men who had during many days been so miserably tossed upon the water betwixt life and death , hopes and despair . About Noon the weather grew very clear and hot , the Sun over-powring the Mist and Fog , and the Wind abating much of his violence , so that the Sea did by degrees lose much of his rage and agitation . In the Afternoon about three a Clock it Ebbed from the shore , and left our Ship with less than five foot of water upon a kind of a muddy Sand where she stuck very fast . The place where she stuck was not above a Musket shot from a pretty high but accessible shore , whither we resolved to remove our selves and our goods whatever should come on 't , and in order to it our Long-boat was let down , and twelve of our stoutest men were sent ashore well armed to discover the Country , and to chuse a place near the Sea where we might encamp with some safety without going far from our Ship. As soon as they were landed they carefully viewed the Country from the top of a rising ground not far from the shore , but saw neither Houses , nor Inhabitants , nor any signs of either , the Country being but a Sandy barren Land , where grew nothing but bushes and little shrubs wild and savage . They could see neither River nor Brook in the parts they had discovered ; and not having time to make a farther search that day , nor counting it prudence to venture any farther into so unknown a place , they came back again to the Ship three hours after their landing . The next Morning we sent them ashore again with provisions , and order to send the Boat back again to fetch our People by degrees , and likewise our Provisions and Goods , which were all whole by Gods mercy without any the least damage . All these Orders were executed with great care and diligence , so that the day after our being cast upon the Bank we got all ashore with a good part of our Provisions and Goods most useful and necessary . The first who landed pitched the Camp on the side of a rising ground near the Sea over against our Vessel , which could cover us on the Land side from being seen by any body that should come towards the shore , and afforded us a convenient station for a Sentinel to discover a good way round about . Thither did we by degrees carry our goods , leaving in the Ship but ten or twelve men to keep her till we could tow her off upon high water , if it was possible , or dispose of her otherwise . One of the first things we did so soon as we were landed was to call a Council , to advise what order we should take for our mutual preservation . It was presently resolved that we should keep for the present upon the Land the same order and discipline we kept at Sea , till such times we should think fit to alter it ; so after this resolution it was agreed , we should humble our selves before God Almighty , to give him most hearty thanks for preserving our lives and goods in so special a manner , and to implore his divine assistance for the future in a place altogether unknown to us , and where we might fall into the hands of some barbarous people , or starve there for want of Provisions , if he in his mercy did not provide for us as he had done heretofore . After this Resolution and humiliation our Officers divided our People into three equal parts , whereof two were ordered incessantly to work about the Camp in drawing of a Trench to secure us from any sudden invasion , and the others were imployed in discovering the Country , and fetching in Wood and such kind of supplies . Those who were left aboard the Ship had orders to see what condition she was in , and what could be done with her . After an exact examination they found that her Keel was broke by the violent shock she gave against the Sand , and that she stuck so fast in it , that it was impossible to tow her off if she were never so sound , so that they thought the best way was to take her in pieces , and build a Pinnace or two out of her ruines to sent to Batavia with all speed and diligence . That Counsel was approved of , and the fittest men for that purpose were employed for the execution of it with all diligence . The parties that were sent to discover durst not venture far in the Plain for fear of some danger or ill accident , till such a time that the Camp was better fortified , and the Guns carried thither from the Ship. They brought in only Wood , and some kind of wild Berries , of which they found great quantities upon the bushes and shrubs of the place ; some spreading along the shore found a very great plenty of Oysters , Muscles , and other Shell fish , which did not only refresh our People , but did also much save our Provisions , which upon examination we found could not hold out above two Months according to the ordinary allowance : The consideration whereof made us think of some way to husband it , which could be but by getting and saving . In the first place we used all diligence to get our Nets and Hooks ready , for we had found that the Sea thereabouts was very full of fish ; we fed as much as we could upon the Berries of the Plain , and upon the Shell fish of the shore ; and on the other side we shortned every ones allowance , and reduced it to eight ounces a day of the Ships Provisions . But our greatest want was sweet water , for although we had made a Well in the Trench that afforded as much of it as we could use , yet it was somewhat brackish and ungrateful by reason of the nearness of the Sea. Our adventurers made every day some new discovery , and having gone so far as almost Ten Miles about the Camp without finding any the least sign that the Country was inhabited grew every day bolder and bolder : They saw no living Creature in all this sandy Plain , but some Snakes , a kind of a Rat almost as big as a Rabbet , and some kind of Birds like wild Pigeons , but somewhat bigger , who fed upon the Berries we have made mention of . They killed some of them with their Guns and brought them to the Camp , where after trial they were found to be very good meat , especially the Birds . These new discoveries made us a little remiss in our Fortifications , and we contented our selves by drawing a small Trench about our Camp , casting up the Earth inwardly , and thought it was enough in a place where we found no Inhabitants . We planted some Guns upon the most convenient places , and setting all thoughts of fear aside , dreaded nothing so much as hunger , and the injuries we might receive from the weather , which we were not yet acquainted with , for it had proved very temperate since our Landing upon that Coast , where we had been fourteen days before our Pinnace could be perfected . But about the seventeenth day she was ready to put to Sea with Provision for Eight men for six weeks time , which was as much as ever we could spare . Now there arose great strife amongst the Seamen about the sending of the Pinnace to Battavia , for few would venture on that Voyage , yet it was necessary that some should go . Whereupon it was agreed that a number of the best Seamen should be taken out of the whole Crue , and that they should cast Lots among themselves to determine the difference , which was done accordingly . The Lot fell upon the Master himself , upon a Seaman called Prince , and six more , whose names I have forgotten . They seeing it was the will of Fortune that they should go , submitted to it joyfully , and after having agreed upon a Signal we should give them , to find us out if ever they should come again with relief , and taking their leave of the Company , they went aboard the Pinnace , and with a good Land Gale sailed to the Eastward till they were out of our sight . We made publick Prayers for their prosperity with many sighs and tears , trusting in Gods goodness and mercy . The same day we advised among our selves what kind of Government we should keep as most convenient for our present Condition , for some of our Officers being gone in the Pinnace our Sea Discipline was somewhat altered , neither did we judge it proper for the Land , upon better consideration . The business was debated Pro and Con , but after some contestation it was agreed that we should live in a Military Discipline under a Captain General . And other inferiour Officers , which together should compose a Soveraign Council of War with Authority to direct and order every thing absolutely . Now the question was whom we should chuse of all the Company . All were inclined to defer that honour to Van de Nuits , my Friend , as being the Person of most eminent quality among them , and who had the greatest concern in the Ship , but he modestly excused himself , alledging that he was young and unexperienced in Military Affairs , and therefore not fit for such Command , and that it was necessary in such an occasion to make choice of a Person of riper years and greater experience in that kind than himself was , who never was a Souldier . Then , observing some trouble and irresolutions in their faces , he went on in this manner : Gentlemen , I give you many thanks for the esteem and good will you shew towards me , and wish heartily I were worthy of it , and capable of this Command ; But since I cannot be your General my self , give me leave to recommend one to you who is very fit for that Imployment , having been a Commander in Europe in two several Armies and a great Traveller in most parts of the Christian World. You know his Person , and I dare say you do all love and esteem of him as I do , although he is not so well known to you as he is to me , who have had long experience of his probity and good Conduct . Then ( poynting to me ) he said , The Person I mean is Captain Siden , to whose Command and Authority I will readily submit if you please to chuse him for our General . This unexpected Speech , and the looks of the Company , who all turned their eyes upon me , put me somewhat out of Countenance , but being soon come to my self , I answered , That his recommendation proceeded more out of affection and love than out of any knowledge of either merit or good Conduct in me ; that I was a Foreigner among them , and born in a Country far from Holland , and that I thought there were many in the Company far more capable of that Command than I was , and therefore desired to be excused , chusing rather to obey my betters than to use any Authority over them . I had no sooner ended my Speech , but one Swart ( a stout and active fellow , who never went out of my company in all the discoveries we had made in the Country ) took me up somewhat briskly , and said : Sir , All these excuses will not serve your turn , and if Mr. Van de Nuits counsel and mine be taken you shall be our General whether you will or no ; for besides what he hath worthily spoken of you , all the Company ( and I particularly ) know that since we were cast upon this Land you have shewed your self most active and industrious for the common good and preservation of all , and are therefore most fit to command us . We are Seamen and Traders , altogether ignorant of Military Discipline , which you alone can teach us here , since there is no body among us that understands it , and who is so well qualified as your self , upon which consideration I declare that you are the only sit person to command us , and that I will submit to no mans command but yours . This blunt Fellows Speech , which he pronounced with a strong and loud voice , did so affect the minds of the Company , already disposed by Van de Nuits recommendation , that all with one voice cried out , Captain Siden must be our General . When I saw I could not avoid the taking of this Command , I made sign for silence , and spake to them in this manner : Gentlemen , Since you force me to accept of this Command , I accept it with thanks to you all , and do heartily wish your choice may prove to your advantage and satisfaction . But that all things may be done in good order , and carried on vigorously I beg a few things of you , which if you please to grant me I will do my best endeavour to preserve you from all danger , and to keep you in that Civil Discipline and Society which may best conduce to the Publick Good. The first thing I beg , That every man here will take an Oath to obey mine and the Councils Authority without any repugnancy , upon pain of such punishments as we shall think fit to inflict upon them . The second is , That I may have the priviledge of chusing the Principal Officers to be elected , and they to bear such Commands and Offices as I shall bestow upon them for the time . In the third place I beg , That in Council my single Vote may pass for three Votes . Lastly , That I or my Deputy may have a Negative Voice in all Publick deliberations . All these Priviledges and Prerogatives were presently granted me , and I was saluted by all the Multitude in the quality of their General , and had a Tent larger than ordinary set up in the middle of the Camp for the first Badge of my Authority . I lay in it that night with Van de Nuits ; and had his advice in several things , which were afterwards put in execution . The next day we called all our People together , and in their presence I made Van de Nuits Over-seer General of all the Goods and Provisions we had , or should hereafter have . Swart Captain of the Artillery , Arms , and Ammunitions of War. Maurice , an expert and active Seaman , Admiral of our Fleet , which was to consist of a Long-boat , a little Boat , and another Pinnace we were a making out of the pieces of our broken Ship. Morton , an English man , who had been a Serjeant in the Low Countries , I made Captain of the Eldest Company . De Haes , a sober and vigilant fellow , was made second Captain , one Van Sluis , third Captain , one de Bosch , fourth Captain , and one Brown , Major General . I gave all these men leave to chuse their inferiour Officers with my approbation , which they did accordingly . I had two Servants with me , the one called Devese , who had been my Serjeant in Catalonia , a stout and understanding fellow , sober , and trusty , who had served me ever since I left the Wars , and followed my fortune every where , him I made my Lieutenant General ; and the other , named Tursi , my Secretary . Our Officers being all chosen , we numbred our People , and found we were three hundred and seven Men , three Boys , and seventy four Women , all in good health ; for although there were many of them sick when they first landed , they were all well again in less than a Weeks time , which was no small argument of the healthiness of the Country . I distributed all these into four parts , and gave Maurice six and twenty of the best Seamen , and the three Boys , to man his Navy . Swart had thirty for his Artillery . I disposed two hundred men into four Companies , and Van de Nuits had all the rest to attend him , and take Orders of him in the Camp , or out of the Camp. We had two Trumpetters , which used to say Prayers in the Ship besides their Office of Trumpetting . I took one of them , and gave Van de Nuits the other , and they both were confirmed in both their imployments after the Dutch fashion . All our Affairs being so ordered and setled , in the Evening I called our Superiour Officers together , and told them , that before our Provisions were all spent we should go about by Sea and Land to discover the Country , and endeavour to get some fresh Provision , as likewise to discover some fitter place for a Camp than that we were in , where in a short time all things would grow scarce , and where we had not so much as good water . That my opinion was we should send several Parties of men well Armed to make new discoveries , and go farther into the Country than we had gone yet . They readily assented to my Proposals , and told me they were ready to obey my Orders . Whereupon I commanded Maurice to man his two Boats , and to send them all along the Coasts , as far as they could conveniently go , the one , on the right side of the Camp , and the other , on the left . I ordered Morton to take twenty men out of his Company , and to go all along the shore on the left hand . De Haes was commanded to take thirty out of his , and to go through the middle of the Country ; and I my self drew forty men out of the two other Companies , and left my Lieutenant to command in the Camp in my absence . We all took three days Provision , and good store of Powder and Bullets , with Swords and half Pikes , and I commanded all my men to be ready early in the Morning , and to wait for further Orders , which they did accordingly . The next day , which was the twentieth since the first day of our Landing , and from which we shall hereafter reckon as our principal Epoche , all my men were ready by break of day , and came to receive my Commands , which were the same I had given the night before , with this Addition only : That if they should meet with any thing considerable they should presently send advice thereof to the Camp. I likewise gave Orders to Morton to keep with the Boat as near as he could , and to come every night to the shore to joyn with the Boats-Crew before Sun setting , I my self intending to keep the same Method with Maurice . As soon as these Orders were given we went our several ways all full of hopes and alacrity . I marched my men in Rank and File , and I divided them into three Parties , the first that had the Van was composed of six Musketteers and a Corporal , the second of twelve and a Serjeant , I my self brought up the Rear . We marched within Musket shot distance one from another in that manner as near the shore as we could , that we might be within sight of our Boat. The Sea was very calm , and the Weather very still , though something hot . At noon the Boat came to us at a place where we stood near the shore , and there we took some rest and refreshment for the space of two hours . All the Country we came upon for ten or twelve Miles was much like to that about our Camp , and we did not so much as find a Brook or a Spring in all our way , all being dry Sands , and nothing growing upon them but Bushes and Thorns . After we had taken some rest , we marched five Miles beyond the place where we had halted , and there the ground began to grow more unequal , and to rise here and there into small Hills . Two Miles farther we found a Brook of sweet water , which gave us no small occasion of joy , chiefly when we saw that a little farther up in the Country there was some small plots of green Trees upon the Banks of the Brook ; there we halted again , and made Signs to our Boat to come to us , which they did immediately , coming into the Brook with the Tide ; and finding it was a very good Harbour for such a Vessel as theirs , they rowed up a Mile into the Land till they came to a plot of green trees , where we pitched our Camp for that night . Maurice brought us some Fish he had taken in the Sea , and some Oysters , and other Shell fish . We strook fire , went to Supper an hour before night , and then to sleep , keeping a good Guard about us , and hiding our fire with green Boughs we fixed in the ground round about it lest it should be seen at a distance . The next day early in the morning I sent three of my men back again to the Camp to give them notice of the Brook and the Trees we had found , and to tell them we intended to proceed farther . But before we removed from that place I sent five men up the Brook to discover more of the Country . They came back two hours after , and told us that the Country above was a little more Hilly than below , but dry and barren , and like that which lay towards our Camp. Our Boat fell down towards the Sea after these men were come with this account , and had carried us over the Brook , which was deep and not fordable , unless we went two or three Miles higher . When we had got over we marched on along the shore still within sight of our Boat , and found that the Country grew more and more unequal . When we had gone five or six Miles further we came to a pretty high Hill , which was barren and without Trees . We got on the top of it , and from thence discovered a Wood of tall Trees four or five Miles beyond this Hill , which Trees stood upon a high ground that shot a good way into the Sea. At the sight of these green Trees we did much rejoyce , and resolved to go thither after we had taken a little refreshment . We marched on through a Sandy Plain that lay betwixt us and the Wood , and reached the foot of the high ground in less than two hours time , got up into the Wood , and found it did consist of very lofty Trees , not thick , and under which there was not much under-wood , so that it was easily pervious ; there I kept my men very close to one another , and doubled the Van , that they might be the more able to resist if they should be set upon by any men or fierce Beast . As we went we cut down several Boughs , and strewed them upon the ground , whereby we might know the way we came in our return . In that manner we marched on in as direct a Line as we could till we came to the other side of the Wood , where we spied the Sea again , and saw Trees over the Water at six or seven Miles distance , which demonstrated to us that this water was a great Bay between two Capes . The place was very delightful to behold , and afforded a very fine prospect over the Bay , which made us wish we had been cast away nearer to it than we were . We had left our Boat on the other side of the Wood by reason of the great way she must go about before we could meet her again . I sent down ten of my men to the Water side , where they found a vast quantity of Oysters , and other Shel-fish , which was no small encouragement . As soon as they were come up I sent three men to Maurice , and bid him row as fast as he could towards the head of the Cape , where he should meet with a Party I intended to send immediately that way . I sent another Party towards the inner part of the Wood on the Land side to see if they could find any sweet water . Those who went towards the head of the Cape travelled almost two Miles before they found any , but at last they perceived a Declivity in the ground , which led them down into a kind of a Vale , very full of green and thick Trees , at the bottom of which they found a fine stream of sweet water , running into the Bay. In this pleasant place they stopped , and sent three of their Company to bring me notice of it ; they had not been come a quarter of an hour but the ten men , who were sent on the contrary side , came back again , and told us they had gone a great way in the Wood , which they thought grew wider and wider towards the Land ; that they had found a Heard of Deer near a little Brook , whereof they had killed two , and shot at two more . They had cut these Deer into four pieces , and carried them upon their backs , which was no uncomfortable sight to us . We left the place where we stood , and marched towards the Vale above mentioned , having before dispatched five of our men towards the Camp , to give them notice of what had hapned to us , and sent them part of our Venison for a token of the good Fortune we had met with . When we were come to the Vale , I liked it so well , that I resolved to encamp there that night , and to remove our old Camp thither , as soon as possibly we could . My men made presently a fire , and fell a roasting of their Venison ; and I sent five of them to meet with the Party which were sent to Maurice ; they marched but two Miles farther before they came to the head of the Cape , where they joyned with the other Party , and there standing all together , upon the most eminent place they could find , looked for Maurice his coming . He as soon as he had received my Orders , Rowed to the Rendezvous with all the diligence possible , and came to the place half an hour before Sun setting , where having pulled the Boat upon the ground , they all came to the new Camp before it was night . They found us very merry , some about the fire roasting of meat , and others lying upon Beds of dry leaves and dry Moss , which they had gathered good store of in a little time . We passed all the night in that place with a great deal of joy and quietness , and the morning being come I got up betimes , and bid Maurice and his Crew to prepare for the old Camp , whither I intended to return by Water with only two of my men besides the Boats Crew . I left one to Command the rest , and ordered him to keep in that place till he heard farther from me , promising to be with him again in less than three days , and that in the mean while they might supply their wants with Hunting , Fishing , and Shelling ; so we went towards the Boat. We soon reached the place where she lay , put her to Sea , and Rowed to the old Camp the same day , a gentle breeze favouring our Voyage ; we arrived about Sun setting , and were received by our People with general demonstrations of joy . They had heard of the new Camp , and all asked me if they should not remove thither ? I answered , We would do that with all speed , it being the best place to pitch upon of all those we had seen . Morton and De Haes were come to the Camp two or three hours before my arrival , and came to give me an account of their Expeditions . Morton told me , he had marched his men fifteen or sixteen Miles to the left side of the Camp through a Sandy and barren Country , where they had not found so much as a Spring or Brook of sweet Water ; that at night they were gone to meet the Boat on the shore , according to my Orders , and lain there till the next morning , which being come , they departed early from that place , and proceeded to the Westward in the same manner as the day before , through a Rocky and Stony Country , without finding any water till Noon ; at which time they came to a pretty broad River , where they stopt till their Boat came to them . That they had observed the Tide came into this River with great noise and Impetuosity , and that the water was salt where they came to it at first , as being not far from the Sea , which had obliged them to go up the River till they should find sweet water . That going up along the Banks they had at the last found a Stream of sweet water , which refreshed them much , and so proceeded in their discovery ; they had been set upon by two great Crocodiles , which ran out of the River to devour them , but that they having spied them before they could come near , had fired at them , and the report of their Guns had so frighted those Monsters that they ran into the water with more haste than they were come out of it . That seeing the danger there was along that River by reason of these , or other fierce Creatures they might meet with ; and having no Provision to go on any further in a Country where they could get nothing but some Shell-fish , and those only upon the Sea-shore , they thought they should proceed no farther , but come back again the same way they were gone , according to my Command of not staying longer without some special reason . De Haes told me he had marched twenty Miles the first day through a Sandy Plain , directly to the Southward . That at night they were come to a little Hill full of Heath , where they lay till next morning . That when the Sun began to shine they saw a very great Mist five or six Miles beyond their Post , which clearing up by degrees , as they marched towards it , they discovered a great Pool or Lake of standing water , which could be no less than ten Miles Diameter . That being come near this Lake they had seen abundance of Reeds and Rushes growing about the shore , and an infinite number of Water-Fowl , that flew from place to place , and made a very great noise in their flight . That they had gone a good way about this Lake before they could come to touch the water by reason of the Marshy and Muddy ground about it , where they could not march without danger of sinking , till they came to a Sandy place near a Hill , somewhat higher than that they lay upon the night before . That having got to the top of it , from whence they had a very large prospect round about , they could discover nothing but a large Heath , and at great distance towards the South , a long Row of very high Mountains , which stood like a Wall , and reached from East to West as far as they could see . That after this discovery , they , being afraid of wanting Victuals , were returned to the Camp on the third day according to my Command . I found by these relations that I had had far better luck than these two Captains , and we were all the more encouraged to go to the new Camp on the Eastward ; that we saw it had such conveniences as we could not find any where else , and that all our hopes lay on that side . The next morning I called a Council , where I propounded our removal to the green Vale. It was embraced presently , and ordered that we should transport our People and Goods thither by degrees , beginning with those which were most necessary and easie to carry . The New Pinnace we were making was almost finished , and would be ready in four or five days more , and fit to transport our Guns , Casks , and other Lumber . In the mean while we used both our Boats to remove our Provisions , and sent many of our People by Land , with such Axes , Nails , Spades , and other Implements of that kind as we had there . The Major went with the first Party , my Lieutenant with the second ; and when I saw that most of our People and Goods were removed to the new Camp , and that the Pinnace was ready , I sent her loaded with diverse things , and travelled thither my self by Land. I omitted to tell you that Maurice had doubled the Cape in his second Voyage without any danger by reason of the calmness of the Sea , and the stilness of the weather , which was clear and serene , without any Rain or great Wind above six weeks after our Landing , and so temperate that we felt neither heat not cold in the first Month except about noon , at which time the Sun was something hot ; grew hotter every day as it drew nearer to us , and brought the Spring about August : For in those Countries it begins then ; contrary to our Parts , where the Summer ends at that time . Maurice told me , that at the head of the Cape he had found many small rocky Islands , which lay together very thick as far as a great one that lay at the very mouth of the Bay , and defended it from the fury of the Waves ; he was of opinion that it would prove an excellent Harbour for Ships , if the passage into it was not too difficult , or too shallow for great Vessels by reason of the many Rocks that lay between the Cape and the great Island which divided and sheltered the Bay from the main Ocean . Well Maurice , said I to him , when we have removed all our Goods and People , and they are settled in the new Camp , we shall have time enough to discover those Islands , and I will leave the discovery of them to your care and industry . In less than twelve days after the first discovery of the Vale we had transported all our People and Goods from the old Camp to the new , which in my absence Van de Nuits and other Officers named Sidenberge . That name obtained so in two or three days time that it was impossible afterwards to change it . Our men , partly by my order , or of their own accords , made several good Huts along the Brook side upon a piece of Ground almost a Mile long , which abutted to the Bay on the East side of the Cape . Wood we had plenty enough upon the place , and our Fishermen took so much Fish in the Bay that we knew not what to do with it for want of salt to season or smoak it . But Maurice quickly supplied us with that , for being gone upon some of those Rocks which lay at the mouth of the Bay , he found there as much of it as would serve the whole Company twenty years if we should be so long in that place That Salt was naturally made by the water of the Sea , which in great storms being slung upon those Rocks , filled some hollow places in them , where the heat of the Sun did afterwards turn it into Salt. There were every day great Parties sent into the Woods to discover and hunt the Deer , of which many Herds were found up and down , and many of them killed by our men . We saw every day multitudes of Water-fowl fly over the Bay , which made us judge that they had some particular haunt there . Maurice with his new Pinnace and his Longboat ventured every day further and further into the Bay , and in the Islands , and made several good discoveries . He found a place near the great Island where grew abundance of Reeds and Rushes , and thither it was that an infinite number of Sea-fowl of al sorts did repair . He found another place where there came many green Turtles to lay their Eggs upon the Sand , from whence we might draw the greatest part of our subsistance . In fine , we found so many things to shift withal that we were certain never to want Victuals if we should live there a thousand years . The greatest want we were sensible of was that of Powder , for though we had saved a good quantity of it , yet that was a thing that would be consumed every day , and that we did not know how to get again when our stock was spent . We foresaw likewise that our Cloaths , Hooks , and Vessels would in a short time be worn out if our friends , that were gone in the Pinnace for Batavia , should be lost , and no relief sent us . But we had already so many experiments of Gods mercy towards us , that we hoped he would not forsake us . The Spring came on apace , and we laid up every day new Victuals , by the means of which we saved the Ships Provision as much as we could , and chiefly some Casks of Pease , and other kind of Pulse we had brought from Europe . It came in my head to sow some of these in the ground , and having told some of my Officers of my design , they all readily agreed to it . In order to it , we felled a great many Trees above and below the Camp , and having cleared the ground of all bushes and underwood , which we burned upon the place , we made several furrows in the ground , and sowed our Pease in them , covered them carefully with the earth we had taken up , recommending our endeavours to him that gives the increase . Some of our Huntsmen venturing far in the Wood killed abundance of Game , and not being able to carry it all with them , they hanged two Deer upon an old and thick Tree with an intent to fetch them home the next day . But when seven of them came to the place the day following , they saw upon the Tree a great Tiger gnawing on the dead Deer before that terrible Creature perceived our men , which I suppose was occasioned through his hunger , which made him so eager about his meat that he minded nothing else . Our People were much surprised at the sight , and stood still behind some Trees , and two of them , having cocked their Guns , well charged with Bullets , they aimed , and shot a him both at one time , and fetched him down the Tree . The Tiger made a hideous Cry when he fell , but being shot in two places through the body he died immediately ; they stripped him of his spotted skin , and taking down the dead Deer brought them in triumph into the Camp. I was glad of their success , but yet new fears came upon me upon that subject ; for I judged , that since they had found this mighty Creature in the Forrest , there might be a great many more in it , which at some time or other might come to our Camp , and fall upon our People unawares . I suggested this to the Council , and it was resolved , That without any delay we should make a strong Pallizado about our Hutts . We fell to work the next morning , and in less than ten days after we had empaled our Camp on all sides , so as to be secure from any sudden invasion of Men or Beasts . Our Huntsmen also became a little more cautious than before , and did not dare to straggle in the Woods least they should meet any of those dreadful Creatures . It was now seven weeks since we were cast away , and hitherto we had had no strife nor quarrel among us so long as we lay in fear and danger : But as soon as we thought our selves secure from men , beasts , thirst , and hunger , when we fed plentifully upon fresh meat and Fish , and we did not labour so much as before , then our People began to be wanton . We had a great many Women among us , of which I hitherto forbore to speak , because I saw no great occasion for it . But now that they began to act their part , and stir up trouble among us , I must a little speak of them . Some of them were poor women , who compelled by Poverty , and their hopes of Preferment , were perswaded to go to the Indies . Some had their Husbands there , or other Relations , but most of them were Whores taken out of Bawdy houses , or spirited away by Fellows , who sold them to the Master for a little money , notwithstanding the punishment ordained by the Laws against such practices . These Whores seeing themselves at rest , and the men idle for the most part , began to smile at them , and by amorous speeches to draw some of them to themselves ; they found many so well disposed that they needed no spur to be put on , so they would sometimes come together in the night , and enjoy one another in the best manner they could . But as we lay altogether in a little Camp , and that there was a Guard kept in the night , they could not meet so secretly but some body or other would discover them and become a sharer in the prey . These practices did often occasion quarrels , and jealousies , which at last came to blows , but chiefly upon this particular occasion . Two young Fellows lay both with one woman , and did not know one of the other ; once she appointed a meeting to one of them in the night , and the other coming to her a while after , and requesting the like favour that very night , she denied him , and put him off upon frivolous pretences . The Fellow being subtil , and of a jealous disposition , suspected something of the truth , and resolved so narrowly to watch her that he would find the true reason of her denial ; he did it accordingly , and caught the Wench with her other Gallant in the fact , the sight whereof did so move his anger , that he drew his Sword and stuck them both in the ground , and then slunk away without being seen . The unfortunate Couple cried out , and were found in that posture , first , by the next Sentinel , and then by the whole Guard , who having taken the Sword out of their bodies , and out of the ground , into which it was run above a foot ( such was the strength and rage of this jealous Lover ) carried them to the Chirurgeon , who presently dressed their wounds , then came to me to give me an account of the business . The next day I assembled the Council to advise what should be done about this horrid fact , but we knew not whom to accuse . We examined every body that could be suspected ; we asked the wounded man , Whether he had any enemies which he could himself suspect ? He answered , That as he had neither wronged nor disobliged any body of the Company , so he could not fasten any suspition upon any man. We examined the Wench , but she would accuse no body , although she suspected , and it may be knew the Author of the Crime ; but knowing that it was a just indignation and excess of Love that had moved her other Lover to take that revenge , she was so generous as not to accuse or mention him in the least . This put us into a great perplexity , and we did not know by what ways or means we should find out the Criminal , when at last it came into our thoughts to draw out our men into the Fields , and see which of them wanted his Sword , for no body would own that which had been found in the unhappy Couples bodies . When they were all drawn up , we called every one of them according to the order of the List , and found out the Fellow by the want of his Sword. He was immediately apprehended , and brought to his trial . We asked him , What was the reason he was come into the field without his Sword ? To which he answered boldly , He came without because he had none . Had you never any in this Camp , said I to him ? Yes Sir , I had one Yesterday . What have you done with it ? I lent it last night to one who was to go to Sea this morning ( for it was true , that a Party of Maurice his men were gone early in the morning to some of the Islands . ) Then we asked him , What the mans name was he lent his Sword to ? I do not know his name , said he , although I lent him my Sword , and did sometimes converse with him , as I do indifferently with any one in this Camp , where I know every one by his face , although I am ignorant of the names of most men in the Company , and I do think that it is the case of every man here as well as mine . Then I asked him , Whether he was a Seaman or a Passenger he lent his Sword to ? He was a Seaman , and told me , he had lost his own Sword when he borrowed mine ; and because he would not have it known that he had lost his Weapon , he intreated me to let him have mine upon his urgent occasian . Then did we send for the Sword with which the fact had been committed , and asked him , Whether he knew that Sword ? He readily answered , He might very well know it , since he had wore it ever since I trained up all the men of the Camp into a Military Discipline , whereof himself was one . Sir , saith he , This is my Sword , and the very same I lent last night to him that borrowed it of me . How came this Sword to be found in the bodies of the two wounded persons if your hands did not thrust it through them ? And please you General , it doth not follow that I thrust it into their bodies because it is my Sword , he that had it of me might use it to commit that cruelty instead of using his own , thereby to shake off all suspition from himself , and lay the guilt on me . I confess that there are many apparent Arguments against my Innocency , but I am sure there is no evident proof , and I hope you will never find any . After this strict examination , finding we could not convince this Fellow till Maurices Crew were come from Sea , we deferred his trial until another time . But it fell out by fortune that the men of the Boat being upon one of the Sandy Islands where they turn Tortoises , and some of them having a mind to swim , went into the Sea to wash and cool themselves in that Element ; and as some were more forward than others , a great Shark snapped the forwardest of the Company , who being warned by that dreadful example , got out of the water with all the hast possible . The Story of this fatal accident , as likewise the description of the person who had been devoured , came to the knowledge of the Prisoner we had examined , before we could bring him to a second trial . When he was tried again , he cunningly catching hold on the opportunity , said confidently , That he had lent his Sword to him who was devoured , of whose Face and Person he made a very exact description in our presence . So that we could not do any good , nor bring any evident proof against him . We all admired his confidence and subtilty , and hearing that the wounded persons were like to be well again , we were contented to keep him in bonds till they were both out of danger . The woman was soonest well , and here you may admire the humour of some of that Sex. As soon as she was cured she came to the young man who had wounded her , and expressed the greatest love to him that can be imagined , under pretence that she had been the cause of all his trouble . But I think the true reason was , that she looked upon this Fellow as a man well in his body , having never been wounded , and who consequently was far more vigorous than her other Gallant , who had lately received a large wound through the body . This accident occasioned new Laws , and new Customs . We considered , that as long as we had Women among us they would be the occasion of trouble and mischief if we did not betimes take some good course , and allow our men the liberty of using them sometimes in an orderly manner . But we had but seventy four women , and above three hundred men , and therefore could not give every man a Wife . We consulted long upon a Method , and at last pitched upon this , We allowed the principal Officers each of them one woman wholly for himself , with the priviledge of chusing according to his rank . The rest we distributed into several divisions , and ordered it so , that every man , who was not past fifty years of Age , might have his woman-bedfellow every fifth night ; we laid aside the old men , and the four Wives that were going to their Husbands in Batavia , and who professed to be very chaste and honest . These kept together , and lived a while very reserved , but when they saw that all the other women lay freely every night with a man without incurring any blame , and that the relief we expected from Batavia was long a coming , they began to grow melancholy , and to repent that they had chosen chastity for their share , by which means they were deprived alone of those delights and pleasures which they saw all the other women take so freely and so plentifully . They shewed their discontented minds by a hundred actions , and they nor we were never quiet till we had distributed them among the rest , and then they were satisfied . Here we had a very great proof that multiplicity of men to one woman is no friend to Generation , for few of these women , who were common to five men , proved with Child ; and on the contrary , all those who lay but with one man presently got a great belly . I think that is the natural reason why multiplicity of Husbands was never allowed in any Nation , although Poligamy of Wives and Concubines was ever used , and is still practised in most Countries . Now the time was come that we were to set up the Signal we agreed upon with the eight men of the first Pinnace sent to Batavia . I therefore commanded our men to chuse in the Forrest a tall and streight tree to set it up at the head of the Cape with a white Sail the largest we had , which was done accordingly . I commanded also a great fire to be made every night at the same place , that the Ships sent to our relief might see it in the dark , and take their aim by that . We were in good hopes that the Pinnace was got to Batavia without any great difficulty , considering the good weather we had had , and that the General would send us relief with all the diligence possible . But God it seems had ordered it otherwise , for the weather , which for almost two months had been fair , began to grow rainy , and stormy , so that we saw almost every day great tempests in the Ocean , although our Bay was not much agitated by them by reason of the high ground , and the many little Islands that sheltered it from the violence of the Winds and Waves . It rained almost every day for a fortnight together , but the Sun shined hot every day also , so that we had a mixture of Rain , Wind , and Sunshine at the same time . It was well that we had been provident in powdring and smoaking of meat and fish , which we laid up in great store in the empty Casks we had brought from our Ships , for if we had not done so , we might have wanted Victuals while this bad weather lasted , which was above a fortnight . It grew a little better after that space of time , but not so good but we had Winds , Rains , and Storms at Sea ; then sudden calms , at the least once or twice a week , which made us despair of ever hearing from Batavia , and made us resolve to provide for our selves there , without depending upon any relief from thence . The weather grew very hot , and since the rain fell all things were visibly grown in the fields , and our Pease did thrive the best that ever I saw , so we were like to have a great Crop of them , which encouraged , us to break more ground , and to sow a great many more . There was an infinite of Fish and Fowl in the Bay , and upon a calm day we could take as many of them as we pleased ; but our Nets began to wear out , and we were forced to tear some of our Cables to make new Nets of them , which we made a shift with for a great while , necessity being the mother of Arts. Our Huntsmen had made such a noise in the Wood near the Camp , and so chased the Dear , that they were quite gone from that part , and none could be seen ten miles about us . That made them resolve to take another course , and to go by water to the other side of the Bay , or to the bottom of it , where we saw Wood all round . Maurice was first ordered to make discoveries on the other side ; which he did , and found there were great Woods there , and a little River that ran into the Bay. He rowed four or five miles up that River and saw nothing but Trees , and some marshy ground along the bank of it , yet we supposed there would be many Deer found on that side if we should put it to a trial . In order to which , fifty of our men having taken Victuals and Ammunition for a Week , went to the Banks of that River in the Pinnace , and the Long-boat , and having Landed there , made themselves Huts , keeping the Long-boat with them to use it according to their occasion , and sending the Pinnace back again . A while after being gone into the Forrest to seek for Deer , they found great Herds of them , whereof they made a great slaughter ; they likewise found a kind of Beast like a Swine , but bigger , and slower in his pace , and using to go a rooting in the Woods in great numbers ; they killed first one of them , vvhich upon examination proved far better meat than any of our European Pork . Maurice being desirous to discover the great Island that lay at the mouth of the Bay , landed there with twenty men ; the first part of it that lay inwardly he found to be but Stony and Rocky places , but when they were gone a little beyond , they found it to be a pretty big Island , consisting for the most part of moorish ground , which being almost dreined by the heat of the Summer was turned into very good Pasture ground ; they found hundreds of Deer feeding upon it , and abundance of Fowl of all kind , so tame that they would let a man come within a yard or two of them , they marched to the Eastward of the place , and found that this Land was divided from the continent by a narrow Channel only ; it was found afterward that in the Spring time the Deer swam from the Continent to the Island , which Island was not above twelve miles Diameter . These new discoveries being so happy filled our hearts with joy , and a certain assurance we should not want for Victuals if we were ten times as many , and made us bold to venture farther . Maurice had observed that the Bay ran a great way in length towards the Southeast , and supposed there was some great River that flowed from that side of the Country into the Sea , which was not unlikely . He therefore , having obtained leave to take a Weeks Provision , and a sufficient number of men , sailed that way with a resolution to go as far as he could with his Pinnace , and we having prayed for his good success minded our other concerns , in hopes of his happy return . By this time our Pease were almost ripe , and nine or ten days after we had a most prodigious Crop of them , every Peck yielding above a hundred , which is almost incredible ; and we expected another Crop that promised no less than this if it should come to perfection . We dried them carefully , and laid them up in store for the Winter and so we did with every thing that would keep , using for the present such as could not be preserved . It was above a quarter of a year since we were setled at Sidenberg , and having heard nothing from Batavia , we concluded our Pinnace was perished , and gave it over for lost ; but our greatest trouble was , that above ten days were past since Maurice was gone and we heard no tidings of him : This cast a general sorrow upon our hearts , and in that great affliction we did not know what Counsel to take , we durst not send the Long-boat in search of him for fear she should be lost , knowing that without our Vessels we could hardly be able to subsist . Our Huntsmen had made a kind of a new Plantation on the other side of the Bay for conveniency of hunting , and without our Boats we could keep no commerce with them . All these reflections , and the fear of worse accidents increased our affliction throughout all the Camp , where we lay lamenting the loss of our Pinnaces above a fortnight before we could hear any thing of either of them . Maurice did not come , and we did not know what to think of him and his Vessel , knowing there had been no great storms since she was gone , and that being in so calm a Sea she could not have perished by Tempests . We did not think neither that she was fallen into the hands of Enemies or Pyrates , having reason to believe from our former experience that there were no men in those parts . Wavering so betwixt hope and fears , upon a calm day we saw Maurices Pinnace and two Vessels more coming along with him towards us . While we were looking upon them , wondring how he came by these two Vessels , and what they might be , We spied ten Sails more at a good distance coming after them . This unexpected Fleet put our Camp into a great apprehension . We ran all to our Arms , prepared our Cannons for our defence , and sent Scouts towards the shore to observe the motions of this Fleet. In the mean while they drew near to the shore , and at Musket shot they all cast Anchor in good order ; but Maurices Pinnace came very near , so that we could see him and his men from the shore , and hear him plainly speak to us . He bid us not be afraid , and desired us to send the Boat with three men only to fetch him ashore ; after some contestation we sent the Boat , which being come aboard him he leapt into it with one of his men , and took down with him a tall and grave Personage in a black Gown , a Hat on his head , and a white Flag in his hand , and so came ashore to us . I , with some of my Officers , stood at some distance , but when we saw this man landed we went to meet him . Maurice told us in few words , That he was sent from the Governour of a City situate about sixty miles above the Bay , where we had received all the kindness and civility imaginable , and desired us withal to express all manner of respect to him . Upon that advice we did bow to him in very humble and submissive manner , which he received with a great deal of gravity and mildness , and stretching his right hand towards Heaven , said in very good Dutch. The Eternal God of the World bless you , the Sun his great Minister , and our glorious King , shine kindly upon you , and this our Land be fortunate to you . After this , Maurice having told him that I was the General , he gave me his hand , which I humbly kist , and he took me about the neck and kissed me in the middle of the forehead , and then desired to march to our Camp , where we received him in the best manner we could . He looked upon our Huts and Pallizadoes , and nodded his head in sign that he liked it very well ; then spake thus to me : Sir , I have heard the History of your disaster , and knowing of your merits and Gallantry , I have made no difficulty of putting my Person into your hands ; but that I may not keep you any longer from the Relation your Officer Maurice will make unto you of what hath hapned unto him since his departure from hence ; I desire to rest a little in your Hut while you satisfie your curiosity , and hear those things which will be necessary for you to be acquainted with , and that I hope will set your minds at rest . We made no answer , but making a low reverence left him in the Hut , and went to Maurice , who expected our coming in Van de Nuits Hut . We were no sooner with him but we began to ask him questions concerning his journey ; and he having begged our leave and favourable audience spake to us in this manner : Maurices Speech . NOble General , and worthy Officers , with your leave , and even with your Command , I departed from this place about three Weeks ago , with a design to make further discoveries in the Bay. The first day I sailed to the Southeast of it above twenty miles , and saw nothing on either side but great Woods as you see here , distant one from another five or six miles at the least . At night we cast Anchor at a mile distance from the right side of the river , and lay there till next morning . From thence with Wind and Tide we sailed up further to the Southeast about five Miles more , and there we found the Banks on each side of the River came near one to another , within two miles distance . We sailed up still , though with a little more difficulty , till we came into abroad place , where the water spreads it self into a great Lake , from the middle of which we could hardly see the shore on either side ; we only saw ten or twelve small Islands dispersed up and down the Lake , and most of them shaded with tall green trees , very delightful to the Eyes . By this time the Wind was somewhat altered , and the Lake was so calm that we could hardly perceive any motion in it ; but as the place was wide we rid to and fro as the Wind did serve , not much caring which side of the Lake we should go first to , yet when the Wind would serve we endeavoured as much as we could to make to the Southeast . About Evening we had a fine breeze , which drove us to the Southeast according to our wishes , and that night we cast Anchor betwixt two or three of those small Islands , not above two or three miles distant one from the other , with an intent to visit them the day following . We lay at Anchor all night , and took our rest without any care or fear , not thinking there had been any Inhabitants in those places , but we found we were much deceived , for as soon as it was broad light we saw about us ten or twelve Vessels , which did so encompass us about , that we could go no way but we must fall among them . This struck a great terrour upon us , and we thought verily vve should all be killed or taken , for vve had but one of these vvays to chuse , to fight , or to surrender our selves , and lie at the mercy of unknovvn men , vvho might use any cruelty upon us . This last consideration prevailed , and made us all resolve to fight it out to the last man ; so vve all ran to our Arms , prepared our Guns , and vvere very vvell resolved to defend our lives , for vve could not run avvay , the vveather being very still , and the men vve savv about us having several Shallops vvell manned vvith Rovvers , vvho rovved tovvards us vvith great svviftness . When they vvere come vvithin Musket shot of us they all stopped , save a small Vessel , vvherein vve savv a man vvith a vvhite Flag in his hand coming on to us , and making many signs in token of Amity . We stood to our Arms , and let that Vessel come on to us , knovving it vvas not strong enough alone to attempt any thing against our Pinnace . When they vvere come vvithin fifteen or tvventy yards of us the man vvho had the vvhite Flag in his hand , making a low reverence , spake to us in Spanish , and bad us not be afraid , for no harm was intended against us . One of my men , who could speak that Language , explained what he said , and asked him why they came so about us ? He answered , It was the custom of the place , that we should come to no harm , and desired to know what Countrimen we were . He told him we were Hollanders . Then he replied in Dutch , That we were welcome into the Country , and desired to be admitted into our Pinnace himself and another man of his Company only , proffering to remain with us as Hostages till matters were better understood . We readily yielded unto his desire , so they came aboard us . He was a very lusty man , with a manly look , wearing a red Gown down to the middle of his Legs , with a Cap of the same colour , and a Shash about his waste , much after the Garb we paint Cardinals in . The other man was in the like habit , and a lusty man too , both about forty years of Age. When he was come up to us he asked who was the Commander of the Pinnace ; and having been told I was the Person , he came to me in a kind and civil manner embraced me , and bid us all welcome into the Country . Then he asked how we came into those parts in so small a Vessel . I answered , That we came in a bigger , but that she was cast away upon the Coasts , and that out of her Ruines we had made this Pinnace . Then he asked me if we were all that were saved ? I told him it was so , and that the rest of our Company were drowned ( for I did not think it fit to speak of our People in the Camp until we were better acquainted with these men , and saw what usage we should have amongst them . ) He altering his Countenance , as if he had been sorry for our loss , told us he took great part in our affliction . Then did he ask me several questions concerning our Voyage , our Shipwrack , and the present state of Europe . To which I returned such answers as I thought convenient . He seemed to be well pleased with my answers , and told us we were come into a Country where we should find more kindness and civility than we could in our own , and where we should want none of those things that are capable to make moderate men happy . We returned him humble thanks , and desired to know what the name of the Country was ? He told us it was called in their Language Sporumbè , the Inhabitants Sporui ; that it belonged to a greater and happier Country beyond the Hills , called Sevarambè , and the people evarambi , who lived in a great City called Sevarinde . That we were not above fourteen Miles from another City ( but much less than the first ) called Sporunde where he intended to carry us . Then perceiving some alteration in our faces caused by his last words , he proceeded in this manner : Gentlemen , I told you at first you should not be afraid , for no harm will be done you I assure you , unless you will draw it upon your selves through your distrust and stubbornness . Your best way is to rely upon Gods Providence , and the assurances I give you , that no wrong shall be done to the least of you either in his person or his goods . You are but a small number of men in a little Pinnace , in a strange Country , destitute of all things , and no way able to defend your selves against our Vessels which are many against one , and full of men , who no less understand how to fight than you , as you will find if you put it to a trial . They are no Barbarians as you may imagine , but a very good charitable and civil people . So consider what is best for you to do . As soon as he had spoken those words , he and his Companion went to one end of the Pinnace as it were to give us an opportunity to consult among our selves , which we did , and presently resolved to follow his directions , and to trust to Providence . He , perceiving we intended to go to him , came himself to us , and asked what course we were resolved to take ? We intend to obey your Commands in every thing , Sir , and think our selves happy to be under your protection ; We are poor distressed men , fitter Objects for pity than for anger , and we hope to find Mercy and help at your hands . You will find it in a great measure , and see in these Countries such wonders as are not to be seen in any other part of the World. Then he made sign to his Shallop to come near , which they did immediately . They brought us Bread , Wine , dry Dates , Raisins , Figs , and several sorts of Nuts , of which we made an excellent Feast , and drank merrily of the delicate Wines that were given us . After this welcom Meal , the man told me his name was Carshidà , his Companion 's Benoscar , and desired to know mine . I told him my name was Maurice , and asked him withal how he came to speak Dutch and Spanish in so remote a Country . I will satisfie you herein another time Maurice , ( said he ) in the mean while we must give order for our going to Sporundè , that we may be there to day before night . Then did he speak to his men in his own Language , and they made sign to another Vessel that stood near to come to us , they presently came , and having tied a rope to our Pinnace , towed her up the Lake to the Southeast of it , the other Vessel rowing after us ; in that manner we left the little Island and the Fleet ( which did not stir from their Station so long as we were in sight of them ) and rowed till two in the afternoon through that great Lake of salt water , which looks more like a Sea than like a Lake . About that time we had a gentle breeze , which carried us in less than two hours clear out of the Lake into a River , where we found sweet water , and saw a fine Champain Country on each side of it . We had not sailed two miles in this River but we came to a pretty narrow place , where the water is kept in by two great and thick Walls , and saw all along near these Walls great Buildings of Brick and Stone mixed together , and built after the manner of a Castle in a perfect Quadrangle . We went two miles further up along these Walls and Buildings before we came to the City of Sporundè , which stands in the confluence of two great Rivers , in a fine delicate Plain , diversified with Corn-fields , Meadows , Orchards , Gardens , and Groves , which make it very delightful to the eye ; the small Vessel , which at first came after us , was gone up a good while before we came to the Town , to give them warning of our coming . We rowed up to a great and stately Key , where stood a great multitude of People , who came out to see us Land. Carshidà went on shore first , where he was received by some grave men in black , with whom having discoursed a while , he turned himself towards us , and made signs to Benoscar to bring us ashore . He in a few vvords told us vvhat vve vvere to do , and bid us to follovv him . We vvent up the Stairs of the Key , ( vvhich vvas pretty high ) and being come to the place vvhere the grave men stood , vve inclined our selves down to the ground three several times . The men bowed a little to us , and the chiefest of them taking me in his Arms , very kindly embraced me , kissed me in the forehead , and bade us all vvelcom to Sporundè . From that place they carried us through a stately Gate , and a noble Street as streight as a Line , to a great square building after the manner abovesaid . We vvent into it through a large gate that stood in the middle of the Building , and found the inner part of it to be like Cloysters vvith large Galleries on all sides , and a large Green in the middle . From thence vve vvere brought into a great Hall , vvhere stood several Tables and Seats . There the grave men in black stood round me , and asked me several questions , much like unto those Carshidà had asked me at the first , to vvhich I ansvvered in the same manner . A vvhile after they carried us to another Hall next unto that , vvhere vve found several Tables full of meat , much after our European fashion . Then Sermodas ( for that is the name of the grave man vvho is novv in the Generals Hut ) asked me vvhether vve had any stomach to our Supper . To vvhom I made ansvver , That it vvas so long since we had seen such a Supper that I did not think any of us vvould vvant a stomach to eat it . He smiled , and taking me by the hand brought me to the chiefest Table , and made me sit next to him ; then all the other grave men sate vvith us , and Carshidà with Benoscar took all my men to another Table . We had a very noble Supper , after vvhich we were carried up into a great Room , where we saw several Beds upon Iron Bedsteads . There my men were ordered to lye two and two , and I was carried to a Room by my self , where Sermodas and his company wished me good night , and so went away . A while after Carshidà came in and told me , that I and my men must prepare to appear the next day before Albicormas , Governour of Sporundè , and said he would give us directions how to behave our selves , and so he bid me good night . The next day about six of the clock in the morning we heard a great Bell ring , and an hour after Carshidà and Benoscar came into my Chamber , and asked me how I had taken my rest , and if I wanted any thing ? I would have risen presently , but he told me I must not , till such time as I had new Cloaths to put on , which would be brought immediately . Upon that Benoscar went out , and came a while after with some attendance , who brought new Cloaths , both Linnen and Woollen , made after the manner of the Country . Then came in others with a Tub , which they filled with warm water , and then Carshidà told me it was to wash my body in before I put on my new Cloaths , and so went out with all the Company , leaving only a Servant to wait upon me . According to his directions I vvashed , and then put on a fine Cotten Shirt and Dravvers , vvith Stockings of the same . I had also a nevv black Hat , nevv Shooes , a Govvn of several colours , and a black Shash to put about my middle . As soon as I vvas ready , the Servant , taking my old Cloaths vvith him , vvent out , and then came in again Carshidà and his company , vvho told me that I and all my men vvere to attend Albicormas and his Council , and gave me directions hovv to behave my self . We vvent dovvn into the Yard , vvhere I found all my men in nevv Apparel , much like unto mine , but not altogether so good , and vvearing Caps on their heads instead of Hats . Benoscar vvas vvith them , and vvas giving them directions hovv to behave themselves before the Council . We stood there a vvhile looking one upon another , till Sermodas and his company came in . He very kindly asked us all hovv vve did , and then , directing his speech to me , he asked me vvhether I vvas ready to vvait upon the Council ? I ansvvered vve vvere all ready to obey his Commands ; vvhich said , he took me by the hand , and made me march on his left side into the Street . Carshidà put himself at the head of my men , vvhich vvere disposed tvvo and tvvo , and marched in Rank and File like Souldiers , Benoscar bringing up the Rear . In that order vve marched through some Streets till we came to a great place in the middle of the City , and in the Center of this place stood a large and magnificent Palace , of a square Figure , and built with white Freestone , and black Marble , all so clean , and so well polished , that we thought it was new , though we heard afterwards it had been built a good while . In the middle stood a great and stately Gate , adorned with several brazen Statues , and on each side thereof two long Files of Musquetteers , all in blew Gowns . We marched through them into the first Court , where we found another Lane of men in red Gowns , with Halberts in their hands . As soon as we were come in , we heard a great sound of many Trumpets , and several other Instruments of War , very sweet and pleasant , which sounded all the time we stood in that Yard , for a quarter of an hour . From thence we proceeded into the next Court , all built with well polished black Marble , with Nitches round about , and delicate Statues in them . In the middle of the Yard stood about a hundred men in black , most of them of riper years than those we had seen in the other Courts . We stood a little in that place , till two grave men ( such as stood in the Court , with only this difference , that they wore a piece of Gold coloured Silk hanging loose upon their left shoulder ) came down and bid Sermodas bring us all up . We went up in the same order as we came , upon a stately Stair-case , gilt and painted very richly , to a great Hall , gilt and painted in the same manner , and there we stood a while . From that they brought us into another Hall , richer than the first ; and then into a third , far beyond either of them . At the end of this Hall we saw a pretty high Throne , and a little lower long Seats on each side of it . Upon the Throne sate a grave Majestick Personage , and upon the other Seats several venerable men on his right and left . He that sate uppermost in the midst of them wore a Purple Gown , and the others were habited like the two men who led us into the place , who were Members of the Council . We were told that he in the Purple Gown was Albicormas , and the others the chiefest Officers of the City , who , together with him , govern the whole Country of Sporumbè . At our first coming into the Hall we made an inclination of our bodies , then being come to the middle of it we bowed a little more , but when we came to a Balister or Rail near to the Throne , we bowed down to the very ground , according to the directions given us before . Then stood up all the Counsellors and made a small inclination of their bodies , but Albicormas nodded only with his head . Then did Sermodas take me by the hand , and brought me as near the Rail as we could go , and bowing down very profoundly spake to Albicormas , and gave him partly an account of us in his own Language , as we imagined , and as we were told afterwards . Methoughts their Speech sounded much like the Greek or Latine , as I have sometimes heard it spoken in Holland , and ran very smooth and Majestical . When Sermodas had spoken a while , Carshida was sent for , who gave the Council a full relation of our Affairs , and of the time and manner we came into the Lake , by them called Sporascumpso ; how we were seen and taken in it , which was in this manner , as we understood afterwards . The day upon which we came into the Lake was a solemn day in those parts , so that all the Inhabitants of the Islands were celebrating the same , and intent upon their Exercises and Pastimes when we sailed into it , and that was the reason why we saw no Vessels in it at first , although there are several fishing there upon other days . But although we saw no body , yet our Pinnace was soon spied from the Islands , so that several Vessels were sent out in the night to catch us in the morning , and secure us from going back again without leave . It being the custom of those People to keep a very strict guard about their Country for fear it should come to be known to Foreigners , whose designs , and corrupted lives might in time bring trouble to their State , and corruption to their manners , the peace and purity of which two things they are most careful to secure . When Carshidà had made an end of speaking . Albicormas stood up and bid us welcom in his own Language , as Sermodas interpreted it unto us . He added , That we should find all manner of kindness and good usage among the Sporui , and that we should stay in Sporundè till such a time as he did receive Orders from Sevarminas , the Suns Vice-Roy , who lived in the City of Sevarinde , whither he would send a Messenger that very day to give him an account of us . That in the mean while we should enjoy all the comfort and moderate pleasure the Country could afford if we would be ruled by Sermodas and his Officers , to whose care and conduct he recommended me and all my men , exhorting us to behave our selves modestly , and so he dismissed us . I observed , that Albicormas was very crooked , though he was otherwise a man of good presence , and grave carriage , and so were many of his Assessors ; and we found afterwards that among the People there was a great number of deformed persons mixed with very handsom Folk of all Ages and Sexes ; and I was told , That the reason of it was , that those of Sevarindè sent all such imperfect People as were born amongst them to this place , and would not suffer any body who had any deformity of body to live in their Country . I was further told , That in their Language Spora signified a defective person , and Sporundè the City of the maimed or defective . Those that were incorrigibly vitious , or unquiet , were disposed of another way , as in the sequel or continuation of this History shall hereafter be made appear . After Albicormas had dismissed us we went back to our Lodging in the same order as we came from it , and found there a very good Dinner provided for us . We kept at home all that Afternoon because the weather was hot , but in the Evening Sermodas and Carshidà took us out to shew us the City , and led us from Street to Street , where we found great multitudes of People , who came out to look on us . The Town is the most regular that ever I saw , being divided into great square Buildings , which contain every one above a thousand People , & they are built all after the same manner . There are seventy six of them , and so many thousands of Inhabitants in the whole City , which is above four miles about . It stands betwixt two Rivers , as I told you before , but the industry of that People has made it an Island of a Peninsula , by drawing a great Trench from River to river two miles above the City . This Trench is no less than three miles long , having a great Wall on each side and many Bridges over it , very broad and strongly built with large Free-stone , as you may see your selves when you come to the place . At night we had a good Supper , and two hours after we were all carried to a great Hall , where we found fifteen young Women , who waited there for us . They were most of them very tall and proper women , in painted Callico Gowns , wearing their black hair in long and thick breads , hanging down upon their Breasts and Shoulders . We were a little surprised to find so many of them in a row , and did much admire at them , not knowing what they stood there for , when Sermodas spake to us in this manner : You wonder Maurice to see here so many proper Women together , and little understand the reason why you find them in this posture and habit , somewhat different from other womens Dress . Know you therefore that these are our slaves , and that they are here to wait upon you and your Comrades . You have your several Customs in Europe , and so have other Countries their own . Some are bad and vicious in nature , and others only seem to be good or bad according to mens prejudices , and apprehensions . But there are some that are grounded upon Reason , and are truly good in themselves if we rightly consider them . Ours are for the most part , if not all of this kind , and we hardly have anyone which is not established upon Reason . You know , I suppose , that the moderate use of those good things Nature hath appointed for all living Creatures is good , and that there is nothing but the abuse of them , either in the excess , or in the defect that may be termed bad , provided Faith , Justice , and Equity be exactly observed Among those good things , we conceive there are two of the greatest importance , viz. The preservation and happy being of every living Creature , and the propagation of its Species . The means to attain to the first are all those natural Actions , without which no Creature can subsist , and such are Eating , Drinking , Sleeping , &c. But her bountiful hands do not only give us those things which are meerly necessary to keep us alive , but also liberally bestow upon us those delights and pleasures , the just and moderate use whereof may make our lives sweet and comfortable ; and that we may the better take pleasure in them she hath given us an Appetite , and a Palate capable to discern their various tastes and qualities according as they are sutable to our natures . For the preservation of every Species Nature hath likewise appointed that every Male should be united to a Female , that by their union their kind should be preserved , which is her chiefest end . And that they may be the more inclined to accomplish her noble design she hath given them a mutual love and desire of Conjunction , and annexed a pleasure to the actual union of the two Sexes for the preservation of the Species , as a pleasure also in eating , and drinking to every Animal . These are the Eternal Laws of God in Nature , and these two ends , together with the pleasure we take in the means , through which we may attain to them , are not only lawful and necessary , but also laudible and commanded . Besides these two great concerns there is a third one , which hath a general regard to Humane Society , and without which no Kingdom or Common-wealth can well subsit , and that is obedience and submission to the Government . But every Government ought to be established as much upon Natural Reason as possibly can be , that every Member of that Society may freely enjoy his natural liberty , and the moderate use of all those good things which Nature hath appointed for the welfare of Mankind . For if any Government make those good things had and unlawful , which in themselves are good and innocent , we may conclude that such Government is unjust , and contrary to the Eternal Laws of God and Natural Reason . By these Arguments it appears , that those who have not in these three principal things a due regard to their own persons , their Posterity and their Neighbours are cruel to themselves , rebellious to God , and unworthy to live in any humane Society . Those considerations induced our great Lawgiver Sevarias ( whose glorious name and love of his imcomparable vertues shall ever be sweet and precious to us ) to fit his Government as near as he could to the Laws of Nature established upon Reason , carefully avoyding to forbid any thing that is naturally good in it self , and allowing the moderate use of them to all his Subjects . Among the rest of his Laws there is one that commands Marriage to all men and women , as soon as they are come to an Age fit for Generation , which Law and Custom we inviolably observe in all our Dominions . But because many among us are sometimes obliged to travel and leave their Wives at home , we keep in all Cities a number of women Slaves appointed for their use , so that we do not only give every Traveller Meat , Drink , and Lodging , but also a Woman to lye with him as openly and lawfully as if she were his Wife . According to this laudable custom , and being willing to use you as well as any of our own Nation , we have appointed so many women as you are men to come and lie with you every other night so long as you remain here with us if you can find in your hearts to use this priviledge . You may easily imagine that these reasons quickly prevailed , and that he needed not use any further arguments to perswade us to accept of the proffer . We gave him most humble thanks , told him his Reasons were very powerful , and the Custom of this Country much better than that of Europe in our judgment . Well , saith he , use the priviledge if you please , find out a method to agree among your selves , and so I wish you good night . As soon as he was gone there came in two men , who spake to us in French , and bid us welcome to Sporunde ; one of them told us , he was a Physician , and his Companion a Chirurgeon . He desired us very earnestly to be sincere with him , and to tell him whether any of us had any venereal distemper upon him . Gentlemen , I am appointed to examine every one of you upon that score , and if any deny the truth it will turn to his damage and shame ; but if he confess it ingeniously he will get love , esteem , and a speedy cure . Every one of the Company said he was free from any such thing ; but notwithstanding our saying so , the man would not be satisfied till he had seen and carefully examined every one of us apart in a Room next to the Hall we stood in . When he was satisfied he told us he was very glad to find us all sound and free from so nasty distemper , very common in the other Continents , but only known by fame in the Southern Lands . He told us likewise , he had lived in France and Italy above six years , and seen most parts of Europe and Asta in the space of twelve years , and that from time to time there were men sent from Sporundè beyond the Seas upon the same account , by which means they had persons among them who knew all those Nations , and could speak their Languages . This Speech unriddled to me the mystery of Carshidà's speaking Spanish and Dutch the first time he came to us , and took us out of the amazement we were in , to hear so many European Languages , and to see so many of our Fashions in so remote a Country , where we supposed there could be none but barbarous People , if any at all . We would have satisfied our curiosity by asking this man several questions if the earnest desire of going to bed had not prevailed with us , we therefore advised how to find a method to proceed in the choice of the Women . It was at last agreed , That I , and then my two Mates should chuse before any of the others , and then the Commonalty should cast Lots among themselves , which was done accordingly without any dispute or quarrelling , so every man chose his bedfellow . Then was I brought to my Chamber where I lay the night before , and my men to another long Gallery , on each side of which stood little Chambers , divided one from another by thin partition-Walls made of white Plaister , not unlike the Cells of Nuns and Friers . Every Couple had one of these places , and lay there , till next day without any the least disturbance . The next morning we heard the sound of the Bell at the usual time , and Carshidà came to me to ask me how I did , and to tell me it was time to rise . My Bedfellow had leaped out of the Bed , and put on her Cloaths as soon as she had heard the Bell ring , and was but just gone out of my Chamber when Carshidà came into it . He told me Benoscar was gone to my men to take them out of Captivity , ( meaning out of their Bedfellows embraces , and out of their Cells ) where they had been locked all night lest they should use the opportunity of permutation , not allowed in those parts , lest some of the women proving with Child the Father should be uncertain . When I was drest I went to the Hall , where my men came in like manner , and our Guides carried us out to shew us the Work-houses in several Squares of the City , where we saw both men and women working very orderly , some in Weaving and Sowing , others Forging , Carving , &c. But Carshidà told us , That the chiefest employment of the Nation consisted in Building and Tilling of the ground . We lived there in that manner till the sixth day after our first coming to Sporundè , expecting the return of the Messenger Albicormas had sent to Sevarinde . He came at last with Orders to send us to Sevarminas , who was very desirous to see us . When I heard we were to march to Sevarinde I was sorry I had concealed your being here in this Camp , chiefly after we had found so good usage amongst those People , and did hardly know how to mend the matter ; but the reason I had at first to do so being a good and solid reason I thought it would be received , and that Albicormas would forgive us the lye we told him , through the care we had for your safety in a time when we much doubted of our own . I did ingenuously confess the whole matter to Sermodas , who immediately went to Albicormas and told him what I had confessed to him . Thereupon we were ordered to continue in Sporundè till the return of another Messenger , who was presently dispatched to Sevarminas to acquaint him with the whole matter . He returned six days after his departure , and brought new Orders from Sevarindè to Albicormas , who in obedience to them , sent us with all this Fleet to fetch you and carry us all to the great City , where we must appear before the Soveraign Power that resides there , and where Sermodas tells me we shall yet be better used than we were at Sporundè . Here Maurice made an end of his Speech , which filled us all both with joy and admiration , and seemed not to hold any considerable time , though it had been long , and might have proved tedious upon another subject . But the things he related were so full of wonder and novelty that we could have given him a quiet and patient hearing if his discourse had taken up a whole days time . We consulted a while what we had best to do , and resolved at last to submit to Sermodas in all things , to go whither he would carry us , and wholly to depend upon Gods Providence and these peoples Humanity . While Maurice was relating all these adventures to us . Some of his men , who burned with a desire to be talking of the same to their Friends in the Camp , got ashore , and began to discourse with our people , who gathering together in a ring about them , were all amazed at their relations , and were acquainted with the news almost as soon as we , so we needed not repeat any thing to them to let them know how our Affairs stood . They were all willing to go to these fine places the Fellows had mentioned and described to them , and wished themselves there already . One thing only vexed us all , and this was it , We were still in some hopes that our first Pinnace might have got to Batavia , which if it had , we did not doubt but the General would send Ships to our relief as soon as he should be informed with our misfortune . Now if those Ships should come and not find us , they would conclude we were lost , and we should see our selves deprived of all hopes of ever hearing from our Friends , and of returning to our Native Country . But Maurice told us , That there was no reason to fear in either of these cases , considering that we were fallen into the hands of a Civilized Nation , who had Ships , and sent some of them from time to time beyond the Seas . And that it was probable we might get leave to go to the Indies if we did not like this new Country . After we had ended these Consultations we went to my Hut , where we found Sermodas just got up from the Quilt where he had a while taken his rest . He smiled at us when we came in , and asked us how we liked the Description Maurice had made us of the People and City of Sporundè ? We answered , We could not but like and admire both of them , and wish our selves there if it was his pleasure to carry us thither . I came for that purpose , said he , and I am very glad to find you so well disposed to go ; you will find our Cities far better places to live in than this Camp , although through your industry you have made it already a very fine Habitation . We had several discourses upon that and other subjects ; after which we asked him , Whether he would not be pleased to eat and drink of such Victuals as we were able to give him ? I will , saith he , eat of your Victuals upon condition you will accept of such as we have brought along with us . Then he desired Maurice to send for some of his men , and bid them bring some of the Ships Provision , which together with ours made up a very good Feast . When the Dinner was ended Sermodas told us , That since we were willing to go with him , we should use all diligence to put our selves in readiness , and order the transportation of our Men and Goods as we should think fittest ; That he thought it convenient the chiefest of us , and all our women should go aboard the same day , and he would leave some of his men ashore , who together with such of ours as we should appoint should take care to ship up all our things , and then come after us to Sporundè . Thereupon I told him we had another company on the other side of the Bay , and if it was his pleasure we should send Maurice with a Vessel or two to fetch them . You may do so , answered he , and I will order one of our Ships to go along with Maurice , and carry them from their Station directly to the City without coming back again to this Camp. Do you get such of your Officers as you like best to keep you company , and come along with me aboard my Ship , where you will find passing good accommodations . I took only De Nuits and Turci my Secretary with me , and appointed Devese and the other Captain to command in my absence , and see every thing transported with good order and diligence . Sermodas left Benoscar with Devese to be his Assistant and Conductor , and so we sailed toward Sporundè , where we landed the third day after our departure from Sidenberge . We were received in almost the same manner as Maurice had been , with this only difference , that De Nuits and I had a great deal more respect , and better attendance than he had had . Albicormas was very kind to us , and particularly to me . We had several long conversations concerning the present state of Europe , wherein I was far better able to give him satisfaction than any one of our Company . I found he was a man of very excellent parts , learned in all solid Sciences , and very well acquainted with the Greek and Latine Tongues . We spake Latine in all our conversations ; for although he understood some of our Vulgar Languages , yet he could speak none so readily and so eloquently as Latine . He told me many things concerning the Customs and Government of their Nation , which I will faithfully set out when I come to describe the City , Laws , and Manners of the Sevarambi . The day after our coming to this Town all our People and Luggage arrived there , and nothing was left in the Camp but what they thought was not worth taking . They were all used as Maurices men , and had new and clean Cloaths given them every man and woman . But there arose some difficulty concerning our Women , for as you may remember it was ordered in the Camp that one woman should serve five of our common men , and none but our Principal Officers were allowed to have one woman wholly every Officer to himself . Sermodas and his Companions were much displeased with this Plurality of men to one woman , and told us it was so beastly a thing as was not to be suffered , and rather than to endure it they would provide more women for our men to keep them from that filthy and worse than brutish practice . We excused our selves upon the necessity of our condition , and told him he might order the matter as he thought best himself . Will you , saith he , heartily conform to our Laws and and Customs ? We told him , We desired to do so , and thought it our best way . Well then , saith he , number out your men and women , and give me a List of them all ; and let me know likewise , how many of your Women are with Child , and we will take care that you shall be supplied with every thing you want in that particular according to the manner of the Country . We gave him an exact account of every thing according to his desire ; and then he said , That if any one of us was willing to stick to any of the Women we had , who was not with Child , he might do it ; Furthermore , we should agree of a method for every one how to chuse his Bedfellow , for there would be a number of Slaves allowed to supply the want of our Women . We consulted among us how to proceed in that matter , and it was agreed , That every Principal Officer , who had a woman wholly to himself , might keep her still if he pleased , or take a Slave of the Country , chusing according to his degree ; and that the Commonalty should cast Lots as Maurice his men had done before . Some of these Officers stuck to their old Bedfellows , but others had rather chuse a new one than to keep such as they were already weary of ; the inferiour sort chose according to their Lot ; and Maurices men not being allowed to make a new choice must be content to keep those women they had chose at the first . The women who were with child by any Officer were commanded to stick to the Father of the Child , although he was allowed a fresh woman besides ; as for those of the Commonalty that had a great belly , they were obliged to stick to one of the five men who lay with them , and exhorted to chuse , as near as they could , the man whom they thought to be the true Father of the Child . And that was the Method according to which this matter was ordered , much to most of our Womens grief and discontent . The fifth day after we were come to Sporundè , Sermodas came to me in the morning , and told me , That I must prepare to go to the Temple , where the Osparenibon or Marriage Solemnities were to be celebrated . He told me farther , That the same was kept four times a year , and that it was the greatest Festival they had , though much inferiour to that of Sevarundè , which was the most magnificent in the world . I got up and put on the new Cloaths that were brought me , and to every one of our Principal Officers who came to my Chamber to go with me to the Temple along with Sermodas and Carshidà our perpetual Leaders . We went together to the Palace , where Albicormas had given us Audience , and having passed through several Courts we came at last to a large and magnificent Temple , where we saw a great many young men and women together in new Apparel , and wearing upon their heads , the men wreaths of green boughs ; and the women Garlands of Flowers . They altogether made the loveliest show that ever I saw , being most of them very proper and handsome . The farther end of the Temple was kept from our sight by a large Curtain which divided it almost in the middle ; we stood there near an hour , looking upon the rich Ornaments , and the several Objects of the place before we heard or saw any alteration , but at the last we heard the sound of several Trumpets drawing near to us ; we heard likewise the Harmony of many Flutes and Houboyes , which played very sweet and airy Tunes . Then came in a great number of People with lighted Torches in their hands , and set them up in divers places of the Temple , where hanged divers Candlesticks disposed in a very good order . The Windows were close shut up , and the Curtain drawn , which discovered the other end of the Church , where we saw at a distance a great Altar very rich and magnificent , adorned with Garlands and Festons of fresh flowers ingeniously done up together . About it , and in the Wall , against which it was set up , we saw a great Globe of Crystal , or very clear Glass , as big about as four men can fathom , which cast such a light as enlightned all that end at a very great distance . On the other side was a great Statue , representing a Woman with many breasts , and suckling as many little Children , all very curiously cut . In the middle of these two Figures we saw nothing but a large black Curtain , plain without any Ornaments . While we were looking upon these Objects , the Musick came nearer and nearer , and at last into the Temple . Then turning our eyes that way , we saw Albicormas ; with all his Senators , coming towards the Altar in great Pomp and State. As soon as he came in , several Priests went to meet him with Thuribula , Censors in their hands , and singing a Canticle . They bowed to him three times , and then turned and lead him to the Altar , where he and his men inclined their bodies three times to the Curtain , twice to the Luminous Globe , and once to the Statue : Then he took his Seat on the right hand of the place against the Wall , where several high Thrones were set up to receive him and his Company , and so many on the other side on the like manner . Sermodas brought me to a Seat under Albicormas his feet with three more of my men , and placed the rest over-against us on the otherside . We were no sooner set down but three of the Priests went towards the young People , and called them to the Altar . They divided into two parts , and all the Men came orderly on the right hand , and the Women on the left . Then did the Principal Priest stand up on a high place in the middle of all , and made a short speech unto them ; which done , fire was brought in lighted by the Sun-beams , as I understood afterwards . This fire being brought in , Albicormas came down to the Altar , where he lighted some Aromatical sticks that lay upon it with that fire , and kneeling before the Luminous Globe , spake aloud some words , which then I could not understand . From the Globe he went to the Statue , and bending down one of his knees only , he made there another short Speech or Prayer , which done , the Priests sang an Anthem , which was answered by the People . When this short Anthem was ended , several Musical Instruments began to play very sweet and melodious Tunes . A Chorus of men and women succeeded these Instruments , and sang so Divinely that we all thought we were in Heaven , our Voyces and Musick in Europe being not comparable to these . When this Symphony was ended , the chiefest Priest went to the young woman , who stood at the upper end of the Row , and asked her , Whether she would be married ? She , making a low inclination , and blushing at the same time , answered , Yes . Then did he go to all the others , asked them the same question aloud , and received the like answer . The same was done on the other side where the young men stood , and when all these questions were asked , and answered , the Priest went again to the uppermost Maid , and asked her , Whether she would marry any one of the young men who stood on the other side ? Whereunto she answered , Yes . Then did the Priest take her by the hand , and brought her to the uppermost young man of the other row , and bid her chuse her Husband . She looked upon the first young man , and then upon the others successively , until the came to the sixth , and there she stopped and asked him , Whether he would be her good Lord and faithful Husband ? He answered , That he would be so , if she would be his loving and loyal Wife . Which she said , She would be till death should part them . After this solemn and mutual promise , he took her by the hand , kissed her , and walked with her to the lower end of the Temple . All the others did successively do the same till they were all marched down by Couples . But there remained eight young women who could get no Husbands : Five of them seemed to be full of confusion , and tears trickled down their eyes in great abundance . The three others looked not so dejected , and when the Priest came to them they got hold of his Robes , and went along with him to Albicormas . He spake some words to them , and then they went to three several Senators , and said , That since it was their ill fortune not to be able to get single men to their Husbands , they made choice of them to take away their reproach that lay upon their heads , after having three times been slighted publickly . Therefore they desired them , that , according to the Laws , and their particular priviledge , they would receive them into the number of their Wives , promising to be very loving and faithful to them . The three Senators came down immediately , took them by the hand , and carried them to the Altar , where they stood till all the others came up by Couples . The five afflicted Virgins were asked by one of the Priests , Whether they had a mind to chuse any of the Officers ? To which they answered , That this being the first time they had tried their Fortune , they were willing to try twice more before they took that course . Then pulling down their Vails they marched out of the Temple , and got into a Chariot , ready to receive them at the Gate , and so went away much discontented . As soon as they were out of sight the Musick began to play very merry Tunes , and Albicormas going to the Altar spake some words aloud , and taking the three first Maids , and the three Senators , joyned their hands together , and spake some words , to which they made answer , and bowed very humbly to him . He did the like to seven or eight Couples more , and at last leaving the Office to other Senators , he went up again to his Throne . The like Ceremony was used to all the rest , and when it was done , two Priests took the fire from the Altar , brought it to the middle of the Temple , and the new married Folks made a ring about it . Every one of them had some Gums or Perfumes in their hands , and each Couple mixing them together threw them into the fire : Then kneeling down , laid their hands upon a yellow Book , which two Priests held in their hands , Swore obedience to the Laws , and promised to maintain them to the utmost of their power till the end of their lives , taking God the Sun , and their Country to witness of their Oaths . Then did they march to the Altar again , where Albicormas made a short Prayer , they being upon their knees , and turning towards them gave them his blessing , which done , he marched out of the Temple , all the Company following after , and the Musick playing all in a Consort . Next , they went into a great Hall near unto the Temple , where stood many Tables , which were immediately covered with meat . Albicormas took me and Van de Nuits , told us we should be his Guests that day , and bringing us to the uppermost Table , sate down with his chiefest Officers , and made us sit with them . Sermodas took the rest of my men to another Table , and the Commonalty of our People , who stood in a Gallery all the time of the Ceremony , were carried home again by Carshidà and Benoscar . We had a very noble Feast , several Instruments of Musick playing all the while we fate . After Dinner we marched out into the Amphitheater , which stood about a Musket shot from the Temple , and all the way we went we found the Streets strewed with herbs and flowers , and heard the acclamations of a great multitude of People , who came out to see us pass . This Amphitheater is strongly built with very large stone , and is no less than fifty paces Diameter , counting from outer Wall to outer Wall. It is covered with a prodigious high and large Vault , which shelters the place from the Sun , and from all injuries of weather . There are Seats round about it one over the other , from top to bottom , which take up a great deal of Room , and streighten the Pit to an indifferent bigness . The upper Seats were full of people , and none but the Officers and the new married Folks were admitted into the pit except some young men , who exercised themselves a while in Wrastling , Fencing , Leaping , and in many other acts of Agility , which was no unpleasant sight . Then fell our People to dancing , and kept so till it was almost night , at which time the Trumpets and other Instruments sounded out a retreat . We marched out in the same manner as we came , and found in the Streets many fire-works , which made a second day of the night . Albicormas and his Company went home in their Chariots , and the new married people to the Lodgings prepared for them , where I suppose they enjoyed one another all night to their hearts content : and Sermodas carried us home again , where he explained to us several parts of the Ceremony . The next morning he came to us and asked whether we would go to the Temple again to see another Ceremony which was but a consequence of the former ; to which we readily assenting he carried us away , and made us stand a while at the Temple-gate . Soon after we heard a sound of Musick coming towards us , and saw the new married men coming to the Temple , each of them with a long and green bough in his hand , where were hung up the Wreath he wore the day before , and his Wives Garland , tied together with a white Clout stained with bloud , which were the marks of his Wives Virginity . They came all into the Temple in a triumphing manner , and being come to the Altar laid down their Garlands upon it , consecrating them to the Deity , to the Sun , their King , and to their Country , which is represented by the Statue I spake of before . After this Consecration they went out dancing at the sound of the merry Tunes , the Instruments played till they came to their homes . This Festival lasted three whole days with a general joy and merriment throughout the whole Town . Now our time was come to leave the City of Sporundè , and to march to Sevarindè . Sermodas , gave us warning of it the day before we went , and carried me , Van de Nuits , and Maurice to Albicormas to take our leave of him . We went together to his house , which we found to be a noble and stately Palace , though much inferiour to the City Palace both in bigness and state . He received us very kindly , and told us that the day following we must take our Journey to Sevarindè to wait upon Sevarminas . Then he asked us how we liked Sporundè , and the Ceremonies we had seen in the celebration of the Osparénibon . We answered , We liked every thing even to admiration . You have seen nothing yet , and you are going to a place as far above this as the Sun is above the Moon . I will not too much prepossess your minds with the glory of it , knowing experience will teach you more than I can tell you . Sermodas is to be your Guide , he will be very tender of you , and I admonish you to take his Counsel in every thing , and to carry your selves so prudently that the great Sevarminas may love and cherish you as heartily as I have done . Then he kissed us in the forehead , and bid us farewell . The next morning early we were carried to the Waterside on the West part of the City , where we found several great Barges ready to receive us . Sermodas brought me and three or four of my men into an indifferent big one , but rarely carved , gilt , and painted . Our other men and women were distributed into other Vessels , and in that manner we rowed up the River , which running through a very flat and Champain Country flowed down very slowly . We saw along the Banks of it several great buildings like those we had seen below the City . We had many Rowers , who relieved one another from time to time ; so we went up with great speed , and never stopped till we came to an indifferent great City , called Sporumè , about thirty miles above Sporundè . We were expected there at that day , and so we found great numbers of people upon the Key , who came out to see us land . A little before our Barge came to the City , a Vessel full of several Officers , cloathed like those of Sporundè , came to meet us , and some of them leaping into our Barge expressed a great deal of respect to Sermodas , and much civility to us . We went ashore with them , where stayed for us the Governour of the place , called Psarkimbas . Sermodas and he embraced one another , and had some discourse together , after which he kindly saluted us , and bid us welcom into the Country in the Latine Tongue . Then addressing himself to me , embracing me , and kissing me in the Forehead , he said he would be glad to have a little private discourse with me sometime of the next day . I answered , I was at his command , after which we followed him into the City , which we found to be built much after the manner of Sporundè , and about half as big as it , standing in a fine and fruitful soyl , the best manured and tilled we had ever seen before . We were received and used in this place as at Sporundè , without any great difference , and stayed there all the day following , not observing any thing remarkable in it but the exemplary punishment which in the afternoon was inflicted upon fourteen Malefactors in this manner : They were taken out of Prison fast tied together with Ropes , and divided into three parts . In the first were six men , who as we were told had been condemned to ten years punishment , some for Murther , and others for committing Adultery . In the second were five young women , whereof two were condemned to suffer punishment during seven years , to satisfie the Law , and afterwards so long as their Husbands pleased , and this was for having lain with other men . The three others were condemned to suffer three years punishment for having been debauched before their Osparenibon was come , or the time of their marrying , which is at the eighteenth year of their age . In the third were the three young men who debauched these maids , and they were to suffer the like punishment , and at last marry them . They were carried from the Prison to the Palace Gate , where stood a great multitude of people to see the execution . These poor Prisoners were stript of all their cloaths from their shoulders to the middle of their bodies , and we saw their naked skins very plainly . I remember that one of the women , who had committed Adultery , was a very proper and lusty woman , not above one or two and twenty years of age . She had a very beautiful face , black eyes , brown hair , and a delicate clear skin . But her breasts , which we saw quite naked , were the loveliest I ever beheld . This was the first time she was brought to her punishment , so that her shame was extraordinary . Tears trickled down her cheeks in great abundance ; and these instead of taking off from her natural beauty , did on the contrary so much add to it that I never admired any thing like this beautiful Criminal . Admirarion produced love , and pity joyning with those two Passions did so move the hearts of all the Spectators , that there was hardly any ingenious Person who was not moved to an extreme compassion . But their pity was turned to a kind of generous indignation , when they considered that within a few moments all these divine Charms were to be soiled and prophaned by the cruel stripes of a barbarous Executioner : Yet this was an act of justice ordained by the Laws against a Crime which among those people is look'd upon as one of the greatest ; so there was no means to save this lovely Person from the rigour of the Law , and the Officer had already lifted up his scourge , and was going to strike , when of a sudden her Husband , running through the croud , cried with a loud voice , Hold , hold , hold . All the Spectators , and the Officers themselves , hearing this voice were much surprized , and turned their eyes on the side from which they heard the voice come , suspending the execution till they knew what this mans meaning was . He came to them almost out of breath , as having with much ado passed through the crowd , and , addressing his Speech to the chief Officer , said , pointing at his Wife , Sir , I am that miserable womans Husband , and therefore much concerned in this Execution . Before she receive her punishment I desire to speak something to her in your presence , after which you will know more of my mind . Then having got leave of the Officer , he spake to her in this manner : You know Vlisbè with how great a passion I loved you for the space of three years before our Marriage ; You know likewise , that since we have been united my love hath rather increased than decreased and that I have given you all the testimonies of a tender , sincere , and constant affection for these four years that a woman could expect from her Husband . I was perswaded that you had for me the same Sentiments , and that your flame was equal to mine ; and as criminal as you have proved , since I believe still that I have the best share of your divided heart , knowing that you have been seduced by the wicked Claniba's wiles , and subtil devices to commit a crime which you would not have committed out of your natural Propensity . Within this three hours I have been informed of his wicked practices , and know that you could not be drawn to comply with his desires till you were perswaded I had wronged you , and done with his Wife that which , in your ill grounded indignation and desire of revenge , you have since done with him ; If I had known so much before , you had not come to this place in this infamous manner , and I would rather have forgiven you the wrong you have done to our Conjugal bed , and concealed your Crime than brought you to this severe and shameful punishment . I cannot altogether free you from it , because you must satisfie the Law and your Country which you have grievously offended ; but if the tears I see you shed , and the sighs and sobs I hear out of your mouth be true signs of repentance , if you have still in your breast any remainder of that love so sincere which you once professed to me with so many obliging demonstrations , and if you promise me that you will wholly give me your heart again , I will save you from the cruel stripes that are ready to fall upon you , and suffer them mine own self , rather than see them laid upon you . Speak Vlisbe , and let not your silence be an Argument of your obdurateness , and indifferency for me ; There he stopt , and the woman , almost drown'd in her tears , was silent a while before she could utter any words , but at last she returned him this answer , My silence , O too Generous Bramistes , is not an Argument of my obstinacy , or indifferency , but of my shame and confusion . I have injured you contrary to the Sacred Laws of Justice , and honour ; I have defiled our Conjugal Bed , and whether I have done it out of a just revenge , or out of any other cause , I am guilty , and deserve to suffer a far greater punishment than is ordained for the expiation of my Crime ; Do not trouble your self for me , I am a fit Object of your indignation , and just revenge , and not of your undeserved pity . All that I beg of you is That you would believe that I am truly penitent , and that I would endure with gladness the cruellest torments , and at last lose my wretched life to satisfie you if it were possible . Why should you receive upon your innocent body the stripes which ought justly to fall upon mine ? Ah , why should I be freed from a pain due to me , and not to you ? To make it short , there was a long Contestation betwixt the Husband and the Wife , which made all those , who could hear them , shed tears ; and at last the business came to this , That the Man received the Blows which were prepared for his Wife . He was tied with her , and they , with all the other , were whipt three times round the Palace , and then sent to Prison again . It seems that the Women in that Country have that priviledge to be exempted from such chastisement if any body will suffer it for them , whereof I was told that there had been many examples upon several occasions . After this Execution we went home again , where Psarkimbas and I had above an hours discourse together about the Affairs of Europe , and such like matters as Atticormas and all the other Officers had been inquisitive of . The next morning we took leave of Psarkimbas , and went to the Water-side again , where we found other Barges ready to receive us . Sermodas went into one of them , taking me and the other person who travelled with us before , and so we rowed up the River five or six miles above it , where we found a Town consisting only of eight square Buildings like those of Sporumè There we found other Barges of another fashion waiting for us , so without losing any time we went into them , and were drawn up by horses against the stream of the River , which growing strong in this place , we could not row up any farther . The Town we left behind was called Sporunidè , and , as we were told , was governed in the same manner as the other were . As we went up the River we drew nearer and nearer to the great Mountains De Haes had seen at a distance when he was near the Lake in his discovery of the Island over against the old Camp. They stretcht from East to West as far as we could see , and appeared very high and steep ; we had spied them long before we came to this place , but now we could see them very plain . From Sporunidè we were drawn up to another lesser place fourteen miles above it , called Sporunikè , where we took fresh horses , and went up eight miles farther the same day to another little Town , called Sporavistè , where we lay that night , and where we observed nothing remarkable . The next day in the morning we found several Chariots and Wagons ready to receive us ; Sermodas took me , De Nuits , and Maurice only to bear him company , and so leaving the River on the West side we went directly to the Southward , and drew nearer and nearer to the Mountains , the ground rising by degrees as we went towards them , although the Country be flat and plain to the very foot of them , which is the reason of their steepness . As we went thorow the Country we saw here and there many Towns and Buildings , and came to a place called Sporaguestè about eleven of the Clock ; There we took some rest and refreshment till Two in the Afternoon , and pursuing our Journey came in the Evening to the very foot of the Mountains , where we found a pretty big Town , called Sporagondò , where we were received with much kindness by Astorbas the Governour of it . The Town consists of fourteen Squares , and is the last we saw in Sporumbè . We were treated there as in other places , and rested our selves all the day following ; we saw nothing considerable in it , or about it , but the rare Canals which are drawn up and down to water the Country , which is full of fine Pastures , always green as we were told . These Canals by Walls , Bridges , and Sluces convey abundance of water from the Mountains to this Plain , and the work is so vaste and costly that the like could not he done in Europe for fifty Millions of Livers , yet the Industry of these People has done it without money , for they use none in any part of their Dominions . We were told that we should rest there three days , and then we should go through the Mountains into Sevarambe , whereof we intend to give the Description in the Second Part of this Story , begging of the Reader that he would allow our Pen a little rest , till we have put into a Method the Papers out of which we are to draw the Second Part , where vve shall give him an account of the Country beyond the Hills . FINIS . A Catalogue of some Books , Printed for , and sold by H. Brome , since the dreadful Fire of London , to 1675. Divinity . A Large Concordance , by S. N. to the Bible , Folio , price 16 s. 130 Sermons by Mr. Farindon , in three Vol. in fol. 2 l. 5 s. 51 Sermons in fol. by Dr. Franck , 15 s. Dr. Heylin on the Creed , fol. 15 s. A Guide to the Humble , by Thomas Elborow , B. D. in octavo 2 s. A Guide to Eternity , by John Bona , octavo , 2 s. A Guide to Heaven , with a Rule of Life 10 d. A Companion to the Temple , or a help to Publick Devotion , by Tho. Cumber , in octavo 4 s. Holy Anthems of the Church , 2 s. 6 d. A Looking-glass for Loyalty 2 s. Sermons . Bishop Lanyes Sermon at Court against Comprehension 6 d Dean W. Lloyd's Sermon before the King about Miracles . 6 d — his Sermon at the Funeral of John L. Bishop of Chester 6 d — his Sermon before the King , in Lent , 1673. 6 d M. Naylor's Commemoration Sermon for Col. Cavendish 6 d Mr. Sayers Sermon at the Assizes at Reading 6 d Mr. Tho. Tanner's Sermon to the scattered Members of the Church 6 d Mr. Stanhopp's four Sermons on several Occasions , octavo bound 1 s. 6 d Papal Tyranny , as it was exercised over England for some Ages , with two Sermons on the fifth of Nov. in quarto , 1 s. 6 d — his Sermon at the Funeral of Dr. Turner , Dean of Cant. 6 d Histories . The Life of the Duke Espernon , the great Favourite of France , from 1598. where D' Avila leaves off to our times , by Charles Cotton , Esq in fol. price 18 s The State of the Ottoman Empire , with Cuts , by P. Ricaut , Esq in octavo , 6 s Bishop Cosin De Transubstantiatione , octavo , 2 s The same in English 2 s. 6 d The Commentaries of M. Blaiz de Montluck , the great Favourite of France , in which is contained all the Sieges , Battels , Skirmishes , for three Kings Reigns , by Charls Cotton Esq in fol. 14 s The Fair One of Tunis , a new piece of Gallantry , by C. C. Esq in octavo 2 s. 6 d Erasmus Coll. in English , octavo 5 s Poems . Elvira , a Comedy by the Earl of Bristol , 1 s M. A. Bromes S. and Poems , oct . 3 s. 6 d — His , with other Gentlemens Translation of Horace , in oct . 4 s Virgil Travestie , by C. C. Esq 1 s. 6 d Lucian's Dialogues , Burlesque , 2 s. 6 d Horace , with a Song at every Act , by Charls Cotton Esq 1 s Mr. Cowlys Satyr against Separatists Physick . Dr. Barbettes and Dr. Deckers excellent practice of Physick , and Observations . Sir K. Digby , his excellent Receipts in Physick and Chyrurgery , and of Drinks and Cookery . The Anatomy of the Elder Tree . Miscellanies . Dr. Glisson , De vita Naturae , quarto 8 s Lord Bacons Advancement of Learning . The Planters Manual , very useful for such as are curious in Planting and Grafting , by C. Cotton , Esq The Complete Gamester 2 s Dr. Skinner's Lexicon , in fol. 1 l. 5 s 14 Controversial Letters , in quarto 4 s. 6 d Essays of Love and Marriage , duod . 8 d The Vindication of the Clergy , 1 s. 6 d Toleration discussed , by Roger L'Estrange , Esq 2 s. 6 d A Treatise of Humane Reason , in twelves 8 d School Books . Nolens Volens , or you shall make Latine 2 s. 6 d Centum Fabulae , in octavo 1 s Artis Oratoriae , in duodec . 2 s Law. The Lord Cook 's Institutes , in four Vol. fol. 2 l. 5 s Sir James Dyer's Reports , fol. 18 s The Clerks Guide , in four Parts , and the first part alone . The Exact Constable . Controversies . The seasonable Discourse against Popery , in quarto 6 d — the Defence of it , quarto 6 d — the Difference betwixt the Church and Court of Rome , in quarto 6 d The Papists Apology to the Parliament answered 6 d The Papists Bait , or , The way to get Proselytes , by Ch. Gataker , B. D. 1 s Dr. Du Moulin against the Lord Castelmain 6 d A Journey into the Country , being a Dialogue between an English Protestant Physician and an English Papist . Friendly and seasonable Advice to the Roman Catholicks of England , in twelves , 6 d Essays of Love and Marriage , being Letters disswading from Love , and answered ; with some Characters and other Passages of Wit , in twelves , 1 s. 6 d THE HISTORY OF THE Sevarites or Sevarambi : A Nation inhabiting part of the third CONTINENT , Commonly called Terrae Australes Incognitae . WITH A further Account of their admirable Government , Religion , Customs , and Language . Written by one Captain Siden , A Worthy Person , VVho , together with many others , was cast upon those Coasts , and lived many years in that Country . The Second Part more wonderful and delightful than the First . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Henry Brome , at the Gun at the West End of St. Pauls Church-yard . 1679. LICENSED , Feb. 25. 1678 , Roger L'Estrange . TO THE READER . I Have here recommended to thy perusal the Second Part of the rare Country of the Sevarites : a Country so curious and so pleasant , that if thou hadst ever been there , thou couldest never have had the least inclination to dwell in any other part of the World. I know some will be carping and quarrelling at this Narration , like those unreasonable Animals , that are always fretting to see things with which they are not well acquainted . But these poor Souls that have seen nothing but the compass of their Cradle , and have confined their knowledge within the narrow limits of their own Territory , cannot well conceive nor imagine the glorious things , and the strange Wonders that appear to Travellers beyond the Seas in Foreign Nations . Captain Siden was one of the most famous of his Time , a Man well known for a worthy and approved Person . What account he hath given of these rare People is not so publick , I confess , as could be wished , because the Persons and the Nation , who have now a Correspondency in those Parts , have discouraged all others , by declaring these things to be fabulous , because they intend to ingross all the Trade to themselves . The Advantages many Dutch Families have received by them already , is incredible . The vast Treasure they have heaped up in a few years , is beyond all belief . They have met with some new Mines of Gold in this golden Country , and raised their Families to an extraordinary Grandeur . It is an idle humour in any of us to despise or reject strange Discoveries . If all our wise Forefathers had been of the same temper , the Indies had always been unknown to the European People , and we should again burn such as dare affirm , that there is a Jamaica or an America , a World under us . Our Nation heretofore , and the French Court , lost the advantage which the Spaniard hath well improved , through incredulity . It is therefore good in all such cases as this , to weigh the Reasons and Arguments on both sides , and to judge of the probabilities of this Country . If any thing is here related of this Country or People seemingly beyond all possibility , we must know , that as this People have the advantage of living in the earthly Paradise , they have knowledges of Nature and natural Effects , which look like Miracles . Captain Siden and his Dutch Camrades visited many places , and saw some other Islands thereabouts , which are as full of Curiosities as those we have here taken notice of . But that this Relation might not be too voluminous , and the Account too tedious to the ingenious Reader , I thought fit to set some of his Papers aside , and speak only of the chief Country of the Sevarites ; hoping that these lines may give some an incouragement , when they are at Cap de bon Esperanza , to direct their Course a little out of the way , and to visit this Country , which lies Southwest and by South from the Point . If the Charge and Danger don't discourage them , doubtless some brave generous Soul may get to himself an immortal Name , and Wealth enough to pay his Charges , if he returns as safe as Captain Siden did . However I wish that this Narrative may give you all as much satisfaction as you can desire or wish for . THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE SEVARITES . AT the foot of the great Mountains we rested three days upon the Borders of Sevarambè , in a little Town called by the Inhabitants Cola , from the delightsomness of the place ; for it stands upon a small Rising , and is watered by three pleasant Rivers , Banon , Caru , and Silkar , which render the ground thereabouts extraordinary fruitful beyond all credit , to a miracle . For some have told me , that they have usually in their fields every year four Crops of Corn , because the ground wants neither heat nor humidity to bring forth , and is never parched with the drought of Summer ; for here as well as in all the Kingdom of Sevarambè , they know no difference between Summer and Winter , unless it be by the course of the Sun and Stars , which draw nearer to or farther from the Northern and Southern Poles . Sermodas had here many old Acquaintances , and particularly a she-friend , who caused us to stay in this place longer than we purposed at first . For our great expectation and earnest desire was to pass over the Mountains into Sevarambè , to injoy the delights of that Paradise on Earth . But whiles Sermodas was diverting himself one way , he caused some Divertisement to be given us another way , that our abode there might not seem too tedious . He intreated some of the chief of the place to shew us their Gardens of Pleasure , and to lead us out into the Fields to hunt the Ostrich with Beagles , and Grey-hounds , or Dogs not much unlike that sort which we have in Europe . This Hunting was performed in Parks , where this sort of Game was kept for Diversion . The pleasure that it afforded to us , and the extraordinary actions which were thereby represented , caused us not to think the time long , or our abode in that place tedious , though we were in great expectation of injoying sweeter Delights beyond the Mountains in a Country so far excelling all others in the World , according to the relation which had been given to us . It is the usual custom of all Travellers that pass often through this Town , to have a she-Comrade , with whom they are wont to spend some days . For in the Country of Sevarambè such kind of natural delights are not allowable by the Laws of the Country , nor agreeable with the strict lives and sewere Customs of the Inhabitants , nor with the nature of the Air ; for at the first entertainment of inordinate lust , such disorder happens in the blood and veins of men , that their countenances are immediately changed , and their skins are covered with Boils and Scabs , chiefly their Noses , which have so great a correspondency with the noble Members . For this cause the Inhabitants of Sevarambè abominate the least sign of all lasciviousness . I never was amongst a more temperate and orderly Generation . All Passengers therefore use to make a due preparation before they can or are admitted to pass over the Mountains . At this Town of Cola therefore Travellers stop to refresh themselves with those delights which are only allowable in Sporumbe . After three days rest Sermodas had provided all things needful for our passing over the Mountains , some Provisions and Carriages . We had to each man of us an Unicorn appointed to carry us . This Creature by the skill of the Sporvi are brought to be as tame as our Horses . They seemed to me far stronger and more swift , and so sure footed , that though we climbed over Rocks and Mountains , there was none of them seen so much as to stumble or fall . Instead of a Bit and Bridle we held in our hands a silken cord tyed to the horn , which was in the front of the Beast , and at the least motion it would bend and turn , and go a swifter or slower pace , according to our desire . I inquired several things concerning this Animal , which I could never hear of in all Europe . Sermodas gave me great satisfaction , and informed me of its nature , properties , and excellent qualities , so that I had brought some over with me into my own Country , had not this transportation been forbidden by the Law of that place . We took our leaves of Cola about noon after a plentiful Dinner . An Unicorn of a Chestnut colour , with many black spots on the right side , and white on the left , was prepared for me to mount upon . At the first when I saw the nimbleness of the Beast , I was afraid to venture my self upon it , and could not be perswaded to make any use of it , till Sermodas assured me , that it was one of the gentlest Creatures in the World , and so extraordinary swift , that we passed over the Mountains through uneven ways into Severambè in a day and a half , being near threescore or fourscore miles . These Mountains are not inhabited by any other thing but Lions , Tygers , Panthers , and such wild and ravenous Beasts as care not much for the society of men . We had the sight of many thousands of them in our way , and saw the Roman Sports of their Theatres and Amphitheatres in the bottoms , when we were on the side of the Hills ; for there we met with these surious Beasts contending for their prey . Two Bears were devouring an unhappy Deer , which by chance was by them surprised in Thicket or Bush of Brambles . They had no sooner seized upon it and overcome it , but in steps the Lion to share in the sport . The two Bears would not allow him any part , therefore one steps back to encounter him , whiles the other held the innocent Deer half dead ; but the Lion being too strong for the first Bear , the second ran in to rescue him with that fury , that made the Lion leave his hold . The fight lasted about an hour , with such a variety of sport , that we could not pass on in our Journey , till we had seen the end . At last the Lion had so bitten the Master-Bear by the legs , that he was scarce able to stand ; which when the Lion perceived , he retreated from him about an hundred paces , and then was too strong for the other Bear , which had unadvisedly pursued him . After a short dispute the Bear ran away , and left the Lion alone to his dinner with the lame Bear in sight , which sent to him many snarlings and wishful looks waiting till this King of Beasts had well satisfied his appetite . But when the Lion had well filled his paunch with the Deer flesh , and that he endeavoured to drag away the rest , the two Bears seeing his greediness , gave the Lion another assault , and obliged him to depart with a good piece of flesh in his mouth , leaving the remainder to the hungry Bears that devoured all to the very Guts . In pursuance of our Journey we were carried over a high Mountain named Sporakas ; the top reaches to the second Region of the Air , and is always covered over with Snow and Ice in this hot Country . There is a very clear Fountain of water which yields a plentiful stream running down the Rocks and Mountains of various ascents , and by the fall and diversity of the noises and rumbling of the water , gives to the Passengers a pleasant Musick . When I was within a mile of the place , I thought I had heard some Trumpets , Drums , and war like Harmony , Flutes and Hoboys , and such other windy and watry Instruments of Musick . What! said I to Sermodas , what means this warlike Musick that we hear ? Is there not an Army coming before us ? This question caused Sermodas and all the Sporvi to smile . No , said Sermodas , we have no need to fight amongst our selves , this Country is more free from all disputes and contentions than any other under the Sun. We are not pinch'd with those necessities that are apt to make you Europeans so mad and furious one against another . There is nothing of oppression or violence to be seen here . We are never assaulted by any Enemy : All our Thieves , Robbers , and disorderly persons are confined to the skirts of our Dominions where they live to plague one another , but they are not suffered to abid in the middle and bowels of the Kingdom . Since Noahs Flood , whereof we have more certain Memoires than you in Europe , there was never any disorder nor War in this place , or in the Country round about , because of the excellent Orders and useful Laws of this Country , which I shall hereafter represent to you . At the top of the Mountain we lodged in a Tent which Nature had prepared in a Diamant Rock , with several Apartments . The Rock stood in a plain ground , as high as the great Steeple of Amsterdam . It occupied about an Acre of ground , having many transparent Turrets round about at the middle of it . There was an entrance into it so luminous and glorious , that I thought the Sun had made here its abode , and that there was one within as well as without in the Heavens . In the first room we rested our selves , and unloaded our Unicorns . Some of the company gave them Provender , others kindled us a fire ; but Sermodas led me and Maurice by the hand to take a full view of this stately Palace . When we had gone round , and seen the glory of it , and taken notice of the brightness of the Diamant with the crystal Turrets , and steps by which men may climb up to the top , and which are made of Ice congealed and hardened into Crystal by length of time , we returned to our company to take a share of the fire they had kindled ; but we were no sooner sate down in the niches about the Wall , but out comes a Leopard followed by a wild Masty from some inner rooms where they had been sleeping all the day . Now the noise of men had awakened them , and obliged them to seek another more quiet retreat . The entrance was stopt with our Fardels and Goods to keep out the cold wind that blew in . When therefore we perceived them running and walking about , we ran to our Arms to defend our selves from their fury . But stay , said Sermodas to me , we need not stir , you shall see pleasant sport , if you will sit quietly . He had no sooner spoken the words , but the Leopard and the wild Masty began to salute one another with grim looks and furious crys , which ended not without a sharp dispute for mastery . Sometimes the one had the upper hand , anon the other would tread his Enemy under foot . They were so furiously set one against another , that they took no notice of our being there , nor of the fire kindled in a corner , till two of our company , by the order of Sermodas , discharged two Guns upon them . The Bullets killed the Leopard , but the wild Dog retreated into the inner rooms ; where he remainded till the next morning , that we fetched him out with fire , and dispatched him also . We were mightily afraid at their first appearance ; but when we perceived how little they regarded us , and how speedily they fell foul of one another , we were well pleased with their company , for the room was large enough for them and us . Sermodas led us into every chamber , and corner of this Diamant Palace , where we had the sight of all manner of Prospects and snapes of Beasts and Birds graven there with Natures finger to delight Passengers when they pass over these rough Mountains into Sevarambé . I shall forbear from giving any exact Description of it , for fear this strange account , incredible of it self , should injure the rest of this Story , and cause my Reader to suspect the truth of all other passages of these Travels in this remote Country . The night we spent in such pleasant dreams , as made us Europeans to laugh heartily in our sleep . We fancied our selves in a most glorious Paradise , and were not willing to depart the next day . Had not Sermodas promised to bring me back the same way , I had prevailed upon him to have staid there a few nights , that we might have again a taste of our drowsie delights , and of our imaginary happiness , which to us was as good as any real and true . I had almost forgot a Custom observed by all the crooked Sporvi , when they come to this place , to prepare themselves to go down into the glorious and fruitful Vallies of Sevarambé . They wash themselves all over their bodies in a Mineral Fountain of a Water , which to the eye appears very yellow , which Fountain stands at a stones cast from the Rock ; and though the Air be cold , this Fountain is hot , and of an excellent virtue : for the Water cleanseth not only the filth of the body , but it hath that influence upon the humors of men , that they are freed from all those extravagant desires of Lust and Lechery , which agrees not with the Air and Manners of the Sevarambi . Before we went to sleep , Sermodas led me and my Companions out to this rare Fountain : Now , Captain , said he to me , strip your self naked , and wash your self in this Water : with these words he shewed me several corners , which seemed to be made purposely for men to bathe themselves and wash their bodies from the irregular inclinations of these other Regions . After we had well cleansed our selves , we returned to our Lodging , and after supper Sermodas gave me this account of this Custom : Captain , said he to me , we are entring into a Climate where men are forced to be abstemious against their wills ; where if they harboured those amorous affections which other men have , they meet with so many and such powerful temptations , that they would be far more extravagant than the rest of men , and be more deformed than any people ; for the Air and nature of this Country is such , that it sets a mark upon all men that touch any other women than their own . And such Virgins as forget themselves , are spotted visibly to the eyes of all beholders , as you shall see when you come amongst them . For the prevention therefore of this and all other inconveniencies which proceed from lustful appetites , we have a custom to wash our selves in this admirable Fountain , whereof the water hath that virtue to free us from those lecherous inclinations as well as our bodies from filth , and to oblige us to appear amongst the Sevarambi with a quiet and calm spirit : so that none or few dare joyn with any other female but his own . I inquired whether they had not a plurality allowed them : No , answered Sermodas , we in our Country have that allowance , and this causeth us all to be so crooked in our bodies ; for this shape proceeds from the crookedness of our reason , which carries us to act and perform such things as agree not , I confess , with the excellency of our humane nature , but only with those natural propensities , which we either by Art or resolution should restrain within the compass of a moderate appetite . But you are entring amongst the soberest people of the World , free from all those wild passions which cause so much disturbance in other Lands . They are the perfectest and most beautiful Ladies that ever you beheld , all their Country and all things therein are stately , glorious , pleasant , rich and noble , and so extraordinarily full of innocent delights , that you would be content to abide there for ever . This short account , with the many relations that we had already of this Country , inflamed our desires to be Eye-witnesses of these rare things , and to injoy the stately advantages that this place and Country afford . Therefore the next morning early we washed and prepared our selves for our Journey . But there happened an accident which retarded our Journey for a while . As soon as our Unicorns were loose and ready to be loaded , a Jaccal happened to run by in sight of these Animals . As soon as they perceived it , they ran after it so swiftly , that one of the foremost caught the Jaccal , and killed it : for there is a natural Antipathy between these two creatures , as there is between a Hare and a Grey-hound . At the first sight of a Jaccal it is not possible to keep in the Unicorn , who is naturally carried to pursue this ravenous Beast . This gave us the trouble to run about a mile after them to the declive of the Hill , where the Unicorns were all dividing the spoils of the dead Jaccal : one was tearing the tail , another was busie about the Head , another was devouring the guts ; they had all shared it amongst them . When we had brought them back , we all mounted , and went on in our Journey . About ten miles in our way , at the top of a very high steep Hill , we saw the great City of Sevarinde , and the beautiful Country where it is situate . Here the Sporvi are wont to perform certain Ceremonies before they dare venture farther ; for they imagine , that if they neglected or contemned them , the Great Spirit of the Air , which governs in that Climate , would punish them with some signal token of his displeasure , as he doth such as are given to Debauchery and Lechery . I and my Comrades were all obliged to follow the same Customs and Manners , for fear of giving offence , and for avoiding those deformities and marks which are said to be inflicted upon all Contemners of the Laws of the Land. In our Travelling we had the sight of many strange Creatures , Animals , Birds , and Insects , whereof I knew not so much as the name . The Trees in our Road were hung with Apes and Monkies : the Woods full of aromatick Trees and sweet Perfumes : the Mountains and Wildernesses were inriched with Diamant Rocks and Banks of Crystal : the Rivers and Streams of Water are full of sandy Gold and precious Stones transparent . When I considered how rich and delightful a place the descent of these Mountains was , I judged that the Country beyond , and the Bottoms and Vallies must consequently exceed all that I ever beheld on Earth . One thing I cannot omit : we saw in our travelling a Beaver pursued and hunted by a Creature not much unlike in shape to our Rabbets , but of another nature , more ravenous and fierce . For Eagles and Vultures of all kinds and sorts , they were here in such numbers , that the Sky was sometimes darkned with them . In the way Sermodas gave me and my Companions several precautions how we should behave our selves amongst the Sevarites . First he advised us to talk but little : For , said he , they are the wisest of all men . If therefore you will gain any esteem , or hinder your selves from being despised , abstain from too much discourse ; for if they perceive , by a multiplicity of words , any indiscretion in you , they will contemn you , and not think you worthy to abide in the Land , much less to be honoured by them . Again , take heed of swearing , cursing , or damning ; for such irregularities in language were never yet admitted into that Land. They spue or banish out all disorderly persons , and confine them to the Borders . Observe next to do as you see other men , and take heed you be not singular in any practices : but when once you are admonished by them , imitate them , and follow their good advices ; for in so doing , you will preserve your selves in their esteem , and shew them respect . Obstinacy and singularity are vices not known amongst them as they are amongst you Europeans . Take heed that you drink not too much of the delicious Wines of the Country , but use all things with abstinence and moderation . Refuse not any gifts which they will bestow upon you ; for they are all noble and generous in their behaviour and actions , and love not to see their favours slighted by Strangers . I shall , said Sermodas , inform you what to do , and give you other directions , as I shall see occasion , that you may pass with credit through the Country of the Sevarambi . When he had ended his discourse , we thanked him for his kindness , and promised him our ready obedience to all that he should require from us . He seemed to be well satisfied with our compliance with him from the beginning . Thus we travelled along till we came to the foot of these high Mountains to the passage of a large River three times bigger than the Danube or the Rhyne . It is called by the Sporvi Cocab , and by the Sevarambi Rocara . It runs at the bottom of the Hills , and incompasseth the Kingdom of the Sevarites almost round , till it meets with another large River , which together unite their streams , and fall into the Pacifick Sea beyond the Streights of Magellan , about one hundred Leagues Southwards . At Sun-setting we came to the banks of the River , but could not get over till the next day ; for there is no Bridge suffered to be made , because the Sevarites are not willing to give such an easie access into their Country . They are afraid of two things , of the Vices of Strangers , and of their Diseases , which causes them to set Guards at the mouth of their Rivers , and all the ordinary Passes , lest a sudden Invasion should disorder their quiet and earthly tranquillity . This caused us to stop upon the sides of the River till the morning ; for the Boat which was to carry us over and our company , was then on the other side , and after Sun-set there can no man be admitted into this happy Country : besides there are many things to be examined of Strangers before they can be received into the Boat. We lodged therefore all night at the foot of the Mountains in a beautiful Arbour or Bower of Jesmine mixed with Rose-trees , which in this place flourish and bear all the year long ; for here neither Snow nor Frost is to be seen , nor such cruel winds as hinder the Fruits of the Earth . The Bower was about an hundred paces from side to side , so that our Unicorns and Goods lay and rested with us in the same place all night . Whiles our Supper was providing , Sermodas took me and my Companions to walk with him near the Rivers side , and to discourse with me about the Wonders of Nature , the delightsomness of the Prospect , the clearness of the River-water , the sweet harmony of the Evening-birds , the pleasant noise of the Crystal-streams , together with the comfortable brieses of Wind , which amongst the branches of the Chestnut , Orange , Cedar , Elm , Oak , and other Trees , which here upon the sides of the Mountains grow naturally without planting , and promiscuously together , made such an Angelical Musick , that we imagined our selves in Paradise , and wonderfully contributed to our satisfaction in our Walk . Sermodas being in the middle of us , asked how we liked this abode : It is , replied Maurice , the most glorious that I ever was in . You will see and know something more when you get over the River , and behold the excellency of those things which are there confined . I asked him how it came to pass , that we in Europe were so ignorant of this Country , and why this should excel all others . This question , replied Sermodas , requires a long discourse to give an answer to it ; but I will not leave you without some satisfaction . You must know , that when Adam , the first man , had offended his God by disobedience , he shut him out of the earthly Paradise , and would not suffer him nor his wicked Posterity to injoy the pleasures of that pleasant abode . They had liberty to inhabit round about , but for two thousand years Paradise was guarded in such a manner , that none could enter into it all that time . Afterwards came the Flood , which turned and altered Mountains and Vallies ; therefore we have some Records that tell us , that the earthly Paradise , which , during the old World , was in Asia , was then transported hither , and all those rare Trees , with the Jewels and Riches , were carried hither by Angels , and planted in this remote corner . And because there was no man then fit to inhabit so blessed a place , of the Sons of Noah , a new couple were formed , not out of the slimy Earth as the former , but out of a purer and more delicate substance , out of some Metal mixed with Gold and Silver : hence it is , that their bodies are so clean , pure , glorious , and splendid as you shall see . This couple , named Chericus and Salmoda , are the Parents of all the Sevarites ; from their loins proceed the numbers of beautiful men and women , which you shall see on the other side of the River . They had an hundred Sons and as many Daughters , and lived , by our Records , two thousand years ; afterwards he was buried in the City of Sevarinde , where you shall see his Sepulchre . When men and women began to increase , his eldest Son Sevarias appointed Laws for men to govern their actions , and to avoid all kind of confusion . These Laws we can shew you in our Registers , subscribed by all the men of those days . In his time there happened some Sons of Noah to be carried by the stormy winds upon these Coasts . At their landing one of them met with a beautiful Virgin called Serissa , whom he ravished and got with child . She brought forth Twins , a Boy named Bubo , and a Girl called Chrestona . These two being crooked , could not meet with Matches amongst the Sevarambi , who despised them : Therefore when they came to the Age of thirty , they matched and increased strangely . When Sevarias our Law-giver saw how numerous they were like to be , being a just man , would not destroy them , neither would he suffer the pure Race of the Sevarambi to be defiled or mixed with the filthy Generations of the other part of the World. He sent a way Bubo and Chrestona with their old European Father and their Mother Serissa , with all their Children and Grand-children to build the City of Sporunde , and to inhabit the Country on this side the River , appointing a certain Tribute for us to pay as an Acknowledgment that we are descended partly from the same stock : hence it is , that we are all so deformed , and a little crooked , and that the true Sevarites will not be perswaded to joyn with us in Marriage , and yet they love us as brethren , and have a natural inclination for all men in general , which obliges them to be courteous , kind , affable , liberal , and bountiful to them all when they happen to fall into their hands . Sevarias our wise Law-giver appointed to us distinct Laws , and in some respects contrary to the rest of the Sevarites according to the crookedness of our European nature , which he saw could not live up to that natural Sanctity which became us as men . He gave us therefore liberty to make the vilest of our female Sex Slaves for our conveniency in times of need , and in travelling up and down our Country ; but such practices as these are not agreeable with the strictness of the lives of the rest of the Sevarambi , they abominate such mixtures ; and though their Country inclines them as much as any to the flesh , they cannot be perswaded to make use of it out of the rules and ways prescribed to them . And if at any time they forget themselves by chance , the Air and Country is so great an enemy to such practices , that it distinguisheth them from all the rest by some visible mark upon their Noses or Foreheads , which causeth them to be immediately banished out of the Country to the Confines over another River on the other side of the Kingdom , where they have the liberty to live deprived of all the pleasures of this earthly Paradise . Thither are confined all the disorderly persons , the lecherous , the filthy , and base , each sort have their distinct places of abode , or Islands from whence they are not suffered to depart till they dye naturally : For our wise and ever glorious Law-giver commanded us not to put men to death for any mistake , forgetfulness , or miscarriage of their lives . Killing is permitted by our Laws only in defence of our own persons ; all other Offenders against the Municipal Laws of the Land are banished to the Borders , where they live to repent them of their wickedness , and most times dye good men . I shall give you a farther account of the excellent Laws and Manners of the Sevarites , when we shall be on the other side amongst them ; for they will not be perswaded to venture over into these parts , for fear of infecting themselves with Foreign Customs and Manners , and the vicious Air , which is every where but in Sevarambé . But , Captain , said Sermodas to me , when we had walked about a mile from our Company , it is time for us to visit them again , for yonder comes a furious Company down the Mountains , which will force us to a retreat . I looked and saw a Party of Jaccals followed by two old Lions and some young ones running apace towards us , howling as if they had been mad : hunger makes them more furious and greedy than otherwise they would be ; for they increase so fast , that in the Woods and Retreats there is not sufficient food for them all to fill their Paunches every day . Towards the dawning of the day they burst out of their Caves and Holes to seek their necessary provisions for them and their young ones . The foremost were not above an hundred paces from us , when they first declared their coming with fearful out-crys , which were signs to the Lions round about , that they had discovered some prey . We were then without Weapon , and never dreamed of any danger in so pleasant an abode . All the wild Beasts understood the Alarm of their fore-runners , and hasted to the place where the Jaccals had made a noise . A mixture of all sorts followed them close at the heels , Lions , Bears , Tygers , Elks , Leopards , and some other sorts which I shall hereafter describe . It was not time for us to stay there any longer , and see our danger hasten upon us . We took our selves to our heels , and ran with Sermodas towards our Bower , where all the Sporvi had put themselves in a posture of defence as soon as they heard the noise . But we could not make such haste , but one of the foremost Leopards caught Maurice by the Coat , and tore off a piece , which the furious beast devoured , and gave him time to escape ; another bit me by the Buttocks , and held me so fast , that I could not get away from him . In the mean while all my Company run before , every one shifting for himself . I thought my self lost , but I was resolved to struggle for my life . The less hopes I saw of escaping , because several Companies of other ravenous Beasts were near at hand . I turned therefore my self and pulled the Leopard by the Ears , thrusting one of my fingers into his right Eye . The pain forced him to let go his hold , which as soon as he had done , he leaped upon me with his open Jaws , into which I thrust my right hand and took hold of the Tongue , necessity adding more strength to my Arm , I pluckt it by the root whiles the beast held me with his Paws . At that instant six roaring Lions , and three Bears , with an infinite number of Jaccals , had overtaken and surrounded me , but none offered to touch me . I flung amongst them the Leopards tongue , which they all greedily catched at with a short dispute , which of them should have it . This gave me leisure to run about a dozen paces from them before they had ended it . As soon as a Lion had taken it for his share , the rest fell foul upon the Leopard , which was become so troublesom to them , because of his extraordinary howling , that they minded me not so much , only an old Bear made after me , and overtook me . When I saw Sermodas and Maurice , and all the Company hastening with Weapons to my rescue , their sight and coming gave me some hopes of escaping out of the Jaws of an unavoidable death . The Bear gallopped after me , and was just at my very heels , when I stumbled and fell flat on my face , the Bears fury caused him to run about a dozen paces beyond me over my body , before it could stop ; then were Sermodas , Maurice , and all the rest come in with their Guns , and other Weapons , and one for my self . As soon as I had got a Sword in my hand , I ran at the Bear , and wounded the beast in the right Thigh at the first blow , but at the second I thrust it in at the breast , and wounded him at the heart . In the mean while all our Company were not idle , they fell upon the wild Beasts with their Swords and Halberts in their hands , and killed in a short time twenty Lions , thirteen Bears , and forty Jaccals , with threescore other sort of furious and ravenous Creatures . We found dead the next day one like a Bull with six Horns , two small ones a little above the Nose , two a little bigger under the Eyes , and two great ones upon his Head. This beast is called Suja , and lives upon the spoils of other Animals . We saw another having a Head like a Lion , a Skin like a Crocodile , and a Tail as a Fox as red as blood , the Claws were bent in , but when they were stretched out , they were about a foot long , and as sharp as Needles . Sermodas told me , that this was the most furious beast in all the World ; for nothing can escape out of its Jaws and Claws , it tears in pieces all that it meets with , and were it not that it hath but a small appetite , it would devour all the Lions of the Woods . He told me , that the Sporvi called it Forabab , and that there are no Females of them to be found , because they are begot by a mixture of Lions and other Animals which copulate together . We killed two other beasts as big as ordinary Masties , but so extraordinary furious , that none are to be compared to them . We continued the slaughter near two hours , rescuing one another when the wild beasts were too hard for any of us , and had worsted us . The rest we put to flight , having wounded most of them : three of the Sporvi in our company were bit in their Limbs , and six of us run through the Arm with the Claws of the Lions . After this fierce Encounter , which was not above three stones cast from our Bower , we went , very joyful to have escaped the danger , to refresh our selves with a good Supper of Roast meat and Fruit , which was ready prepared for us . Sermodas embraced me and Maurice , expressing much joy for our escape out of this great danger , because none of us had been devoured by these furious Inhabitants of the Woods . After Supper he walked into the Air , and met with a Shrub tree upon the bank of the River , called Mezola , he took a stick from it , and rubbed the Wound of my Buttocks , and before the morning I was perfectly cured of my Wounds , as all the rest of the men hurt by the beasts : For had he not applied this to our Wounds , we should have been lame , and hindred thereby from passing over the River into Sevarambe . We laid our selves down upon the Banks and Beds of Earth made under the Bower for Strangers to rest themselves , and slept all night , only we were interrupted by the howlings of strange Creatures and beasts of prey , who ranged about the Bower , attempting to enter in , but we had stopt the passages and ways , so that there was no entrance for any of them . The next morning a large Boat was on this side to carry us over with five grave Signiors , two came to our Bower to call to us before we were up , and visit us . The chief Owner of the Boat was named Kibbus . As soon as we heard them we rose and dressed our selves . Sermodas went out to give Kibbus an account of our persons and misfortunes : which when he had understood , he entred in with him , and took us by the hand and kissed us , bidding us be of good chear , and that his Prince would be joyful to see us . We went with him to see the slaughter of the wild beasts which we stripped of their skins , because the Sevarambi are great Lovers of Furs ; and this was a noble Present , which we intended to give to their King. As soon as we had dispatched our business , Kibbus with his Companions called us one after another to ask us , whether we had any infirmities or distemper in our bodies : after this he caused us to wash in a Fountain hard by , and gave us green Gowns , which he had in his Boat on purpose for all Travellers , buttoned before with rich Buttons of Jasper stones . They were perfumed in such an extraordinary manner , that I never saw the like . After this and some previous Ceremonies , we were admitted with our Unicorns into his wide and large Boat , and in an instant we were carried over to a small Town , where I beheld the most beautiful men and women of the World. They all knowing us to be Strangers , of a Foreign Country , went to the banks of the River to salute and welcome us . At the head of them was a grave Gentleman with ruddy cheeks , and a comely countenance , and a long beard of bright hair , which in the Sun shined as if they had been of gold : he was attended upon by six most beautiful tall young Men , who were followed by four of the female Sex , whom I cannot liken to any but to Angels : they surpassed all that lever beheld with my eyes on Earth . These were his Children . They took Maurice and my self by the hand , asked of our welfare and Country , and spoke to us in very good French. I was glad to meet in so remote a place a man that spoke that Language , I desired to know his Name : My Name , said he , is Zidi Marbet . All the rest of the Town did him Obeisance when he passed by them ; for he was a man of great Riches and Authority , and of an excellent Memory and Wit. Sermodas had some private discourse with him near the River ; afterwards he marched with us into his Town to his Palace , the most glorious thing that I ever beheld , and yet that was nothing to what I saw afterwards . The Town lay upon the banks of the River , and had six uniform Streets abutting to the Water . The Houses were for the most part built all of white and black Marble , very curious to the eye : they were covered over with a shining Slate , which seemed to be gilt with Gold before every door . In a wide empty place grew several aromatick and excellent rare Trees for pleasure and profit . We all admired to see the place , sometimes we stood astonished at the beauty of the men and women , anon we were ravished with the glorious and delightsom abodes . Where-ever we cast our eyes , we saw nothing but that which deserved our wonder and admiration . Zidi Marbet walked with us with his company , and led us to his Palace , which excelled all the other houses in beauty . At our entrance we saw two Posts of pure Ivory , ring'd round with Gold , with a little Court paved with white and black Marble . The House was built almost in the same manner as the rest , but surrounded with the most beautiful Trees , and moted with a Draw-bridge of black Wood like Ebeny , having Chains of Gold instead of Iron . In the Water the Fish were in such plenty , and so great , that we saw hundreds as we passed by . At our first entrance we stood in amaze to behold the glory of the inside , we could not sufficiently admire the beauty and splendor of the rich Moveables , the Hangings and Tapistry over-laid with Gold and precious Stones , with all other things which can never be believed , if I should offer to relate them . Here we stopped seven days , till we had News from Sevarinde , whither we had sent word of our Arrival , to know the Kings Pleasure . In the mean while I cannot express the delights which were given to every day ; the sweet Concerts of Musick , the pleasant Walks about the Town , the Recreations of Hunting , Fishing , Hawking , and other Sports , were not wanting to us , with many other Past-times . Zidi Marbet and his whole Family were extraordinary civil to us . The Town were not wanting in their respects . At the end of seven days , Sermodas our Guide , with the rest of our Company , set forward towards Sevarinde , where we arrived in six days . The Journey was the most pleasant that ever I had been in . There was scarce any manner of Recreation or innocent Pleasure belonging to our bodies , but we found it in the way . All our senses were ravished with their delights ; the Ears with the sweet Harmony and Tunes of all manner of Singing-birds , with the grateful Crys of all sorts of Creatures : our Eyes beheld all the most glorious Sights which are to be seen in all the Earth : the Fields , the Towns , and Cities , the Woods , the Vallies , and Mountains refreshed our Eye-sight with new objects of pleasure and wonder at every moment : our Noses met with the rarest Perfumes ; every Bush and corner yielded to us new delights of this kind . For our Taste we had every where such Dainties and rare Wines , that are not to be expressed . One thing I took great notice of , That all those Creatures which are elsewhere , are to be seen in this earthly Paradise ; as Lions , Bears , Wolves , Jaccals , &c. and tame beasts , as Sheep , Cows , Camels , Oxen , Horses , &c. but they are not of the same nature , as elsewhere . The wild beasts , as soon as they swim over the River of Rocara , lose all their fierce dispositions , and become as harmless and mild as Lambs ; for they feed upon grass and Insects , without offering to meddle with any living Animal . Likewise they , as well as the tame beasts , have another cry , not so harsh and unpleasant , as every where else . Their crys are more grateful to the ear . All things , in a word , are so ordered , as if they were purposely intended to delight and increase the pleasure of the Inhabitants We saw in our Journey many strange birds and tame beasts , not to be seen in any other part of the World. The Fields almost in every place are watered with fresh Streams and Chanels , full of all manner of fresh water fish : so that in every Town and Village we saw many Fish-ponds incompassed about with the rarest Trees in Nature . The ground is so extraordinary fruitful , that it is ordinary for them to gather three or four Crops every year of several forts of grain . So that it is no wonder , if men and creatures are here so numerous . Every two miles we met with a good Town in our way , some more , some less glorious than the rest ; but built so regular and uniform , that I judged that these Sevarites were not ignorant of the humane Sciences and Arts , which are imperfectly known in other parts of the World. Sermodas informed me , that for Philosophy , the Mathematicks , Astrology , and the rest , they were all trained up in them from their youth . They chiefly excel in all delightful Sciences and Arts , as Musick and the Mathematicks . Every Child about fourteen years of age can play upon all manner of Instruments , with that dexterity and nimbleness , that I have often wondered to look upon them , and hear such ravishing Tunes and Airs , which our Musicians are not acquainted with . They are not much skill'd in Physick , nor in those Arts , which mens Vices and Diseases cause the Europeans to inquire into ; for seldom any distemper seizeth upon them , till they fall away with old age , and drop into their graves . I never saw any deformity amongst them , but such variety of Beauties both in men and women , that we were all ravished to look upon them . These Beauties in the female Sex were not pitiful and effeminate , as amongst our women ; but accompanied with a great deal of Majesty , Modesty , and Gravity together . It is not possible to instance all the several particulars and instances of their beauty ; for there was as great a variety in that excellency of the body , as there is a variety and diversity in the deformity of ours in Europe . Sermodas entertained us in our Road with many delightful and satisfying Stories concerning these Sevarites . But I intend to represent them in the several Chapters or Heads unto which they properly belong . We had in our Journey a sight of many Eagles and Vultures ; but I was told , that they prey upon nothing but Insects : and for venemous creatures , there are none to be found . They know not what it is to live always in fear , to be poysoned by Asps , Scorpions , Snakes , or to be devoured by flying Serpents and Crocodiles , which in other Kingdoms swallow man and beast . So that in all respects this Country is the happiest , the most pleasant , and abounds with so many necessaries to the life of man , that it is not possible to imagine any thing more . We saw many Diamant Rocks in our way , with which the Inhabitants imbellish their Houses . We saw some Rocks of Jasper , of Sardonyx , of Beryl , and Emerald ; for Gold and Silver and Brass , they find these Metals , but rough , as plentifully as we do in other Countries , stones . But as they never make use of Money , they resine the Gold for no other purpose but to adorn themselves and their Dwellings , and for other civil uses . Silver they have in great abundance , and Brass much more easie to be purified than ours in Europe or America , because Nature being hotter and more powerful , performs that in the bosom of the Earth which belongs to our Refiners to do , and fits the Metal for their use with a small alteration and labour . All manner of precious Stones are to be found here in the High-ways , in such abundance , that had our Merchants liberty to trade into these parts , they would bring down the price of Jewels , that they would not be looked upon as they are for such rich Commodities . The Cattle and the Sheep here are far bigger and better than ours , and all their tame beasts ; but when they want any thing , they exchange with one another : and if they are not able to purchase it in that manner , they have all that great love and affection for one another , that they never deny things that may benefit the publick Society , or any of the Sevarites . There is amongst them so much love , sincerity , good correspondence , that no Nation hath the like besides themselves . Hence it is , that poverty and want are not known amongst them . They are great Lovers of Hospitality , and strive to excel one another in this Vertue . An Example of this we had in our way to Sevarinde ; for in a great Town , named Bubasti , ten of the Chief men contended with one another in civil manner to have us to lodge at their houses , which I may justly call Palaces : and to content them all we were forced to divide ourselves , and to accept of all their kindnesses neither could we get away from them in a day , they had so many new inventions and Recreations to retard us till the Evening , and then they would not suffer us to depart till the next morning . Our first stage was at Foralar , thirty miles from the River , where we met with Excellencies and Riches beyond all belief and imagination . The next was Fustad , about five and thirty miles from Foralar . The third was Brobas , a large City well walled , and so glorious to the eye when the Sun shines , that it dazles it . The fourth night we reached as far as Crocarambe . The fifth we entred into Bubasti : And the sixth day about noon we were received and welcomed into Sevarinde . As soon as we were arrived and entred into the Palace appointed for our abode , men and women of all sorts , but of rare and compleat beauty , came in to welcome us , bringing with them of the Fruits of the Country . Amongst them a party of Musicians , a dozen in number entred the Hall , where we were refreshing our selves , and admiring all the Excellencies before our eyes , and the Divine Beauty of those incarnate Angels , the Women of that place . At the first they saluted us with a short Speech to this purpose in their own Language , which was immediately interpreted to us by a stander by in Spanish Welcome , noble Strangers , to our City of Sevarinde , let not your misfortunes and losses grieve you , the great Being of Beings hath sent you to discover what I understand was never known to your World. You shall see by experience the Generosity and brave minds of the Sevarambi . We rejoyce to have an occasion of imitating our bountiful God , and express our Liberalities to his Creatures , and our kindness to men , though of another World and Parentage . This brings me and my Companions into this place , and at this time to mitigate your sorrows , and cause you to forget your shipwrack and calamity ▪ With these words he made a grave bow and nodded to the rest of his Comrades and immediately the Musick began to play so sweetly , that we reckoned our selves in Heaven , and not upon Earth . This Sport continued about two hours with an interruption of other Sports . We tasted there also some of the most delicious Wines of the World ; they grow not as ours upon shrubs and short stumps , but upon great Trees as high as the Cedar and Oak-trees neither have they any trouble with them to manure or cut them , for the Wine-tree brings forth of its own accord plentifully . In an Orchard of these kinds of Trees about the compass of an Acre , they have sometimes ten Tun of this rare Wine , as clear as Crystal , but so extraordinary strong and pleasant , that the Vin de la Cindad of Paris , nor the Rhenish , nor Frontiniack , nor Florence , nor Canary , nor any other sorts of Wine of Asia , or Europe are to be compared to this Divine Nectar , which so refreshes Nature , and strengthens the body , that the oldest persons in that Country seem to be but young . Their age is discoverable only by their grey hairs and long beards , which they are not to cut by the Law of the Land. That evening Sevarminas sent us a Messenger to know of our welfare , advising us to prepare our selves for the next morning to wait upon him , for he was very desirous to see us . Sermodas had been with him , and had given him an account of us , and of our behaviour since our landing in Sporumbè , and our entrance in Sevarambé . At his return to us , after Supper we desired him to give us an exact account of the extent of the Dominions of his King Sevarminas , and of the further most bounds of his Empire . In answer to your request , said Sermodas to us , I must tell you , That we have now a Prince called Sevarminas , lineally descended from our wise Law-giver Sevarias : this is the seventh thousand five hundred and ninth King , who hath since that time reigned in this Land. His Government between the Rivers are threescore and five Principalities : the chief are Rostaki in the West , Shafstati on the North towards the Pacifick Sea , Roblati on the East , and Manasti on the South . These are the four principal Parts of the Kingdom commanded by four chief Officers , who are to have an inspection over the other lesser Divisions . These wait upon Sevarminas , and are of his Privy Council . The other Chieftains are to reside in their several Principalities , and take care to do Justice , and punish all Offenders with Banishment to their several places appointed for their retreat . Besides these Jurisdictions within the Rivers , there are several other places belonging to Sevarminas , which acknowledge him for their Supreme Lord ; but they are full of all banished men , Offenders of the Law , and Malefactors . There is the Province of the Sporvi , which you have seen already , commanded by the Noble Albicormas : the next to us is the Island of the Fornicators , whom these Sevarambi cannot endure . These all appear with their rotten Noses and poysoned Faces , so that they are ashamed to shew themselves amongst perfect men . They live in Woods and dark Caves , men and women promiscuously , without any regard to their honesty , which they have had no care to preserve . They have an ill-favour'd old Hag for their Governess , a filthy Bawd , named Brustana . Their Country affords them many good things , so that they live without much labour ; but are so deformed and infectious , that none dares venture amongst them , who hath any regard to the safety of his own person or Honour . When amongst the Sevarites any , either man or woman , breaks the Law by any such fleshly liberty , they are immediately sent over and landed there , from whence they cannot possibly return , because there is no Boat dares carry them from thence . In this place they have a freedom to do what they list , and to please themselves with the choice of persons of their own disposition and temper without any restraint . The next Province is that of the Knaves , a cunning sort of men , who are all upon catches , continually plotting the mischief of others . When there is the least suspicion of any such person in a Province of the Sevarites , they never leave till they have found him out , and sent him to this place , where he is commanded by Marabo : when any excels in Knavery , he is there promoted in his Court to Offices of Honour and Trust . These have the largest and best Province belonging to Sevarminas beyond the River ; for they are numerous and increase daily in number of men and in Lands towards the South . They dispossessed another Generation of covetous Rascals , who had been banished from among the Sevarambi , and had laid great improvement upon their Lands , having built many good Towns and Cities . When the Knaves , their Neighbours , had understood it , they caught it from them , and drove them out of it by a Trick , sending the Covetous to live in their Country empty of Inhabitants . The next is the Province of disorderly persons troubled with the distempers of discontent , fury , ambition , and other Vices . Sevarminas is forced to keep a Guard upon their Borders , and to place next to them the stoutest and most warlike souls , for fear of a sudden irruption . There are thirteen other large Provinces filled with other kind of men ; but I forbear to speak of them till I shall give you an account of an attempt which the bordering Provinces made once to dispossess King Sevarminas of his Throne , and to seize upon the Territories of the unspotted Sevarites , who were forced to arm themselves , and drive those disorderly Villains into their own Nests , where they are now confined . Since that time care hath been taken to build such Walls and Forts , as that they cannot now easily pass over to trouble the Peace of the Sevarites . I had almost forgotten to speak of the large Province of Fools , which lies directly South from Sevarindé . If any person , by a mischance , becomes crack-brain'd or distemper'd with any kind of folly , he is condemned to be transported to the Island of Cracos , where he is to spend all his days in what Exercises please him best . The Country affords him all Necessaries without pains : therefore the Fools lead a pleasant life in the Woods and Medows . Before we go out of the Kingdom , I will , said Sermodas , beg leave of Sevarminas to have a Guard , and visit the Provinces of Knaves and Fools , where you shall see such Tricks and Sports , as you never saw the like . And if you desire to visit any other part of the Kingdom , I will desire leave from our mighty King , who will take care to provide for your safety in going and coming . For though in this happy Paradise there is nothing of evil , all things are answerable to the excellent and kind nature of the Inhabitants ; yet round about the Borders in the adjoyning Islands and Provinces , there is as much Disturbance , War , Tumult , and Unquietness , as in any part of your Northern World ; for the Sevarambi have a Law to send thither all those persons who desire to cause any alteration in their Government or Manners , or who live not according to the strict Rules which they have received from their Forefathers , and which by no means they will be perswaded to change . Some of these banished men , after a certain number of years , and a visible sign of Reformation , have leave to return , and to be admitted again amongst the Sevarambi ; but others are so unquiet and unruly , that they are a trouble to themselves , and all that are concerned with them . Therefore our Princes and Governors will not admit them again , for fear they should relapse into the same evils , and disturb this Kingdom , which for many thousand years hath continued in peace and prosperity without alteration by the excellent Laws of our Great and wise Sevarias , the first Monarch of this happy Land. Hence it is , that we never have any change of chief Governours or Governments , every one knows his duty , his place and abilities , and is fully satisfied with the advantages that he expects from thence . Here is no oppression nor violence , the least inclination of that unnatural disposition sends men away to the Borders to prevent future mischiefs . Neither have the Sevarites that wicked custom of coining Money , and buying and selling all things with money , the root of all Northern evils . They will not admit of any such weed to grow in this Land , but things are exchanged for one another . And you have seen since your entrance , there is so great an abundance of all good things , that men must be lovers of wickedness , that can be evil in the midst of such a plenty of goodness where it overflows . But I must tell you , said Sermodas , of one thing more , which causeth us to continue in peace : we are not subject to the wicked attempts and temptations of any evil Spirit , as you are in the Northern World. Those dangerous Imps care not to visit this Southern part ; for they have been so often caught in the snares here , that they dread the very sight of the Sevarites , or of their Country . You , I understand , in the Northern parts lay most of your miscarriages at the Devils door , who hath a room in many of your habitations , and a dwelling in every place and corner ; but we are altogether free from his company and temptations . Sometimes it is true , he sends some loose Devils to debauch a few indiscreet persons , but then we send them away immediately to their proper places with the Fiend in their company . But , said Maurice , how can you keep the Devils out of your Land ? They fly in the empty Air , and go by night as well as by day . Sermodas answered , Our eyes are better than yours , but the Sevarites of all men have the most refined senses . They can see when the Spirits come amongst them ; for this purpose there is a constant Guard kept in all the usual Roads upon the Borders of the Sevarites , four hundred Conspirers , if I may so call them , are kept in constant Pay to drive away the Devil with Spells , when he ventures to approach upon the Borders . They have a particular Art to command the evil Spirits , which no man knows but themselves . It is true , some of the peeping and crasty Rascals creep into this Land through by ways out of the usual Roads ; but when the Sevarites catch them , they torment them sufficiently , and deal with them as with Spies , without any compassion of them : so that they seldom return to this place again , but by their cruel entertainment they keep all their other Comrades from entring in amongst the Sevarambi . I know that in your Countries you have not that care nor vigilancy of your selves for your own good . Hence it is , that all sorts of Devils have so great an interest in your parts , and that you can scarce stir without meeting one or many in your way . Besides , this Country between the Rivers bears an aromatick Tree , which the Devils cannot endure ; for it sends up into the Air such a strong smell , that they are ready to choke when they draw near to a place where it grows , and you shall see that the Inhabitants have been advised by their wise Sevarias , to plant one in every Garden and side of their Houses . The Tree is named Crassarabi , and bears a leaf like a Palm-leaf , but is full of prickles as a Thorn and Bramble-bush . The Sevarites have this way to torture the poor Devils that unhappily fall into their hands : they tye them with a Cord invisible to you , but visible to them , answerable to the substance of the Devils , which is airy , and then bind them to this Tree , where they slash them with a Rod cut out of the branches , which causes them to howl most dreadfully . We may chance to give you a sight of this action , if you travel into the Country towards the Borders . Another way they have to plague and imprison them , by making Gun-powder ; for when the Devils come into a Land , they always draw to that place where there is the greatest noise and disturbance , for there they imagine they may make a good interest . Now there is no greater noise in this Land than this of the Gun-powder , which we make not as you do in Europe , but with a wheel , as you may see , if you travel into the Land. Sometimes therefore it happens , that the silliest of them prying too near into the work , either to understand the Art , or to know what the Sevarites are doing , they are many times caught by their ears , and I have known half a dozen wound into a grain of Gun-powder , and imprisoned so close , that they could not possibly get away , till the powder took fire . The best and strongest powder hath always some of these airy Beings shut up . This causeth the destruction that follows when Gun-powder takes fire ; for then the Devils being released , break out with a vengeance , and tear in pieces all that dare stand in their way . The Sevarites have many other ways to punish them for the insolences and wickednesses which they have committed in the World ; but when I have an opportunity , I shall give you an account of that . I could wish , said Maurice , that our Country-men in Europe knew how to deal with these subtle Creatures , and how to be revenged for the continual wrongs which they daily receive from their malice and evil suggestions . It is a question , said I , whether many of them would make use of that Art , if they knew it ; for a great many are so pleased with their company and suggestions , that they seek them rather , than to endeavour to be rid of them . Well , said Sermodas , let them be in love with their own mischief and danger , the Sevarites are seldom taken and deceived by their allurements : and if at any time they are carried to any wickedness , they are banished ; and if the Devil be caught , he is severely tortured . This good order and many others , when I shall speak to you of their Laws , preserves happiness , peace , and prosperity in this Country . This Discourse pleased us well , and caused us to intreat Sermodas to take some other time to inform us of the Laws of the Sevarites . We asked him several other questions concerning their Government within the Rivers , concerning their Customs and Tributes , and whether all the Country was so happy and rich as that which we had already beheld . He answered to all questions so exactly , that we thought our selves much obliged to him for his singular favour . He was well acquainted with all things , for he had been imployed about the Affairs of Sevarminas from his infancy , and was often sent to carry the Tribute to his Court. He told us , that the Kings Revenues were certain , and that from all parts men brought to him all sorts of Necessaries for him and his numerous Court. That he never had any need to demand more , for his Expences were as regular as his Incomes ; and that if he should want any thing more , there is none of his Subjects , from the meanest to the highest , but would think himself highly honoured , if he would accept of all that they have . But as he is a great Lover of Justice and Equity , he is content with the ancient Reversions of the Provinces , which are sufficient to cause him and his Court to live in great abundance and extraordinary Splendour , which all the Sevarites looked upon as their greatest Glory . Sevarminas , said he , is a middle-aged man , and hath reigned in this place twenty two years , with the general love of all his Subjects . He is adored by us all as our visible God. His Fathers name was Seravino , a Prince of an extraordinary Beauty ; he reigned amongst us thirty years , and mightily inlarged the Palace and Dwelling of the Kings of this Country . You shall see to morrow a place which hath not its parallel on Earth for Riches and humane Glory , and you shall see a Prince and such noble Attendants , that your eyes never looked upon any thing , nor persons more deserving admiration . After this discourse , Sermodas led us all to our Chambers , where we had all things convenient for us , and shewing us in a great wide room hung with Cloth of Gold , each mans Bed of embroidered Silver for him to rest till the next morning , he took his leave of us , and bid us good night . We rested very sweetly without any disturbance till the next morning , when a Concert of Musick in the next Chamber awakened us . Sermodas opened first our door , and entred our Room , desiring us to get up and put on the Apparel which he had brought to us . Whiles we were dressing of our selves , a Messenger came from King Sevarminas to hasten us away , because he intended to give us Audience , and then to take some Recreation before Dinner . At the time of our appearance he appointed ten Senators of his City , men of great Gravity and Worth , to attend upon us , and lead us to him . We were conducted through the Streets full of Sevarites , who seldom see Strangers in those parts . Their curiosity caused them to throng together to look upon us : we marched thus about half a mile through the most splendid places , and had the sight of so many rare objects , that the World cannot afford the like . The number of Jewels and precious Stones , the quantity of Gold , Silver , the excellency of the Structures , Arches , Palaces , and Temples dedicated to their God , are beyond all credit and imagination of men . But nothing surprised us so much as to look upon the Royal Court and the glory of it . It stands upon a small rising incompassed about with a deep River , and walled three times round with square stones cut out of a Diamant Rock about six foot square , and polished so well , that at the first approach our eyes could not endure the brightness of the place when the Sun shines clear without a cloud . Some other precious Stones were intermixed of green and red colours , but all transparent . There was but one entrance over the River by a Bridge . The first Gate was full of Ivory Pillars and Supporters , and embellished with large stones , black and white Marble . Round about in the void space were delicate Walks , and Gardens full of strange sorts of Trees , some yellow , others green , some black , others white , and shewing to the eye such a variety of beautiful colours , that it is the most glorious Prospect of the World. The second Wall was all of a red stone , but bright and shining . The third and innermost Wall was as white as Snow , like to our Alabaster , but of a stone which is not to be found in any part of the Northern World. In the empty places round about between the Walls , grew all manner of Trees for pleasure or profit , with some that are not to be seen elsewhere . The Kings Palace stood within these three Inclosures , having round about it a large Green with several Walks of sandy Gold and stately Images of Alabaster and Porphyry , representing all manner of shapes , as beasts , birds , and men in most actions of their life . These Images stood upon Bases of Saphir , and the Images were all made of a transparent hard stone as clear as Crystal . You may imagine , that at our first entrance , the Sun shining in its greatest brightness upon them , we were cast into a sudden maze , and surprised at the unexpected view of so many glorious things . The Palace was perfectly round , with four long Galleries reaching from side to side , and as many Gates . It was built of precious Stones , of all sorts and sizes : the Tyling was of Gold and Silver , and the inside was so curiously wrought , and so rich , that it is not to be imagined nor believed , if I should here declare every particular . The King sate in an empty Court in the middle of his Palace , under a beautiful Gallery inriched with all manner of Jewels : round about him on the right and left stood his Counsellors and Attendants : his Seat was a Throne of six steps , over which there was a Canopy of State , before it were six Bases upon which stood six Lions rampant of a red stone . To this place we were conducted by Sermodas and the Ten Grandees , and led to the foot of the Throne , where we were taught to do our Obeisance upon our knees . The King had a rich Crown upon his Head , and a Scepter in his right Hand , and sate in a great deal of Majesty and Glory . Sermodas advised me to speak to the King , as soon as we had paid him that respect which was due to his Person and place . Therefore I stood up , and addressed my self to him in this manner in the French Tongue , which he understood well : Most glorious and mighty Prince , you see before you poor Strangers cast upon your Coasts by a storm , which I know not how to name , happy or unhappy ; for since our Arrival in your Land , we have met with so many civilities and expressions of kindness from your loving People , that we have already received a compensation for the loss of our Ships and Goods . We are come here to adore your Majesty in obedience to your Commands , and to receive from you those Orders , which we shall punctually follow . We doubt not but according to your wonderful clemency , your Majesty will look with compassion upon such objects of pity as Providence hath made us , and to raise us up from our hard and low Fortune . As all things that we have hitherto met with in your noble Kingdom , are beyond all belief and credit , we are perswaded that the King of so glorious a Land , must needs have Vertues as extraordinary and Divine . We humbly submit our selves therefore to your Majesties Wisdom and Mercy , and that when we shall have performed what your Majesty shall think fit to require from us , you would out of your compassion and goodness , suffer us to depart into our own Countries , that we may spread abroad all over the World the Riches , the Excellency , and Wealth of this earthly Paradise , and the noble Vertues of your most Glorious Majesty , and publish your Fame where-ever the Sun appears with his beams of Light. Sevarminas seemed to like our persons and our Speech , to which he returned this Answer : That he had sent for us , not to offer any injury to our persons : That he who was a Lover of Justice amongst his own Subjects , could not do injustice to Strangers : That the Sevarites in general were of a civil behaviour , and inclinable to pity the miseries of other men ; but that he had given strict Orders to have a care of our persons , and furnishes with all that we should want . He told us , That not only the curiosity of seeing us , who were come out of remote Nations , famous for their industry and wit , had caused him to send for us to discourse with us , and understand our Customs and Manners ; but also to discover to us his Kingdom and the Riches of it , that we might report it in our own Lands , and incourage some to venture to trade with his People : That for that purpose he would appoint a place or an Island in the Pacifick Sea , where all the Commodities and Riches of the Sevarambi should be transported , because the ancient Laws , as well as the good and preservation of his Kingdoms Peace , Vertues , and Innocency , suffered him not to admit all manner of Strangers into his Borders : That he had received a good report of us , which inclined him the more to send for us , and that he hoped that our conversation and behaviour would be answerable to his expectation , and the kindness that he would shew . After this , he inquired of our Country , how long we had been from it , who commanded in Chief , what Commodities we had of any request , what Arts and Sciences of any use to the life of man. To all these particulars , and many others , I gave him full satisfaction . So that , as a gratification , he sent for a Box of Jewels , which he bestowed upon us , together with Collars of Gold and Ambergriese , which he wished us to wear whiles we should remain in that Country . After we had continued with him about an hour , he rose up from his Throne , and commanded Zidi Parabas , the Master of his Ceremonies , to lead us to Lodgings provided for us in his own Palace , and Zidi Marlorat his Chancellor and chief Minister , to discourse with us about a Trade , and the means to open it with us . During our abode in those parts , we had several meetings with him , and assured him , that the Dutch Nation would be overjoy'd to meet with so civil a People , so sociable and amiable , and that they would quickly embrace the first motion of a Trade with them . We extolled our home-Commodities , and shewed what advantage they would reap by a conversation with us ; but the Chancellor told me , That such as I was should have liberty to enter into their Borders ; but Russians and Rascals of an ill life could not be admitted by the Laws of their Land. Yet they should have leave to trade in Sporumbe , and in the Islands , which Sevarminds would appoint for that purpose ; but that none of the Sevarites should go thither , unless it be such banished men as are sent away for their misdemeanours . I replied to him , That if he would keep away from thence such as are banished out of Sevarambè for their Knavery , we would trade with all the rest ; for we and all our Country-men had rather deal with honest men than with Knaves . At last it was concluded to prevent the inconveniencies on both sides , That all the Dutch should land amongst the Sporvi , and in an Island that is at the mouth of the great River Rocara in the Pacifick Sea , about an hundred and thirty Lagues from the Streights of Magellan . This Island is peopled with a generation of men descended from the Sevarites , and banished out of the Country for their inordinate love of women and men . There are three good Towns belonging to it , and a capacious Harbor for Ships of the greatest burden . I acquainted the Chancellor with our Art of Navigation , with many other knowledges which the Europeans use with great profit and advantage to their Kingdoms . He seemed to be well satisfied and mightily pleased with the account I had given him . Whiles Sevarminas was gone to hunt and sport himself , Sermodas and Zidi Parabas led us round about the Galleries and Walks , shewing us the rare Fish-ponds , the stately Orchards , the riches and beauty of the Buildings , and all things round about , which caused us to wonder , and stand many times in a maze . The Art of Painting is here also , and the Sevarites excel in that skill . Therefore the Galleries , and generally all the Palace of Sevarminas , was adorned with many lively Representations . Maurice , who was an excellent Painter , admired some Pictures , and told us , that he thought they could not be made but by a Divine hand . The Sevarites are excellent in Geometry and Astrology . They have differing names for all the Stars that appear in their Hemisphere , and understand perfectly well all their Motions and Vertues . As soon as we returned from our pleasant Walk , we met with Sevarminas about dinner-time returned from his Hunting , whereof I shall give this short account , for this Sport is not like to ours . The Sevarites hunt not with Dogs , but with tame Foxes , of an extraordinary swiftness ; they hunt Rabbets , Hares , Deer ; and all other wild beasts are hunted with tame Leopards . In the morning that the King intends to see this Sport , the chief Huntsman hath orders to prepare all things for the diversion , twenty Leopards are then let loose in a wide Park , where the wild beast is brought . The King and all his Nobles are mounted upon their glorious Mules , of beautiful colours , with Trappings of Silver and Gold , adorned with precious Stones . The Leopards , at the sight of the Lion or the Bear , draw near to him by degrees , and taking their opportunity , they run to him . When he feels himself overpowered , he seeks his safety in his heels , and all the Mules gallop after him . I am not able to represent all the various actions and delights that are here expressed to the Beholders eyes ; but this kind of Hunting is much esteemed by the Sevarites , and none have the liberty to make use of it , but the King and some of the prime Nobles ; for it is a Royal Sport , and gives much satisfaction to the Spectators . Sevarminas at his return entred into his Palace , accompanied with all his Servants , in very rich Attire : some of them came and spoke to us in the Spanish Tongue , and bid us welcome into their Country . We answered their Civilities with respect , and followed the Train of Sevarminas that walked two and two into the Palace , into a great Hall an hundred yards in length , and as many in breadth , where Tables were ready covered with all manner of curious Dainties , of all sorts . Sevarminas and his Queen , with three of his Sons , and six of his Daughters , sate down at a Table , which stood at the upper end , raised a little above the rest , under a large Canopy shining with Gold and precious Stones , of an inestimable value . As soon as they were sate down , the Musick in the Galleries round about began to play such ravishing Tunes , that we Europeans were astonished . Sermodas and Zidi Parabas invited us to sit down at a Table not far from that of Sevarminas . To tell you of all the Glory and State we beheld , the sweetness of the Wines , the various Services , and the dainty Meats , of the excellent and ravishing Sights , I reckon it impossible , I could fill up a Volume of those things that were then presented to our senses ; so many and such variety of objects , rare and wonderful , appeared before us , that when Zidi Parabas saw how we were pleased with them , he inquired of us , whether we had any such Delights in Europe . I answered , That the pleasures and delights of the Europeans are many and curious , but they are not to be compared to what we then saw . One of the Table inquired of us about some other particulars ; and because he was a Learned Philosopher , he proposed to us several learned Questions relating to the Nature of things . Every one had liberty to speak his mind and judgment . After all , he declared his opinion , with a repetition of what every one had spoken , and then added his own solution with that Learning and Gravity , that I never heard the like . This to me and Maurice was almost as good as the Musick and Meats ; for at Table it is a modern as well as ancient delight to feed the mind with rare instructions , as well as the body with meat and drink . After Dinner Zidi Parabas went to wait upon Sevarminas , and understand his pleasure . When he was returned to us again , he brought us up to Sevarminas , who was then sitting on his Throne with his Queen Larida at his right hand , and his Daughters and his Sons on the left . She was the most beautiful Creature that I ever beheld . We paid them our respects according to the mode of their Country . To please Queen Larida , Sevarminas asked us many questions in Spanish , a Tongue which she understood : after all they seemed to be well satisfied . Sevarminas sent us all Gifts and Presents of a great value . When I was returned into Europe , I sold the Jewels and other Rarities , which the King and Queen bestowed upon me , for above six millions of Gold. Maurice and the rest of my Companions had Gifts according to their Qualities . We had Orders to walk about the City , and take a view of the Rarities of that wonderful place . To speak truth , every thing , if it were in our own Country , would seem a rarity . I never beheld so much Glory and Riches , nor such beautiful objects , nor such gravity , and comely Personages so full of Majesty and goodness . They were so far from scorning or contemning us that were Strangers , that they seemed they could not too much honour and respect us ; for Sevarminas had given that strict Order , to give us all the satisfaction that we could desire . Zidi Parabas led us to their publick Halls through beautiful Streets , paved with many transparent stones . When we entred into them , we saw their Court of Judicature . On both sides were the Lawyers Cells or little Closets . These are a certain number of men , who are locked up as Prisoners in this place , and not suffered to range up and down the City , for fear they should infect the rest of men with their idle notions and Quirks . They are here all kept , the Judges only excepted , as our mad and crasie men in Europe , are confined to Bedlams , and as the wild beasts to their dens ; for by this Policy they preserve the City in quiet . When we were in their vast Hall , and heard some entring in , they looked all to see , whether we were fit for their turn , whether we had committed some offence that deserved punishment ; but when they saw that we viewed that place only out of curiosity , they sneaked all in again , and would not so much as look upon us all the time that we were there , till the Trumpet began to sound , and the Judge sate upon his Seat. Then came in a company of Sevarites leading a young Girl that had forgotten her self , and given liberty to a puny Fellow to play the wag with her . They had both of them great punches of flesh growing upon their Noses and Foreheads , which came up in the very act . As soon as their Neighbours had beheld this superfluity , they understood the crime , and took hold of them both to bring them to this Tribunal . The Lawyers , like Bees , swarmed round about , all the petty Attorneys , Clerks , Bailiffs , Sergeants , demy-Sergeants , Pleaders , Sollicitors , Probationers , &c. and such a gang of them , that I pitied the poor Couple to fall into their unmerciful hands . Amongst the Sevarites in every City they have a Hall or a Convent of these persons , whom they all esteem no better than Butchers and Executioners , they have not that honour as amongst us in Europe , nor that esteem of honest men , with which many of them cozen our World. Zidi Parabas made me get up to hear their Pleading , but I understood not their Language , only Sermodas gave me an account of some passages . The crime was not to be denied , which caused them both to look ashamed , because they had forgotten all honesty , and lost their honour . The Judge asked them many questions . All the cruel Lawyers cryed to punish her with death , because she had not given them any thing to plead for her ; but the young man had got a bawling Lawyer to speak for him when his crime came to be examined ; but all would not do : he would have made the Judge believe , that this Excrescence in his sace was only a natural deformity proceeding from some other inward cause , and not from Lust . But the Judge , a wise and brave man , of the Court of Sevarminas , convinced him of his errour , and made him at last confess , that the Girl had inticed him with her bewitching Looks . In conclusion of the Tryal , the lecherous couple were sent to the Island of Whores and Rogues , where they were to live confined for ever from all friends and acquaintances , and to spend their life in lust and debauchery , a sufficient punishment , as they imagined , for their forgetfulness . I took no great delight amongst the Lawyers ; for I looked upon this place as the Hell in the midst of the earthly Paradise of the Sevarites . After these two Fornicators had been judged and condemned to perpetual banishment , where nevertheless they live in great plenty , there was brought before the Judge a Thief , a sneaking Fellow , differing in looks , as well as in manners , from the rest of the Sevarambi . The Judge , whose name was Zidi Morasco , commanded him to be examined before him by a crafty Lawyer . And it was proved plain against him , that he had stole some Jewels and Gold from his Neighbour , with some Garments of Cloth of Silver , covered over with precious Stones , of a great value . The Fellows countenance since this deed was mightily changed ; for every wicked action , especially amongst the Sevarites , alters the countenances of men . The Eyes being the windows of the Soul , through them it discovers all the inward thoughts , fears , apprehensions , and displeasures that rowl in the breast . Besides , the Thieves have here in this Country a mark , which immediately appears upon their Chins and Cheeks , a black spot very ugly to the eye . This Fellow also was adjudged unworthy to live any longer amongst the religious Sevarites . I asked Sermodas , why the Sevarambi suffered the Lawyers , who I told him in our Country , were generally none of the best men in the World : What! said he , have you any there ? Yes , said I , to our sorrow , we cannot be quiet for them . Captain , replied he , I must tell you , were it not for these Fellows , the Sevarites would not be able to live so quiet as they do ; nor so innocent as in all other Countries : fear as well as shame must keep men in awe , and in the performance of their duties to their Neghbours and Superiours . And though men are not here so inclinable to wickedness as in Europe , because they proceed from another stock and generation of men ; yet the pleasures of the Country , together with the inticements of some subtle Devils , whom we cannot always perceive , many may be brought to do what is contrary to Law , Reason , Equity , and Justice . It is therefore for the publick Good , that these men are living amongst us . And though they are as bad as those whom they plead against , they are here confined in these and such like . Cells , where there is a publick provision made for them , to keep them from running up and down to breed disturbances . Such amongst them as are honest , good , and merciful men , are highly esteemed , but they are very rare ; and if they were known to be honest and good men amongst the Lawyers , the rest would not suffer them to come near the Bar , but would banish them out of their Society , and deprive them of all manner of Practice and liberty of Pleading . The greater Knaves they are , the more esteemed amongst the Lawyers , though less valued by the rest of the Sevarites . Therefore , to keep up their credit amongst both , is a hard Chapter , and not to be done without some kind of dissimulation on some side . With that he pointed at a great fat Fellow , who stood up in Court to see and look for his Clients : Do you see , said he , that Knave ? Do you see him ? I turned my eyes towards him , and beheld him stedfastly , and asked what he was : He is , said Sermodas , one of the chief Attornies of this Court , a cunning Fellow , his name is Rekrap , a wicked Villain , and a great Oppressor of poor Fellows that fall into his hands . After the Court had examined and tryed all the Causes , the Lawyers departed to their Dens ; and Zidi Parabas taking me by the hand , led me to the Shambles of the City , and to view all the Excellencies of that Noble place . As I was passing one of their Temples , I intreated him to give me a sight of that which I judged to be a Rarity , or rather full of Rarities ; for it was so glorious without , that I could not but think that the inside was far more rich and splendid . Zidi Parabas made some difficulty to yield to my request ; but Sermodas perswaded him to grant it at last , when he had asked me some questions concerning the Religion of our Country : Are you not , said he , desiled with Idolatry , I mean with the Worshipping of Images ; for I must tell you , that this is a great abomination amongst the Sevarambi . We have Pictures and Images in our Houses , but none in our Temples : we adore a great and glorious Being , the Creator and Author of this earthly Paradise : he is an infinite Spirit , not to be consined within our walls ; therefore our Temples are open on the top , when we are at our Devotions . He is not to be likened to any outward Image or Representation ; therefore our ever blessed Sevarias commanded us to have no Images in our Temples , nor to liken God to any Creature or Representation visible to the eye . If therefore you have never dishonoured your self with such kind of practices , you may be admitted to see and walk in our Temples . I thanked him for his kind condescension , and assured him , that though it was a wickedness that many Nations in Europe were guilty of , yet our Country-men abominate such kind of follies , and that for my own particular I never was of that Religion which allows of Idolatry and Worshipping of Images . When he understood this , he walked to the great Gate of the chief Temple , where he met with a grave Priest standing at the door , unto whom he declared our business : the Priest took me by the hand , and in Spanish told me , that I should see the Temple of his God. I walked round , and saw so many glorious Sights and such extraordinary Riches , that all Europe together cannot produce the like . The Priests name was Ziribabdas . I desired him to tell me something of the Religion of the Country , and of their Manners : for that purpose Zidi Parabas took me by the hand , and led me to a by-place much like a Chancel , where when we were all sate down , in Niches of beaten Gold in the Wall , Ziribabdas began his Discourse in this manner : I perceive you are a stranger to this Country and to the Customs of the Sevarites , I know not what Religion you have in your Country , nor what thoughts you have of the Great God , who hath made us all ; but I hope none of you are guilty of the foul sin of Worshipping of Images , which we hear is universally practised by the Europeans . I answered him , That there were a great many Nations who did abominate and hate such practices as well as the Sevarites . Well , said he , in regard you are free from that vice and baseness , I will shew you a great many Sacred Curiosities of this Temple , which you have not yet seen , and I will give you a brief account of our Religion in this Country . You must therefore know , that we acknowledge but one only Great God , Maker of all things , Lord of Heaven and Earth , who sendeth us all those good things that we injoy : Reason teacheth to worship and praise him for his goodness and innumerable mercies . For that purpose we have Schools erected in every corner of this City to train up Youth , and teach them the Principles of Religion . All persons are obliged twice every week to assist at our publick Devotions , which are Songs made to praise our God , with Instruments of Musick : we have also Prayers , which I and my Brethren offer for the prosperity of Sevarminas and of his Royal Family . Once a year every person is obliged to present something upon a Table , which stands in the middle of this and other Temples , as a token of gratitude to God : now this thing is always the richest and best beloved thing that he hath . By this means every one shews , that his affection for God is greater than for any thing else . Religion amongst us is the most sacred thing , and whatsoever belongs to Religion is highly valued by every one . There is the greatest respect shewn to religious persons and religious things amongst all the Sevarites , you shall not hear Oaths and Blasphemies , Cursing and Damning . The Rules of good living are registred in the Book of our Law giver Sevarias ; and since that time we are all so addicted to it , and all our Generations so used and trained up in our obedience to these Laws , that very few persons offer to break or violate them : and if at any time any such be , he is carried away and banished into the Islands : by this means peace , plenty , and good manners are here to be seen every where , and men take not the liberty to do what they list . But the Rules of Reason are commonly observed by all the Sevarites in their behaviour and actions : so that you shall not see any thing of Drunkenness , Gluttony , Quarrelling , Murders , and Villanies committed scarce in a whole year all over the Empire . But for our better Government in matters of Religion , besides our King , who is the chief Moderator in all disputable matters , we have thirty Chieftains under six principal Heads , who are always at the Court attending upon our Prince . These thirty live in their Precincts and Jurisdictions , having under them such as have the care of and inspection over every Town and Hamlet . We have besides , publick Meetings and Assemblies to consult about matters of high moment . Now there is such an excellent order and harmony in all respects , that we injoy Peace both in Divine and Civil Affairs , and there is no jarring , disputations , and dissensions , as amongst you in Europe , but a blessed concord and agreement . If any be suspected to be otherwise disposed , he is immediately banished to the lonesom Islands , where he can quarrel with none but with wild beasts that inhabit there . He is never suffered after to set a foot in the Country of the Sevarambi ; but there in those Islands amongst the Woods and Caves he is confined , and obliged to spend the rest of his days in fighting with the Lions , Jaccals , wild Dogs , Bears , and such like furious Creatures . By this means you shall see we preserve peace and quiet both in Church and State. But that our Governors might not act in an arbitrary way , we suffer no mans Will to be a Law , but that of our glorious Sevarminas and his lawful Successors ; but for the rest of all our Governors , they have Rules and Laws to act by in all occasions : neither can they do any thing without the consent , advice , and concurrence of other wise men appointed for that purpose . For our Belief , I must tell you , we know and are taught by Nature as well as by the Works of our great Sevarias , that God created all things in Heaven and Earth : That in the beginning this Paradise stood in another part of the World ; but when men began to abuse those good things that it affords , it was transported hither upon the shoulders of Angels , and all the Trees planted here , where they have increased : and that because the first Generation of men was corrupt and wicked , there was another man and woman made to inhabit here , and to live in this blessed Kingdom . We believe , that when we come to dye , our Souls being of a spiritual substance , fly up to the Firmament , where they rest till a certain time be appointed to joyn them again together . Now our bodies decay not as yours , we lay them in places where they continue thousands of years without any alteration . I shall shew you our Sepulchres , and that of our Kings , where you may see all the Princes who have governed in these happy Regions since the beginning of the World , as fresh as if they were yet all alive . We believe , that when our bodies and Souls shall be again joyned , your generation and ours shall be received together into a place appointed for us , such I mean of you as are honest and good men ; but for the rest of you , I know not what you are fit for , unless it be to be cast into the Sea , or banished to a lonesom place , where they may live without doing harm . We believe that there are good and evil Spirits above us , and that the Sun , Moon , and Stars are full of Creatures answerable to their light and beauty . We believe , that when this generation shall be transported somewhere else , other Creatures shall succeed us in this Paradise , and in other parts of the World. We have many things that we believe ; but I must tell you , that our reason directs us , and rules our judgments in all matters of Faith as well as practice ; only some things of a sublime nature , which our senses cannot attain to , we must submit to the Wisdom of our Sevarias , who had them by Inspiration from the Angels , with whom he had a familiar acquaintance , and therefore his body is not to be found in the Sepulchre of our Kings ; but it is thought they took him with them into the place appointed for their abode , and that there he lives with them without fear of death , in expectation that all his Posterity should come to him . But you must take notice , That such of our Generation as are banished for their misdemeanors , will be admitted one day to the same happiness , if they bear patiently their punishment , and are sorry for their wickedness ; but such also must be purged in a fire which is in the Air , through which their bodies , as well as ours , must pass to mount up to the highest station designed for us : but with this difference , that the fire shall open to let us go by ; but they must burn a while there , till their bodies be freed from all corruption and filth , some more , some less , according to their dispositions , but few stay there less than twenty years , some an hundred , others a thousand , till such time as their bodies be sublimated and fit for an higher abode . Such of us as are incorrigible , shall be confined to a sad Pit , where they shall be up to the Elbows in Mire and Dirt , and be deprived of all comforts of life . Whiles he was speaking this , there happened an accident , which caused him to stop and put an end to this good Discourse . Ziribabdas was called to receive a dead Sevarite , and open the Caves , in which the deceased lay in Coffins of Ivory and Gold. He excused himself , and told me , that he had much more to say concerning the Religion of their Country , but could not remain with us any longer . I was glad to have this opportunity to see their manner of burying the dead . At the great Gate of the Temple stood near a thousand people with the friends of the deceased . When Ziribabdas came to them , one who stood before the Corps and the Bearers , spoke to him in this manner , as was afterwards interpreted to me . Most holy Priest , we have brought to you our Neighbour Suffarali , a good man , and a religious Sevarite , who hath often expressed his Devotion in this place , and his respects to your Holiness ; we desire that he may be admitted amongst the dead Sevarites , as he hath lived amongst them with respect and honour . Ziribabdas sate himself down in an Ivory Chair adorned with many precious Stones , which stood in the Porch , and then he called the Friends of the deceased , inquiring of them , whether he had committed no unworthy action in his life-time ? Whether he had lived peaceably with his Neighbours ? Whether he had not been privately guilty of drunkenness , & c ? Whether he had not at his departure bequeathed something to the Church ? How many children he had ? What were their names ? And such like questions , to which they gave an answer , and satisfied him fully . Afterwards they carried in the Corps into the Temple , and laid it upon a long Table of an Emerald-stone , and the Priests anointed the body all over with an excellent Oyl , called the Oyl of Botamine , which signifies in their Language Uncorruption : For such is its extraordinary virtue , that it keeps a body from all manner of corruption or alteration an hundred years . Now this is a Sacred Oyl , which only the Priests , who are learned in Chymistry , make of several Ingredients ; for this cause it is no where to be found but in their Temples , unto which they have their Laboratories annexed . Now once in an hundred years they anoint over all the bodies of the deceased from the beginning of the World : by this means the bodies are kept fresh , and so lively and beautiful , that if a dead body could stand upright , at a distance no man could distinguish the dead from the living . When the body was well anointed , they opened a large Cave of a thousand yards broad , and as many long . It had as many Closets as there were houses in the City . Ziribabdas , at the opening of the mouth of the Cave , caused some Ceremonies to be performed , and then marched down a pair of stairs into this burying-place : the Corps was carried after him , and I and my Companions , with Sermodas , were admitted to behold the subterranean Rarities , and to walk up and down in the Caves , so full of transparent stones , that the light entring in by two or three holes , made on purpose , caused it to be as light within , as if the Sun had shined there in its Meridian . In the Cave were six hundred thousand separations , capacious enough to hold above an hundred thousand bodies : they were all laid one upon another in very good order . There were several Alleys and Walks between the separations , unto which were doors of massie Gold , and in several places stood great Pots full of that Oyl of Botamine , which the Priests cast upon the bodies , when they perceive any alteration in the bodies by their smelling . By this means it happens , that there is not the least noisom smell ; but there is every where the most blessed Perfume in every corner , as if you were in a Garden of Roses , or amongst blooming Beans . When we had well viewed the Caves , I intreated Ziribabdas to shew me the Sepulchres of their Kings ; for that purpose he led us out at another door , when all the company was departed , and shewed us all their Princes sitting in Chairs of State , as if they were alive ; but this place was not in the Cave , but round about their Temple , in Closets made on purpose . The Princes were all cloathed in their Royal Attire , which they change once every year ; for that purpose the King that reigns is bound to send them Vestments according to the ancient Custom . Ziribabdas shewed us all the ancient Kings sitting in their gravity and Majesty , and pointed out to some who had been very remarkable in their Lives for some noted Actions , by which they had obliged the Nation of the Sevarites , and rendered their Names and Memories more sacred than others amongst their Posterity . He shewed us King Bormarti , who was so great a Lover of Justice , that he banished his own Son for committing a fault , and sent him to live and dye in the Islands . He told of his King Robarmi , who invented the Art of Painting , and laid the Foundations of Sevarinde . He shewed us the Body of King Darti , who built the stately Palace for the Kings of the Sevarites , and fetched the stones from the Diamant Rocks and the Mountains of Saphyr , at a great distance from thence , upon Carts driven with the Wind , with Sails as Ships . We saw King Marati , who taught the Sevarites how to make Boats , and to fish in the Rivers . We saw the Bodies of King Bumorli , Serabi , Cussori , Menari , Menasti , Nacri , Labomor , Apolori , Ribolo , Staraki , Muraki , Amlorod , and many others , who had been reverenced for some witty Invention or glorious Action , by which they had benefited Posterity as well as their own Generation . Therefore their Closets were more beautiful and richer than the rest , and they had the Honour to have their Images placed in the noted Rendezvous of the City , for all men to look upon them , and for all Posterity to reverence and respect them . By this Honour the succeeding Kings were the more incouraged to do good , and abstain from all blame ; they are the more animated to deserve well from their Generation , and to invent something to advantage their People . We walked about to see all the Rarities of this Royal Sepulchre , which exceeded in glory the richest and stateliest Palaces of our European Emperours and Kings . To speak of the rare Jewels , of the Gold and precious Stones , and of the excellent things that were never brought over nor seen in our World , I should be endless ; for here in every place there are red , yellow , white , and other transparent Stones of rare Vertues , not known to us in Europe . Orient Pearls as big as Walnuts are as ordinary as Pebble-stones in our Country . The common people polish them , and hang them in strings about their Windows ; but they seldom wear them , because they have rarer and more glorious things to put about their necks and bodies as Ornaments , than these things , which , for want of a name , I omit . Ziribabdas shewed me next the Gallery of their sacred Hieroglyphicks , which is one of the rarest things of the World. The Gallery is about half a mile long , joyning to the Temple , standing upon an Arch , under which are beautiful Walks and Closets , for the Learned Students in all Arts and Sciences to spend their time , and imploy themselves in their searches into the Mysteries of Nature . The Wall is of a white transparent stone , as clear as Crystal , and the Gallery is paved with Diamant stones square , at every six foot is a great large Window of Crystal , and the top is covered and arched over with Saphyr stone . Emeralds , Chrysolytes , Rubies , Jaspers , Beryls , and other precious Stones not known to us , are without number about in the Walls . This Gallery was built in the year 3406. after the Creation of the World , by King Murabormati , a great Philosopher , and a Learned Student of Natures Mysteries . In these Walls he caused the Rules of all sorts of Sciences , and the Principles of all manner of Arts to be ingraven in black in the white stone of the Walls , not in Characters , but in Figures and dark Enigmes and Representations . Here I beheld the shapes of all manner of Creatures of this and our World in all kind of postures and actions of life , put here to represent the sacred Mysteries thereby signified to the understanding Reader . In this Gallery were several hundred Learned Students beholding and searching into the directions that were given them by these Hieroglyphicks . And in some Closets , near adjoyning , were several companies of men discoursing and disputing about those things which were represented upon the Wall. We were introduced amongst them to look and sit with them , and observe their grave postures and mien ; but for their Learned Lectures and excellent Discourses , we understood nothing , only Sermodas told us , that here were all the Wits and Learned men of the Sevarites gathered together ; and that for their better understanding of all manner of Sciences , and to perpetuate Learning , and free it from forgetfulness , they had in the Gallery the Rules and Axioms of all Arts , with all the Definitions and other matters of any moment , needful to be known in relation to any Skill or Science ; and that when any Student doubted of any matter , in these Closets the great Doctors were met to direct and teach the ignorant , and improve all Arts and Sciences ; and that by degrees as they improved Learning by new Discoveries , they were always engraven upon the Walls , after a serious and judicial Examination of the Learned Doctors , and their Approbation of such invented things and Rules : which Hieroglyphicks were graven with the names of their Authors for a perpetual Memory . We walked three or four turns in the Gallery , and saw such variety and number of new Objects and Representations , that I have often wondered , how any one man can have that vast memory to give an interpretation to all those things of different shapes , and to comprehend all the Mysteries of such Enigmes . In some places of the Gallery the Wall was covered over with Plates of Silver , and the Hieroglyphicks were of Gold ; but generally they were in black upon a white clear stone , and so hard , that though , as I was informed by Zidi Parabas and the Priest , some of the Hieroglyphicks have been there put above a thousand years ago , yet appear as fresh , as if they had been graven but yesterday . At the end of the Gallery are two large Cabinets , of a curious workmanship , and rare stone , of a reddish colour , most beautiful to the eye , curiously cut and graven . The Cabinets are full of Pictures and Images of all sorts of Creatures , which serve the Learned in their Contemplations : here are also a great many Skeletons of many Animals , with all manner of rare things , which are to be found in this wonderful Country . Here I saw a great Saphire stone , about the bigness of a Goose , in which the Heavens and the Earth were represented very lively to the eye . In an Emerald , about the bigness of a mans head , I found in one side all manner of Birds graven with the finger of Nature , and in the other all sorts of Beasts . I saw several other precious Stones , one having the Image of a Man , another of a Horse , another of a Woman , another of a Camel , another of an Eagle , another of a River , another of a Fish , another of other Creatures , so curiously engraven , that no Artist could mend Natures work . These stones were useful not only to satisfie mens curiosity , and please the sight of the Learned ; but also to teach them several things concerning those creatures , which were thereby intimated to them . We found several Learned men observing those things , and viewing them with leisure : For that purpose are several Seats for them to sit down and contemplate . Here I saw also many Talismans , an Art altogether lost in Europe , and not to be recovered but from the Learning of the Sevarites ; for Zidi Parabas shewed me a round stone , hollow within , wherein I saw , through many parts of it transparent , a perpetual motion of Trees , Woods , wild Beasts , and many Animals , which he told me , was but a Talisman made to direct such as are Learned in this Art , how to make others for the same purpose . Some are so skilful , that with a Talisman they will kill any beast or creature at a mile distance ; but as the Sevarites are not for the destruction of creatures , but for their preservation , they never make use of this Art to do mischief , but save and comfort such creatures as are decaying , and to put life into those that are dead . Only the venemous creatures and noisom Flies , if by the procurement of any evil-spirited , such are introduced into the Country , then the Philosophers have an Art to make such a Talisman , as will not only destroy the Flies , and disarm the beast of his poysonous and ill qualities ; but severely punish the wicked Spirit , who hath been so bold as to send in such troublesom creatures into their Land. For this purpose I saw upon four corners of the great Church a great Giant of black Marble , holding in his right hand a pair of Rams horns , as they appeared to me ; but in truth it was nothing but a Talisman to keep off the Devils and evil Spirits from their Meeting-place and holy Assembles . In his left hand he held a Book open , of white Marble , in which some Characters were graven , as I was told , which the Devils cannot endure to see , and therefore keep at a distance from such places . Besides , these Learned in Talismanical Figures , have the Art to make those Talismans as have an influence not only upon bodies corporeal , but also upon the subtle Spirits of the Air , and will bind them to a good Behaviour , or drive them with vengeance off from the place , or else so benum their senses , that they can neither stir nor move , but are as so many mazed creatures , without life or motion , when they come within such a compass . For that purpose I saw upon the top of the Temple a great Eagle of Gold standing with its wings abroad on the highest Pinacle of the Temple , which Ziribabdas told me , was nothing but a Talisman made to drive away all subtle Spirits of the Air , or to hinder their malicious intents in that Sacred place , and amongst the people of the City . He told me , that they have some persons so well acquainted with that Art , that they can work wonders , and do any Miracle by their Talismans , kill and make alive , cure distempers , benum the minds and senses of men , draw together thousands of creatures and birds , and make them perform any action that may be named . I intreated Ziribabdas to let me see some of the skill of these Learned men in this Art. I importuned him so much , that he went into one of the Closets from the Gallery , and fetched to us a grave Signior about an hundred years of age , with a long beard reaching down to his knees , and a pair of large whiskers each near a foot long . He saluted me very gravely , and led me into a private Closet , which belonged to him , out of it there was a way and a door into a stone-Balcony , of a red transparent stone , with several Bosses or Apples of Gold. He had several curious Inventions , Talismans , and other things of a wonderful Art. One thing he took in hand , about the bigness of a Bushel , having several handles to it , the substance , as I thought , was of Crystal : it had several large holes : in the midst I could see many birds , all without motion , till the grave Philosopher , whose name was Zidi Mufti , pulled a string , and set them all in a motion , then did we hear the chirping of all manner of birds , so pleasantly , that we stood in a maze and wondered ; but much more , when we saw all the birds of the Air , that can be named , flying a pace towards us into the Philosophers Closet : there were Eagles , Cormorants , Magpies , Crows , Vulturs , Jack-daws , Kites , Sparrows , Falcons , &c. I numbered above a thousand , which in less than a quarter of an hour came into the Closet , and perched upon the Balcony and upon the Gallery . When Zidi Mufti saw them all come , he played another tune , and all these Birds began to dance two and two , and chirp according to their kind , very pleasantly . This sport lasted about an hour , with such a variety of action , that we could have wished it might have lasted longer . At the conclusion the Philosopher dismissed them , neither at that time did any of them injure one another , but were as quiet and harmless , as if there had been no enmity between them . When they were gone , he took the Image of a man made in Wax ; but shewing all his privy parts backwards , and with it he marched to the Balcony , where he sate up and spoke two or three hard words , to the best of my remembrance they were these , Bomralok Kostraborab Abrolakar Bourakabou Branbastrokobar Abrovora Birikabu , and immediately there came a company of men and women of the Sevarites that danced all naked before us in a beautiful Green : whiles he held the Image in that place , they were not able to depart from thence , but continued playing and dancing , and sporting with one another above an hour , shewing such antick tricks , as I never saw the like ; for all this they were not dishonest ; but immediately as soon as the Image disappeared , every one of them departed and run away ; but whiles the Image stood still , they were neither ashamed , nor could they stir from the place , so great a power these Talismans have upon the minds of men , as well as the bodies of beasts and birds . 'T is an Art which can give as much delight as profit to those that understand it well ; for they can perform those things in Nature that are most wonderful , and advantageous to the life of man. In the first Ages of the World this Art was generally known amongst the Learned : and when I saw how perfect the Sevarites were in it , I wished with all my heart , that we had but some insight into the same Art and skill for the good of our Country ; but our ignorance would slander such knowledges , and think it to be Magick , if we did not understand the depth of it , nor the causes that such men set a work , for many wonderful effects are to be produced by the inferiour causes , which are secret and hid to the most part of men ; for such is our natural unskilfulness , that we know not the hundredth part of those things that we may easily attain to . This Learned Philosopher gave me another diversion : he fetched his Instrument for that purpose , and caused such musical Sounds and Voices to be in the Air round about us at a distance , that we began to hang between fear and pleasure . When Ziribabdas saw a change in our countenance , he desired us to be contented , and assured us , that we should receive no harm . The noise and voices continued half an hour , not in the Instrument , but at a distance , and with such a variety of Sounds , that I could never imagine what it was . For whiles he stayed upon the Balcony , he turned the Instrument round with a little wheel , which was in the inside , but this had the power by the Talismanical Art to cause in the Air such shrieks , crys , hollowings , and sometimes such curious and melodious voices , that we were ravished and struck into admiration . We desired to know what it was that made that noise in the Air ; the Philosopher told us , that they were airy Spirits , which this Talisman had the power to attract , and to oblige to break out into those shrieks and crys . This caused us to wonder the more , that this corporeal Instrument , which seemed to have nothing but material , should draw together on a sudden such powerful Spirits , and oblige them to give sport to men . I concluded from these Examples , that he that understands well the Talismanical Art , is able to do any thing in Nature , to work wonders and miracles , and to delight himself with any kind of sport when he pleaseth . After these passages , I saw another Philosopher , very well skilled in this curious Art , bring before Sevarminas threescore Lions roaring , with an hundred Bears , twenty wild Horses , two hundred Mastiffs , thirty Leopards , forty wild Bulls , which he caused first to cry every one according to his custom and nature , then the Philosopher forced them to dance whiles he played upon a musical Instrument , and they performed this as exactly , as if they had been taught on purpose ; but when he saw his time , he set them all together by the ears , the Dogs , the Lions , and the Bears , every one pitched upon his Enemy , and began a pleasant Fight , which lasted two full hours , with a great deal of variety of sport , which caused Sevarminas and all his Court ost-times to laugh heartily . When he hath a desire to take any such diversion , he sends for some of these men skilled in the Talismanical Art , and they answer his expectations in all things , and bring before him whom , and what they please . We returned our thanks to this worthy Philosopher for his great pains . He answered , that he was glad to give us any delight , and that if we would visit him at some other more convenient time , he would shew us some more of his skill in acting greater wonders , than what we had seen ; but that he had done this only to divert us for the present , because he saw that we could not stay with him long ; but if we would see more wonderful things , that we should do well to come to him some morning , and to spend a whole day with him , and that then he would shew us what we had never seen , nor never should see but by his and his Companions means . We returned him our thanks again for his great kindness , and then departed with Ziribabdas , who led us next to see the Treasury of the Church , which is a large Room joyning to the Porch , all arched above , with six Windows on the top : the Walls were of Diamant , niched with Saphirs and Emeralds , in it were Chests and Coffers full of the rarest things in Nature , offered to the service of the great God by the Citizens of Sevarinde . We beheld with admiration the rare workmanship , the curious things , and the Excellencies that had been there laid up by many Ages , and never made use of . Some Pictures were upon the Walls of this Treasury , of an admirable hand : Ziribabdas told us , that the Painter was an European , cast upon their Coasts by a storm at Sea , and that he lived and dyed in that Country ; and that the Father of Sevarminas had such an affection for him , that he gave him a beautiful young Virgin to Wife , one of the most considerable of his Court , and gave him an Estate to live on , having made him a Citizen of Sevarinde : and that he lived there fifty years , till he was an old man , leaving behind him many children , Girls and Boys , to perpetuate his name amongst the Sevarites . His name was Simeon van Zurich , a Dutch man , who had a great skill in Swimming ; for when he was cast away , all the Ships company was lost , but only him : they were at a distance from the shore , and could not so well swim , or were devoured by the fishes . It was his fortune to be carried stark naked on the Coast of the Sevarites , in an Island full of Ladies of Pleasure , who had been banished thither for their incontinency . As soon as it was day , he found himself surrounded by a whole Troop of the female Sex , who had a great delight to see him , and came to draw him into the Country ; but when he saw no men , he was afraid to venture amongst them : this caused him to swim up the River into the Land in the sight of these beautiful Creatures that accompanied on the shore , and often made signs to him to land , and go no further ; but he continued on till he landed amongst the innocent Sevarambi , who cloathed and brought him to their King. He was by him entertained courteously and nobly , and provided for the rest of his days . When we had taken notice of the Treasury , and of all the great Rarities that are in it , we marched into the Church or Temple again to see the excellent Workmanship , the Carving , and rare things that adorn this excellent place . Ziribabdas caused us to take notice of three Partitions in the Temple , the one , which is at the higher end , is only for their Priests and their King : the second is for their Nobles : the third is for all sorts of persons promiscuously without exception . By that time we had seen all this , the night drew on apace , which caused us to withdraw towards our Lodgings . Zidi Parabas led me , and Sermodas went with Maurice , our other Companions followed us to our Lodgings . We took our leaves of the generous and civil Ziribabdas , the Chief Priest of that stately and glorious Cathedral-Temple of Sevarinde , and thanked him heartily for his great courtesie shewed to us . When we came to our Lodgings , we found our Supper ready , and we were no less prepared for it ; but Zidi Parabas returned to the Palace , to give Sevarminas an account of his Commission and of our Walk , promising to return to us the next day . Sermodas , my self , and Companions supped that night together , the Musick playing all the while we were eating . After Supper we had good store of rare Wines brought to us , which we received and made good use of ; but , as we understood , that the Sevarites hate Drunkards and drunkenness , I advised all my Companions to drink moderately , for fear of giving an offence to those noble people . They followed my advice , and after an hour or two's discourse with Sermodas , we went to our beds , where we had been the night before . Sermodas brought us into the Chamber , and then bid us good night , telling us , that he would call us up the next day , and shew us some other diversions , as pleasant as those of the day before . We thanked him , and told him , that we should be ready to wait upon him , and that we had seen so many wonders already , that we thought that we could never see any more : at those words he departed smiling . The next morning Zidi Parabas and Sermodas , with twenty more Gentlemen of the Kings Court , came to attend upon us , Sermodas only entring the room , the rest stayed in a Chamber hard by till we were dressed . As soon as we were ready , two Fellows , with Flutes in their hands , ready to play , saluted us , offering to conduct us to the company that stayed for us : they marched before us , making most curious Musick , till we came to the company . A grave Signior of them stood with Zidi Parabas , and told us , that we must that day ride with Sevarminas into the Country , and that he had sent them to call upon us for that purpose . Sermodas had caused some of the excellent Wines of the Country to be brought , he caused some to be poured forth into a great shell of a Fish , which is the ordinary Drinking vessels of that Country . He caused us to taste of it , and obliged all the company , before we went out , to pledge us : which when we had done , Zidi Parabas led us to the door , where we saw as many Dromedaries ready sadled as we were men : we mounted upon them that were prepared for us ; but when I inquired for a Bridle , they bid me take hold of the Ears ; for in this Country these Creatures have Ears of an incredible length , they are commonly an Ell long , but very slender : so that they are fastened together as the Reins of a Bridle , at the end , with a Clasp , or some such thing . This men hold in their hands , and with this they govern or turn them at their pleasure . I must confess , I was afraid when I was first mounted upon this strange beast , which is so swift , that in a day we rid over hedges and ditches and uneven places , above one hundred and fifty miles . We went through the streets to the Kings Palace , where we attended not long before there came out a great Train with Sevarminas himself , I and my Companions alighted to salute and do him reverence . He inquired how we had thrived , whether we wanted any thing ; we assured him , that amongst so courteous and obliging a People as his Subjects were , we thought that we could not possibly want any manner of thing needful for the life of man. He bid us get up again and ride along with him , we were in all near a thousand , all on swift Dromedaries : the Kings was as white as Snow , all the rest either red or black . It seems Sermodas had given the King an account of the passages of the former day : so that , to increase the more our wonder , he was resolved to shew us the excellency of his Country , and many other rare things ; for that purpose he had appointed in our Road towards the Confines , all the ingenious men to meet us at every Town with their Talismans in their hands ready to shew us their skill and sport . We had not gone above two Leagues Southward , but we came to a Town called by the Sevarites Magmandi , where thirty Philosophers met the King ; and to welcome him , they had a Talisman ready to make a Louse grow in an instant as big as a Camel. I saw the beast , and admired how such things could be done by a man , and as they told me , that they did it by the natural causes alone , without the concurrence of any other thing . As soon as the Philosopher had turned the Louse into a Camel , he mounted upon it , and offered his service to Sevarminas to wait upon him in his Progress , which was accepted . And if I should say , that this strange Camel gallopped , or rather flew , as fast as any of our Dromedaries , scarce any person will believe it : yet true it is , that this new-made creature led the way before us , and returned back with 〈…〉 the wing no signs of being weary : in 〈…〉 Provender the Philosopher had 〈…〉 himself with a bottle of Spirits , 〈…〉 he would sometimes , as I took 〈…〉 , pour into the Camels Ears , and-by that means kept the beast alive and vigorous . Another of these Philosophers had got a Flea in his hand , which , with an Image of Wax , he turned into a Dromedary , so like that which the King was upon , that I could not tell how to distinguish them . I saw the Flea which he held in a silken string , he shewed it to all our company , and before us , by an application of the Talismanical Figure , the Flea began to dilate it self into the body of a Camel , and out of the body the legs and ears and head broke out almost like a Snail when it goes to creep , or like a Tortoise . All this was done in less than a quarter of an hour . He also had a Saddle ready to ride along with us in the company of the King and his Nobles . I confess , I took these two Learned Sevarites for Conjurers , if not for Devils in mens shape . When Zidi Parabas perceived in our way , that Maurice whispered to me , he drew near to me , and assured me , that they could do more wonderful Feats than that by their great Art , and that what they had done , was done by the secret power of natural causes , set on work by the influence of the Talisman . I told him , that I could wish , that we in our Country had the same skill and knowledge : but he answered , That such Mysteries are not fit but for men of the most refined Wits , and that no dull or vicious apprehensions can be capable of the sublime Notions that such men must have to act such Wonders , and to find out the way to make such strange Talismans . Another of these Philosophers , who stood within some golden Rails adjoyning to the High-way , had in his hand a naked Image of Wax , representing a young Girl , which Image he turned about his head , with some hard words which he uttered out of his mouth , and immediately there came to the place all the young Maidens within a certain distance , and threw off their garments with their modesty , in my judgment ; but the religious Sevarites are not ashamed to behold what Nature teaches other men to cover . These Maidens leaped over the Rails about threescore in number , and began a most pleasant Dance upon the green grass before all our company , the Philosopher having appointed a Musician ready for that purpose , who played all the while upon his Instrument of Musick , according to which these Maidens leaped and danced up and down , which gave Sevarminas much sport and to all his Court ; but when the Philosopher began to turn away , and cover the waxen Image , they took all their garments again , and departed with much satisfaction , because they had given some delight to their Prince , whom all the Sevarites reverence as they do a visible God ; they are therefore very joyful , when they can do any thing to please and delight him . The rest of the Philosophers shewed every one in his turn what he was able to do . One held a Mouse by the tail in one hand , and his Talisman in the other , and threw the Mouse behind Sevarminas upon his Dromedary , which as soon as it was there , but a moment , it had the power to attract one of the most beautiful Virgins , whom I saw straggling behind the King. This thing caused the whole company to burst out in laughter ; for she was just putting on her Apparel with the rest of her Companions , when the Talisman tyed her hands and feet , and drew her on a sudden , so that she was seen to leap all naked through the midst of us behind the King , where she remained till the Philosopher drew her back with the Talisman , and caused her to put on her cleaths and depart . Another of these Makers of Talismans was blowing with a Pipe at the breech of a Cat , which swelled bigger than any Elephant : when therefore he saw his time , he turned the tail towards the company , and by a secret Talisman gave liberty to the wind to go softly out by the same hole where it was put in . The noise was so delightful , that I never heard more variety and sweoter Musick in my days ; for the Philosopher stroked the Cats back and belly , and as he pressed it harder or softer , the wind would go out and whistle all sorts of Tunes . The King himself and all the company desired the Learned man to come to Court as soon as he should return , and give them that sport , which they fancied very much . I looked upon the Cat , whether it was alive , and I saw that it was a natural Cat , much like the Civet-Cats ; for besides the Musick , the Air was filled with such excellent and glorious smells , that we were all ravished and in a maze , how this could come to pass . All the rest shewed some trick or other , but for brevity sake I omit them , to give an account of our Journey . I cannot here describe the number of beautiful Fabricks , of Orchards full of all manner of Fruit-trees , Gardens with all kind of Flowers , Herbs , and Plants , both delightful to the eye , and useful to the body . I cannot number all the other Rarities and Riches which this Country was full of , with the pleasant Chanels of Crystal-water , with the Bridges and Arches in our way , with the many Towns walled and open , most of precious Stones , and adorned with Gold and Silver , and Ivory , and all manner of Riches . If I should give a particular account , no person can believe , unless he had been himself an Eye-witness of the things that we saw then in our Journey . We went through Parascali , a good Town , where the River Omer joyns with Rocara . The Inhabitants were so civil , that they met the King with rich Tables of Gold , covered all over with Dishes of Sweet-meats , of a China substance and make . Every Cavaliero had liberty to take what pleased him best . Whiles we stayed there , some Philosophers stood in our way to give us some of the former sports : at last he that was mounted upon his Camel , made of a Louse , caused two great wings to grow out at the back , by the means of a Talisman , which he had brought with him in his hand . As soon as they were perfected , the Camel flew up to the top of the great Steeple of the Temple of Parascali , where it stood a while with the Philosopher on its back : at last it returned to us again without any harm either to the beast or the man. The next Town was Moramir , the third Storax , the fourth Bolaciro , the fifth Memrak , the sixth Burino , where we stopt to take a Dinner prepared for us . I must not forget to mention certain Images that stood in the High-way , at the entring in of the Town ; there were two chief , a young Maid of Alabaster , and a Man of white Marble . The Philosophers Camel would not go beyond them , till he began to prick the beast forward with a Talisman . If it had not been for this accident , I should not have taken so much notice of them , nor inquired after the cause of their being there . Zidi Parabas gave me full satisfaction , and told me , that they were the Images of two unfortunate Lovers of the Town of Burino , who had been constant to one another , till death separated them , their love and constant affection caused their deaths : For it happened , that their Parents would not consent to their conjunction , which they dared not agree to without their leave , and the publick Solemnity , for fear of the disgrace which usually , as a consequence , attends upon such kind of amorous indiscretions in the Country of the Sevarites . They were therefore resolved to love one another tenderly , and to refuse all other Matches and Proffers . They had been often tempted with other Proposals , and with the Beauty and Riches of other Parties ; but Ziricus and Malimna , so were they named by Zidi Parabas , flighted all things but the sight and company of one another , which they would endeavour to injoy by stealth , because they were narrowly watched by their jealous Parents , who by no means would suffer them to come near together with their good will. Their love by this restraint increased more and more , and their mutual affection found many Tricks and Arts to meet together in spight of their Parents watchfulness . They found many back doors and secret corners , to which their extraordinary Sympathy brought them together : yet they would not be perswaded to violate the Law of the Sevarites . This Love continued near forty years with a constancy worthy to be chronicled ; yet their Parents would never consent to their Marriage . At last when they saw , that neither their affection , nor their resolution never to change could prevail upon their cruel Parents , and their invincible obstinacy , they consulted betwixt themselves to depart together out of the Kingdom , and to marry in some other Land. Whiles they were in this resolution , they knew not which way to go , because the passages were narrowly guarded . At a meeting therefore , an old crafty Devil appears to them in the likeness of a man , and offers them his service to assist them over the Seas . They agreed for a price to be transported to an Island not inhabited , upon the Pacifick Sea , with some Tools , and grain for their maintenance . The Devil , in the shape of a Sevarite , promised to bring them a Ship in the dead time of the night to the great River of Rocara ; for they thought he had been some Sea-man or Ship-master . The time and place of departing was appointed . The young Couple , according to their ingagement , came to the place a little before the evening ; and when they saw that the Devil was rough to them , and had cloven feet , they began to suspect , yet they were so passionate for one another , and therefore so blind , that the woman first ventured her self in the Arms of the Devil to be carried through the water to the Ship , which they saw in the River : the young man intending to follow next ; but the wicked Devil , instead of conveying the young Virgin safe aboard , plunged and held her under water till she was stifled and dead , and that in sight of her Sweet-heart , who as soon as he heard her begin to shriek , and saw what was practising against her life and his , it is not to be imagined what torments and trouble of mind he was in , sometimes with his Sword in his hand he ran into the water up to the neck , again he would return up to the bank , to see whether his dearly Beloved was yet alive , again he would run into the River , till at last , when he perceived the wickedness of the counterfeit Devil , he cast himself cesperately into the River ; and though he had never any skill to swim , his love for his Beloved , for whom he had a more tender affection than for his own soul , made him venture , and found a means to get as far as the body of his murdered Darling , which he brought ashore , and seeing no sign of life , he killed himself , and fell upon her body . In remembrance of this Tragedy the Town hath dedicated these two Images , the one to Ziricus , and the other to Malimna , with a great many lesser Images of young Men and Maidens , that are all weeping for the misfortune of these two constant Lovers . This story Zidi Parabas told me , whiles the Dinner was bringing in to the great Hall of Ivory , where the King Sevarminas was to dine with all his Court. When we were sate down , we had all things needful presented before us , with a Concert of Musick mingled with rare Voices of some Virgins of the City . After this , a Philosopher brought in a Silver Chain , a great white Rat , about the bigness of a good Rabbet , which leaped upon the Table near Sevarminas , and looked wishfully upon him when he was eating ; but when the Rat saw that the King said nothing , the Rat reached forth its paw or foot , and took some of the meat . The King was not a little surprised with the Rats boldness : How now ! said he , did your Master teach you this ? The Philosopher by the Talismanical Art could make it speak what he listed , for he could govern the tongue of the little creature in that manner , that what was in his mind the beast would speak : By your leave , my Lord , quoth the Rat to the King , I am hungry . The Rats speech surprised the King , and all the company left their meat to hear the discourse between the King and the Rat ; for the Philosopher told his Majesty , That it would give him any answer that he would desire . They not knowing from whence it proceeded no more than we , they stood to see what the Rat would say : the Rat was neither ashamed , nor afraid of the company , but went from one dish to another to taste which was the best ; it met with an Ostrich-Pye , on which it fell aboard without any manners : the King bid it be gone , I 'le fill my belly first , answered the Rat , now I am here . King , I command thee to be gone . Rat , I love this company too well to run away in haste . King , Make haste . Rat , We must do nothing rashly . King , Thou wilt eat all . Rat , There is enough in the Land for you and me too . King , Who tutored thee ? Rat , My Master . Several other discourses past between Sevarminas and this artificial creature , which was made to speak , not by its own understanding , but by that of the Philosopher only ; by the Talismanical Art he could make use of the organ and tongue of the Rat to speak what was according to his mind . This was a curious passage , and gave the whole company great delight . The Philosopher told Sevarminas , That he could make any beast , that was tame , to speak in that manner , and say any thing . We found this to be too true ; for afterwards another Learned man had taught a Camel , another an Ass , another a Dromedary , another a tame Lion to say any thing , with as much reason , as if they had been rational creatures , whereas it was but the organ of their tongue that was made use of by the strong power of a Talisman to turn which way , and articulate whatsoever the Author of the Talisman pleased . We stayed not long in the place ; but as soon as we had all dined , and refreshed our selves , we mounted upon our Dromedaries , and went on in our Journey . The Louse , Camel , and the Flea turned into a Dromedary , going with us in our company , we passed by a curious Town that stood upon an Hill , which had a plentiful stream of water rising from the top , and falling from a steep place upon a Diamant Rock , and then incompassed the Hill round with a deep Chanel , over which there was a curious Bridge of precious Stones , with Silver Globes on the top , and the sides of the Walls with a most beautiful Arch , the most regularly built that I ever knew . The Towns name is Tiftani , commanded by a Prince , the most considerable of all the Subjects of Sevarminas , he came out to meet us with a beautiful Guard of young Gallants , all cloathed in Cloth of Silver . The Princess also came to the entring in of the Town with a beautiful Attendance of Ladies in their rich Attire covered over with Pearls , and the richest and most precious Stones . They made a low obeisance to King Sevarminas , and offered him the Keys of their City , which he returned to the Prince Muraski : that was the name of the Prince , who was young , about the age of thirty years . We passed through the streets through the Acclamations and Applauses of all the Common people , that are the happiest in the World in all respects ; for they pay but little or no Tribute , and have all things in such abundance , glory , and plenty , that there is no want nor complaints in all the Land , the poorest Sevarite hath enough , and the richest can have no more than they use , for all the rest is superfluous . The next Town was Tiptanicar , where upon an high Tower stood a Talisman of Gold , for what intent I could never learn. We went through Muramni , Borascot , Malavisi , and several other good walled Towns in our way . We lodged that night in one of the Kings Palaces , situate in a little Lake , about ten miles in compass , in an Island that stands in the middle . Several Boats and Vessels waited for us to convey us and our Dromedaries over to the Island . This place is one of the most pleasant abodes of the World. Here we stop'd above a fortnight , which we spent sometimes in fishing , sometimes in hunting , walking about , and admiring the wonderful things that appeared every where . Sometimes the Kings Philosophers together with the Musicians , would make us such good sport , that we were never weary , we could have spent the days and the nights in seeing such sports and pass-times . Sevarminas all this while sent for me often , with De Nuits and Maurice , to discourse with us , and inform himself concerning the Affairs , Commodities , and Conveniencies of our Country : in which particulars I always gave him such answers as would increase his desire to entertain a Trade and Correspondency with our Nation , and the other People of Europe . When we had lived here in this Castle , and pleasant Island called the Isle of Foxes , and in the Sevarites Language Cristako , we set forward for another place called the Mount Timpani , where the Kings of the Sevarites have another House of Pleasure : it is about an hundred Leagues distant towards the Southwest from Cristako . We passed through many Woods , Vallies , and an open Country in our way to it , and had the sight of several rare Towns , Seravi , Puteoli , Nanti , Quarok , Runtour , and several others no less rich and beautiful than the former . I cannot forget to mention a rare Invention which I saw at Seravi . There is a large River about two miles distant from the Town , which stands upon a Hill without any water . The ingenious Sevarites therefore have found an Art to convey this great River in an artificial Chanel , built and supported upon an Arch of hard Diamant stone , above two miles from one Hill to the other , over a deep Valley , into which the River did run before ; but because the Valley was not so wholesom an Air as the top of the Mountain , they have built there their houses , and been at the trouble to make for the River an artificial Chanel , so deep , that Boats of an hundred Tun can sail up and down in the driest time of Summer ; for there is scarce any mud or dirt in the Chanel over the Valley : the water is as clear as Crystal . In another Town called Runtour , there was a company of Apes met us at the entry in of the Town : they were so bold , that they leapt upon the backs of our Dromedaries , and put us in no little danger to be cast to the ground . But one of our Philosophers pulled out of his pocket a strange Talisman , of a yellow colour , through which there was a hole which he clapt to his lips , and whistled away the Apes . They were not gone ten paces from us , but they all fell down dead with the venemous Spirits which this Talisman conveyed to them without hurting any creature else ; for you must know , that what is a poyson to one creature , is not so to another , and these skillful men so well read in the secret Mysteries of Nature , can direct their operations which way they please , at a distance as well as near at hand . The King of the Sevarites hath always one or more of these Philosophers to accompany him when he goes into the Country , for fear any accident might happen to his Person or Retinue . We found a plentiful Dinner prepared for us at Nanti , where the Ladies of the Town waited upon Sevarminas at the Table , and came to the rest of his Company to offer their Services . The Governors name was Forabo , an old grave Signior near fourscore years of age , he had twenty Sons comely and proper young men , with five Daughters , all by one Woman , whose name was Pluralis : she was then a grave Matron of a beautiful and grave countenance , her Daughters young Ladies followed her when she came to salute Sevarminas and his Lords . We made no long stay in this place , but marched next to the Mount Timpani , but could not get thither till the next day at night ; we lodged therefore in the Town of Durambi , and the next day early in the morning we set forward in our Journey to mount Timpani , where we arrived about Sun-set . There happened nothing in this days riding remarkable , only Maurices Dromedary being offended that he had kicked her with his heel , cast him to the ground , and bruised his thigh and arm ; but the Kings Physician applying an Herb called Muroz , which he found in the fields hard by , cured the wound , eased him presently of his pain , so that he never complained afterwards . The nature of these creatures is such , that they must be gently dealt withal , otherwise they become furious and mad : but if the Rider handles them softly , there is no beast so gentle , so easie , and useful . Mount Timpani is a pleasant Hill crowned on the top with all manner of the most beautiful Trees in Nature , bearing all sorts of Fruits . In the midst is the Kings Palace moted round . The water runs from six great Fountains , which are on the top of the Hill , unto which there is an easie ascent on the side of the Hill : about half a mile from the Castle is a Town of the same name , very glorious to the eye when the Sun shines . The Castle or the Kings Palace is about a mile in circumference , with strong Walls of clear stones , of a white and reddish colour , such as I never saw the like before . It was well furnished with all manner of Houshold-stuff , the richest that I ever beheld : the large and spacious Rooms , Chambers , and Halls , and Galleries , with their Ornaments , were not to be numbered . At our first arrival , the Governor of the Town , with the chief Inhabitants , came to wait upon their King , who shewed them a great deal of respect as belonged to his loving Subjects . All this while he had concealed the cause of his Journey to that place , and would not let any person , not his own Son , nor any of his Privy Counsellors understand any thing of it , till three or four days after our arrival ; for it becomes a great Prince , who intends to act securely in weighty matters , not to let any man , not his greatest Friends , know his intentions to the full . Sevarminas having here a great business to put in execution , which concerned nothing less than the safety and peace of his Empire , he concealed it from all the world , and gave out , that he would make this Progress for his pastime and for his health . The Governors name was Smuriamnas , a man of an ancient Family , lineally descended from the great Sevarias , but young and very ambitious , and no less proud and haughty amongst his Equals , which caused his People not to affect him so much as otherwise they would have done . At our arrival he came to pay his Homage and Respects to Sevarminas his Prince , and the next day invited him and all the Court to a costly and sumptuous Banquet . I and my Companions , together with Sermodas and Zidi Parabas , were lodged in a spacious Chamber , where were twenty Beds of Ivory and Gold , with curious Curtains of Silk embroidered with Gold , with the Walls hung with Pictures , very well and artificially drawn . After Supper we went to take our leaves of King Sevarminas , and were immediately conducted to our Chamber , where we rested sweetly , till the next morning the noise of the Trumpets , Bag-pipes , Flutes , Viols , and Violins , Harps , Guitars , and all manner of Musick played at the Kings rising . This pleasant and ravishing Harmony awakened us and our Chamber-fellows , and obliged us to put on our Apparel . We walked about the Chamber a while , discoursing of the strange passages of our Journey , when in came a Messenger from the King to call us to him . He had an intent to walk about his Parks , and view the Town before Dinner . He was therefore willing , that we Strangers might go along with him , not only for our satisfaction , but also to shew his People men of foreign Nations come to adore and worship him . The Parks were all walled round with many Lakes , Ponds , Rivers , and Streams of Water full of all manner of wild and tame Fowl , with all sorts of Beasts , Deer of all kinds , Rabbets , Hares , and a sort of Creature named Buffoli , which hath no joynts in its fore-legs , and nevertheless runs as swift as any other beast . In the Parks we had the sight of many Trees and Woods , where the Birds and wild Fowl and Beasts use to shelter themselves . After this Walk we marched into the Town , all our Company , where the Governor at the entrance received us with his Family ; but the Citizens , with the chief men , stood at a distance , crying out , men , women , and children in their Language , Marabi , Marabi , Marabi , that is , Justice , Justice , Justice . I saw at this sudden cry the Governors countenance change : he nevertheless drew near to Sevarminas with all the respect imaginable ; but he received him with a setled countenance , and asked what the people meant by their Marabi . Before he had time to answer , one of the chief of the Sevarites stept forward , followed by all the rest . They all fell upon their knees , and bowing to Sevarminas , they humbly intreated him , that he would listen to and pity their grievance . What is the matter ? answered he . One of them stood up , and in the Governors presence spoke to him in this manner : Most Noble and ever Glorious Monarch , we your Subjects are heartily glad to see you amongst us , we have longed a great while to have you here to free us from an intolerable burden . Prince Smuriamnas our Governor forgetting the blessed Rules of our great Sevarias , oppresseth us contrary to all Law and Justice , and hath spilled the innocent blood of many of our friends , whose Souls will not suffer us to sleep in quiet , till their deaths be revenged . We have often admonished him to recal him from his perverse and wicked practices ; but to all our admonitions he hath returned nothing but curses and blows without mercy : so that for these many years we have lived as so many slaves ; and unless your glorious Majesty will relieve us , we must forsake him and his Principality , and seek our remedy in a retreat far from him . But we expect from your Justice and Goodness that relief which you have afforded to many of your poor Subjects in such like cases . This Speech made Smuriamnas faint away , so that he fell down as dead before the whole company ; but Sevarminas caused him to be taken up , and his Physician to take care of him . Sevarminas expected this complaint before he heard it . His coming was to remove and punish Smuriamnas , and place in his stead his eldest Son Suricolis , a young Man of an excellent beauty , who waited upon him from his youth . As soon as he heard the peoples grievance , he assured them , that he would severely punish him according to Law , and cause them to receive satisfaction , wishing them all to depart home with this assurance , without noise or tumult , and to be ready when his Judges should be ready to examine their Cause , to bring in their Allegations and Proofs against Smuriamnas . In the mean while Sevarminas would not go to the Palace of Smuriamnas as he was invited , nor to the Town Hall , where the Chief of the Town promised to bring him a Dinner ; but he returned with all his Train to the Castle , where Dinner was ready for us . He gave Order , that Smuriamnas should be kept in a close Prison , joyning to the place of Judicature , till the next day ; for then he intended , with the Advice of his Court , to punish him according to the Laws of the Land ; for it seems he had been guilty of Murder , and Violence , and Oppression , and had not observed the sacred Laws of the Sevarites in his Jurisdiction . The next day we went down into the Town to accompany Sevarminas , who sate down upon an high Throne prepared for him , under a Canopy of Gold , embroidered ; round about sate and stood his religious Counsellors and Judges . When it was noised about the Town , that Sevarminas was sate in his Judgment-seat , for it was not above nine of the clock in the morning , the whole Town came to the place , with intention to accuse Smuriamnas , who was brought before the King with his hands tied behind his back . Presently there came a Widow with four young Infants weeping , because Smuriamnas had killed her Husband in his anger , for no other cause , but because he would not comply with his irregular commands . She proved it against him by no less than ten Witnesses , who were there present upon the place . Another stept up and said , That he had killed his Brother , producing sufficient Witnesses that saw the Murder . Another complained of the destroying of his Friend privately : others came forth to declare how Smuriamnas had oppressed them with cruel Exactions . The King desired no other proof of these Accusations , but the view of his body without a disguise , covering , or paint : For , as I said before , as soon as men amongst the Sevarites have committed any wickedness , there is immediately an alteration upon the body and skin of the Offendor , that declares what he hath done . That this might not appear , Smuriamnas had made use of the Talismanical Art and of Painting , by the one to keep down all tumors and rising in his face and hands , and by the other to cover all ugly colours that were upon his skin . Therefore the King commanded him to be stript naked , and carried into a Bath , and there to be rub'd and washed , which accordingly was done . When he was brought back , I never saw such a disfigured Creature , his arms were as black as pitch , his hands all gore blood , his face as green as grass , his legs as yellow as saffron , on his back and legs appeared two Tumors about the bigness of Walnuts . When he appeared so odious to the company , the King passed his Sentence upon him , to the great joy of the Inhabitants : and because blood requires blood , and no other Crime is to be punished with death but Murder amongst the Sevarites , the King delivered him to the will of the aggrieved parties to put him to death . They took him first and whipped him , till his body was full of scars and wounds , which they anointed with honey , and then tyed him upon an high place in the middle of their Town with his face upwards . As soon as he was there , a Swarm of Wasps and Bees flew about him , with some Vulturs and Eagles , which devoured him in two days : so that there was nothing remaining of his body but the bones . The King condescended to this exemplary punishment , the rather , because Smuriamnas had a design to alter the Government of the Sevarites , and revolt from his obedience : for that purpose he had endeavoured to perswade some other petty Princes to joyn with him against their Soveraign King Sevarminas . Yet he was so gracious to call his Son in the prefence of all the Chief men of the Town , and to restore him to his Fathers Estate and Goods , without the least diminution of any thing . He gave him this admonition in the prefence of a multitude of people : Suricolis , said the King , thou hast seen a severe Example of Justice upon thy Father for abusing his Power and Authority , I might make that use of his Crime , to deprive all his Family from any such opportunity of doing a mischief ; but I consider , that thy Religious inclinations have often caused thee to disallow thy Fathers proceedings , and to blame him for the liberty he took contrary to Justice and Law. I consider , that thou art as likely to do as much good as Smuriamnas hath done mischief . I restore thee not only to thy Fathers Estate , but likewise to his Authority and Command . Take heed that thou followest not thy Fathers Example : let not thy Glory puff thee up with pride , nor thy Power cause thee to act contrary to Reason and Law : remember that there is a punishment for evil doers , as there are rewards for the just : behave thy self with that discretion and moderation , that thou mayst have the commendation rather than the condemnation of thy Country-men , that thou mayst deserve well from me and them . This Clemency and Justice made Sevarminas to be praised in all parts amongst the Sevarites ; for thereby all persons were obliged , and thereby secured from such like violences , and the noble Family of Smuriamnas continued in its Splendour and Glory , only a rotten Member was taken out of the way for the Publick good . After this piece of Justice , we remained there about a month , which Sevarminas spent in regulating all those things-that were amiss in the Government of Smuriamnas through his ill Management of Affairs . Afterwards he left there the new Governor Suricolis to do Justice in his absence , commanding him to be impartial in all his publick Actions , and to abstain from the Vices unto which his Father was inclinable , which cast him into the dangerous precipice of destruction . We departed from thence with the blessings and good wishes of all the Inhabitants , and in three days we returned to Sevarinde , where our coming was expected with much impatience ; for in the Kings absence that City could not be governed well by any other person . Some disorders therefore had happened , which the Viceroy could not pacifie without the Kings Authority and Presence . The whole City met us at two miles from the place , and in a most beautiful order marched along with us into Sevarinde . I continued in the City about half a year , which I spent in inquiring after the Conveniencies of the Country , the Sea-Ports , the Commodities and Riches that it brings forth , that I might give that information to my Country-men , which might benefit them in future Ages after my return to my own Country ; for we were in expectation of a Ship from Batavia , whither we had again sent some of our men with a Vessel , which we had recovered amongst the Sporvi , to desire the Governor of Batavia to send a Ship that might convey away our Goods and persons . But whiles I stayed there , a young Lady of Sevarinde , who had lost her Husband by death , fell in love with Maurice , and often treated us very nobly in her house . Manrice was no Sevarite , and could not refrain from some amorous embrances , which the Lady gladly accepted of ; for it was not lawful by the Law of the Sevarites to match with any other generation . But to cover their actions , the Lady had made use of the skill of the Philosophers to keep down the Tumors in her skin and body , and to paint Maurices face and hands , which hindered their secret correspondency from being known abroad . I must needs confess , that Maurices happiness caused me to look abroad , and see whether I could meet with the same Fortune : For that purpose I walked about the City often , early and late , to see what I should by chance meet with . About a month before our departure from Sevarinde , a young Gentlewoman , who had Father and Mother , and never knew a man , invited me into a Garden , where she was alone , in the Spanish Tongue . I was glad of this opportunity , we walked therefore several turns together , talking of divers matters : at last she opened her mind to me in this manner . Sir , I understand by your countenance , that you are a Stranger , our King Sevarminas hath a great esteem for you , as well as my Father and Mother : we have often talked of you and your religious behaviour since your coming into our Country ; we shall therefore be glad to be acquainted with you ; for in my Fathers name I will bid you welcome , and will assure you , that he will give you a kind reception ; for he is a Merchant , and conveys Commodities from City to City amongst the Sevarites . Sir , modesty will not give me leave to tell you more of my mind ; but when we shall be better acquainted , I hope — With these words she broke off with a modest blush upon her Cheeks . The young Woman was most beautiful , and was cloathed in white Silk , with a Girdle of pure Gold , all beset with precious Stones about her middle . She inquired whether I were not married in my own Country , I assured her , that I was not : upon this , she confessed her amorous inclinations for me , but withal told me , that every thing must be performed in due time , and that she would not precipitate the business , but wished me to ask her Fathers consent , assuring me , that she would willingly leave all to live and dye with a man of that sweet temper and disposition that I was of . Her loving Complements I answered with Caresses , and assured her , that I should think my self happy in her injoyment . We spent some time together to begin our acquaintance , and to inform ourselves of one anothers Conditions and Estate ; but the night obliged me to leave her for that time , and return to my Lodgings . When I gave Maurice an account of all particulars , he advised me not to neglect the offer , but to visit her in her Fathers house ; for himself and his Lady , he told me , that he was resolved to carry her with him to Batavia , where he intended to live and dye with her : and though Women amongst the Sevarites are forbidden Goods , and that it is not lawful to transport them to other Countries , he was perswaded by the means of friends with Sevarminas , to get that liberty and priviledge , which was never granted to any before . This discourse and his hopes made me conceive the same . I went therefore often to see the young Lady , who entertained me and my Companions very courteously , as well as her Father and Mother . After several Visits , I opened the matter to the Parents in their Daughters absence ; they made some difficulty , because of the Laws of the Country , and my inclinations to return into my own Country . But when I told them , that we had Plantations in Batavia , not far from thence , and that I would live and dye with her there , they began to yield to my request , in case Sevarminas would dispense with the Law of the Land , and suffer me to carry her away . This I told them , that I would endeavour to obtain from his goodness . I cannot give an exact account of all our pleasant meetings , of the rare things she discovered to me , of the delightful Walks , and other things which pass all imagination . But certainly her company and sweet Conversation made me spend my time with great contentment . In order to our Marriage , when the Portion was agreed upon , I caused Zidi Parabas and Ziribabdas , my two intimate Friends , to open the business to King Sevarminas , that we might have his approbation and consent to that which was not agreeable with the ancient Laws of the Sevarites . But in regard we had behaved our selves so religiously since our being in the Country , he thought it no disgrace to grant us more liberty than ordinary . After this business had been debated in his Privy Council , it was resolved that this course should be taken to oblige us the more , and invite our Country men to trade with his People . Therefore I had a leave to marry publickly my young Mistress , and Maùrice also had a Dispensation to take to Wife his courteous Lady . When all these things were agreed upon , the day was appointed , for both King Sevarminas , and all the Nobles of his Court , assisted at the Solemnity , and brought us to his Royal Palace , where he bestowed upon us most rich and glorious Gifts , and entertained our new and young Wives with a sumptuous Feast , at which they had the Honour to sit next the Queen . The Ceremony of Marriage was performed in the great Temple of Sevarinde , by breaking of bread , and joyning of hands , with many Prayers and Blessings from their Priests . It was concluded with a Dance and Musick , where all the young Ladies of the Court shewed their activity . Before the Marriage was concluded , a Ship was arrived amongst the Sporvi from Batavia , where Meen Heer van Plumerick commanded in Chief . As soon as we had news of this Ship , we went and gave an account of its arrival to Sevarminas , who desired us to send for the Captain Van Plumerick , and promised , that then we should have liberty to depart along with him , with our Wives , and such things as belonged to us , to Batavia , or whither we had a mind to go . We thanked him for his great and extraordinary Civilities , and told him , that we would spread his Fame all over the World. According to this Order , Sermodas was sent back to Sporunde , to fetch Captain Van Plumerick , whose Ship had Orders to get into the River of Rocara . He came with some kind of reluctancy , not knowing the Civilities and good Entertainment that we had found amongst the Sevarites . But when he was arrived , and saw the Riches and Happiness of the People and Country , and found them , as well as we , to be men of Faith , good Behaviour , and Honesty , he was not sorry for his condescension to this request . After his arrival to Sevarinde , we remained there two months , which we spent in merry Sports , Feasts , Banquets , Hunting , Hawking , and all manner of Delights , according to the custom of that glorious Court. Sevarminas was well pleased with the Conversation of Van Plumerick ; for he was a gallant Man , and knew so well how to hit the humor of Sevarminas , that the King gave him very rich Presents . His Ship had Orders to draw near to the Borders of the Sevarites into the River Rocara , because we might more conveniently load our Goods , and because Sevarminas had a great desire to go on board , and see the manner and fashions of our Ships of War , and the great Guns that were on board . To comply with his desire , we all went to the banks of the River Rocara , where the Ship rode at an Anchor , trimmed and flourishing with Garlands and Pendents of all colours . Sevarminas , accompanied by all his Court , was carried in the Captains Pinnace that waited for him , with several other Boats : when he was aboard , the Cannon and Trumpets bid him welcome . The Captain presented him with some Rarities , which they have not in that Country . He gave him a Watch , a Clock , Guns of an extraordinary make , with many other things of Europe . After a Banquet in the great Cabin of the Ship , he returned to the shore , very well satisfied with his Entertainment . He desired one or two of our great Guns ; for he intended to have some cast of Silver , because he had no Brass nor Bell-metal in all his Country . We returned with him to Sevarinde , and then taking our farewel of all our Friends and Relations , we carried away our Goods , and shipped them aboard . Van Plumericks Ship , with our Wives , and all our Company , set sail towards Batavia ; but a storm , or rather a Hurricane at Sea , had a most driven us back again on the shore . We escaped narrowly by the great skill of the Mariners , and the watchfulness and vigilancy of the Captain : so that in six days , or thereabouts , after the storm , we had sight of a Cape in Batavia , where we landed , to the great joy of all our Country-men , who were desirous to see the new Country that we had discovered , when we shewed them our Riches and Jewels , and gave them an account of the excellent People that inhabit there . FINIS . A Catalogue of some Books Printed for , and Sold by H. Brome , since the dreadful Fire of London , to 1676. DR . Woodford on the Psalms . — His Divine Poems . The Reformed Monastery , or the Love of Jesus . Bishop Wilkins Natural Religion . 130 Sermons by Mr. Farindon , in three Vol. in Folio . Dr. Heylin on the Creed , Fol. A Guide to Eternity , by John Bona. Practical Rules for a Holy Life . Dr. Du Moulins Prayers . A Guide to Heaven , with a Rule of Life . Bishop Wilkins Real Character . A Companion to the Temple , or a help to Publick Devotion , by Dr. Comber , in Octavo , 4 Vol. Holy Anthems of the Church . A Looking-glass for Loyalty . The Fathers Legacy to his Children , being the Whole Duty of Man. Gerhard's Meditations in Latine . Several Sermons at Court , &c. Papal Tyranny , as it was exercised over England for some Ages , with two Sermons on the fifth of November . And several Tracts more against Popery . Histories . The Life of the Duke of Espernon , the great Favourite of France , from 1598. where D' Avila leaves off , to our times , by Charles Cotton Esq in Folio . The History of the Charter-house . The State of the Ottoman Empire , with Cuts , by P. Ricaut Esq in Octavo . The Lives of the Grand Viziers . Bishop Cosin against Transubstantiation . The Common Law Epitomized . The Commentaries of Mr. Blaiz de Montluck , the great Favourite of France , in which are contained all the Sieges , Battels , Skirmishes , for three Kings Reigns , by Charles Cotton Esq in Folio . The Fair One of Tunis , a new Piece of Gallantry , by C. C. Esq in Octavo . Erasmus Coll. in English , Octavo . Poems . Elvira , a Comedy by the Earl of Bristol . Mr. A. Bromes Songs and Poems , Octavo . Horace his Works Englished by several Persons . Virgil Travestie , by C. C. Esq . Lucian's Dialogues , Burlesque . Horace , with a Song at every Act , by Charles Cotton Esq . Mr. Cowlys Satyr against Separatists . Dr. Guidet's History of Bath . Dr. Barbettes and Dr. Deckers excellent Practice of Physick , and Observations . Sir K. Digby , his excellent Receipts in Physick and Chirurgery , and of Drinks and Cookery . The Anatomy of the Elder-tree . Dr. Glisson , De Vita Naturae , Quarto . — His Anatomia . The Universal Angler , in three Parts . Lord Bacons Advancement of Learning . The Planters Manual , very useful for such as are curious in Planting and Grafting , by C. Cotton , Esq . The Complete Gamester . Dr. Skinner's Lexicon , in Folio , 1 l. 5 s. Papists no Catholicks . The Jesuits Loyalty answered . 16 Controversial Letters , in Quarto . The Growth of Knavery and Popery . Essays of Love and Marriage , Duod . Dr. Moulin's Education of Children . The Vindication of the Clergy . Toleration discussed . A Treatise of Humane Reason , in 12. School-Books . Nolens Volens , or you shall make Latine . Pools Pernassus in English . Centum Fabulae , in Octavo . Artis Oratoriae . The Scholars Guide from the Accidence to the University . Sir James Dyer's Reports , Folio . The Exact Constable Enlarged . The Plague of Athens , by Dr. Sprat . Six Witty Conversations . Mr. Sarazins Ingenious Works . Coke of Trade . Sir Ph. Meadows Wars of Denmark and Sweden . The Geographical Dictionary . Vossius's Motion of the Seas and Winds . Mr. Sympsons Compendium of Musick . — His Division Viols . Banisters New Airs and Dialogues . Old Father Christmas Arraigned and Condemned . Leyburns Arithmetical Recreations . Dr. Fords Discourse on the Man whose Hands and Legs rotted off , for stealing a Bible , and denying it . Five Love-Letters . 
A45613	----	The common-wealth of Oceana Harrington, James, 1611-1677. 1656 Approx. 706 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 154 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45613 Wing H809 ESTC R18610 12213232 ocm 12213232 56348 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45613) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56348) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 919:2) The common-wealth of Oceana Harrington, James, 1611-1677. [12], 210 [i.e. 309], [2] p. Printed by J. Streater for Livewell Chapman, and are to be sold at his shop ...., London : 1656. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Attributed to James Harrington. cf. BM. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Utopias. 2004-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion JAMES HARRINGTON THE Common-Wealth OF OCEANA Tantalus a labris sitiens , fugientia captat Flumina : quid rides ? mutato nomine , de te Fabula narratur . — Hor. LONDON , Printed by J. Streater , for Livewell Chapman , and are to be sold at his Shop at the Crown in Popes-Head-Alley , 1656. THE COMMON-VVEALTH OF Oceana . Dedicated To His HIGHNESSE THE Lord Protector OF The Common-Wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland . By James Harrington . Epistle to the Reader . SIR , If this Writing be not acceptable , here is already enough , and too much of it , but if it be , it is but a rough draught ; for I have not been yet two years about it , nor ever saw all or halfe my Papers together : And now in the bringing them to light , they have been dispersed into three Presses , where because I could not be present at them all , I was present at none , by which means the weaknesse of my performance , hath been so strangely managed for the worse , that I am quite out of countenance at my worke , which the ensuing errors mended , will not be perfect , but not mended , is not to be understood : Wherefore let me intreat you before you cast away the time in beginning to read , that you mend the Faults according unto the ensuing Correstions : Which done , I dare promise you that if I have not made you a good flight , I have sprung you the best Quarry : For though the Discourses be full of crudities , the Modell hath had perfect concoction . Errors of the Impression Page . Line . To be thus Corrected . INTRODUCTION .       Thee ? thy . 1 4 Thee , the. The Government . 2 36 That Government . For shaking off the Yoake . 3 11 For shaking the Yoak . The effects . 4 17 Those effects . PRELIMINARYS .       Translation . 1 10 Transition . Metius . 5 33 Melius . Comes . 6 24 Come . First he holdeth . 6 32 He holdeth . Circussians . 8 45 Circassians . Governments . 9 8 Government . Oposite . 9 35 Opposed . Naturally . 14 21 Maturely . Their ten . 16 2 Thirteen . Talmudest . 16 19 Talmudists . Of others . 17 21 All other . The Senate . 18 4 This Senate . Common-wealth . 21 36 Common-wealths . And foundation . 22 36 Or foundation . Superstructions . 22 36 Superstructures . Had no sufficient . 26 38 Had sufficient . Distributed them into . 32 24 Distributed into . Have overwhelmed . 33 6 Overwhelmed . Vavosor . 33 32 Vavasor . Mediately the Teutons . 34 9 Mediately by the Teutons . Vavosor vavosory . 35 13 Vavasor Vavasory . Vavosors vavosaryes . 35 34 Vavasors vavasorys . The mighty creaturs . 38 24 The mighty ; creaturs . Freinds . 40 8 Hiends . That makes . 43 6 Makes . Mamalines . 43 21 Mamaluc's . Through . 43 32 Though . Corrupt : in a people . 45 40 Corruption . That prudence of . 46 4 That of . Had nothing . 47 20 And had nothing . MODELL .       Gnavan . 56 24 Gnacion . Either the powr . 57 2 The powre . Sense . 57 4 Cense . Vnto . 57 5 Into . Be rang . 60 35 Be rung . Of the Ballot . 63 37 By the Ballott . The Hall. 79 30 The Halo . A Knight a Deputy . 79 36 A Knight or Deputy . Vnto the same or any other . 79 38 Into the Galaxy of the same or any other . Her ballance . 86 1 Such a ballance . As. 86 37 Is. This. 89 14 His. The estate of the Citizen being as little capable of encrease , as that of the Common-wealth . 91 13 The estate of the City being as little capable of encrease as that of the Cittizen . In the fifteenth Order , for the page is wrong marked ▪ For first Region , line 3. read Third Region . For third Region , line 4. read first Region . For received the first , line 5. read received the third . Spread . 94 24 Had spread . The. 101 23 This. Or many . 104 29 Many . Their children . 109 17 His children . Their brocage . 109 19 His brocage . The Romances . 110 7 Your Romances . These . 112 4 Those . The People . 112 13 That People . Containe . 121 45 Continue . Seale . 122 7 Seate . Seale . 122 9 Seate . Examined . 131 17 Perused . Of the third . 140 13 Of the first . Another . 140 31 Other . Of Ballottine . 140 35 Or Ballottine . The model . 143 15 This model . Gentilman . 143 17 Gentilmen . The agent . 143 19 Your agent . Noblisse . 144 2 Noblesse . Gothickes . 144 22 Gothicke . A leur ayte . 145 20 A leur aise . Deverte . 147 7 Devest . That the Nobility be . 148 24 That the Nobility only be . And. 150 6 For. Stolo d' Enyo . 151 17 Dolabella d' Enyo . Later . 152 17 Late . Ly they . 152 27 Lyes it . The Galaxys . 153 10 Your Galaxys . Provosts . 155 9 Our Provosts . Nime . 155 35 Mine . Dimicantes . 159 24 Demicantes . Which . 164 27 And. Not these . 170 33 Not these only . Cornupedum . 172 12 Cornipedum . The Common w : 173 24 Your Common w : In the Prerogative . 176 19 In your Prerogative . Porposed . 178 13 Proposed . My. 178 24 May. The Tribunes . 180 14 The Tribunes , if the case be criminal . The Haukes . 187 27 Your Haukes . In esset . 184 20 In isset . Dieij . 187 22 Dieci . Of her Tapestry . 191 7 Of Tapestry . To nothing . 197 28 For nothing . And though . 198 14 Though . Beane . 198 24 Beast . Answare . 201 8 Reply . Which . 202 18 What. Amounts . 202 27 It amounts . Pointed . 203 24 Appointed . Waste . 204 2 The waste . Vrbane . 205 7 The Urbane . Obtained . 205 18 Attained . Moysances . 205 34 Nuysances . Tribes . 205 41 Wards . Censors . 206 19 Nine Censors . Preferred . 206 33 Presented . Make. 209 4 Making . That age . 210 32 The age . Esay . 210 34 Essays . Their. 218 14 These . Instance . 220 22 I instance . And Polemarch . 221 30 And a Polemarch . Flaminus . 222 5 Flamines . Cuntry . 222 14 Cuntrys . To the Elect. 222 21 To Elect. The. 223 6 Your . The. 223 6 Your . They. 223 11 When they . Religion . 223 13 Religion . ) Of State. ) 223 14 Of State. Du prete . 224 2 Da prete . The Clergy , 224 5 Your Clergy . Worke. 227 26 Worse . A Mark. — A Mark. — A Mark. — A Spanell questing hath sprung my Book out of one Presse into two other , wherefore you will find the Retrieve , or that which followes next , differently marked from what went before ; and the Corollary from this . RETREIVE .       Rubs . 157 16 Rub. Peice . As. 157 20 peice , then . Of the world , which then . 157 30 Of the world , then . Carkasses . 160 13 Carkasse . Have . 160 27 Leave . Have . 160 29 Hath . ( As the case stood with such . ) 165 24 ( As the case stood . ) Be a Patronage . 266 21 Be Patronage . The. 270 22 Your . Charge . 270 32 Change. The matters . 270 32 Your matters . Your Legislators . 281 26 The Legislators . To heare . 283 15 Where . COROLLARY .       But whereas . 191 2 And whereas . Or. 191 25 Nor. The Traine being for . 192 33 The Traine , for . Tue. 195 39 Virtue . Out thine . 195 40 Outshine . Shall be . 196 38 Be. Shall be , 196 39 Be. Shall be . 197 6 Be. Of. 197 23 At. Pulce . 197 35 Pulse . Forth . 200 8 For. Nor might . 204 27 Not might that . Polymarches . 206 24 Polemarches . Kiera . 207 28 Hiera . Horses . 208 24 Forces . Destraction . 209 13 Detestation . Syracusans . 209 37 Syracusians . Is. 210 12 As. Patrae . 211 1 Patriae . The armes . 233 17 Your armes . Calamity : whereupon . 234 29 Calamity , whereupon . Captaines , Cornets . 239 32 Captaines : Cornets . The Introduction or Order of the Work. OCeana is saluted by the Panegyrist after this manner ; O the most blessed and fortunate of all Countreys Oceana ! How deservedly hath Nature with the bounties of Heaven and Earth endued thee ? thy ever fruitfull womb not closed with ▪ Ice , nor dissolved by the raging Star ; where Ceres and Bacchus are perpetuall Twins . Thy Woods are not the harbour of devouring beasts ; nor thy continuall Verdure , the ambush of Serpents : but the food of innumerable herds and flocks presenting thee their Shepherdesse with distended dugs or golden Fleeces . The Wings of thy Night involve thee not in the horrour of darknesse , but have still some white feather , and thy Day is that for which we esteem life , the longest . But this Extasie of Plinie's ( as is observed by Bertius ) seemeth to allude as well unto Marpesia and Panopea , now Provinces of this Common-Wealth as unto Oceana her self . To speak of the people in each of these Countreys , this of Oceana for so soft an one , is the most martiall in the whole World. Let States that aym at greatnesse ( saith Verulamius ) take heed how their Nobility and Gentlemen do multiply too fast , for that maketh the common Subject grow to be a Peasant and base Swain driven out of heart , and in effect but a Gentlemans labourer : Even as you may see in Coppice Woods , if you leave the Staddles too thick , you shall never have clean underwood , but shrubbs and bushes : So in Countries , if the Gentlemen be too many , the Commons will be base ; and you will bring it to that , that not the hundredth pole will be fit for an Helmet ; especially as to the Infantry which is the nerve of an Army , and so there will be great population and little strength . This which I speak of hath been no where better seen then by comparing of Oceana and France , whereof Oceana though far lesse in territory and population hath been neverthelesse an overmatch ! in regard the middle people of Oceana make good Souldiers , which the Peasants in France do not . In which words , Verulamius ( as Machiavill hath done before him ) harps much upon a string which he hath not perfectly tuned , and that is the ballance of Dominion or Propriety : as it followeth more plainly in his praise of the profound and admirable device of Panurgus King of Oceana , in making Farms and houses of Husbandry of a Standard , that is , maintained with such a proportion of Land unto them , as may breed a Subject to live in convenient plenty , and no servile condition , and to keep the Plough in the hand of the owners , and not meer hirelings : and thus indeed ( saith he ) you shall attain unto Virgil's Character which he gives of ancient Italy : Terra potens armis atque ubere glebae . But the Tillage bringing up a good Souldiery , bringeth up a good Common-Wealth : which the Author in the praise of Panurgus did not mind , nor Panurgus in deserving that praise ; for where the owner of the Plough comes to have the Sword too , he will use it in defence of his own ; whence it hath happened , that the people of Oceana in proportion unto their propriety have been alwaies free : and the Genius of this Nation hath ever had some resemblance with that of antient Italy , which was wholly addicted unto Common-Wealths , and where Rome came to make the greatest accompt of her Rustick Tribes , and to call her Consuls from the Plough ; for in the way of Parliaments , which was the Government of this Realm , men of Country Lives have been still intrusted with the greatest affairs , and the people have constantly had an aversion from the wayes of the Court , Ambition loving to be gay , and to fawn , hath been a gallantry looked upon as having something in it of the Livery ; and Husbandry or the Country way of life , though of a grosser spinning , as the best stuffe of a Common-wealth according unto Aristotle , ( Agricolarum democratica respublica optima ) such an one being the most obstinate assertresse of her liberty , and the least subject unto innovation or turbulency : Wherefore till the foundations ( as will be hereafter shewed ) were removed , this people was observed to be the least subject unto shakings and turbulency of any : Whereas Common-wealths , upon which the City life hath had the stronger influence , as Athens , have seldome or never been quiet , but at the best are found to have injured their own businesse by overdoing it . Whence the Urbane Tribes of Rome consisting of the Turbaforensis , Libertines that had received their freedom by manumission , were of no reputation in comparison of the Rusticks . It is true , that with Venice it may seem to be otherwise , in regard the Gentlemen ( for so are all such called as have right unto the Government ) are wholly addicted unto the City life ▪ but then the Turbaforensis , the Secretaries , cittadini , with the rest of the populacy are wholly excluded ; otherwise a Common-wealth consisting but of one City , would doubtlesse be stormy , in regard that ambition would be every mans trade : but where it consisteth of a Country , the plough in the hands of the owner , findeth him a better calling , and produceth the most innocent and steddy Genius of a Common-wealth , such as is that of Oceana . Marpesia being the Northern part of the same Island , is the dry nurse of a populous and hardy people ; but where the Staddles have been formerly too thick : whence their courage answered not unto their hardinesse , except in the Nobility , who governed that Country much after the manner of Poland , save that the King was not elective , till the people received their liberty , the yoke of the Nobility being broken by the Common-Wealth of Oceana : which in grateful return is thereby provided with an inexhaustible Magazeen of Auxiliaries : Panopea , the soft mother of a slothful and pusillanimous people , is a neighbour Island , anciently subjected by the Arms of Oceana ; since , almost depopulated for shaking off the Yoke , and at length replanted with a new Race . But ( through what vertues of the soyl , or vice of the air soever it be ) they come still to degenerate : wherefore seeing it is neither likely to yield men fit for Arms , nor necessary it should ; it had been the interest of Oceana , so to have disposed of this Province , being both rich in the nature of the soyl , and full of commodious Ports for Trade , that it might have been ordered for the best in relation unto her purse ▪ Which in my opinion ( if it had been thought upon in time ) might have been best done by planting it with Jewes , allowing them their own Rites and Lawes , for that would have brought them suddainly from all parts of the World , and in sufficient numbers ; and though the Jews be now altogether for Merchandize , yet in the Land of Canaan ( since their exile from whence they have not been Landlords ) they were altogether for agriculture ; and there is no cause why a man should doubt , but having a fruitfull Country and good Ports too , they would be good at both . Panopea well peopled , would be worth a matter of four millions dry rents , that is , besides the advantage of the agriculture and Trade , which with a Nation of that industry comes at least unto as much more . Wherefore Panopea being farm'd out unto the Jews , and their heirs for ever , for the pay of a Provincial-Army to protect them during the term of seven years , and for two millions annual revenue from that time forward ; besides , the Customs , which would pay the Provincial Army , would have been a bargain of such advantage , both unto them and this Common-Wealth , as is not to be found otherwise by either . To receive the Jewes after any other manner into a Common-wealth , were to maim it : for they of all Nations never incorporate , but taking up the room of a Limb , are of no use or office unto the body , while they suck the nourishment which would sustain a natural and useful member . If Panopea had been so disposed of , that Knapsack , with the Marpesian Auxilliary , had been an inestimable treasure ; the situation of these Countries being Islands , ( as appeaas by Venice how advantagious such an one is to the like Government ) seemeth to have been designed by God for a Common-wealth : and yet that through the streightnesse of the place , and defect of proper Arms , can be no more then a Common-wealth for preservation ; whereas this reduced unto the like Government is a Common-wealth for encrease ; and upon the mightiest foundation that any hath been laid from the beginning of the World unto this day . ( Illam arctâ capiens Neptunus compede stringit : Hanc autem glaucis captus complectitur ulnis . ) The Sea giveth law unto the growth of Venice , but the growth of Oceana giveth law unto the Sea. These Countries having been anciently distinct and hostile Kingdoms , came by Morpheus the Marpesian , who succeeded by hereditary right unto the Crown of Oceana , not onely to be joyned under one head , but to be cast , as it were by a charm , into that profound sleep , which broken at the length by the Trumpet of Civill War , hath produced the effects , that have given the occasion unto the ensuing Discourse , divided into Four Parts . Oceana . 1. The Preliminaries , shewing the Principles of Government . 2. The Councill of Legislators , shewing the Art of making a Common-Wealth . 3. The Modell of the Common-Wealth of Oceana , shewing the effect of such Art. 4. The Corollary , shewing some consequences of such a Government . The Preliminaries , shewing the Principles of Government . JAnotti , the most excellent describer of the Common-wealth of Venice , divideth the whole Series of Government into two Times or Periods . The one ending with the liberty of Rome , which was the course or Empire , as I may call it , of antient prudence , first discovered unto mankind by God himself , in the fabrick of the Common-Wealth of Israel , and afterward picked out of his footsteps in nature , and unanimously followed by the Greeks and Romans . The other beginning with the Arms of Caesar ; which extinguishing liberty were the Translation of ancient into modern prudence , introduced by those inundations of Huns , Goths , Vandalls , Lombards , Saxons , which breaking the Roman Empire , deformed the whole face of the world , with those ill features of Government , which at this time are become far worse in these Western parts , except Venice , ( which escaping the hands of the Barbarians , by vertue of her impregnable situation , hath had her eye fixed upon ancient Prudence : and is attained to a perfection even beyond her Copy . ) Relation being had unto these two Times , Government ( to define it ( de jure ) or according to ancient Prudence ) is an Art whereby a Civil Society of men is instituted and preserved upon the foundation of common right or interest , or ( to follow Aristotle and Livy ) it is the Empire of Lawes and not of Men. And Government ( to define it ( de facto ) or according unto modern Prudence ) is an Art whereby some man , or some few men , subject a City or a Nation , and rule it according unto his or their private interest ▪ which , because the Lawes in such cases are made according to the interest of a man , or of some few Families , may be said to be the Empire of Men , and not of Lawes . The former kind is that which Machiavill ( whose Books are neglected ) is the onely Politician that hath gone about to retreive : and that , Leviathan ( who would have his Book imposed upon the Universities ) goes about to destroy . For , It is ( saith he ) another errour of Aristotle's Politicks , that in a well ordered Common-Wealth , not Men should govern , but the Lawes : What man that hath his natural Senses , though he can neither write nor read , does not find himself governed by them he fears , and believes can kill or hurt him when he obeyeth not ? or , who believes that the Law can hurt him , which is but words and paper , without the hands and swords of men ? I confesse , that ( Magistratus est lex armata ) the Magistrate upon his Bench , is that unto the Law , which a Gunner upon his Platform is unto his Cannon . Neverthelesse I should not dare to argue with a man of any ingenuity , after this manner : An whole Army , though they can neither write nor read , are not afraid of a Platform , which they know is but Earth or Stone ▪ nor of a Cannon , which without a hand to give fire unto it , is but cold Iron ; therefore a whole Army is afraid of one man. But of this kind is the ratiocination of Leviathan ( as I shall shew in divers places that come in my way ) throughout his whole Politicks , or worse ; as where he saith of Aristotle and of Cicero , of the Greeks and of the Romans , who lived under popular States , that they derived those rights not from the principles of Nature , but transcribed them into their books , out of the practice of their own Common-Wealths , as Grammarians describe the rules of Language out of Poets . Which is as if a man should tell famous Hervey , that he transcribed his Circulation of the bloud , not out of the Principles of Nature , but out of the Anatomy of this or that body . To go on therefore with this Preliminary Discourse : I shall divide it according unto the two definitions of Government relating unto Janotty's two Times ) , into two parts : the first treating of the Principles of Government in general , and according to the Ancients ; the second treating of the late Governments of Oceana in particular , and in that of Modern Prudence , Government , according to the Antients , and their learned Disciple Machiavill , ( the onely Polititian of later Ages ) is of three kinds ; The Government of One man , or of the better sort , or of the whole people : which by their more learned names are called Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy ; these they hold , through their pronenesse to degenerate , to be all evill . For whereas they that govern , should govern according to reason ; if they govern according unto passion , they do that which they should not do : Wherefore as reason and passion are two things , so Government by Reason is one thing , and the corruption of Government by Passion is another thing , but not alwaies another Government : as a body that is alive is one thing , and a body that is dead is another thing , but not alwaies another Creature , though the corruption of one come at length unto the generation of another . The corruption then of Monarchy is called Tyranny ; that of Aristocracy , Oligarchy ; and that of Democracy , Anarchy . But Legislators having found these three Governments at the best to be naught , have invented another consisting of a mixture of them all , which onely is good ; this is the doctrine of the Ancients . But Leviathan is positive , that they are all deceived , and that there is no other Government in Nature then one of the three ; as also that the flesh of them cannot stink , the names of their corruptions being but the names of mens phansies ; which will be understood when we are shown which of them was Senatus Populusque Romanus . To go mine own way , and yet to follow the Ancients : The Principles of Governments are twofold , Internal , or the goods of the Mind ; and External , or the goods of Fortune . The goods of the mind are natural or acquired virtues , as Wisdom , Prudence and Courage , &c. The goods of Fortune are Riches . There be goods also of the Body , as Health , Beauty , Strength , but these are not to be brought unto account upon this score , because if a man or an Army acquire Victory or Empire , it is more from their Discipline , Arms , and Courage , then from their natural health , beauty , or strength , in regard that a people conquered may have more of natural strength , beauty and health , and yet find little remedy . The Principles of Government then are in the goods of the mind , or in the goods of fortune . To the goods of the mind , answers Authority ; to the goods of fortune , Power or Empire . Wherefore Leviathan , though he be right where he saith , that Riches are Power ; is mistaken where he saith , that Prudence , or the reputation of Prudence is power : for the learning or prudence of a man is no more power , then the learning or prudence of a book or Authour , which is properly Authority ; a learned Writer may have authority though he have no power ; and a foolish Magistrate may have power , though he have otherwise no esteem or authority ; the difference of these two is observed by Livy in Evander , of whom saith he , ( regebat magis Authoritate quàm Imperio ) he ruled rather by authority then power . To begin with Riches , in regard that men are hung upon these , not of choice as upon the other , but of necessity and by the teeth : for as much as he who wanteth bread , is his servant that will feed him : if a man thus feed an whole people , they are under his Empire . Empire is of two kinds , Domestick and National , or Forrain and Provinciall . Domestick Empire is founded upon Dominion . Dominion is Propriety reall or personall , that is to say , in Lands , or in money and goods . Lands , or the parts and parcels of a Territory , are held by the Proprietor or Proprietors , Lord or Lords of it , in some proportion ; and such ( except it be in a City that hath little or no Land , and whose revenue is in Trade ) as is the proportion or ballance of dominion or property in Land , such is the nature of the Empire . If one man be sole Landlord of a Territory , or overballance the people , for example , three parts in four , he is Grand Signior : for so the Turk is called from his Property ; and his Empire is absolute Monarchy . If the Few or a Nobility , or a Nobility with the Clergy be Landlords , or overballance the people unto the like proportion , it makes the Gothick ballance ( to be shewn at large , in the second part of this Discourse ) and the Empire is mixed Monarchy , as that of Spain , Poland , and late of Oceana . And if the whole people be Landlords , or hold the Lands so divided among them , that no one man , or number of men , within the compasse of the Few or Aristocracy , overballance them , the Empire ( without the interposition of foree ) is a Common-Wealth . If force be interposed in any of these three cases , it must either frame the Government unto the foundation , or the foundation unto the Government ; or holding the Government not according unto the ballance , it is not natural , but violent : and therefore if it be at the devotion of a Prince , it is Tyranny ; if at the devotion of the Few , Oligarchy ; or if in the power of the People , Anarchy : each of which confusions , the ballance standing otherwise , is but of short continuance ; because against the nature of the ballance , which not destroyed , destroyeth that which opposeth it . But there be certain other confusions , which being rooted in the ballance are of longer continuance , and of greater horror ; as first , where a Nobility holdeth half the Property , or about that proportion , and the people the other half ; in which case without altering the ballance , there is no remedy but the one must eat out the other : as the people did the Nobility in Athens , and the Nobility the people in Rome . Secondly , when a Prince holdeth about half the Dominion , and the people the other half , which was the case of the Roman Emperours , planted partly upon their military Colonies , and partly upon the Senate and the people , the Government becometh a very shambles both of the Princes and the people . Somewhat of this nature are certain Governments at this day ; which are said to subsist by confusion . In this case to fix the ballance is , to entail misery : But in the three former not to fix it is , to loose the Government . Wherefore it being unlawfull in Turky , that any should possesse Land but the Grand Signior , the ballance is fixed by the Law , and that Empire firm . Nor , though the Kings often fell , was the Throne of Oceana known to shake , untill the Statute of Alienations broke the pillars , by giving way unto the Nobility to sell their Estates , ( Si terra recedat , Jonium Aegaeo frangat mare . ) Lacedemon while she held unto her division of Land made by Lycurgus , was immoveable , but breaking that , could stand no longer . This kind of Law fixing the ballance in Lands is called Agrarian , and was first introduced by God himself , who divided the Land of Canaan unto his people by Lots , and is of such virtue , that where ever it hath held , that Government hath not alter'd , except by consent : as in that unparallell'd example of the people of Israel , when being in liberty they would needs choose a King. But without an Agrarian , Government whether Monarchical , Aristocraticall , or Popular , hath no long Lease . For Dominion personal or in money , it may now and then stir up a Metius or a Manlius , which if the Common-wealth be not provided with some kind of Dictatorian power , may be dangerous , though it have been seldom or never successefull : because unto propriety producing Empire , it is required that it should have some certain root or foot-hold , which , except in Land , it cannot have , being otherwise as it were upon the wing . Neverthelesse , in such Cities as subsist most by Trade , and have little or no Land as Holland and Genoa ; the ballance of Treasure may be equal unto that of Land in the cases mentioned . But Leviathan , though he seem to scew at Antiquity , following his furious Master Carneades , hath caught hold of the publick sword , unto which he reduceth all manner and matter of Government ; as , where he affirms , this opinion , ( that any Monarch receiveth his power by Covenant , that is to say , upon conditions ) to proceed from the not understanding the easie truth , That covenants being but words and breath , have no power to oblige , contain , constrain or protect any man , but what they have from the publick sword . But as he said of the Law , that without this sword it is but paper ; so he might have thought of this sword , that without an hand it is but cold iron . The hand which holdeth this sword is the Militia of a Nation ; and the Militia of a Nation , is either an Army in the field , or ready for the field upon occasion . But an Army is a beast that hath a great belly and must be fed ; wherefore this will come unto what pastures you have , and what pastures you have will come unto the ballance of propriety , without which the publick sword is but a name or meer spit-frog . Wherefore to set that which Leviathan saith of Arms and of Contracts a little streighter ; he that can graze this beast with the great belly , as the Turk doth his Timariots , may well deride him that imagines he received his power by covenant , or is obliged unto any such toy : it being in this case onely that covenants are but words and breath . But if the propriety of the Nobility stocked with their Tenants and retainers be the pasture of that beast , the Ox knowes his Masters Crib ; and it is impossible for a King in such a constitution , to raign otherwise then by Covenant ; or if he break it , it is words that comes to blowes . But , sairh he , when an Assembly of men is made Soveraign , then no man imagineth any such Covenant to have past in the Institution ▪ but what was that by Publicola , of appeal unto the people , or that whereby the people had their Tribunes ? Fy , saith he , No body is so dull as to say , that the People of Rome made a Covenant with the Romans , to hold the Soveraignty on such or such conditions ; which not performed , the Romans might depose the Roman people . In which there be remarkable things ; for first , he holdeth the Common-wealth of Rome to have consisted of one assembly , whereas it consisted of the Senate and the People ; That they were not upon covenant , whereas every Law enacted by them was a covenant between them . That the one Assembly was made Soveraign , whereas the people who onely were Soveraign , were such from the beginning , as appears by the ancient style of their Covenants or Laws ( censuere Patres , jussit Populus ) : That a Councill being made Soveraign , cannot be made such upon conditions ; whereas ▪ the Decemviri being a Council that was made Soveraign , was made such upon conditions . That all conditions or covenants making a Soveraign , the Soveraign being made , are void ; whence it must follow , that the Decemvirs being made , were ever after the lawful Government of Rome , and that it was unlawful for the Common-wealth of Rome to depose the Decemvirs : as also that Cicero , if he writ otherwise out of his Common-wealth , did not write out of Nature . But to come unto others that see more of this ballance . You have Aristotle full of it in divers places , especially where he saith , that Immoderate Wealth , as where One man or the Few have greater possessions than equality or the frame of the Common-wealth will bear , is an occasion of Sedition , which ends for the greater part in Monarchy ; and that for this cause the Ostracisme hath been received in divers places , as in Argos and Athens . But that it were better to prevent the growth in the beginning , then , when it hath gotten head , to seek the remedy of such an evil . Machiavill hath missed it very narrowly and more dangerously , for not fully perceiving , that if a Common-wealth be galled by the Gentry , it is by their overballance ; he speaks of the Gentry as hostile to popular Governments , and of popular Governments as hostile unto the Gentry ; and makes us believe , that the people in such are so enraged against them , that where they meet a Gentleman they kill him ; which can never be proved by any one example , unlesse in civill Warr ; seeing that even in Switz the Gentry are not onely safe , but in honour . But the ballance as I have laid it down , though unseen by Machiavill , is that which interpreteth him , and that which he confirmeth by his Judgment in many other as well as in this place , where he concludes , That he who will go about to make a Common-Wealth where there be many Gentlemen , unlesse he first destroy them , undertakes an impossibility : and that he who goes about to introduce Monarchy where the condition of the people is equal , shall never bring it to passe , unlesse he cull out such of them as are the most turbulent and ambitious , and make them Gentlemen or Noblemen , not in name but in effect , that is , by enriching them with Lands , Castles , and Treasures , that may gain them power amongst the rest , and bring in the rest unto dependence upon themselves , to the end that they maintaining their ambition by the Prince , the Prince may maintain his power by them . Wherefore as in this place I agree with Machiavill , that a Nobility or Gentry overballancing a popular Government , is the utter bane and destruction of it ; so I shall shew in another , that a Nobility or Gentry in a popular Government not overballancing it , is the very life and soul of it . By what hath been said , it should seem that we may lay aside farther disputes of the publick Sword , or of the right of the Militia ; which , be the Government what it will , or let it change how it can , is inseparable from the overballance in dominion : nor , if otherwise stated by the Law or Custome as in the Common-wealth of Rome ( Consules sine lège Curiata rem militarem attingere non potuerunt ) where the people having the sword , the Nobility came to have the overballance ; availeth it unto other end than destruction : for as a building swaying from the foundation must fall , so the Law swaying from reason , and the Militia from the ballance of Dominion . And so much for the ballance of Nationall or Domestick Empire which is in Dominion . The ballance of Forraign or Provincial Empire is of a contrary nature . A man may as well say that it is unlawfull for him who hath made a fair and honest purchase to have tenants , as for a Government that hath made a just progresse , and inlargement of it self , to have Provinces . But how a Province may be justly acquired , appertaineth to another place ; in this I am to shew no more , then how or upon what kind of ballance it is to be held ; in order whereunto , I shall first shew upon what kind of ballance it is not to be held . It hath been said , that National or Independent Empire , of what kind soever , is to be exercised by them that have the proper ballance of Dominion in the Nation ; wherefore Provincial or dependent Empire is not to be exercised by them that have the ballance of Dominion in the Province , because that would bring the Government from Provinciall and dependent , to National and independent . Absolute Monarchy , as that of the Turks , neither planteth her people at home nor abroad , otherwise then as Tenants for life or at will ; wherefore her National and her provincial Government is all one . But in Governments that admit the Citizen or Subject unto dominion in Lands , the richest are they that share most of the power at home : whereas the richest among the Provincials , though native Subjects , or Citizens that have been transplanted , are least admitted to the Government abroad : for men like flowers or roots being transplanted take after the soyl wherein they grow . Wherefore the Common-wealth of Rome , by planting Colonies of her Citizens within the bound of Italy , took the best way of propagating her self , and naturalizing the Country ; whereas if she had planted such Colonies without the bounds of Italy , it would have alien'd the Citizens , and given a root unto liberty abroad , that might have sprung up forraign or savage and hostile to her ; wherefore she never made any such dispersion of her self and her strength , till she was under the yoke of her Emperours , who disburdening themselves of the people , as having lesse apprehension of what they could do abroad then at home , took a contrary course . The Mamaluc's , ( which till any man shew me the contrary , I shall presume to have been a Common-wealth consisting of an Army , whereof the common Souldier was the People , the Commission-Officer the Senate , and the General the Prince ) were forraigners , and by Nation Circussians , that govern'd Aegypt ; wherefore these never durst plant themselves upon Dominion , which growing naturally up into the National interest must have dissolved the forraign yoke in that Province . The like in some sort may be said of Venice , the Government whereof is usually mistaken : for Venice , though she do not take in the people , never excluded them . This Common-wealth , the Orders whereof are the most Democratical or Popular of all others , in regard of the exquisite Rotation of the Senate , at the first institution took in the whole people ; they that now live under the Governments without participation of it , are such as have since either voluntarily chosen so to do , or were subdued by Arms. Wherefore the Subject of Venice is governed by Provinces , and the ballance of Dominion not standing , as hath been said , with Provincial Government : as the Mamaluc's durst not cast their Government upon this ballance in their Provinces , lest the National interest should have rooted out the forraign ; so neither dare the Venetians take in their Subjects upon this ballance , lest the forraign interest should root out the Nationall , which is that of the 3000 now governing ; and by diffusing the Common-Wealth throughout her Territories , lose the advantage of her situation , by which in a great part she subsisteth . And such also is the Government of the Spaniard in the Indies , unto which he deputeth Natives of his own Country , not admitting the Creolios unto the Government of those Provinces ; though descended from Spaniards . But if a Prince or a Common-wealth may hold a Territory that is forraign in this , it may be asked , why he may not hold one that is Native in like manner ? To which I answer , because he can hold a forreign by a Native territory , but not a Native by a Forreign ; and as hitherto I have shewn what is not the Provinciall ballance , so by this answer it may appear what it is , namely the overballance of a native Territory to a forraign ; for as one Country ballanceth it self by the distribution of propriety according unto the proportion of the same , so one Country over ballanceth another , by advantage of divers kinds . For example , the Common-wealth of Rome overballanced her provinces by the vigour of a more excellent Government opposite unto a crazier , or by a more exquisite Militia opposed unto one inferiour in Courage or discipline : The like was that of the Mamaluc's being an hardy , unto the Aepgytians that were a soft people . And the ballance of a situation is in this kind , of wonderfull effect ; seeing the King of Denmark , being none of the most potent Princes , is able at the Sound to take Tole of the greatest : and as this King by the advantage of the Land can make the Sea tributary ; so Venice ; by the advantage of the Sea , in whose arms she is impregnable , can make the Land to feed her Gulph . For the Colonies in the Indies , they are yet babes that cannot live without sucking the breasts of their mother-Cities , but such as , I mistake , if when they come of age they do not wean themselves : which causeth me to wonder at Princes that delight to be exhausted in that way . And so much for the principles of power whether National or Provinciall , Domestick or Forraign ; being such as are External , and founded in the goods of Fortune . I come unto the principles of Authority , which are Internall , and founded upon the goods of the Mind ; These the Legislator that can unite in his Government with those of fortune , cometh nearest unto the work of God , whose Government consisteth of Heaven and Earth : which was said by Plato , though in different words , as , when Princes should be Philosophers , or Philosophers Princes , the world would be happy ; and saith Solomon , There is an evil which I have seen under the Sun , which proceedeth from the Ruler , ( enimvero neque nobilem , neque ingenuum , nec libertinum quidem armis praeponere , regia utilitas est , ) folly is set in great dignity , and the rich ( either in vertue and wisdome , in the goods of the mind , or those of fortune upon that ballance which giveth them a sense of the Nationall interest ) sit in low places . I have seen servants upon horses , and Princes walking as servants upon the earth . Sad complaints , that the principles of Power and of Authority , the goods of the mind , and of fortune , do not meet and twine in the wreathe or Crown of Empire ! Wherefore if we have any thing of Piety or of prudence , let us raise our selves out of the mire of private interest , unto the contemplation of Virtue , and put an hand unto the removal of this Evil from under the Sun ; this evil against which no Government that is not secured , can be good ; this evill from which the Government that is secure , must be perfect . Solomon tells us , that the cause of it is from the Ruler , from those principles of power which ballanced upon earthly trash , exclude the heavenly treasures of Virtue , and that influence of it upon Government , which is Authority . We have wandered the Earth to find out the ballance of power : but to find out that of Authority , we must ascend , as I said , nearer Heaven , or to the Image of God , which is the Soul of man. The Soul of man ( whose life or motion is perpetual contemplation or thought ) is the Mistris of two potent rivalls , the one Reason , the other Passion , that are in continuall suit ; and according as she gives up her will to these or either of them , is the felicity or misery which man partakes in this mortall life . For as what ever was passion in the contemplation of a man , being brought forth by his will into action , is vice and the bondage of Sin ; so what ever was reason in the contemplation of a man , being brought forth by his will into action , is virtue and the freedome of Soul. Again , as those actions of a man that were sin , acquire unto himself repentance or shame , and affect others with scorn or pity ; so those actions of a man that are virtue , acquire unto himself Honour , and upon others Authority . Now Government is no other then the Soul of a Nation or City : wherefore that which was reason in the debate of a Common-wealth , being brought forth by the result , must be virtue ; and for as much as the Soul of a City or Nation is the Soveraign power , her virtue must be Law. But the Government whose Law is virtue , and whose virtue is law , is the same , whose Empire is Authority , and whose Authority is Empire . Again , if the liberty of a man consist in the Empire of his reason , the absence whereof would betray him unto the bondage of his passions : Then the liberty of a Common-wealth consisteth in the Empire of her Lawes , the absence whereof would betray her unto the lasts of Tyrants : and these I conceive to be the principles , upon which Aristotle and Livy ( injuriously accused by Leviathan for not writing out of nature ) have grounded their assertion , that a Common-wealth is an Empire of Lawes and not of Men. But they must not carry it so . For , saith he , The liberty , whereof there is so frequent and honourable mention in the Histories and Philosophy of the ancient Greeks and Romans , and the Writings and Discourses of those that from them have received All their Learning in the Politicks , is not the liberty of particular men , but the liberty of the Common-wealth . He might as well have said , that the Estates of particular men in a Common-wealth , are not the riches of particular men , but the riches of the Common-wealth ; for equality of estates causeth equality of power , and equality of power is the liberty not onely of the Common-wealth , but of every man. But sure a man would never be thus irreverent with the greatest Authors , and positive against all Antiquity , without some certain demonstration of truth ; and , what is it ? Why , there is written on the Turrets of the City of Luca in great Characters at this day the word LIBERTAS , yet no man can thence infer , that a particular man hath more liberty or immunity from the service of the Common-wealth there , then in Constantinople . Whether a Common-wealth be Monarchical or Popular , the freedom is the same . The Mountain hath brought forth , and we have a little equivocation ! For to say , that a Luchese hath no more liberty or immunity from the Laws of Luca ; then a Turk hath from those of Constantinople ; and to say that a Luchese hath no more liberty or immunity by the Lawes of Luca , then a Turk hath by those of Constantinople , are pretty different speeches : the first may be said of all Governments alike ; the second scarse of any two ; much lesse of these , seeing it is known , that whereas the greatest Bashaw is a Tenant as well of his head , as of his estate , at the will of his Lord ; the meanest Luchese that hath Land , is a freeholder of both , and not to be controlled but by the Law , and that framed by every private man unto no other end , ( or they may thank themselves ) then to protect the liberty of every private man , which by that means comes to be the liberty of the Common-wealth . But seeing they that make the Lawes in Common-wealths are but men , the main question seems to be , how a Common-wealth comes to be an Empire of Lawes , and not of Men ? or how the debate or result of a Common-wealth is so sure to be according unto reason ; seeing they who debate , and they who resolve be but men . And as often as reason is against a man , so often will a man be against reason . This is thought to be a shrewd saying , but will do no harm ; for be it so , that reason is nothing but interest , there be divers interests , and so divers reasons . As first , there is Private Reason , which is the interest of a private man. Secondly , there is Reason of State , which is the interest ( or errour as was said by Solomon ) of the Ruler or Rulers , that is to say , of the Prince , of the Nobility , or of the People . Thirdly , there is that Reason which is the interest of mankind , or of the whole . Now if we see even in those natural agents that want sense , that as in themselves they have a Law which directeth them , in the means whereby they tend to their own perfection , so likewise that another Law there is , which toucheth them as they are sociable parts united into one body , a Law which bindeth them each to serve unto others good , and all to prefer the good of the whole , before whatsoever their own particular ; as when stones or heavy things forsake their ordinary wont or center , and fly upwards , as if they heard themselves commanded to let go the good they privately wish , and to relieve the present distresse of Nature in common . There is a common right , Law of Nature , or interest of the whole ; which is more excellent , and so acknowledged to be by the agents themselves , then the right or interest of the parts onely . Wherefore though it may be truly said , that the creatures are naturally carried forth , unto their proper utility or profit : that ought not to be taken in too general a sense ; seeing divers of them abstain from their own profit , either in regard of those of the same kind , or at the least of their young . Mankind then must either be lesse just then the creature , or acknowledge also his common interest to be common right . And if reason be nothing else but interest , and the interest of mankind be the right interest , then the reason of mankind must be right reason . Now compute well , for if the interest of popular Government come the nearest unto the interest of mankind , then the reason of popular Government must come the nearest unto right reason . But it may be said , that the difficulty remains yet ; for be the interest of popular Government right reason , a man doth not look upon reason as it is right or wrong in it self , but as it makes for him or against him : wherefore unlesse you can shew such orders of a Government , as like those of God in nature shall be able to constrain this or that creature to shake off that inclination which is more peculiar unto it , and take up that which regards the common good or interest ; all this is to no more end , then to perswade every man in a popular Government , not to carve himself of that which he desires most , but to be mannerly at the publick Table , and give the best from himself unto decency and the common interest . But that such orders may be established , as may , nay must give the upper hand in all cases unto common right or interest , notwithstanding the nearnesse of that which sticks unto every man in private , and this in a way of equal certainty and facility , is known even unto girles , being no other then those that are of common practice with them in divers cases . For example , two of them have a Cake yet undivided , which was given between them , that each of them therefore may have that which is due : Divide , sayes one unto the other , and I will choose ; or let me divide , and you shall choose : if this be but once agreed upon , it is enough : for the divident , dividing unequally loses , in regard that the other takes the better half ; wherefore she divides equally , and so both have right . O the depth of the wisdom of God! and yet by the mouthes of babes and sucklings hath he set forth his strength ; that which great Philosophers are disputing upon in vain , is brought unto light by two silly girles , even the whole mystery of a Common-Wealth : which lyes only in dividing and choosing : nor hath God ( if his works in nature be understood ) left so much unto mankind to dispute upon , as who shall divide , and who choose , but distributed them for ever into two orders , whereof the one hath the naturall right of dividing , and the other of choosing . For Example : A Common-wealth is but a civill Society of men : let us take any number of men ( as twenty ) , and forthwith make a Common-wealth : twenty men ( if they be not all ideots , perhaps if they be ) can never come so together , but there will be such difference in them , that about a third will be wiser , or at least lesse foolish then all the rest ; these upon acquaintance though it be but small , will be discovered , and ( as Stags that have the largest heads ) lead the herd ; for while the six discoursing and arguing one with another , shew the eminence of their parts , the fourteen discover things that they never thought on ; or are cleared in divers truths which had formerly perplexed them : wherefore in matter of common concernment , difficulty or danger , they hang upon their lips as children upon their fathers , and the influence thus acquired by the six , the eminence of whose parts , is found to be a stay and comfort to the fourteen , is ( AUTHORITAS PATRUM ) the authority of the Fathers . Wherefore this can be no other then a naturall Aristocracy diffused by God throughout the whole body of mankind , to this end and purpose ; and therefore such , as the people , have not only a natural , but a positive obligation to make use of as their guides ; as where the people of Israel are commanded to take wise men and understanding and known among their Tribes , to be made Rulers over them ; the six then approved of , as in the present case , are the Senate , not by hereditary right , or in regard of the greatnesse of their estates onely , which would tend unto such power as might force or draw the people ; but by election for their excellent parts , which tendeth unto the advancement of the influence of their virtue or authority that leads the people . Wherefore the office of the Senate , is not to be Commanders but Counsellors of the people ; and that which is proper unto Counsellors , is first to debate the businesse whereupon they are to give advice , and afterward to give Advice in the business whereupon they have debated ; whence the Decrees of the Senate are never Lawes , nor so called , but SENATUS CONSULTA , and these being naturally framed , it is their duty ( FERRE AD POPULUM ) to propose in the case unto the people . Wherefore the Senate is no more then the debate of the Common-Wealth : But to debate is to discern or put a difference between things that being alike are not the same , or it is separating and weighing this reason against that , and that reason against this , which is dividing . The Senate then having divided , who shall choose ? Ask the girles ; for if she that divided must have chosen also , it had been little worse for the other , in case she had not divided at all , but kept the whole Cake unto her self , in regard that being to choose too , she divided accordingly . Wherefore if the Senate have any farther power than to divide , the Common-wealth can never be equall . But in a Common-wealth consisting of a single Councill , there is no other to choose then that which divided ; whence it is , that such a Councill faileth not to scramble , that is , to be factious ; there being no other dividing of the cake in that case but among themselves . Nor is there any remedy but to have another Councill to choose . The wisdom of the Few may be the light of Mankind ; but the interest of the Few is not the profit of Mankind , nor of a Common-wealth ; wherefore seeing we have granted interest to be reason , they must not choose , lest it put out their light ; but as the Council dividing consisteth of the Wisdom of the Common-wealth , so the Assembly or Councill choosing , should consist of the interest of the Common-wealth : as the wisdom of the Common-wealth is in the Aristocracy , so the interest of the Common-wealth is in the whole body of the People : and whereas this , in case the Common-wealth consist of an whole Nation , is too unweildy a body to be assembled , this Councill is to consist of such a Representative as may be equall , and so constituted , as can never contract any other interest then that of the whole people ; the manner whereof being such as is best shewn by exemplification , I remit unto the Modell . But in the present case , the six dividing , and the fourteen choosing , must of necessity take in the whole interest of the twenty . Dividing and choosing in the language of a Common-wealth is debating and resolving ; and whatsoever upon debate of the Senate is proposed unto the people , and resolved by them is enacted ( AUTHORITATE PATRUM ET JUSSU POPULI ) by the authority of the Fathers , and the power of the people , which concurring make a Law. But the Law being made , saith Leviathan , is but words and paper without the hands and swords of men ; wherefore as those two orders of a Common-wealth , namely the Senate and the people are Legislative , so of necessity there must be a third to be executive of the Lawes made , and this is the Magistracy ; in which order with the rest being wrought up by art , the Common-wealth consisteth of the Senate proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing : whereby partaking of the Aristocracy as in the Senate , of the Democracy as in the People , and of Monarchy as in the Magistracy , it is compleat . Now there being no other Common-wealth but this in Art or Nature , it is no wonder if Machiavill have shew'd us , that the Ancients held this onely to be good ; but it seemeth strange to me , that they should hold , that there could be any other : for if there be such a thing as pure Monarchy , yet that there should be such an one as pure Aristocracy , or pure Democracy , is not in my understanding . But the Magistracy both in number and function is different in different Common-wealths : neverthelesse there is one condition of it , that must be the same in Every one , or it dissolves the Common-wealth where it is wanting : And this is no lesse then that as the hand of the Magistrate is the executive power of the Law , so the head of the Magistrate is answerable unto the people , that his execution be according unto the Law , by which Leviathan may see , that the hand or sword that executeth the Law is in it , and not above it . Now whether I have rightly transcribed these Principles of a Common-wealth out of Nature , I shall appeal unto God and to the World. Unto God in the Fabrick of the Common-wealth of Israel : and unto the World in the universal Series of ancient prudence . But in regard the same Common-wealths will be open'd at large in the Council of Legislators , I shall touch them for the present , but sleightly ; beginning with that of Israel . The Common-wealth of Israel consisted of the Senate , the People , and the Magistracy . The People by their first division , which was genealogicall , were contained under their ten Tribes , houses or families ; whereof the first born in each was Prince of his Tribe , and had the leading of it ( Numb . 1. ) the Tribe of Levi onely being set a part to serve at the Altar , had no other Prince but the High Priest. In their second division they were divided locally by their Agrarian , ( Jos. c. 13. to c. 42. ) . or the distribution of the Land of Canaan unto them by Lot , the tythe of all remaining unto Levi ; whence according unto their locall division , the Tribes are reckon'd but twelve . The Assemblies of the people thus divided were methodically gathered by Trumpets ( Num. 10.7 . ) unto the Congregation ; which was it should seem of two sorts . For if it were called by one trumpet onely , the Princes of the Tribes and the Elders onely assembled , ( Numb . 10.4 . ) but if it were called with two , the whole people gathered themselves unto the Congregation , Num. 10.3 . ) for so it is rendred by the English : but in the Greek it is called Ecclesia , or the Church of God , ( Judg. 20.2 . ) and by the Talmudist , Synagoga magna . The word Ecclesia was also anciently and properly used for the Civil Congregations or Assemblies of the people in Athens , Lacedemon , and Ephesus , where it is so called in Scripture , ( Acts 19.23 . ) though it be otherwise rendred by the Translators , not much as I conceive to their commendations ; seeing by that means they have lost us a good lesson , the Apostles borrowing that name for their spiritual Congregations , to the end that we might see they intended the Government of the Church to be Democratical or Popular , as is also plain in the rest of their constitutions . The Church or Congregation of the people of Israel , assembled in a Military manner , ( Judg. 20.2 . ) and had the result of the Common-wealth , or the power of confirming all their Lawes , though proposed even by God himself , as where they make him King , ( Exod. 19. ) And where they reject or depose him as Civil Magistrate , and elect Saul , ( 1 Sam. 8.7 . ) it is manifest that he giveth no such example unto a Legislator in a popular Government , as to deny or evade the power of the people , which were a contradiction : but , though he deservedly blame the ingratitude of the people in that action , commandeth Samuel , being next under himself Supream Magistrate , to hearken unto their voyce , ( for where the suffrage of the people goes for nothing , it is no Common-wealth ) and comforteth him , saying , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that I should not reign over them . But to reject him that he should not reign over them , was as Civill Magistrate to depose him . The power therefore which the people had to depose even God himself as he was Civil Magistrate , leaveth little doubt , but that they had power to have rejected any of those Lawes confirmed by them throughout the Scripture , which ( to omit the severall parcels ) are generally contained ( Deut. 29. ) under two heads , those that were made by Covenant with the people in the Land of Moab , and those which were made by Covenant with the people in Horeb : which two , I think , amount unto the whole body of the Israelitish Lawes : but if all and every one of the Lawes of Israel being proposed by God , were no otherwise enacted than by Covenant with the people , then that onely which was resolved by the people of Israel , was their Law ; and so the result of that Common-wealth was in the people . Nor had the people the result only in matter of Law : but the power in some cases of Judicature , ( Jos. 7.16 . Judg. 20.8 , 9 , 10. ) as also the right of levying War , ( Judg. 20.8 , 9 , 10. 1 Sam. 7.6 , 7 , 8. ) cognizance in matter of Religion , ( 1 Chron. 13.2 . 2 Chron. 30.4 . ) and the election of their Magistrates , as the Judge or Dictator , ( Judg. 11.11 . ) The King , ( 1 Sam. 10.17 . ) The Prince , ( 1 Machab. 14. ) which functions were exercised by the Synagoga magna , or Congregation of Israel not alwayes in one manner : for sometimes they were performed by the suffrage of the people , viva voce , ( Ex. 9.3 , 4 , 5. ) sometimes by the Lot onely , ( Jos. 7. 1 Sam. 10. ) and of others by the Ballot or by a mixture of the lot with the suffrage , as in the case of Eldad and Medad , which I shall open with the Senate . The Senate of Israel called in the Old Testament the seventy Elders : and in the New the Sanhedrim ; which word is usually translated the Council : was appointed by God , and consisted of Seventy Elders besides Moses , ( Num. 11. ) which were at the first elected by the people , ( Deut. 1. ) but in what manner , is rather intimated ( Numb . 11. ) then shewn : neverthelesse , because I cannot otherwise understand the passage concerning Eldad and Medad , of whom it is said , that they were of them that were written , but went not up unto the Tabernacle ; then with the Talmudists , I conceive that Eldad and Medad had the suffrage of the Tribes , and so were written as competitors for Magistracy ; but coming afterwards unto the Lot , failed of it , and therefore went not up unto the Tabernacle , or place of confirmation by God , or to the Session-house of the Senate with the Seventy upon whom the lot fell to be Senators : for the Session house of the Sanhedrim was first in the Court of the Tabernacle , and afterwards in that of the Temple , where it came to be called th● Stone Chamber or Pavement , ( John ) If this were the Ballot of Israel , that of Venice is the same transposed : for in Venice the competitor is chosen as it were by the lot , in regard that the Electors are so made , and the Magistrate is chosen by the Suffrage of the great Council or Assembly of the people . But the Sanhedrim of Israel being thus constituted , Moses for his time , and after him his successour , sate in the midst of it as Prince or Archon , and at his left hand the Orator or Father of the Senate , the rest of the bench coming round with either horn like a Crescent , had a Scribe attending upon the tip of it . The Senate in regard that the Legislator of Israel was infallible , and the Lawes given by God , such as were not fit to be alter'd by men , is much different in the exercise of their power from all other Senates , except that of the Areopagites in Athens , which also was little more then a Supream Judicatory ; for it will hardly , as I conceive , be found that the Sanhedrim proposed unto the people , till the return of the Children of Israel out of Captivity under Esdras , at which time there was a new Law made , namely , for a kind of excommunication , or rather banishment , which had never been before in Israel : neverthelesse it is not to be thought that the Sanhedrim had not alwaies that right , which from the time of Esdras it more frequently exercised , of proposing unto the people , but that they forbare it in regard of the fulnesse and infallibility of the Law already made , whereby it was needlesse . Wherefore the function of this Council , which is very rare in a Senate , was executive , and consisted in the administration of the Law made ( Deut. 17.9 , 10 , 11. ) ; and whereas the Council it self , is often understood in Scripture by the Priest and the Levite : there is no more in that , save onely that the Priests and the Levites , who otherwise had no power at all , being in the younger years of this Common-wealth , those that were best studied in the Lawes were the most frequently elected into the Sanhedrim . For the Courts consisting of three and twenty Elders sitting in the gates of every City , and the Triumvirates of Judges , constituted almost in every village , which were parts of the executive Magistracy subordinate unto rhe Sanhedrim , I shall take them at better leisure , and in the larger Discourse ; but these being that part of this Common-Wealth which was instituted by Moses upon the advice of Jethro the Priest of Midian , ( Exo. 18. ) as I conceive an Heathen ; are unto me a sufficient warrant even from God himself who confirmed them , to make farther use of humane prudence where ever I find it , bearing a testimony unto it self , whether in Heathen Common-Wealths or others . And the rather , because so it is , that we who have the holy Scriptures , and in them the Original of a Common-Wealth made by the same hand that made the World , are either altogether blind or negligent of it , while the Heathens have all written theirs , as if they had had no other Copy . As , to be more brief in the present account of that which you shall have more at large hereafter , Athens consisted of the Senate of the Bean proposing , of the Church or Assembly of the people resolving and too often debating , which was the ruine of it , as also of the Senate of the Areopagites , the 9. Archons , with divers other Magistrates Executing . Lacedemon consisted of the Senate proposing , of the Church or Congregation of the people resolving onely , and never debating ; which was the long life of it ; and of the two Kings , the Court of the Effors , with divers other Magistrates executing . Carthage consisted of the Senate proposing and sometimes resolving too , of the people resolving and sometimes debating too , for which fault she was reprehended by Aristotle , and she had her Suffetes , and her hundred men with other Magistrates executing . Rome consisted of the Senate proposing , the Concio or people resolving and too often debating , which caused her storms ; as also of the Consuls , Censors , Aediles , Tribunes , Praetors , Quaestors , and other Magistrates executing . Venice consisteth of the Senate or Pregati proposing , and sometimes resolving too , of the great Council or Assembly of the people , in whom the result is constitutively ; as also of the Doge , the Signory , the Censors , the Dieci , the Quazancies , and other Magistrates executing . The proceeding of the Common-wealths of Switzerland and Holland is of a like nature , though after a more obscure manner ; for the Soveraignties , whether Cantons Provinces or Cities , which are the people , send their Deputies Commissioned and instructed by themselves ( wherein they reserve the result in their own power ) unto the Provincial or general Convention or Senate , where the Deputies debate , but have no other power of result then what was conferred upon them by the people , or is farther conferred by the same upon farther occasion . And for the executive part they have Magistrates or Judges in every Canton Province or City ; besides those which are more publick , and relate unto the league , as for controversies between one Canton , Province or City , and another , or the like between such persons as are not of the same Canton Province or City . But that we may observe a little farther how the Heathen Polititians have written , not onely out of nature , but as it were out of Scripture : As in the Common-wealth of Israel , God is said to have been King ; so the Common-wealth where the Law is King , is said by Aristotle to be Kingdom of God. And where by the lusts or passions of men , a power is set above that of the Law deriving from reason , which is the dictate of God ; God in that sense is rejected or deposed that he should not reign over them , as he was in Israel . And yet Leviathan will have it , that by reading of these Greek and Latine ( he might as well in this sense have said , Hebrew ) Authors , young men and all others that are unprovided of the antidote of solid reason , receiving a strong and delightfull impression of the great exploits of War , atchieved by the Conductors of their Armies , receive withall a pleasing Idea of all they have done besides : and imagine their great prosperity , not to have proceeded from the emulation of particular men , but from the virtue of their popular form of Government : not considering the frequent seditions and Civil Wars produced by the imperfection of their Policy . Where first the blame he layes to the Heathen Authors , is in his sense laid unto the Scripture ; and whereas he holds them to be young men , or men of no antidote that are of like opinions , it should seem that Machiavill the sole retreiver of this ancient Prudence , is to his solid reason a beardlesse boy that hath newly read Livy : and how solid his reason is , may appear ; Where he grants the great prosperity of ancient Common-wealths : which is to give up the controversie : For such an effect must have some adequate cause ; which to evade , he insinuates , that it was nothing else but the emulation of particular men ; as if so great an emulation could have been generated without as great virtue ; so great virtue without the best education ; the best education without the best Lawes ; or the best Lawes any otherwise then by the excellency of their policy . But if some of these Common-Wealths as being lesse perfect in their policy then others , have been more seditious , it is not more an argument of the infirmity of this or that Common-wealth in particular , then of the excellency of that kind of Policy in generall , which if they that have not altogether reached , have neverthelesse had greater prosperity ; what would befall them that should reach ? In answer to which question , let me invite Leviathan , who of all other Governments giveth the advantage unto Monarchy for perfection , to a better disquisition of it , by these three assertions : The first , That the perfection of Government lyeth upon such a libration in the frame of it , that no man or men , in or under it , can have the interest ; or having the interest , can have the power to disturb it with sedition . The second , That Monarchy reaching the perfection of the kind , reacheth not unto the perfection of Government , but must have some dangerous flaw in it . The third , That Popular Government reaching the perfection of the kind , reacheth the perfection of Government ; and hath no flaw in it . The first assertion requireth no proof . For the proof of the second ; Monarchy , as hath been shewn , is of two kinds , the one by Arms , the other by a Nobility ; and there is no other kind in art or nature : for if there have been anciently some Governments called Kingdoms , as one of the Gothes in Spain , and another of the Vandals in Africa , where the King ruled without a Nobility , and by a Council of the people only ; it is expresly said by the Authors that mention them , that the Kings were but the Captains , and that the people not onely gave them Lawes , but deposed them as often as they pleased ; nor is it possible in reason that it should be otherwise in like cases : wherefore these were either no Monarchies , or had greater flawes in them then any other . But for a Monarchy by Arms as that of the Turk , ( which of all models that ever were cometh up unto the perfection of the kind ) it is not in the wit or power of man to cure it of this dangerous flaw , That the Janizaries have frequent interest and perpetual power to raise sedition , and to tear the Magistrate , even the Prince himself , in pieces . Therefore the Monarchy of Turky is no perfect Government . And for a Monarchy by a Nobility as of late in Oceana ( which of all other models before the declination of it came up to the perfection in that kind ) it was not in the power or wit of man to cure it of that dangerous flaw ; That the Nobility had frequent interest and perpetuall power by their retainers and tenants to raise sedition , and ( whereas the Janizaries occasion this kind of calamity , no sooner then they make an end of it ) to levy a lasting War , unto the vast effusion of blood , and that even upon occasions wherein the people , but for their dependance upon their Lords had no concernment , as in the Fewd of the Red and White . The like hath been frequent in Spain , France , Germany , and other Monarchies of this kind ; wherefore Monarchy by a Nobility is no perfect Government . For the proof of the third Assertion , Leviathan yieldeth it unto me , that there is no other Common-wealth but Monarchical or Popular : wherefore if no Monarchy be a perfect Government , then either there is no perfect Government , or it must be popular ; for which kind of constitution I have something more to say , then Leviathan hath said , or ever will be able to say for Monarchy ; as , 1. That it is the Government that was never conquered by any Monarch , from the beginning of the World unto this day : for if the Common-wealth of Greece came under the yoke of the Kings of Macedon , they were first broken by themselves . 2. That it is the Government that hath frequently led mighty Monarchs in Triumph . 3. That it is the Government , which if it have been Seditious , it hath not been from any imperfection in the kind , but in the particular constitution ; which where ever the like hath happened , must have been unequall . 4. That it is the Government , which if it have been any thing near equall , was never seditious ; or let him shew me what sedition hath happened in Lacedemon or Venice . 5. That it is the Government , which attaining unto perfect equality , hath such a libration in the frame of it , that no man living can shew which way any man or men in or under it , can contract any such interest or power as should be able to disturb the Common-wealth with sedition ; wherefore an equal Common-wealth is that onely which is without flaw , and containeth in it the full perfection of Government . But to return . By what hath been shewn in reason and experience it may appear , that though Common-Wealths in generall be Governments of the Senate proposing , the people resolving , and the Magistracy executing ; yet some are not so good at these orders as others , through some impediment or defect in the frame , ballance , or capacity of them , according unto which they are of divers kinds . The first division of them is into such as are single as Israel , Athens , Laecedemon , &c. and such as are by leagues , as those of the Achaeans , Aetolians , Lyceans , Switz and Hollanders . The second ( being Machiavil's ) is into such as are for preservation , as Lacedemon and Venice , and such as are for encrease , as Athens and Rome , in which I can see no more , then that the former taketh in no more Citizens then are necessary for defence , and the latter so many as are capable of encrease . The third division ( unseen hitherto ) is into equall and unequall , and this is the main point especially as to domestick peace and tranquillity ; for to make a Common-wealth unequall , is to divide it into parties , which setteth them at perpetuall variance , the one party endeavouring to preserve their eminence and inequality , and the other to attain unto equality ; whence the people of Rome derived their perpetuall strife with the Nobility or Senate : but in an equal Common-wealth , there can be no more strife then there can be over-ballance in equall weights ; wherefore the Common-wealth of Venice , being that which of all others is the most equal in the constitution , is that wherein there never happen'd any strife between the Senate and the people . An equall Common-wealth is such an one , as is equall both in the ballance and foundation , and in the superstructions , that is to say , in her Agrarian Law , and in her Rotation . An equal Agrarian is a perpetuall Law establishing and preserving the ballance of dominion , by such a distribution , that no one man or number of men within the compasse of the Few or Aristocracy , can come to overpower the whole people by their possessions in Lands . As the Agrarian answereth unto the Foundation , so doth Rotation unto the Superstructures . Equal Rotation is equall vicissitude in Government , or Succession unto Magistracy conferred for such convenient terms , enjoying equall vacations , as take in the whole body by parts , succeeding others through the free election or suffrage of the People . The contrary whereunto is Prolongation of Magistracy , which trashing the wheel of Rotation , destroyes the life or natural motion of a Common-wealth . The election or suffrage of the people , is freest , where it is made or given in such a manner , that it can neither oblige ( qui beneficium accepit libertatem vendidit ) nor disoblige another ; or through fear of an enemy , or bashfulnesse towards a friend , impair a mans liberty . Wherefore saith Cicero , ( Grata populo est tabella quae frontes aperit hominum , mentes tegit , datque eam libertatem ut quod velint faciant ) the Tablet ( or Ballot of the people of Rome , who gave their votes by throwing tablets or little pieces of wood secretly into Urns marked for the negative or affirmative ) was a welcome constitution , unto the people , as that which not impairing the assurance of their browes , encreased the freedom of their Judgment . I have not stood upon a more particular description of this Ballot , because that of Venice exemplify'd in the modell is of all others the most perfect . An equal Common-wealth ( by that which hath been said ) is a Government established upon an equall Agrarian , arising into the superstructures or three orders , the Senate debating and proposing , the people resolving , and the Magistracy executing by an equal Rotation through the suffrage of the people given by the Ballot . For though Rotation may be without the Ballot , and the Ballot without Rotation , yet the Ballot not onely as to the ensuing Modell includeth both , but is by far the most equal way ; for which cause under the name of the Ballot I shall hereafter understand both that and Rotation too . Now having reason'd the principles of an equall Common-wealth , I should come to give an instance of such an one in experience , if I could find it ; but if this work be of any value , it lyeth in that it is the first example of a Common-wealth that is perfectly equall . For Venice though she come the nearest , yet is a Common-wealth for preservation ; and such an one , considering the paucity of Citizens taken in , and the number not taken in , is externally unequal : and though every Common-wealth that holdeth Provinces must in that regard be such ; yet not unto that degree . Neverthelesse Venice internally and for her capacity is by far the most equall ; though she hath not in my judgment arrived at the full perfection of equality ; both because her Lawes supplying the defect of an Agrarian , are not so clear nor effectual at the foundation , nor her superstructures by the vertue of her Ballot or Rotation exactly librated , in regard that through the paucity of her Citizens , her greater Magistracies are continually wheeled through a few hands . As is confessed by Janotti , where he saith , that if a Gentleman come once to be Savio di terra ferma , it seldom happens that he faileth from thenceforward to be adorned with some one of the greater Magistracies , as Savi di mare , Savi di terra ferma , Savi Grandi , Counsellors , those of the Decemvirate or Dictatorian Council , the Aurogatori or Censors which require no vacation or interval : wherefore if this in Venice , or that in Lacedemon , where the Kings were hereditary , and the Senators ( though elected by the people ) for life , cause no inequality ( which is hard to be conceived ) in a Common-wealth for preservation , or such an one as consisteth of a few Citizens ; yet is it manifest , that it would cause a very great one in a Common-wealth for encrease , or consisting of the Many , which by the engrossing the Magistracies in a few hands , would be obstructed in their Rotation . But there be that say , ( and think it a strong Objection ) let a Common-wealth be as equal as you can imagine , two or three men when all is done will govern it : and there is that in it , which notwithstanding the pretended sufficiency of a popular State , amounteth unto a plain confession of the imbecillity of that Policy , and of the prerogative of Monarchy ; for as much as popular Governments in difficult cases have had recourse unto Dictatorian power , as in Rome . To which I answer , That as truth is a Spark whereunto objections are like bellowes ; so , in this , our Common-wealth shines : for the eminence acquired by suffrage of the people in a Common-wealth , especially if it be popular and equall , can be ascended by no other steps then the universall acknowledgment of virtue ; and where men excell in Virtue , the Common-wealth is stupid and unjust , if accordingly they do not excell in Authority : wherefore this is both the advantage of Virtue , which hath her due encouragement , and the Common-wealth which hath her due services . These are the Philosophers which Plato would have to be Princes , the Princes which Solomon would have to be mounted , and their Steeds are those of Authority not Empire ; or , if they be buckled to the Chariot of Empire , as that of the Dictatorian power , like the Chariot of the Sun it is glorious for terms and vacations or intervals . And as a Common-wealth is a Government of Lawes and not of Men ; so is this the Principality of the Virtue , and not of the Man ; if that fail or set in one , it riseth in another , which is created his immediate Successour . ( — Uno avulso non deficit alter , Aureus , et simili frondescit virga metallo . ) And this taketh away that vanity from under the Sun , which is an errour proceeding more or lesse from all other Rulers under heaven but an equal Common-w●alth . These things considered , it will b● convenient in this place to speak a word unto such as go about to insinuate to the Nobility or Gentry a fear of the people ; or into the people a fear of the Nobility or Gentry , as if their interests were each destructive unto other , when in truth an Army may as well consist of Souldiers without Officers , or of Officers without Souldiers , as a Common-wealth , especially such an one as is capable of greatness , of a people without a Gentry , or of a Gentry without a people . Wherefore this ( though not alwaies so intended , as may appear by Machiavill , who else would be guilty ) is a pernicious errour . There is something first in the making of a Common-wealth , then in the governing of her , and last of all in the leading of her Armies ; which , though there be great Divines , great Lawyers , great men in all professions , seems to be peculiar unto the Genius of a Gentleman . For so it is in the universall series of Story , that if any man have founded a Common-wealth , he was first a Gentleman . Moses had his education by the daughter of Pharaoh ; Theseus and Solon of noble birth , were held by the Athenians worthy to be Kings ; Lycurgus was of the blood-Royal , Romulus and Numa Princes , Brutus and Publicola Patricians , the Gracchi that lost their lives for the people of Rome , and the restitution of that Common-wealth , were the sonnes of a Father adorned with two Triumphs ; and of Cornelia the daughter of Scipio , who being sought in marriage by King Ptolomy , disdained to be the Queen of Aegypt . And the most renowned Olphaus Megaletor ; sole Legislator ( as you will see ) of the Common-wealth of Oceana , was derived from a noble Family : nor will it be any occasion of scruple in this case , that Leviathan affirms the Politicks to be no ancienter then his Book De Cive . Such also as have gotten any fame in the Civill Government of a Common-wealth , or by the leading of her Armies , have been Gentlemen ; for so in all other respects were those plebeian Magistrates elected by the people of Rome , being of known descents , and of equall virtues , save onely that they were excluded from the name by the usurpation of the Patricians . Holland , through this defect at home , hath borrowed Princes for her Generals , and Gentlemen for her Commanders , of divers Nations : And Switz , if she have defect in this kind , rather lendeth her people unto the Colours of other Princes , then maketh that noble use of them her self ; which should assert the liberty of mankind . For where there is not a Nobility to bolt out the people , they are slothfull , regardlesse of the world and the publick interest of liberty , as even that of Rome had been without her Gentry : wherefore let the people embrace the Gentry in peace , as the light of their eyes , and in War as the trophy of their Arms. And if Cornelia disdained to be Queen of Egypt , if a Roman Consul looked down from his Tribunall upon the greatest King ; Let the Nobility love and cherish the people that afford them a Throne so much higher in a Common-wealth , and in the acknowledgment of their Virtue , than the Crowns of Monarchs . But if the equality of a Common-wealth consist in the equality first of the Agrarian , and next of the Rotation ; then the inequality of a Common-wealth must consist in the absence or inequality of the Agrarian , or of the Rotation , or of both . Israel and Lacedemon , which Common-wealths ( as the people of this in , Josephus , claims kindred of that ) have great resemblance , were each of them equall in their Agrarian , and unequall in their Rotation , especially Israel , where the Sanhedrim or Senate first elected by the people , as appeareth by the words of Moses , took upon them thenceforth without any precept of God to substitute their Successors by Ordination ; which having been there of Civil use , as excommunication , community of goods , and other customes of the Esseans , who were many of them converted , came afterwards to be introduced into the Christian Church . And the election of the Judge , Suffes , or Dictator was irregular , both for the occasion , the term , and the vacation of that Magistracy ; as you find in the Book of Judges , where it is often repeated , that in those dayes there was no King in Israel , that is , no Judge : and in the first of Samuel , where Ely judged Israel fourty years , and Samuel all his life : In Lacedemon the election of the Senate being by suffrage of the People ; though for life was not altogether so unequal , but the hereditary right of Kings , but for the Agrarian , had ruin'd her . Athens and Rome were unequall as to their Agrarian , that of Athens being infirm , and that of Rome none at all ; for if it were more anciently carried , it was never kept . Whence by the time of Tyberius Gracchus the Nobility had almost eaten the people quite out of their Lands , which they held in the occupation of Tenants and servants : Whereupon the remedy being too late , and too vehemently applyed , that Common-wealth was ruin'd . These also were unequal in their Rotation , but in a contrary manner : Athens , in regard that the Senate chosen at once by Lot , not by suffrage , and changed every year not in part , but the whole , consisted not of the naturall Aristocracy , nor sitting long enough to understand , or be perfect in their office , had no sufficient Authority to withhold the people from that perpetual turbulence in the way which was ruine in the end , in despight of Nicias , who did what a man could do to help it . But as Athens by the headinesse of the people , so Rome fell by the ambition of the Nobility , through the want of an equall Rotation , which if the people had had into the Senate , and timely into the Magistracies ; whereof the former was alwaies usurped by the Patricians , and the latter for the most part ; they had both carried and held their Agrarian , and that had rendred that Common-wealth immoveable . But let a Common-wealth be equal or unequal , it must consist as hath been shewn by reason and all experience , of the three general Orders , that is to say , of the Senate debating and proposing , of the People resolving , and of the Magistracy executing ; wherefore I can never wonder enough at Leviathan , who without any reason or example will have it , that a Common-wealth consisteth of a single person , or of a single assembly ; nor sufficiently pity that thousand Gentlemen , whose minds which otherwise would have waver'd , he hath framed , as is affirmed by himself , unto a conscientious obedience ( for so he is pleased to call it ) of such a Government . But to finish this part of the Discourse , which I intend for as compleat an Epitome of ancient Prudence , and in that of the whole Art of the Politicks , as I am able to frame in so short a time . The two first orders , that is to say , the Senate and the People are Legislative , whereunto answers that part of this Science which by Politicians is intituled DE LEGIBUS , or of Lawes ; and the third order is executive , to which answers that part of the same Science which is styled DE JUDICIIS , or of the frame , and course of Courts or Judicatories ; a word unto each of these will be necessary . And first for Lawes , they are either Ecclesiastical or Civill , such as concern Religion or Government . ( Some body blushes , but I will do no harm . ) Lawes Ecclesiastical or such as concern Religion , according unto t●e universal course of ancient prudence , are in the power of the Magistrate , but according unto the common practice of modern prudence , since the Papacy , torn out of his hands . But as a Government pretending unto Liberty , and suppressing the liberty of conscience , which ( because Religion not according to a mans conscience , can as to him be none at all ) is the main , must be a contradiction ; so a man that pleading for the liberty of private conscience , refuseth liberty unto the National conscience , must be absurd . Now a Common-wealth is nothing else but the national conscience . And if the conviction of a mans private conscience , produceth his private Religion : the conviction of the national conscience , must produce a national Religion . Whether this be well reason'd , as also whether these two may stand together , will best be shewn by the examples of the ancient Common-wealths taken in their order . In that of Israel the Government of the National Religion appertained not unto the Priests and Levites , otherwise then as to the Sanhedrim or Senate , to which they had no right at all but by election . It is in this capacity therefore that the people are commanded under pain of death , to hearken unto them , and to do according to the sentence of the Law which they should teach ; but in Israel the Law Ecclesiastical and Civill was the same , therefore the Sanhedrim having the power of one , had the power of both . But as the National Religion appertained unto the Jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim , so the liberty of conscience appertained from the same date and by the same right , unto the Prophets and their disciples ; as where it is said , I will raise up a Prophet — and whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my Name , I will require it of him ; which words relate unto prophetick right , which was above all the orders of this Common-wealth ; whence Elijah not only refused to obey the King , but destroyed his messengers with fire : And whereas it was not lawful by the National Religion to sacrifice in any other place then the Temple , a Prophet was his own Temple , and might sacrifice where he would , as Elijah did in Mount Carmel . By this right John the Baptist and our Saviour , unto whom it more particularly related , had their disciples , and taught the people ; whence is derived our present right of GATHERED CONGREGATIONS : Wherefore the Christian Religion grew up according unto the orders of the Common-wealth of Israel , and not against them . Nor was the liberty of conscience infringed by this Government , till the civil liberty of the same was lost , as under Herod , Pilate , and Tiberius , a three pild Tyranny . To proceed , Athens preserved her Religion , by the testimony of Paul , with great superstition : If Alcibiades that Atheistical fellow had not shew'd them a fair pair of heeles , they had shaven off his head for shaving their Mercuries , and making their Gods look ridiculously upon them without beards . Neverthelesse , if Paul reasoned with them , they loved news , for which he was the more welcome ; and if he converted Dionysius the Areopagite , that is , one of the Senators , there followed neither any hurt unto him , nor losse of honour to Dionysius . And for Rome , if Cicero in his most excellent book , De natura Deorum , overthrew the National Religion of that Common-wealth , he was never the farther from being Consul . But there is a meannesse and poornesse in modern prudence , not only unto the damage of Civil Government , but of Religion it self : for whereas Christian Religion is the farthest of any from countenancing War , there never was a War of Religion but since Christianity . For which we are beholding unto the POPE ; for the Pope not giving liberty of conscience unto Princes and Common-wealths , they cannot give that unto their Subjects which they have not : whence both Princes and Subjects either through his instigation , or disputes among themselves , have introduced that execrable custome , never known in the world before , of fighting for Religion , and denying the Magistrate to have any Jurisdiction of it ; whereas the Magistrates losing the power of Religion , loseth the liberty of conscience which hath nothing to protect it . Wherefore if the people be otherwise taught , it concerns them to look about them , and to distinguish between the shreeking of the Lapwing , and the voice of the Turtle . To come unto Civil Lawes , if they stand one way , and the ballance another , it is the case of a Government which of necessity must be new modell'd ; wherefore the Lawyers advising you upon like occasions to fit the Government unto their Lawes , are no more to be regarded , then your Taylor if he should desire you to fit your body unto his doublet ; there is also danger in the plausible pretence of reforming the Law except the Government be good , in which case it is a good tree , and bringeth not forth evil fruit ; otherwise , if the Tree be evill , you can never reform the fruit ; begin with reformation of the Government by the Lawes , but first begin with reformation of the Lawes by the Government . The best rule as to the Lawes in general , is , that they be few . Rome by the testimony of Cicero was best governed under those of the twelve Tables ; and by the testimony of Tacitus , Plurimae leges , corruptissima respublica . You will be told , That where the Lawes be few , they leave much unto arbitrary power ; but where they be many , they leave more ; the Lawes in that case according to Justinian and the best Lawyers , being as litigious as the Suitors . Solon made few ; Lycurgus fewer Laws : Common-wealths have fewest at this day of all other Governments . And to conclude this part with a word de Judiciis , or the constitution or course of Courts ; it is such in Venice , as the arbitrary power of them can never retard or do hurt unto businesse , but produceth the quickest dispatch , and the most righteous dictates of Justice that are perhaps in humane nature . The manner of them I shall not stand in this place to describe , because it is exemplify'd at large in the Judicature of the people of Oceana . And thus much of ancient Prudence , and the first branch of this Preliminary Discourse . The Second Part of the Preliminaries . IN the Second Part I shall endeavour to shew the Rise , Progresse , and Declination of Modern Prudence . The date of this kind of Policy is to be computed , as was shewn , from those Inundations of Goths , Vandals , Hunnes , and Lombards that overwhelmed the Roman Empire . But as there is no appearance in the bulk or constitution of Modern Prudence , that she should ever have been able to come up and Grapple with the Ancient , so something of necessity must have interposed , whereby This came to be enervated , and That to receive strength and encouragement : And this was , the execrable raign of the Roman Emperours taking rise from ( that foelix scelus ) the Arms of Caesar , in which storm the ship of the Roman Common-wealth was forced to disburthen her self of that precious fraight , which never since could emerge or raise the head but in the Gulph of Venice . It is said in Scripture ; Thy evil is of thy self , O Israel ! to which answers that of the Moralists , Nemo nocetur nisi ex se , as also the whole matter of the Politicks ; at present this Example of the Romans , who , through a negligence committed in their Agrarian Lawes , let in the sink of Luxury , and forfeited the inestimable treasure of Liberty for themselves and posterity . Their Agrarian Lawes were such , whereby their Lands ought to have been divided among the people , either without mention of a Colony , in which case they were not obliged to change their abode ; or with mention and upon condition of a Colony , in which case they were to change their abode , and leaving the City to plant themselves upon the Lands so assigned . The Lands assigned , or that ought to have been assigned in either of these wayes , were of three kinds . Such as were taken from the enemy and distributed unto the people ; or such as were taken from the enemy , and under colour of being reserved unto the publick use , were by stealth possessed by the Nobility ; or such as were bought with the publick Money to be distributed . Of the Lawes offer'd in these cases , those which divided the Lands taken from the Enemy , or purchased with the publick money , never occasioned any dispute ; but such as drove at dispossessing the Nobility of their Usurpations , and dividing the common purchase of the sword among the people , were never touched but they caused Earthquakes , nor could ever be obtained by the people ; or being obtained , be observed by the Nobility , who not onely preserved their prey , but growing vastly rich upon it , bought the people by degrees quite out of those shares that had been conferred upon them . This the Gracchi coming too late to perceive , found the Ballance of the Common-wealth to be lost ; but putting the people ( when they had least force ) by forcible means unto the recovery of it , did ill , seeing it neither could , nor did tend unto any more then to shew them by worse effects , that what the Wisdome of their Leaders had discovered was true : for ( quite contrary unto what hath happened in Oceana , where , the ballance falling unto the people , they have overthrown the Nobility ) the Nobility of Rome under the conduct of Sylla , overthrew the people and the Common-wealth : seeing Scylla first introduced that new ballance , which was the Foundation of the succeeding Monarchy in the plantation of Military Colonies ; instituted by his distribution of the conquered Lands not now of Enemies , but of Citizens unto fourty seven Legions of his Souldiers ; so that how he came to be DICTATOR PERPETUUS , or other Magistrates to succeed him in like power , is no Miracle . These Military Colonies , in which manner succeeding Emperours continued ( as Augustus by the distribution of the Veterans , whereby he had overcome Brutus and Cassius ) to plant their Souldiery , consisted of such as I conceive were they that are called Milites beneficiarii ; in regard that the Tenure of their Lands was by way of Benefices , that is for life , and upon condition of duty or service in the War upon their own charge . These Benefices Alexander Severus granted unto the Heirs of the Incumbents , but upon the same conditions : And such was the Dominion by which the Roman Emperours gave their Ballance . But to the Beneficiaries , as was no lesse than necessary , for the safety of the Prince , a matter of eight thousand , by the Example of Augustus , were added , which departed not from his sides , but were his perpetuall guard , called Pretorian Bands ; though these , according to the incurable flaw already observed in this kind of Government , became the most frequent Butchers of their Lords that are to be found in Story . Thus far the Roman Monarchy is so much the same with that at this day in Turky consisting of a Camp , and an Horse-quarter ; a Camp in regard of her Spahies and Janizaries , the perpetuall Guard of the Prince , except they also chance to be Liquorish after his blood ; and an Horse-quarter in regard of the distribution of his whole Land unto Tenants for life upon condition of continuall service , or as often as they shall be commanded at their own charge by Timars , being a word which they say signifies Benefices , that it shall save me a labour of opening the Government . But the Fame of Mahomet and his Prudence is especially founded in this , That whereas the Roman Monarchy ( except that of Israel ) was the most imperfect , the Turkish is the most perfect that ever was . Which happened in that the Roman ( as the Israelitish of the Sanhedrim and the Congregation ) had a mixture of the Senate and the people ; and the Turkish is pure : and that this was pure , and the other mixed , happened not through the wisdome of the Legislators , but the different Genius of the Nations ; the people of the Eastern parts , except the Israelites , ( which is to be attributed to their Agrarian ) having been such as scarce ever knew any other condition than that of Slavery . And these of the Western having ever ●ad such a Relish of liberty , as through what despair soever could never be brought to stand still , while the Yoke was putting on their Necks , but by being fed with some hopes of reserving unto themselves some part of their Freedome . Wherefore Julius Caesar ( saith Suetonius , comitia cum populo sortitus est ) contented himself , in naming half the Magistrates , to leave the rest unto the Suffrage of the people . And Moecenas , though he would not have Augustus to give the people their liberty , would not have him take it away ; ( for saith he , Neque id existimare debes autorem me tibi esse , ut tyrannidem in S.P. Q.R. in servitutem redactum teneas : quod neque dicere meum , neque facere tuum est ) whence this Empire being neither Hawk nor Buzzard , made a flight accordingly ; and having the avarice of the Souldiery on this hand to satisfie upon the people ; and the Senate and the people on the other to be defended from the Souldiery ; the Prince being perpetually tossed , seldom dy'd any other death than by one Horn of this Dilemma , as is noted more at large by Machiavill . But the Pretorian Bands , those Bestiall executioners of their Captains Tyranny upon others , and of their own upon him ; having continued from the time of Augustus ; were by Constantine the Great ( incensed against them for taking part with his Adversary Maxentius ) removed from their strong Garrison which they held in Rome , and distributed them into divers Provinces . The Benefices of the Souldiers that were hitherto held for life , and upon duty , were by this Prince made Hereditary , so that the whole Foundation whereupon this Empire was first built , being now removed , sheweth plainly , that the Emperours must long before this have found out some other way of support ; and this was by Stipendiating the Gothes , a people that deriving their Roots from the Northern parts of Germany , or out of Sweden , had ( through their Victories obtained against Domitian ) long since spread their branches unto so near Neighbourhood with the Roman Territories , that they began to Overshade them ; for the Emperours making use of them in their Arms ( as the French do at this day of the Switz ) gave them that , under the notion of stipend , which they received as Tribute , coming ( if there were any default in the payment ) so often to distrein for it , that in the time of Honorius they sacked Rome , and possessed themselves of Italy . And such was the transition of Ancient into Modern prudence ; or that breach which being followed in every part of the Roman Empire with inundations of Vandals , Huns , Lombards , Franks , Saxons , have overwhelmed ancient Languages , Learning , Prudence , Manners , Cities , changing the Names of Rivers , Countries , Seas , Mountains and Men ; Camillus , Caesar and Pompey , being come to Edmund , Richard , and Geoffrey . To open the ground-work or ballance of these new Polititians . Feudum , saith Calvine the Lawyer , is a Gothick word of divers significations ; for it is taken either for War , or for a possession of conquered Lands , distributed by the Victor unto such of his Captains and Souldiers as had merited in his Wars , upon condition to acknowledge him to be their perpetuall Lord , and themselves to be his Subjects . Of these there were three kinds or orders : The first , of Nobility , distinguished by the Titles of Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , and these being gratify'd with Cities , Castles , and Villages , of the Conquered Italians , their Feuds participated of Royall dignity , and were called Regalia , by which they had right to coyn Mony , create Magistrates , take Tole , Customs , Confiscations , and the like . Feuds of the second order were such as with the consent of the King were bestowed by these Feudatory Princes upon men of inferiour Quality called their Barons , on condition that next unto the King they should defend the Dignities and Fortunes of their Lords in Arms. The lowest order of Feuds were such as being confer'd by those of the second Order upon private men , whether Noble , or not Noble , obliged them in the like duty unto their Superiors , these were called Vauosors : And this is the Gothick Ballance , by which all the Kingdoms this day in Christendome were at first erected ; for which cause if I had time , I should open in this place the Empire of Germany , and the Kingdomes of France , Spain , and Poland ; but so much as hath been said being sufficient for the discovery of the principles of Modern Prudence in general ; I shall divide the remainder of my Discourse , which is more particular , into three parts . The first , shewing the Constitution of the late Monarchy of Oceana . The second , the Dissolution of the same . And the third , the Generation of the present Common-wealth . The Constitution of the late Monarchy of Oceana , is to be considered in relation unto the different Nations , by whom it hath been successively subdu'd and govern'd . The first of these were the Romans , the second the Teutons , the third the Scandians , and the fourth the Neustrians . The Government of the Romans , who held it as a Province , I shall omit , because I am to speak of their Provincial Government in another place , onely it is to be remembred in this , that if we have given over running up and down naked and with dappled hides , learn't to write and read , to be instructed with good Arts , for all these we are beholding to the Romans either immediately , or mediately the Teutons ; for that the Teutons had the Arts from no other hand , is plain enough by their language , which hath yet no word to signifie either writing or reading , but what is derived from the Latine . Furthermore , by the help of these arts so learn't , we have been capable of that Religion which we have long since received ; wherefore it seemeth unto me , that we ought not to detract from the Memory of the Romans , by whose means we are as it were of Beasts become Men , and by whose means we might yet of obscure and Ignorant men ( if we thought not too well of our selves ) become a wise and a great People . The Romans having govern'd Oceana , Provincially , the Teutons were the first that introduced the form of the late Monarchy : to these succeeded the Scandians , of whom ( because their Raign was short , as also because they made little alteration in the Government as to the Form ) I shall take no notice . But the Teutons going to work upon the Gothick Ballance , divided the whole Nation into three sorts of Feuds ; that of Ealdorman , that of Kings-Thane , and that of Middle-Thane . When the Kingdom was first divided into Precincts , will be as hard to shew , as when it began first to be governed ; it being impossible that there should be any Government without some Division . The Division that was in use with the Teutons , was by Counties , and every County had either his Ealdorman , or high Reeve . The title of Ealdorman came in time to Eorl , or Erle , and that of high Reeve to high Sheriff . Earl of the Shire or County denoted the Kings Thane , or Tenant by Grand Serjeantry or Knights Service in chief or in Capite , his possessions were sometimes the whole Territory , from whence he had his Denomination , that is , the whole County , sometimes more then one County , and sometimes lesse , the remaining part being in the Crown . He had also sometimes a third , or some other Customary part of the profits of certain Cities , Boroughs , or other places within his Earldom . For an Example of the possessions of Earls in ancient times , Ethelred had unto him and his Heirs the whole Kingdom of Mercia , containing three or four Counties ; and there were others that had little lesse . Kings Thane was also an honorary Title , unto which he was qualify'd that had five Hides of Land held immediately of the King by service of personal attendance ; insomuch that if a Churle or Country Man had thriven unto this proportion , having a Church , a Kitchin , a Bell-house , ( that is , an Hall with a Bell in it to call his Family to Dinner ) a Borough-gate with a seat ( that is , a Porch ) of his own ; and any distinct office in the Kings Court , then was he the Kings Thane . But the proportion of an Hide-Land , otherwise called Caruca , or a Plough-land , is difficult to be understood , because it was not certain , neverthelesse it is generally conceived to be so much as may be managed with one Plough , and would yield the Maintenance of the same , with the appurtenances in all kinds . The Middle-Thane was feudall , but not honorary ; he was also call'd a Vavosor , and his Lands a Vavosory , which held of some Mesne Lord , and not immediately of the King. Possessions and their tenures being of this Nature , shew the Ballance of the Teuton Monarchy ; wherein the riches of Earles was so vast , that to arise from the Ballance of their Dominion unto their power , they were not onely called Reguli or little Kings , but were such indeed ; their jurisdiction being of two sorts , either that which was exercised by them in the Court of their Counties , or in the high Court of the Kingdom . In the Territory denominating an Earl , if it were all his own , the Courts held , and the profits of that Jurisdiction were to his own use and benefit . But if he had but some part of his County , then his Jurisdiction and Courts ( saving perhaps in those possessions that were his own ) were held by him to the Kings use and benefit ; that is , he commnoly supply'd the Office which the Sheriffs regularly executed in Counties that had no Earls ; and whence they came to be called Vice-comites . The Court of the County that had an Earl , was held by the Earl and the Bishop of the Diocesse , after the manner of the Sheriffs Turns unto this Day ; by which means both the Ecclesiasticall and Temporal Lawes were given in charge together unto the Country : the causes of Vavosors or Vavosories appertained to the Cognizance of this Court , where Wills were proved , Judgment and Execution given ; cases criminall and civill determined . The Kings Thanes had like jurisdiction in their Thain-Lands as Lords in their Manours , where they also kept Courts . Besides these in particular , both the Earls and Kings-Thanes , together with the Bishops , Abbots , and Vavosors , or Middle-Thanes had in the High Court or Parliament of the Kingdome a more publick jurisdiction ; consisting , first , of Deliberative power for advising upon , and assenting unto new Lawes . Secondly , of giving Counsel in matters of State ; and thirdly , of Judicature upon Suits , and Complaints . I shall not omit to enlighten the obscurity of these times , in which there is little to be found of a Methodical constitution of this High Court ; by the addition of an Argument , which I conceive to bear a strong testimony unto it self , though taken out of a late Writing that conceals the Authour . It is well known ( saith he ) that in every quarter of the Realm a great many Boroughs do yet send Burgesses unto the Parliament , which neverthelesse be so anciently and so long since decayed and gone to naught , that they cannot be shew'd to have been of any reputation since the Conquest , much lesse to have obtained any such priviledge by the grant of any succeeding King ; wherefore these must have had this right by more ancient usuage , and before the Conquest ; they being unable now to shew whence they derived it . This Argument ( though there be more ) I shall pitch upon , as sufficient to prove ; First , that the lower sort of the people had right unto Session in Parliament during the time of the Teutons . Secondly , that they were qualify'd unto the same by election in their Boroughs ; and ( if Knights of the Shire ( as no doubt they are ) be as ancient ) in the Countries : Thirdly , if it be a good Argument to say , that the Commons during the raign of the Teutons were elected into Parliament , because they are so now , and no man can shew when this custom began ; I see not which way it should be an ill one to say , that the Commons during the reign of the Teutons constituted also a distinct house , because they do so now ; unlesse any man can shew that they did ever sit in the same House with the Lords . Wherefore to conclude this part , I conceive for these , and other reasons to be mentioned hereafter , that the Parliament of the Teutons consisted of the King , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons of the Nation , notwithstanding the style of divers Acts of Parliament , which runs as that of Magna Charta in the Kings name only , seeing the same was neverthelesse enacted by the King , Peers , and Commons of the Land , as is testified in those words by a subsequent Act. The Monarchy of the Teutons had stood in this posture about two hundred and twenty years ; when Turbo Duke of Neustria making his claim to the Crown of one of their Kings that dyed Childlesse , followed it with successeful Arms ; and being possessed of the Kingdom , used it as conquered ; distributing the Earldomes , Thane Lands , Bishopricks and Prelacies of the whole Realm amongst his Neustrians . From this time the Earl came to be called Comes , Consul , & Dux ; ( though Consul & Dux grew afterward out of use ) The Kings Thanes came to be called Barons , and their Lands Baronies ; the Middle-Thane holding still of a mean Lord , retained the name of Vavosor . The Earl or Comes continued to have the third part of the pleas of the County paid unto him by the Sheriff or Vice-comes , now a distinct Officer in every County depending upon the King ; saving that such Earls as had their Counties to their own use , were now Counts-Palatine , and had under the King Regal Jurisdiction ; insomuch that they constituted their own Sheriffs , granted Pardons , and issued Writs in their own names ; nor did Kings Writ of ordinary Justice run in their Dominions , till a late Statute whereby much of this priviledge was taken away . For Barons , they came from henceforth to be in different times of three kinds . Barons by their estates and Tenures , Barons by writ , and Barons created by Letters Pattents . From Turbo the first to Adoxus the seventh King from the Conquest , Barons had their Denomination from their Possessions and Tenures : and these were either Spiritual or Temporal ; for not onely the Thane Lands , but the possessions of Bishops , as also of some twenty six Abbots , and two Priors were now erected into Baronies , whence the Lords Spiritual that had Suffrage in the Teuton Parliament , as Spiritual Lords came to have it in the Neustrian Parliament as Barons : and were made subject ( which they had not formerly been ) unto Knights service in chief . Barony comming henceforth to signifie all honorary possessions , as well of Earls as Barons and Baronage , to denote all kinds of Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal , having right to sit in Parliament , the Baronies in this sense were sometimes more , and sometimes fewer , but commonly about 200 , or 250 , containing in them a matter of sixty thousand feuda militum , or Knights fees , whereof some twenty eight thousand were in the Clergy . It is ill luck that no man can tell what the land of a Knights fee ( reckoned in some Writs at 40 l. a year , and in others at 10. ) was certainly worth ; for by such an help we might have exactly demonstrated the Ballance of this Government : But sayes Cook , it contained twelve plough lands , and that was thought to be the most certain account : but this again is extreamly uncertain , for one Plough out of some Land that was fruitfull might work more than ten out of some other that was barren . Neverthelesse , seeing it appeareth by Bracton , that of Earldoms and Baronies it was wont to be said , that the whole Kingdome was composed : as also , that these consisting of 60000 Knights fees , furnisht 60000 men for the Kings service , being the whole Militia of this Monarchy , it cannot be imagined , that the Vavosories , or Freeholds in the people amounted to any considerable proportion . Wherefore the Ballance and Foundation of this Government was in the 60000 Knights fees , and these being possest by the 250 Lords , it was a Government of the Few , or of the Nobility ; wherein the people might also assemble , but could have no more than a meer name . And the Clergy holding a third to the whole Nation as is plaine by the Parliament Rolle ; it is an absurdity ( seeing the Clergy of France came first through their riches to be a state of that Kingdome ) to acknowledge the people to have beene a state of this Realme , and not to allow it unto the Clergy , who were so much more weighty in the Ballance , which is that of all other whence a state or order in a Government is denominated : wherefore this Monarchy consisted of the King , and of the three ( Ordines Regni , or ) Estates , the Lords spirituall and temporall , and the Commons : It consisted of these I say as to the ballance , though during the raigne of some of these Kings , not as to the administration . For the ambition of Turbo , and some of those that more immediately succeeded him to be absolute Princes , strove against the nature of their Foundation , and in as much as he had divided almost the whole Realme among his Newstrians with some incouragement for a while . But the Neustrians while they were but forraigne Plants , having no security against the Natives , but in growing up by their Princes sides , were no sooner well rooted in their vast Dominions , than they came up according to the infallible consequence of the Ballance Domesticke , and contracting the Nationall interest of the Baronage grew as fierce in the Vindication of the Auncient rights and liberties of the same , as if they had beene alwaies Natives : Whence the Kings being as obstinate on the one side for their absolute power , as these on the other for their immunities , grew certaine Wars which tooke their Denomination from the Barons . This fire about the middle of the raigne of Adoxus began to break out ; And whereas the predecessors of this King , had diverse times beene forced to summon Councills ; resembling those of the Teutons , unto which the Lords only that were Barons by Dominion and Tenure had hitherto repaired ; Adoxus seeing the effects of such Dominion , began first ( not to call such as were Barons by Writs , for that was according to the practice of antient times , but ) to call such by Writes as were otherwise no Barons , by which meanes striving to avoid the consequence of the Ballance , in coming unwillingly to set the Government streight , he was the first that set it awry . For the Barons in his raigne , and his successours , having vindicated their antient Authority , restored the Parliament with all the rights and Priviledges of the same , saving that from thenceforth , the Kings had found out a way whereby to help themselves against the mighty creatures of their own , and such as had no other support but by their favour . By which meanes this Government being indeed the Master-piece of Moderne Prudence hath beene cry'd up to the Skyes , as the only invention , whereby at once to maintaine the soveraignty of a Prince , and the liberty of the people : whereas indeed it hath beene no other than a wrestling match , wherein the Nobility , as they have been stronger have thrown the King ; or the King if he have been stronger , hath thrown the Nobility : or the King where he hath had a Nobility , and could bring them to his party , hath thrown the people , as in France and Spain : or the people where they have had no Nobility , or could get them to be of their party , have thrown the King , as in Holland , and of latter times in Oceana . But they came not to this strength but by such approaches and degrees , as remain to be further opened . For whereas the Barons by Writs ( as the sixty four Abbots , and thirty six Priors that were so called ) were but pro tempore . Dicotome being the twelfth King from the Conquest , began to make Barons by Letters Patents : with the Addition of honorary Pensions for the Maintenance of their Dignities to them , and their Heirs ; so that they were hands in the Kings Purse , and had no shoulders for his Throne . Of these when the house of Peers came once to be full , as will be seen hereafter , there was nothing more empty . But for the present , the Throne having other supports , they did not hurt that so much as they did the King : For the old Barons taking Dicotome's prodigality to such creatures so ill , that they deposed him ; got the trick of it , and never gave over setting up , and pulling down of their Kings according to their various interests , and that faction of the White and Red into which they had been thenceforth divided , till Panurgus the eighteenth King from the Conquest was more by their favour than his right advanced unto the Crown . This King through his naturall subtilty reflecting at once upon the greatnesse of their power , and the inconstancy of their favour , began to find another flaw in this kind of Government , which is also noted by Machiavill ; namely , that a Throne supported by a Nobility , is not so hard to be ascended , as kept warm . Wherefore his secret jealousie lest the Dissention of the Nobility , as it brought him in , might throw him out , travelled in wayes undiscover'd by them , unto ends as little foreseen by himself : while to establish his own safety , he by mixing water with their Wine , first began to open those Sluces that have since overwhelmed not the King onely , but the Throne : For whereas a Nobility striketh not at the Throne without which they cannot subsist , but at some King that they do not like ; Popular power striketh through the King at the Throne , as that which is incompatible with it . Now that Panurgus in abating the power of the Nobility , was the cause whence it came to fall into the hands of the people , appears by those severall Statutes that were made in his raign ; as that for Population ; those against Retainers ; and that for Alienations . By the Statute of Population , All houses of husbandry that were used with twenty Acres of ground and upwards , were to be maintained , and kept up for ever with a competent proportion of Land laid to them , and in no wise , as appears by a subsequent Statute to be severed . By which means the houses being kept up , did of necessity inforce dwellers ; and the proportion of Land to be tilled being kept up , did of necessity inforce the dweller not to be a beggar or Cottager , but a man of some substance that might keep friends and servants , and set the Plough on going : this did mightily concern ( saith the Historian of that Prince ) the might and manhood of the Kingdom , and in effect amortize a great part of the Lands unto the hold and possession of the Yeomanry , or middle people , who living not in a servile or indigent fashion , were much unlinked from dependance upon their Lords , and living in a free and plentifull manner , became a more excellent Infantry ; but such an one upon which the Lords had so little power , that from henceforth they may be computed to have been disarmed . And as they lost their Infantry after this manner , so their Cavalry and Commanders were cut off by the Statute of Retainers ; for whereas it was the Custome of the Nobility to have younger Brothers of good houses , metall'd fellows , and such as were knowing in the feats of Arms about them ; they who were longer followed with so dangerous a train , escaped not such punishments , as made them take up . Henceforth the Country-lives , and great tables of the Nobility , which no longer nourished veins that would bleed for them , were fruitlesse and loathsome till they changed the Air , and of Princes became Courtiers , where their Revenues , never to have been exhausted by Beef and Mutton , were found narrow , whence followed wracking of Rents , and at length sale of Lands ; the riddance through the Statute of Alienations being rendred far more quick and facile , than formerly it had been through the new invention of intails . To this it happened , that Coraunus the Successour of that King dissolving the Abbeys , brought with the declining estate of the Nobility so vast a prey unto the Industry of the people , that the Ballance of the Common-wealth was too apparently in the Popular party , to be unseen by the wise Councel of Queen Parthenia , who converting her reign through the perpetuall Love-tricks that passed between her and her people into a kind of Romanze ; wholly neglected the Nobility . And by these degrees came the House of Commons to raise that head , which since hath been so high and formidable unto their Princes ; that they have looked pale upon those assemblies . Nor was there any thing now wanting unto the destruction of the Throne , but that the people not apt to see their own strength , should be put to feel it ; when a Prince , as stiffe in disputes as the nerve of Monarchy was grown slack , received that unhappy encouragement from his Clergy , which became his utter Ruine , while trusting more unto their Logick , than the rough Philosophy of his Parliament , it came unto an irreparable breach ; for the house of Peers which alone had stood in this Gap , now sinking down between the King and the Commons , shewed that Crassus was dead , and Isthmus broken . But a Monarchy divested of her Nobility , hath no refuge under Heaven , but an Army . Wherefore the dissolution of this Government caused the War , not the War the dissolution of this Government . Of the Kings successe with his Arms it is not necessary to give any further account , than that they proved as ineffectuall as his Nobility ; But without a Nobility or an Army ( as hath been shew'd ) there can be no Monarchy . Wherefore what is there in Nature , that can arise out of these ashes ; but a Popular Government , or a new Monarchy to be erected by the victorious Army ? To erect a Monarchy be it never so new , unlesse like Leviathan you can hang it ( as the Country fellow speaks ) by Geometry , ( for what else is it to say , that every other man must give up his will unto the will of this one man without any other Foundation ? ) it must stand upon old principles , that is , upon Nobility or an Army planted upon a due Ballance of Dominion . Aut viam inveniam aut faciam , was an Adage of Caesars ; and there is no standing for a Monarchy unlesse she find this Ballance or make it . If she find it , her work 's done unto her hand ; for , where there is inequality of Estates , there must be inequality of Power ; and where there is inequality of Power , there can be no Common-wealth . To make it , her sword must extirpate out of Dominion all other roots of power , and plant her Army upon that ground : an Army may be planted Nationally or Provincially . To plant it Nationally , it must be in one of the four wayes mentioned , that is , either Monarchically in part , as the Roman Beneficiarii ; or Monarchically in the whole as the Turkish Timariot ; Aristocratically , that is , by Earls and Barons , as the Neustrians were planted by Turbo : or Democratically , that is , by equall lots , as the Israelitish Army in the Land of Canaan by Joshuah ; in every one of these wayes there must not only be confiscations , but confiscations unto such a proportion as may answer to the work intended . Confiscation of a people that never fought against you , but whose Arms you have born , and in which you have been victorious , and this upon premeditation , and in cool blood , I should have thought to be against any example in humane Nature , but for those alledged by Machiavill of Agathocles , and Oliverteto da Fermo : The former whereof being Captain General of the Syracusans , upon a day assembled the Senate and the people , as if he had something to communicate with them , when at a sign given he cut the Senators in pieces to a man , and all the richest of the people , by which means he came to be King. The proceedings of Oliveretto in making himself Prince of Fermo , was somewhat different in circumstances , but of the same Nature . Neverthelesse Catiline , who had a spirit equall to any of these in his intended mischief , could never bring the like to passe in Rome . The head of a small Common-wealth , such an one as was that of Syracusa or Fermo , is easily brought unto the Block ; but that a populous Nation such as Rome , had not such an one , was the grief of Nero. If Sylla or Caesar attained to be Princes , it was by Civill War , and such civil War as yielded rich spoils ; there being a vast Nobility to be confiscated ; which also was the case in Oceana , when it yielded earth by Earldoms and Baronies to the Neustrian , for the plantation of his new Potentates . Where a Conquerour finds the riches of a Land in the hands of the Few , the forfeitures are easie , and amount to vast advantage ; but where the people have equall shares , the confiscation of many comes to little ; and is not only dangerous , but fruitlesse . The Romans in one of their defeats of the Volsci found among the captives certain Tusculans , who upon examination confest , that the Arms they bore , were by command of their State : whereupon information being given to the Senate by the Generall Camillus , he was forthwith commanded to march against Tusculum ; which doing accordingly , he found the Tusculane fields full of Husbandmen , that stirred not otherwise from the Plough , than to furnish his Army with all kind of accommodations and Victualls ; drawing near to the City , he saw the Gates wide open , the Magistrates coming out in their Gowns to salute and bid him welcome : entring , the Shops were all at work , and open : the streets sounded with the noise of School-boyes at their books , there was no face of War. Whereupon Camillus causing the Senate to assemble , told them , That though the Art was understood , yet had they at length found out the true Arms whereby the Romans were most undoubtedly to be conquered , for which cause he would not anticipate the Senate , unto which he desired them forthwith to send , which they did accordingly ; and their Dictator with the rest of their Ambassadours being found by the Roman Senators as they went into the house standing sadly at the Door , were sent for in as friends , and not as Enemies . Where the Dictator having said , If we have offended , the fault was not so great as is our penitence , and your virtue . The Senate gave them peace forthwith , and soon after made the Tusculanes Citizens of Rome . But putting the case , of which the World is not able to shew an Example , that the forfeiture of a populous Nation , not conquer'd , but friends , and in cool blood , might be taken ; Your Army must be planted in one of the wayes mentioned : To plant it in the way of absolute Monarchy that is upon feuds for life , such as the Timars , a Country as large and fruitfull as that of Greece , would afford you but sixteen thousand Timariots , for that is the most the Turk ( being the best husband that ever was of this kind ) that makes of it at this day : and if Oceana , which is lesse in fruitfulnesse by one half , and in extent by three parts , should have no greater a force , whoever breaketh her in one battle , may be sure she shall never rise ; for such ( as was noted by Machiavill ) is the Nature of the Turkish Monarchy , if you break her in two battles , you have destroyed her whole Militia ; and the rest being all slaves , you hold her without any further resistance : Wherefore the erection of an absolute Monarchy in Oceana , or in any other Country that is no larger , without making it a certain prey unto the first invader , is altogether impossible . To plant by halves as the Roman Emperours did their Beneficiaries , or military Colonies , it must be either for life ; and this an Army of Oceaners in their own Country , ( especially having states of inheritance ) will never bear , because such an Army so planted is as well confiscated as the people , nor had the Mamalines been contented with such usage in Aegypt , but that they were Forraigners , and daring nor to mix with the Natives , it was of absolute necessity to their Being . Or planting them upon inheritance , whether Aristocratically as the Neustrians , or Democratically , as the Israelites , they grow up by certaine consequence into the Nationall interest , and this if they be planted popularly comes unto a Common-wealth ; if by way of Nobility unto a mixed Monarchy , which of all other will be found to be the only kind of Monarchy , whereof this Nation or any other that is of no greater extent hath beene or can be capable : for if the Israelites ( through their Democraticall Ballance being fixed by their Agrarian stood firme , ) be yet found to have elected Kings , it was because their Territory lying open they were perpetually invaded , and being perpetually invaded turned themselves to any thing , which through the want of experience they thought might be a remedy ; whence their mistake in election of their Kings , ( under whom they gain'd nothing , but to the contrary lost all they had acquired by their Common-wealth , both Estates and Liberties ; ) is not only apparent , but without parallell . And if there have beene ( as was shewne ) a Kingdom of the Goths in Spain , and of the Vandalls in Asia , consisting of a single person , and a Parliament , ( taking a Parliament to be a Councill of the people only , without a Nobility ) it is expressely said of those Councills , that they deposed their Kings as often as them pleased : nor can there be other consequence of such a Government , seeing where there is a Councill of the people , they do never receive Lawes , but give them ; and a Councill giving Lawes unto a single person , he hath no meanes in the World , whereby to be any more than a subordinate Magistrate , but force : in which case , he is not a single person and a Parliament , but a single person and an Army , which Army again must be planted as hath been shewn , or can be of no long Continuance . It is true , that the Provincial Ballance being in Nature quite contrary unto the National , you are no wayes to plant a Provinciall Army upon Dominion . But then you must have a native Territory in strength , Situation , or Government able to overballance the forreign , or you can never hold it . That an Army should in any other case be long supported by a meer Tax , is a meer Phansie as void of all reason and Experience , as if a man should think to maintain such an one by robbing of Orchards : for a meer Tax is but pulling of Plumbtrees , the roots whereof are in other mens grounds , who suffering perpetuall violence , come to hate the Author of it : And it is a Maxime , that no Prince that is hated by his people can be safe . Arms planted upon Dominion extirpate enemies , and make friends ; but maintained by a meer Tax , have enemies that have roots , and friends that have none . To conclude , Oceana , or any other Nation of no greater extent must have a competent Nobility , or is altogether incapable of Monarchy : for where there is equality of estates , there must be equality of power ; and where there is equality of power , there can be no Monarchy . To come then to the generation of the Common-wealth ; it hath been shewn how through the wayes and means used by Panurgus to abase the Nobility , and so to mend that flaw which we have asserted to be incurable in this kind of Constitution , he suffered the Ballance to fall into the power of the people , and so broke the Government : but the Ballance being in the people , the Common-wealth ( though they do not see it ) is already in the Nature of them : ( Cornua nota prius Vitulo , quàm frontibus extant ) there wanteth nothing else but time , ( which is slow and dangerous ) or art , ( which would be more quick and secure ) for the bringing those native Arms ( wherewithall they are found already ) to resist they know not how every thing that opposeth them , unto such maturity as may fix them upon their own strength and Bottom . But whereas this Art is Prudence ; and that part of Prudence , which regards the present work , is nothing else but the skill of raising such Superstructures of Government , as are natural to the known Foundations : they never mind the Foundation , but through certain animosities , ( wherewith by striving one against another they are infected ) or through freaks by which not regarding the course of things , nor how they conduce unto their purpose , they are given to building in the Air , come to be divided and subdivided into endlesse parties and factions , both Civill , and Ecclesiastical : which briefly to open , I shall first speak of the people in generall , and then of their divisions . A people ( saith Machiavill ) that is corrupt , is not capable of a Common-wealth : but in shewing what a corrupt people is , he hath either involved himself or me ; nor can I otherwise come out of the Labyrinth , than by saying , that the Ballance altering a people as to the foregoing Government , must of necessity be corrupt ; but corruption in this sense signifieth no more then that the corruption of one Government ( as in natural bodies ) is the generation of another : wherefore if the Ballance alter from Monarchy , the corruption of the people in this case is that which maketh them capable of a Common-wealth : But whereas I am not ignorant , that the corruption which he meaneth is in Manners , this also is from the Ballance . For the Ballance swaying from Monarchical into Popular , abateth the Luxury of the Nobility , and inriching the people , bringeth the Government from a more private unto a more publick interest , which coming nearer , as hath been shewn , unto Justice and right Reason , the people upon a like alteration is so far from such corruption of Manners , as should render them uncapable of a Common-wealth , that of necessity they must thereby contract such reformation of manners as will bear no other kind of Government . On the other side , where the Ballance changeth from Popular to Oligarchical , or Monarchical ; the publick interest with the reason and justice included in the same , becometh more private , Luxury is introduced in the place of Temperance and Servitude in that of Freedome ; which causeth such a corruption of manners both in the Nobility and the people , as by the Example of Rome in the time of the Triumvirs , is more at large discovered by the Author to have been altogether incapable of a Common-wealth . But the Ballance of Oceana changing quite contrary to that of Rome , the manners of the people were not thereby corrupted , but on the contrary fitted for a Common-wealth . For differences of opinion in a people ( not rightly informed of their Ballance , ) or division into parties , while there is not any common ligament of power sufficient to reconcile or hold them , is no sufficient proof of corruption in a people : Neverthelesse , seeing this must needs be matter of Scandall and danger , it will not be amisse in shewing what were the parties , to shew what were their errours . The parties into which this Nation was divided , were Temporal or Spiritual ; and the Temporal parties were especially two , the one the Royalists , the other Common-wealths-men ; each of which asserted their different Causes , either out of Prudence or Ignorance ; out of interest or Conscience . For Prudence , either that of the Ancients is inferiour unto the Modern , ( which we have hitherto been setting face to face , that any one may judge ) or that of the Royalists must be inferiour unto that prudence of the Common-wealths-man : and for interest , taking the Common-Wealths-man to have really intended the publick ( for otherwise he is an hypocrite , and the worst of men ) that of the Royalist must of necessity have been more private : wherefore the whole dispute will come upon matter of Conscience ; and this , whether it be urged by the right of Kings , the obligation of former Lawes , or of the Oath of Allegiance , is absolved by the Ballance . For if the right of Kings were as immediately derived from the breath of God , as the life of man ; yet this excludeth not death and dissolution . But , that the dissolution of the late Monarchy was as natural as the death of a man , hath been already shewn : wherefore it remains with the Royalists to discover by what reason or experience it is possible for a Monarchy to stand upon a popular Ballance ; or , the Ballance being popular as well the Oath of Allegiance , as all other Monarchical Lawes , imply an impossibility , and are therefore void . To the Common-wealths-man I have no more to say , but that if he exclude any party , he is not truly such ; nor shall ever found a Common-wealth upon the natural principle of the same , which is Justice : and the Royalist for having opposed a Common-wealth in Oceana ( where the Lawes were so ambiguous , that they might be eternally disputed , and never reconciled ) can neither be justly , for that cause , excluded from his full and equall share in the Government ; nor prudently , for this , that a Common-wealth consisting of a party will be in perpetuall labour of her own destruction : whence it was , that the Romans having conquered the Albans incorporated them with equall right into the Common-wealth : and if the Royalists be flesh of your flesh , and nearer of blood then were the Albans to the Romans , you are also Christians : neverthelesse there is no reason that a Common-Wealth should any more favour a party remaining in fixed opposition against her , then Brutus did his sons . But if she fix them upon that opposition , it is her fault , not theirs , and this is done by excluding them . Men that have equall possessions , and the same security of their estates and of their liberties that you have , have the same cause with you to defend ; but if you will be trampling , they fight for liberty , though for Monarchy ; and you for Tyranny , though under the name of a Common-wealth ; the nature of orders in a Common-wealth rightly instituted being void of all Jealousie , because let the parties which she imbraceth be what they will , her orders are such , as they neither would resist if they could , nor could if they would , as hath in part been already shewn , and will appear more at large by the ensuing Modell . The parties that are Spiritual are of more kinds then I need mention ; some for a National Religion , and others for liberty of Conscience , with such animosity on both sides , as if these two did not consist , of which I have already sufficiently spoken , to shew , that the one cannot well consist without the other . But they of all the rest are the most dangerous , who holding that the Saints must govern , go about to reduce the Common-wealth unto a party , as well for the reasons already shewn , as that their pretences are against Scripture , where the Saints are commanded to submit unto the higher powers , and be subject unto the Ordinance of man. And , that men pretending under the notion of Saints or Religion , unto Civil Power , have hitherto never failed to dishonour that profession ; the World is full of Examples , whereof I shall confine my self at the present unto two , the one of old , the other of new Rome . In old Rome the Patricians or Nobility , pretending to be the Godly party , were questioned by the People for ingrossing all the Magistracies of that Common-wealth , had nothing to say why they did so , but ( Quòd nemo plebeius auspicia haberet ) that Magistracy required a kind of holinesse which was not in the people . ( Plebs ad id maximâ indignatione exarsit , quod auspicari tanquam invisi Diis immortalibus negarentur posse ) at which the people were filled with such indignation , as had come to cutting of throats , if the Nobility had not forthwith laid by the insolency of that plea : which neverthelesse when they had done , the people for a long time after continued to elect none other than Patrician Magistrates . The Example of new Rome in the rise and practice of the Hierarchy , ( too well known to require any further illustration ) is far more immodest . This hath been the course of Nature : and when it hath pleased , or shall please God to introduce any thing that is above the course of Nature , he will as he hath alwayes done , confirm it by miracle ; for so in his Prophesie of the raign of Christ upon earth , he expresly promiseth ; seeing that the soules of them that were beheaded for Jesus , shall be seen to live and raign with him , which will be an object of sense ; the rather , because the rest of the dead are not to live again untill the Thousand years be finished . And it is not lawfull for men to perswade us that a thing is , though there be no such object of our sence , which God hath told us shall not be , untill it be an object of our sence . The Saintship of a people as to Government consisteth in the election of Magistrates fearing God , and hating covetuousnesse , and not in their confining themselves , or being confined unto men of this , or that party or profession . It consisteth in maing the most prudent and religious choyce that they can , but not in trusting unto men , but , next God , in their orders . Give us good men and they will make us good Lawes , is the Maxime of a Demagogue , and ( through the alteration which is commonly perceivable in men , when they have power to work their own wills ) exceeding fallible . But give us good orders , and they will make us good men , is the Maxime of a Legislator , and the most infallible in the Politickes . But these divisions , ( however there be some good men , that looke sadly on them ) are triviall things ; first ( as to the civill concernment ) because the Government whereof this Nation is capaple * once seene taketh in all interests . And secondly , ( as to the spirituall ) because as pretence of Religion hath alwaies beene turbulent in broken Governments , so where the Government hath beene sound and steddy , Religion hath never shew'd her selfe with any other face than that of her naturall sweetnesse , and tranquillity : nor is there any reason why she should ; Wherefore the errours of the people are occasioned by their Governours . If they be doubtfull of the way , or wander from it , it is because their guides misled them ; and the guides of the people are never so well qualified for leading by any vertue of their own , as by that of the Government . The Government of Oceana , ( as it stood at the time whereof we discourse consisting of one single Councill of the people , to the exclusion of the King , and of the Lords , ) was called a Parliament ; how be it the Parliaments of the Teutons and of the Neustrians consisted as hath beene shew'd of the King , Lords and Commons ; wherefore this under an old name was a new thing . A Parliament consisting of a single assembly elected by the people and invested with the whole power of the Government , without any Covenants , Conditions , or orders whatsoever . So new a thing that neither auncient nor moderne Prudence can shew any avow'd example of the like : And there is scarce any thing that seemeth unto me so strange as that ( whereas there was nothing more familiar with these Counsellors than to bring the Scripture to the House ) there should not be a man of them , that so much as offerd to bring the house unto the Scripture , wherein as hath beene shewne is contained that Originall , whereof all the rest of the Common-wealths seeme to be copies . Certainly if Leviathan ( who is surer of nothing than that a popular Common-wealth consisteth , but of one Councill ) transcribed his doctrine out of this Assembly , for him to except against Aristotle and Cicero for writing out of their own Common-wealths , was not so fair play ; or if the Parliament transcribed out of him , it had beene an honour better due unto Moses . But where one of them should have an Example , but from the other , I cannot imagine ; there being nothing of this kind that I can find in story but the Oligarthy of Athens , the thirty Tyrants of the same , and the Roman Decemvirs . For the Oligarchy , Thucidides tells us that it was a Senate or Councill of foure hundred , pretending to a Ballancing Councill of the people consisting of five thousand but not producing them , wherein you have the definition of an Oligarchy , which is a single Councill both debating and resolving , dividing and choosing ; and what that must come to , was shewne by the Example of the Girles , and is apparent throughout all experience ; wherefore the thirty set up by the Lacedemonians , ( when they had conquered Athens ) are called Tyrants by all Authors ; Leviathan only excepted , who will have them against all the World to have been an Aristocracy ; but for what reason I cannot imagine , these also as voyd of any Ballance having been void of that which is essentiall to every Common-wealth , whether Aristocraticall or Popular ; except he be pleased with them in that , by the Testimony of Xenophon , they killed more men in eight Moneths , then the Lacedemonians had done in ten yeares : oppressing the people ( to use Sir. Wa : Raleighs words ) with all base and intolerable slavery . The usurped Government of the Decemvirs in Rome was of the same kind . Wherefore in the feare of God let Christian Legislators , ( setting the patterne , given in the Mount on the one side , and these execrable Examples on the other ) know the right hand from the left ; and so much the rather because those things , which do not conduce to the good of the Governed , are fallacious , if they appeare to be good for the Governours . God in chastizing a people is accustomed to burne his Rod. The Empire of these Oligarchies was not so violent as short , nor did they fall upon the people but in their own immediate ruine . A Councill without a Ballance is not a Common-wealth , but an Oligarchy ; & every Oligarchy , except she be put to the defence of her wickedness , or power , against some outward danger , is factious : Wherfore the errours of the people being from their Governours ( which Maxim in the Politicks bearing a sufficient testimony unto it selfe , is also proved by Machiavill ) if the people of Oceana have beene factious , the cause is apparent ; But what remedy ? In answer to this question , I come now to the Army : of which the most victorious Captaine and incomparable patriot Olphaus Megaletor was now Generall : Who being a much greater master of that art , whereof I have made a rough draught in these Preliminaries , had so sad reflections upon the waies and proceedings of the Parliament , as cast him upon books , and all other meanes of diversion , among which he happened upon this place of Machiavill . Thrice happy is that people which chances to have a man able to give them such a Government at once , as without alteration may secure them of their liberties : Seeing it is certaine , that Lacedemon in observing the Lawes of Lycurgus , continued about eight hundred yeares without any dangerous tumult or corruption . My Lord Generall ( as it is said of Themistocles , that he could not sleepe for the glory obteined by Miltiades at the battle of Maratho ) took so new , and deepe impression at these words of the much greater glory of Lycurgus , that being on this side assaulted with the emulation of his illustrious object , on the other with the misery of the Nation , which seemed , ( as it were ruined by his Victory ) to cast her selfe at his feete , he was almost wholly deprived of his naturall rest , untill the debate he had within himselfe ▪ came to a firme resolution , that the greatest advantages of a Common-wealth are , first that the Legislator should be one man : and secondly that the Government should be made altogether , or at once . For the first it is certaine saith Machiavill , that a Common-wealth is seldome or never well turned or constituted , except it have been the work of one man : for which cause a wise Legislator , and one whose mind is firmely set , not upon private but the publick interest , not upon his posterity but upon his Country , may justly endeavour to get the soveraigne power into his own hands ; nor shall any man that is master of reason blame such extraordinary meanes as in that case shall be necessary , the end proving no other , than the constitution of a well ordered Common-wealth . The reason of this is demonstrable ; for the ordinary meanes not failing , the Common-wealth hath no need of a Legislator ; but the ordinary meanes failing , there is no recourse to be had but to such as are extraordinary . And , whereas a Book or a Building hath not been known to attaine to perfection , if it have not had a sole Author , or Architect : a Common-wealth , as to the Fabrick of it , is of the like nature . And thus it may be made at once ; in which , there be great advantages : for a Common-wealth made at once , taketh her Security at the same time she lendeth her Money ; trusteth not her selfe to the faith of men , but lancheth immediately forth into the Empire of Lawes : and being set streight bringeth the manners of her Citizens unto her rule : whence followed that uprightnesse which was in Lacedemon . But manners that are rooted in men , bow the tendernesse of a Common-wealth coming up by twigs unto their bent ; whence followed the obliquity that was in Rome , and those perpetuall repaires by the Consuls Axes and Tribunes Hammers , which could never finish that Common-wealth but in destruction . My Lord Generall being clear in these points , and the necessity of some other course than would be thought upon by the Parliament , appointed a Randezvous of the Army , where he spoke his sense agreeable to these Preliminaries with such successe unto the Souldiery , that the Parliament was soon after deposed ; and himself ( in the great Hall of the Pantheon or Palace of Justice , scituated in Emporium the Capital City ) created by the universall suffrage of the Army ; Lord Archon , or sole Legislator of Oceana ; upon which Theater you have , to conclude this piece , a Person introduced , whose Fame shall never draw his Curtain . The Lord Archon being created , fifty select persons to assist him ( by labouring in the Mines of ancient Prudence , and bringing her hidden Treasures unto new light ) were added , with the style also of Legislators , and sate as a Council whereof he was the sole Director and President . The Councill of Legislators . OF this Piece , being the greater half of the whole Work , I shall be able at this time to give no farther Account , then very briefly to shew at what it aymes . My Lord Archon in opening the Councill of Legislators , made it appear how unsafe a thing it is to follow Phansie in the Fabrick of a Common-wealth ; and how necessary that the Archives of ancient prudence should be ransackt , before any Counsellour should presume to offer any other matter in order to the Work in hand , or towards the consideration to be had by the Councill upon a Modell of Government . Wherefore he caused an Urn to be brought , and every one of the Counsellours to draw a Lot : by the Lots as they were drawn . The Common-wealth of Israel , fell unto Phosphorus de Auge . The Common-wealth of Athens , fell unto Navarchus de Paralo . The Common-wealth of Lacedemon , fell unto Laco de Scytale . The Common-wealth of Carthage , fell unto Mago de Syrtibus . The Common-wealth of the Achaeans , Aetolians , & Lycians , fell unto Aratus de Isthmo . The Common-wealth of the Switz , fell unto Alpester de Fulmine . The Common-wealth of Holland , & the United Provinces , fell unto Glaucus de Ulna . The Common-wealth of Rome , fell unto Dolabella de Enyo . The Common-wealth of Venice , fell unto Lynceus de Stella . These containing in them all those excellencies whereof a Common-wealth is capable ; so that to have added more , had been to no purpose ; upon time given unto the Counsellours by their own studies , and those of their friends to prepare themselves , were opened in the Order , and by the persons mentioned at the Council of Legislators ; and afterwards by order of the same were repeated at the Council of the Prytans unto the people ; for in drawing of the Lots , there were a matter of a Dozen of them inscribed with the letter P. which the Counsellours that drew became Prytans . The Prytans were a Committee or Councill sitting in the great Hall of Pantheon , to whom it was lawfull for any man to offer any thing in order to the Fabrick of the Common-wealth : for which cause , that they might not be oppressed by the throng , there was a Rail about the Table where they sate , and on each side of the same a Pulpit ; that on the right hand for any man that would propose any thing ; and that on the left for any other that would oppose him ; and all parties ( being indemnify'd by Proclamation of the Archon ) were invited to dispute their own interests , or propose whatever they thought fit ( in order to the future Government ) to the Council of the Prytans , who ( having a guard of a matter of two or three hundred men , lest the heat of the dispute might break the peace ) had the right of Moderators , and were to report from time to time such Propositions or Occurrences as they thought fit , to the Council of Legislators sitting more privately in the Pallace called Alma . This was that which made the people ( who were neither safely to be admitted unto , nor conveniently to be excluded from the framing of their Common-wealth ) verily believe when it came forth , that it was no other than that , whereof they themselves had been the makers . Moreover , this Council sate divers Months after the publishing , and during the promulgation of the Modell unto the people , by which means there is scarce any thing was said or written for or against the said Modell , but you shall have it with the next impression of this Work by way of Oration addressed unto , and moderated by the Prytans . By this means the Council of Legislators had their necessary solitude and due aym in their greater Work , as being acquainted from time to time with the pulse of the people , and yet without any manner of interruption or disturbance . Wherefore every Common-wealth in her place having been opened by her due Method ; that is , first , by the people ; secondly , by the Senate ; and thirdly , by the Magistracy ; The Council upon mature debate took such results or orders , out of each one , and out of each part of each one of them , as upon opening the same they thought fit ; which being put from time to time in writing by the Clerk or Secretary , there remained no more in the conclusion , than putting the Orders so taken together , to view and examine them with a diligent Eye , to the end that it might be clearly discovered whether they did enterfere , or could any wise come to interfere or jostle one the other ; for as such orders jostling , or coming to jostle one another , are the certain dissolution of the Common-wealth ; so taken upon the proof of like experience , and neither jostling , nor shewing which way they can possibly come to jostle one another , make a perfect , and ( for ought that in humane prudence can be foreseen ) an immortal Common-wealth . And such was the Art whereby my Lord Archon ( taking Counsel of the Common-wealth of Israel as of Moses ; and of the rest of the Common-wealths , as of Jethro ) framed the Modell of the Common-wealth of Oceana . THE MODELL OF The Common-Wealth OF Oceana . WHereas my Lord Archon , being , from Moses and Lycurgus , the first Legislator that hitherto is found in Story to have introduced or Erected an Entire Common-wealth at once , happened , like them also , to be more intent upon putting the same into Execution or Action , then into Writing ; by which means the Modell came to be promulgated or published with more Brevity and lesse illustration then is necessary for their understanding who have not been acquainted with the whole proceedings of the Council of Legislators , & of the Prytans , where it was asserted and cleared from all objections and doubts : Unto the end that I may supply what was wanting in the promulgated Epitome , unto a more full and perfect Narrative of the whole , I shall rather take the Common-wealth practically , and as she hath now given Account of her self in some years Revolutions , ( as Dicaearchus is said to have done that of Lacedemon , first transcrib'd by his hand some three or four hundred years after the Institution ) yet not omitting to adde for proof , unto every order such Debates and Speeches of the Legislators in their Councill , or at least such parts of them as may best discover the reason of the Government , nor such wayes and means as were used in the Institution or Rise of the Building , not to be so well Conceived , without some knowledge given of the Engines wherewithall the mighty Weight was moved . But through the intire omission of the Councel of Legislators or Workmen that squared Every stone unto this Structure in the quarries of Ancient Prudence , the proof of the first part of this Discourse will be lame , except I insert as well for illustration , as to avoid frequent Repetition , three remarkable Testimonies in this place . The first is taken out of the Common-wealth of Israel ; So Moses hearkened unto the voice of ( Jethro ) his Father in Law , and did all that he had said . And Moses chose able men out of all Israel , and made them heads over the people , ( Tribunes as it is in the vulgar Latine ; or Phylarches , that is ) Princes of the Tribes , sitting ( Sellis Curulibus , saith Grotius ) upon twelve Thrones , and judging the twelve Tribes of Israel ; and next unto these he chose Rulers of Thousands , Rulers of Hundreds , Rulers of Fifties , and Rulers of Tens , which were the steps or rise of this Common-wealth , from her foundation or root , unto her proper Elevation , or accomplishment in the Sanhedrim , and the Congregation , already opened in the Preliminaries . The Second is taken out of Lacedemon , as Lycurgus ( for the greater impression of his Institutions upon the minds of his Citizens ) pretended to have received the Modell of that Common-wealth from the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos , the words whereof are thus recorded by Plutarch in the Life of that famous Legislator , [ When thou shalt have divided the People into Tribes , ( which were six ) and Oba's , ( which were five in every Tribe ) thou shalt Constitute the Senate , consisting with the two Kings of thirty Counsellours , who according as occasion requireth , shall cause the Congregation to be Assembled between the Bridge and the River Gnavon , where the Senate shall propose unto the People , and dismisse them without suffering them to debate . The Obae were linages into which every Tribe was divided , and in each Tribe there was one other Division containing all those of the same that were of military Age ; which being called the Mora , was subdivided into Troops and Companies that were held in perpetuall discipline under the Command of a Magistrate called the Polemarche . The Third is taken out of the Common-wealth of Rome , or those parts of it which are comprized in the first and second book of Livy , where the people according to the Institution by Romulus , are first divided into Thirty Curia's or Parishes , whereof he Elected ( by three out of each Curia ) the Senate , which from his Reign unto that of Servius Tullius proposed unto the Parishes or Parochial Congregations , and these being called the Comitia Curiata , had the Election of the Kings , ( Quirites , Regem create ; ita patrilus visum est . Again , Tullium Hostilium Regem Populus Jussit , Patres authores facti ) the Confirmation of their Lawes ( Ut ab Romulo traditum , suffragium viritim eadem vi , eodemque jure omnibus Datum est ) ; and the last appeal in matters of Judicature , as appears in the Case of Horatius that killed his Sister ; Till in the Raign of Servius ( non enim ut ab Romulo traditum caeteri servaverunt reges ) the people being grown somewhat , either the power of the Curiata was for the greater part translated unto the Centuriata Comitia instituted by this King , which distributed the people according to the sense or valuation of their Estates unto six Classes , every one containing about fourty Centuries , divided into Youth and Elders ; the Youth for field-service , the Elders for the defence of their Territory , all armed and under continual Discipline , in which they assembled both upon Military and Civill occasions . But when the Senate proposed unto the People , the horse onely whereof there were twelve Centuries , consisting of the Richest sort over and above those of the foot enumerated , were called with the first Classis of the foot unto the suffrage ; or if these accorded not , then the second Classis was called to them , but seldom or never any of the rest . Wherefore the people after the expulsion of the Kings , growing impatient of this inequality , rested not till they had reduced the Suffrage as it had been in the Comitia Curiata to the whole People again ; But in another way , that is to say , by the Comitia Tributa , which thereupon were instituted , being a Council where the People in Exigencies made Lawes without the Senate ; which Lawes were called Plebiscita . This Councill is that in regard whereof Cicero and other great Wits so frequently inveigh against the People , and sometimes even Livy , as at the Institution : ( Hunc Annum insignem maximè Comitia Tributa efficiunt ; res major victoriâ suscepti certaminis quam usu , plus enim dignitatis Comitiis ipsis detractum est , patribus ex Concilio submovendis , quam Virium aut plebi additum aut demptum patribus ) To say truth , it was a kind of Anarchy , whereof the people could not be excusable , if there had not , through the Courses taken by the Senate , been otherwise a necessity that they must have seen the Common-wealth run into Oligarchy . The Manner how the Comitia Curiata , Centuriata , or Tributa were called , ( during the time of the Common-wealth to the Suffrage , was by lot : the Curia , Century or Tribe whereon the first lot fell , being styled Principium , or the prerogative ; and the other Curiae , Centuries , or Tribes , whereon the second , third , fourth Lots , &c. fell , the Jure vocatae ; from henceforth not the first Classis , as in the times of Servius ; but the Prerogative , whether Curia , Century or Tribe , came first to the Suffrage , whose Vote was called omen Praerogativum , and seldom failed to be leading unto the rest of the Tribes : The Jure vocatae in the order of their Lots came next : the Manner of giving suffrage was , by casting woodden Tablets marked for the affirmative , or the Negative , into certain Urns standing upon a Scaffold as they marched over it in files ; which for the Resemblance it bore , was called the Bridge ; the Candidate or Competitor who had most Suffrages in a Curia , Century or Tribe , was said to have that Curia Century or Tribe ; and he who had most of the Curiae Centuries or Tribes , carried the Magistracy . These three places being premised as such upon which there will be frequent Reflexion , I come unto the Narrative , divided into two parts , the first containing the Institution , the second the Constitution of the Common-wealth ; in each whereof I shall distinguish the Orders , as those which contain the whole Modell , from the rest of the Discourse , which tendeth onely unto the Explanation or proof of them . In the Institution or building of a Common-wealth , the first Work ( as that of builders ) can be no other then fitting and distributing the Materials . The materials of a Common-wealth are the people ; And the People of Oceana were distributed by casting them into certain Divisions , regarding their Quality , their Ages , their Wealth , and the Places of their residence or habitation , which was done by the ensuing Orders . order 1 The first Distributing the people into Freemen or Citizens , and Servants , while such ; for if they attain unto Liberty , that is , to live of themselves , they are Freemen or Citizens . This Order needeth no proof , in regard of the nature of servitude , which is inconsistent with Freedom or Participation of Government in a Common-wealth . order 2 The second Order distributeth Citizens into Youth and Elders ( such as are from 18. years of Age to 30 , being accounted Youth and such as are of 30. and upwards Elders ) and establisheth that the Youth shall be the marching Armies , and the Elders the standing Garrisons of this Nation . A Common-wealth whose Arms are in the hands of her servants , had need be scituated ( as is elegantly said of Venice by Contarini Lontana , dalia ●ede degli huomini ) out of the reach of such Clutches ; witnesse the danger run by that of Carthage in the Rebellion of Spendius and Matho . But though a City ( if one swallow make a Summer ) may thus chance to be safe , yet shall she never be great ; for if Carthage or Venice acquired any fame in their Arms , it is known to have happened through the meer virtue of their Captains , and not of their Orders : wherefore Israel , Lacedemon , and Rome intailed their Arms upon the prime of their Citizens , divided ( at least in Lacedemon and Rome ) into Youth and Elders ; the Youth for the Field , and the Elders for defence of the Territory . order 3 The third Order distributeth the Citizens into Horse and Foot by the Cense or valuation of their Estates ; they who have above one hundred pounds a year in Lands , Goods , or Moneys , being obliged to be of the Horse ; and they who have under , to be of the Foot. But if a man have prodigally wasted and spent his Patrimony , he is neither capable of Magistracy , Office , nor Suffrage in the Common-wealth . Citizens are not onely to defend the Common-wealth , but according to their Abilities , as the Romans , under Servius Tullius ( regard had unto their Estates ) were some inrolled in the Horse Centuries , and other of the Foot , with Arms enjoyned accordingly ; nor could it be otherwise in the rest of the Common-wealths ; though out of Remains that are so much darker it be not so clearly proveable . And the necessary prerogative to be given by a Common-wealth unto Estates in some measure is in the nature of industry , and the use of it to the Publick , ( Populus Romanus , ( saith Julius Exuperantius ) per Classes Divisus erat , et pro Patrimonii facultate censebantur ; exiis , omnes quibus res erat , ad militiam Ducebantur : diligenter enim pro victoria laborabant qui ex libertate bonâ patriam defendebant : Illi autem quibus nullae opes erant , Caput suum , quod solum possidebant , censebantur et bel●i tempore in moenibus residebant ; facilè enim poterant existere proditores , quia egestas haud facilè habetur sine Damno . Hos igitur Marius , quibus non fuerat Resp. committenda , duxit ad bellum : and his successe was accordingly ) : There is a mean in things ; as exorbitant riches overthrow the ballance of a Common-wealth , so Extream poverty cannot hold it , nor is by any means to be trusted with it . The clause in the Order concerning the Prodigall is Athenian , and a very Laudable one ; for he that could not live upon his patrimony , if he come to touch the publick money , makes a Common-wealth Bank-rupt . order 4 The Fourth Order distributeth the People according unto the places of their habitation , into Parishes , Hundreds and Tribes . For except the People be methodically distributed , they cannot be methodically Collected : but the being of a Common-wealth consisteth in the methodicall collection of the people ; wherefore you have the Israelitish Divisions into Rulers of Thousands , of Hundreds , of Fifties , and of Tens ; and of the whole Common-wealth , into Tribes . The Laconick into Oba's , Mora's and Tribes ; the Roman into Tribes , Centuries , and Classes ; and something there must of necessity be in every Government of like nature ; as that in the late Monarchy , by Counties : But this being the onely Institution in Oceana , ( except that of the Agrarian ) which required any charge , or included any difficulty , engageth me unto a more particular description of the manner how it was performed , as followeth . One thousand Surveyors Commissionated and instructed by the Lord Archon and the Councill , being divided into two equal numbers , each under the inspection of two Surveyors general were distributed into the Northern and Southern parts of the Territory , divided by the River Hemisua , the whole whereof containeth about Ten thousand Parishes , some ten of those being assigned unto each Surveyor ; For as to this matter there needed no great exactnesse , it tending onely , by shewing whither every one was to repair , and where about to begin ; unto the more orderly carrying on of the work : The nature of their Instructions otherwise regarding rather the number of the Inhabitants , then of the Parishes . The Surveyors therefore being every one furnished with a proportion convenient of Urns , Balls and Ballotting Boxes , ( in the use whereof they had been formerly exercised ) and now arriving each at his respective Parishes , began with the People by teaching them their first lesson , which was the Ballot ; and albeit they found them in the beginning somewhat Froward as at toyes , with which , while they were in Expectation of greater matters from a Councill of Legislators , they conceived themselves to be abused , they came within a while to think them pretty sport , and at length such as might very soberly be used in good Earnest ; whereupon the Surveyors began the Institution included in order 5 The Fifth Order requiring , That upon the first Munday next ensuing the last of December , the bigger Bell in every Parish throughout the Nation , be rang at eight of the Clock in the morning , and continue Ringing for the space of one Hour ; and that all the Elders of the Parish respectively repair unto the Church before the Bell have done ringing ; where dividing themselves into two equall Numbers , or as near Equall as may be , they shall take their places according to their Dignities if they be of divers qualities , and according to their seniority , if they be of the same , the one half on the one side , and the other half on the other , in the body of the Church ; which done , they shall make oath unto the Overséers of the Parish for the time being , ( instead of these the Surveyors was to officiate at the Institution or first Assembly ) by holding up their hands , to make a fair Election according unto the Lawes of the Ballot , as they be hereafter Explained , of such persons amounting unto a Fifth part of their whole number to be their Deputies , and to exercise their power in manner hereafter explained , as they shall think in their Consciences to be fittest for that trust , and will acquit themselves of it to the best advantage of the Common-wealth . And , oath being thus made , they shall proceed unto Election , if the Elders of the Parish amount unto one Thousand by the Ballot of the Tribe ( as it is in due place Explained ) : And if the Elders of the Parish amount unto Fifty or upwards , but within the Number of one Thousand , by the Ballot of the Hundred ( as it is in the due place explained ) ; But if the Elders amount not unto Fifty , then they shall procéed unto the Ballot of the Parish as it is in this place , and after this manner explained . The two Overséers for the time being , shall seat themselves at the upper end of the middle Alley , with a Table before them , their faces being towards the Congregation : And the Constable for the time being shall set an Urn before the Table , into which he shall put so many Balls as there ve Elders present , whereof there shall be one that is gilded , the rest being white ; and when the Constable hath shaken the Urn sufficiently to mix the Balls , tbe Overséers shall call the Elders unto the Urn , who from each side of the Church , shall come up the middle Alley in two files , every man passing by the Urn , and drawing one Ball , which if it be silver , he shall cast into a Bowl standing at the foot of the Urn , and return by the outward Alley on his side unto his place . But he who draweth the gold-Ball is the proposer , and shall be seated betwéen the Overséers , where he shall begin in what order he pleaseth , and name such as ( upon his oath already taken ) he conceiveth fittest to be chosen , one by one unto the Elders ; and the party named shall withdraw while the Congregation is in Ballotting of his name by the double Box or Boxes appointed and marked on the outward part , to shew which side is Affirmative , and which Negative , being carried by a Boy or Boyes appointed by the Overséers , unto every one of the Elders , who shall hold up a pellet made of linnen rags , betwéen his finger and his thumb , and put it after such a manner into the box , as though no man can see into which side he putteth it ; yet any man may sée that he puts in but one pellet , or suffrage ; and the suffrage of the Congregation being thus given , shall be returned with the Box or Boxes unto the Overséers , who opening the same shall pour the affirmative Balls into a white Bowl standing upon the Table on the right hand , to be numbred by the first Overséer ; and the Negative into a Gréen Bowl standing on the left hand , to be numbred by the second Overséer : and the suffrages being numbred , he who hath the major part in the Affirmative , is one of the Deputies of the Parish ; and when so many Deputies are chosen as amounts unto a full fifth part of the whole number of the Elders the Ballot for that time shall cease . The Deputies being chosen are to be listed by the Overséers in order as they were Chosen , save only that such as are Horse are to be listed in the first place with the rest proportionably to the number of the Congregation , after this Manner : Anno Dom. The List of the first Mover . A. A. ord . eq . 1. Dep. B. B. 2. Dep. C C. 3. Dep. D.D. 4. Dep. E. E. 5. Dep. of the Parish of — in the Hundred of — and the Tribe of — which Parish at the present Election containeth 20 Elders , whereof one of the Horse or Equestrian Order . The first and second in the List are Overséers by Consequence : the third is the Constable , and the fourth and fifth are Church-Wardens ; the persons so chosen are Deputies of the Parish for the space of one year from their Election , and no longer , nor may they be Elected two years together . This List , being the Primum Mobile , or first mover of the Common-wealth , is to be Registred in a Book , diligently kept and preserved by the Overséers , who are Responsible in their places for these and other Duties to be hereafter mentioned , unto the Censors of the Tribe , and the Congregation is to observe the present Order , as they will Answer the contrary unto the Phylarch , or Prerogative Troop of the Tribe ; which , in case of failure in the whole or any part of it , have power to Fine them or any of them , at discretion , but under an Appeal unto the Parliament . For proof of this Order , in Reason : it is with all Polititians past dispute , that paternal power is in the right of nature ; and this is no other then the derivation of power from Fathers of Families , as the naturall Root of a Common-wealth ; and for Experience , if it be otherwise in that of Holland , I know no other Example of like kind . In Israel , the Soveraign power came clearly from the natural root , the Elders of the whole people , and Rome was born Comitiis Curiatis in her Parochial Congregations , out of which Romulus first raised her Senate , then all the rest of the Orders of that Common-wealth , which rose so high : For the depth of a Common-wealth is the just height of it . Ipsa haeret Scopulis et tantum vertice ad auras Aethereas , quantum Radice ad Tartara , tendit . She raises up her head unto the Skies , Neer as her Root unto the center lies . And if the Common-wealth of Rome were born of thirty Parishes , this of Oceana was born of Ten thousand . But whereas mention in the Birth of this is made of an Equestrian Order , it may startle such as know that the division of the people of Rome at the Institution of that Common-wealth into Orders , was the occasion of her ruine . The distinction of the Patrician as an hereditary order from the very Institution , engrossing all the Magistracies , was indeed the destruction of Rome ; but to a Knight or one of the Equestrian Order , saith Horace . Si quadringentis sex , septem millia desunt Plebs eris . By which it should seem that this order was no otherwise hereditary then a man's Estate , nor gave it any Claim to Magistracy ; wherefore you shall never find that it disquieted the Common-wealth ; nor doth the name denote any more in Oceana , then the Duty of such a mans Estate unto the Publique . But the Surveyors both in this place and in others , for as much as they could not observe all the circumstances of this Order , especially that of the time of Election , did for the first as well as they could ; and the Elections being made and Registred , took each of them Copies of those Lists which were within their allotments ; which done , they produced , The Sixth Order , directing , in case a Parson or Uicar of a Parish come to be removed by death , or by the Censors , that the Congregation of the Parish Assemble and depute one or two Elders of the Ballot , who upon the charge of the Parish shall repair unto one of the Universities of this Nation with a Certificate signed by the Overséers , and addressed unto the Uice-Chancellor ; which Certificate giving notice of the death or Removall of the Parson or Uicar , of the value of the Parsonage or Uicaridge , and of the desire of the Congregation to receive a Probationer from that University ; the Uice-Chancellor upon the Receipt thereof shall call a Convocation , and having made choyce of a fit person , shall return him in due time unto the Parish , where the person so returned shall receive the full fruits of the Benefice or Uicaridge , and do the duty of the Parson or Uicar , for the space of one year , as Probationer ; and the space of one year being expired , the Congregation of the Elders shall put their Probationer to the Ballot ; and if he attain not unto two parts in thrée of the Suffrage affirmative , he shall take his leave of the Parish , and they shall send in like manner for another Probationer : but if their Probationer attain unto two parts in thrée of the Suffrage affirmative , he is the Pastor of that Parish . And the Pastour of the Parish shall pray with the Congregation , preach the Word , and administer the Sacraments unto the same , according unto the Directory to be hereafter appointed by , the Parliament . Neverthelesse such as are of gather'd Congregations , or from time to time shall joyn with any of them , are in no wise obliged to this way of Electing their Teachers , or to give their Uotes in this Case , but wholly left unto the liberty of their Conscience , and unto that way of worship which they shall choose , being not Popish , Iewish , nor Idolatrous and to the end that they may be the better protected by the State in the Frée Exercise of the same , they are desired to make choyce in such manner as they best like , of certain Magistra●es in every one of their Congregations , which we could wish might be Four in each of them ▪ to be Auditors in Cases of differences , or distaste if any through variety of opinions , that may be grievous , or injurious unto them should fall out . And such Auditors or Magistrates shall have power to examine the matter and inform themselves to the end that if they think it of sufficient weight they may acquaint the Phylarch , or introduce it into the Councill of Religion ; where all such Causes as such Magistrates shall introduce , shall from time to time be heard and determined according unto such Lawes as are or shall hereafter be provided by the Parliament for the just defence of the Liberty of Conscience . This Order consisteth of three parts , the first restoring the power of Ordination unto the people , which that it originally appertaineth unto them , is clear ( though not in English , yet ) in Scripture , where the Apostles ordained Elders by the holding up of hands in every Congregation , that is , by the suffrage of the people which was also given in some of those Cities by the Ballot ; and though it may be shewn that the Apostles ordained some by the Laying on of hands , it will not be shewen that they did so in every congregation . Excommunication as not clearly proveable out of Scripture being omitted . The second part of the order implyes and establisheth a nationall Religion ; for there be degrees of knowledge in Divine things , true Religion is not to be attained unto without searching the Scriptures ; the Scripture cannot be searched by us unlesse we have them to search ; and if we have nothing else or ( which is all one ) understand nothing else but a translation we may be ( as in the place alleadged , we have been ) beguiled or misled by the translation , while we should be searching the true sence of the Scripture , which cannot be attained unto in a naturall way ( and a Common-wealth is not to presume upon that which is supernaturall ) but by the knowledge of the originall , and of Antiquity acquired by our own studies , or those of some other , for even Faith cometh by hearing . Wherefore a Common-wealth not making provision of men from time to time , knowing in the originall languages wherein the Scriptures were written and versed in those Antiquities whereunto they so frequently relate , that the true sense of them dependeth in a great part upon that knowledge , can never be secure that she shall not lose the Scripture , and by consequence her Religion , which to preserve she must institute some method of this knowledge , and some use of such as have acquired it , which amounteth unto a Nationall Religion . The Common-wealth having thus performed her duty towards God , as a rational Creature by the best Application of her reason unto Scripture , for the preservation of Religion in the purity of the same , yet pretendeth not unto infallibility , but comes in the third part of the order , establishing Liberty of Conscience according to the instructions given unto her Councell of Religion , to raise up her hands to Heaven , for further light , in which proceeding she followeth that ( as was shewen in the preliminaries ) of Israel who though her Nationall Religion were evermore a part of her Civil Law gave unto her Prophets the upper hand of all her Orders . But the Surveyours having now done with the Parishes , tooke their Leaves so , A parish is the first division of Land occasioned by the first Collection of the people of Oceana , whose function proper unto that place is comprised in the six foregoing Orders . The next step in the progresse of the surveyours was to a meeting of the neerest of them , as their work lay , by twenties where conferring their lists and computing the Deputies contained therein , as the number of them in Parishes , being neerest neighbours , amounted unto one hundred , or as eaven as might conveniently be brought with that account , they cast them and those Parishes into the precinct which ( be the Deputies ever since more or fewer ) is still called the hundred and unto every one of these Precincts they appointed a certaine place being the most convenient Towne within the same for the Annuall Randezvouz : which done , each Surveyour returning unto his hundred and summoning the Deputies contained in his lists unto the Randezvouz , they appeared and received , order 7 The Seventh Order , requiring , That upon the first Munday next ensuing the last of Ianuary , the Deputies of every Parish Annually assemble in Arms at the Randevouz of the Hundred , and there Elect out of their number one Iustice of the Peace , one Iury-man , one Captain one Ensign of their Troop or Century , each of these out of the Horse ; and one Iury-man , one Crowner one High Constable out of the Foot ; the Election to be made by the Ballot in this manner the Iury-men for the time being are to be Overséers of the Ballot , ( instead of these , the Surveyors are to officiate at the first Assembly ) and to look unto the performance of the same according to what was directed in the Ballot of the Parishes , save that the High Constable setting forth the Urn , shall have five severall suites of gold-Balls , and one Dosen of every suite whereof the first shall be marked with the letter A. the second with the letter B. the third with C. the fourth with D. and the fifth with E. And of each of these suits he shall cast one Ball into his hat or into a little Urn , and shaking the Balls together present them unto the first Overséer , who shall draw one , and the suit which is so drawn by the Overséer shall be of use for that day , and none other : for Example , if the Overséer drew an A. the High Constable shall put seven gold Balls marked with the letter A. into the Urn , with so many silver ones as shall bring them eaven with the number of the Deputies , who being sworn as before , at the Ballot of the Parish to make a fair Election , shall be called unto the Urn ; and every man coming in manner as was there shewed , shall Draw one Ball , which if it be silver , he shall cast it into a Bowl standing at the 〈◊〉 of the Urn , and return unto his place ; but the first that draweth a gold Ball ( shewing it unto the Overséers who if it have not the letter of the present Ballot hath power to apprehend and punish him ) , is the first Elector : the second the second Elector ▪ and so to the seventh , which Order they are to observe in their function . The Electors as they are drawn shall be placed upon the Bench by the Overséers , till the whole number be Compleat , and then be Conducted with the List of the Officers to be chosen , into a place apart , where being private , the first Elector shall name a person unto the first office in the List ; and if the person so named being Ballotted by the rest of the Electors ▪ attain not unto the better half of the Suffrages in the affirmative , the first Elector shall continue nominating others , untill one of them so nominated by him attain unto the plurality of the Suffrages in the affirmative , and be written first Competitor to the first office . This done , the second Elector shall observe in his turn the like order ; and so the rest of the Electors naming Competitors each unto his respective office in the List , till one Competitor be chosen unto every office : and when one Competitor is chosen unto every office , the first Elector shall begin again to name a second competitor unto the first office , and the rest successively shall name unto the rest of the Offices till two Competitors be chosen unto every office , the like shall be repeated till thrée Competitors be chosen to every office : And when thrée Competitors be chosen to every office , the List shall be returned unto the Overséers , or such as the Overséers , in case they or either of them happened , be Electors , have substituted in his or their place or places : and the Overséers or Substitutes having caused the List to be read unto the Congregation , shall put the Competitors in order as they are written , unto the Ballot of the Congregation ; and the rest of the procéedings being carried on in the manner directed in the Fifth Order , that Competitor of the thrée written unto each office , who hath most of the Suffrages above half in the affirmative , is the Officer . The List being after this manner Compleated , shall be entred into a Register , to be kept at the Randevouz of the Hundred , under inspection of the Magistrates of the same , after this manner : Anno Domini . The List of the Nebulosa . A.A. ord . eq . Justice of the peace B. B. ord . eq . First Jury-man C.C. ord . eq . Captain of the Hundred D.D. ord . eq . Ensign E. E. Second Jury-man F. F. High Constable G.G. Crowner of the Hundred of — in the Tribe of — which Hundred consisteth at this Election of 105 Deputies . The List being entred , the High Constable shall take thrée Copies of the same , whereof he shall forthwith Return one unto the Lord high Sheriffe of the Tribe ; a second unto the Lord Curios Rotulorum , and a third unto the Censors ( or these through the want of such Magistrates at the first muster , may be returned unto the Orator , to be appointed for that Tribe . ) To the observation of all and every part of this Order , the Officers and Deputies of the Hundred are all and every of them obliged , as they will Answer it to the Phylarch , who hath power in case of failure in the whole or any part , to Fine all or any of them so failing at discretion , or according unto such Lawes as shall hereafter be provided in that Case ; but under an Appeal unto the Parliament . There is little in this order worthy of any further account , then that it answers unto the rulers of hundreds in Israel , to the Mora or Military part of the Tribe in Lacedemon , and to the Century in Rome . The Jury-men , being two in a hundred , and so forty in a Tribe , give the Latitude allowed by the Law for exceptions . And whereas the gold-balls at this Ballot begin to be marked with Letters , whereof one is to be drawn immediately before it begin : This is to the end that the letter being unknown , men may be frustrated of Tricks , or foul play , whereas otherwise a man might bring a gold ball with him and make as if he had drawn it out of the Urn. The Surveyors when they had taken Copies of these lists , had accomplished their worke in the Hundreds . So , An Hundred is the second division of Land occasioned by the second Collection of the people , whose Civill and Military functions proper unto this place are comprised in the foregoing order . Having stated the hundreds , they met once againe by twenties , where there was nothing more easy then to cast every twenty hundreds , as they lay most conveniently together into one Tribe , so the whole Territory of Oceana , consisting of about ten thousand , Parishes , came to be cast into one thousand hundreds , and into fifty tribes . In every Tribe at the place appointed for the Annuall Randevouze of the same , were then , or soone after , put in hand , those buildings which are now called Pavilions , each of them standing with one open side , upon fair Columnes like the porch of some ancient Temple , and looking into a field , capable of the muster of some foure-thousand men : before each Pavilion , stand three pillars sustaining urnes for the Ballot , that on the right hand equall in height to the brow of an Horse-man , being called the Horse urn , that on the left hand , with Bridges on either side to bring it Equall in height with the brow of a foot-man , being called the Foot-urn ; and the middle urne ▪ with a bridge on the side towards the Foot-urn , the other side , as left for the horse , being without one : and here ended the whole worke of the Surveyours who returned unto the Lord Archon with this Accompt of the Charge . Imprimis , Urns , Balls , and Ballotting Boxes for ten thousand Parishes , the same being woodden ware , l. 20000. s. 0 Item , Provisions of like kind for a thousand Hundreds 3000 0 Item , Urns and Balls of Metall , with Ballotting Boxes for Fifty Tribes 2000 0 Item , for erecting of Fifty Pavilions , 60000 0 Item , Wages for Four Surveyors General at 1000 l. a man 4000 0 Item , Wages for the rest of the Surveyors , being 1000 , at 250 l. a man 250000 0 Sum Totall , 339000 0 No great matter of charge for the building of a Common-wealth , in regard that it hath cost ( which was pleaded by the Surveyors ) as much to rigg a few ships , neverthelesse that proveth not them to be honest , nor their accompt to be just ; but they had their money for once , though their reckoning be plainly guilty of a Crime , to cost him his neck that Commits it another time , it being impossible for a Common-wealth , without an exact provision , that she be not abused in this kind , to subsist , if it were not in regard of the charge ( though that may goe deepe ) yet in regard of the debauchery and corruption , whereunto , by negligence in her accounts , she infallibly exposeth her Citizens , and thereby slakeneth the publique Faith , which is the Nerve and ligament of Government . But the Surveyors being dispatched , the Lord Archon was very curious in giving names unto his Tribes , which having caused to be written in scroles cast unto an urne , and presented unto the Councellours , each of them drew one , and was accordingly sent unto the Tribe in his Lot , as Orators of the same , a magistracy no otherwise instituted , then for once and Protempore , to the end that the Councill upon so great an occasion might both Congralute with the Tribes , and assiist at the first muster in some things of necessity to be differently carried from the established administration and future course of the Common-wealth . The Orators being arrived , every one as soone as might be , at the Randevouze of his Tribe , gave notice to the hundreds , and summoned the muster , which appeared for the most part upon good horses , and already indifferently well Armed ; as to instance in one for all , the Tribe of Nubia where Hermes de Caducea , Lord Orator of the same , after a short salutation and an hearty wellcome , applyed himself unto his businesse , which began with order 8 The Eighth Order ; requiring , That the Lord High Sheriffe as Commander in Chief , and the Lord Custos Rotulorum as Muster-master of the Tribe , ( or the Orator for the first Muster ) upon Reception of the Lists of their Hundreds , returned unto them by the High Constables of the same , forthwith cause them to be cast up , dividing the Horse from the Foot , and listing the Horse by their names in Troops , each Troop containing about a hundred in number , to be inscribed first , second , or third Troop , &c. according to the Order Agréed upon by the said Magistrates : which done , they shall list the Foot in like manner , and inscribe the Companies in like order . These Lists upon the Eve of the Muster shall be delivered unto certain Trumpetors and Drummers , whereof there shall be Fiftéen of each sort ( as well for the present as other uses to be hereafter mentioned ) stipendiated by the Tribe : and the Trumpeters and Drummers shall be in the Field before the Pavilion , upon the day of the muster , so soon as it is light , where they shall stand every one with his List in his hand , at a due distance , placed according unto the order of the List ; the Trumpeters with the Lists of the Horse on the right hand , and the Drummers with the lists of the Foot on the left hand : where having sounded a while , each of them shall begin to call , and continue calling the names of the Deputies , as they come into the Field , till both the Horse and Foot be gathered by that means into their due order . The Horse and Foot being in order , the Lord Lievtenant of the Tribe shall cast so many Gold Balls marked with the figures 1.2.3.4 . &c. as there be Troops of Horse in the Field , together with so many silver Balls as there be Companies , marked in the same manner , into a little Urn , whereunto he shall call the Captains ; and the Captains drawing the Gold Balls shall command the Horse ; and those that draw the Silver the Foot , each in the order of his Lot. The like shall be done by the Conductor at the same time for the Ensigns , at another Urn ; and they that draw the Gold Balls shall be Cornets , the rest Ensigns . This order may Trash the reader , but tends unto a wonderfull speed of the Muster , to which it would be a great matter , to lose a day in ranging and martialling , whereas by vertue of this the Tribe is no sooner in the feild then in Battalia , nor sooner in Battalia then called unto the Urns or the Ballot by vertue of order 9 The Ninth Order ; whereby the Censors ( or the Orator for the first Muster ) upon Reception of the Lists of the Hundreds from the High Constables , according as is directed by the Seventh Order , are to make their notes for the Urns before-hand , with regard had unto the Lists of the Magistrates , to be elected by the ensuing Orders ; that is to say , by the first List called the Prime Magnitude , six ; and by the second called the Gallaxy , nine . Wherefore the Censors are to put into the middle Urn for the Election of the first List twenty four Gold Balls , with twenty six blanks or silver Balls , in all sixty ; and into the side Urns sixty gold-balls divided unto each according unto the different number of the Horse and the Foot ; that is to say , if the Horse and the Foot be equall , equally ; and if the Horse and the Foot be unequall , unequally , by an Arithmeticall proportion : The like shall be done the second day of the Muster , for the second List , save that the Censors shall put into the middle Urn 36. Gold-Balls with 24. Blanks , in all sixty ; and sixty Gold-Balls into the side Urns , divided respectively unto the number of the Horse and the Foot : and the gold-Balls in the side Urns at either Ballot are by the addition of Blanks to be brought eaven with the number of the Ballottants at either Urn respectively . The Censors having prepared their Notes , as hath béen shewn , and being come at the day into the Field , shall present a Little Urn unto the Lord High Sheriff , who is to draw twice for the Letters to be used that day , the one at the side Urns , and the other at the middle . And the Censors having fitted the Urns accordingly , shall place themselves in certain moveable Seats or Pulpits , ( to be kept for that use in the Pavilion ) the first Censor before the Horse Urn , the second before the Foot Urn , the Lord Lievtenant doing the office of Censor pro tempore at the middle Urn ; where all and every one of them shall cause the Lawes of the Ballot to be diligently observed , taking a speciall care , that no man be suffered to come above once unto the Urn ( whereof it more particularly concerns the Sub-Censors , that is to say , the Overséers of every Parish , to be carefull , they being each in this regard responsible for their respective Parishes ) , or to draw above one Ball , which if it be Gold , he is to present unto the Censor , who shall look upon the Letter ; and if it be not that of the Day , and of the respective Urn , apprehend the party , who for this or any other like disorder , is obnoxious unto the Phylarch . This order being observed by the Censors it is not possible for the People , if they can but draw the Balls , though they understand nothing at all of the Ballot to be out . To Philosophize further upon this Art , though there be nothing more rationall , were not worth the while , because in writing it will be perplext , and the first practise of it gives the demonstration , whence it came to passe , that the Orators after some needlesse paines in the explanation of the two foregoing Orders , betaking himselfe to exemplify the same , found the work done unto his hand ; for the Tribe as eager upon a businesse of this nature , had retained one of the Surveyors , out of whom ( before the Orator arrived ) they had gotten the whole mystery by a stolen muster , at which in order unto the Ballot , they had made certaine Magistrates pro tempore , wherefore he found not onely the Pavilion , ( for this time a Tent ) erected with three posts supplying the place of Pillars unto the urnes , but the urnes , being prepared with a just number of Balls for the first Ballot , to become the field , and the occasion very gallantly , with their covers made in the manner of Helmets , open at either Eare to give passage unto the Hands of the Ballottants , and flanting with noble Plumes to direct the March of the people ; wherefore he proceeded to order 10 The Tenth Order , requiring of the Deputies of the Parishes , That upon every Munday next ensuing the last of February , they make their personall appearance , Horse and Foot in Arms accordingly , at the Randevouz of the Tribe , where being in discipline ▪ the Horse upon the right and the Foot upon the left , before the Pavilion ; and having made Oath by holding up their hands , upon the tender of it by the Lord High Sheriffe ▪ to make Election without favour , and of such onely as they shall judge fittest for the Common-wealth ; the Conductor shall take 3. Balls ; the one inscribed with these words [ outward files , ] another with these words [ inward files , ] and the third with these [ middle files ; ] which Balls he shall cast into a little Urn , and present it to the Lord high Sheriff , who drawing one , shall give the words of Command , as they are thereupon inscribed , and the Ballot shall begin accordingly : For example , if the Ball be inscribed middle-files ▪ the Ballot shall begin by the middle ; that is , the two files that are middle to the Horse , shall draw out first to the Horse Urn , and the two files that are middle to the Foot , shall draw out first to the Foot Urn and be followed by all the rest of the Files as they are next unto them in order . The like shall be done by the inward , or by the outward Files , in case they be first called . And the Files , as every man hath drawn his Ball , if it be silver , shall begin at the Urn to Countermarch unto their places ; but he that hath drawn a gold-Ball at a side Urn , shall procéed unto the middle Urn ; where if the Ball he draweth be silver , he also shall Countermarch ; But if it be gold , he shall take his place upon a form set crosse the Pavilion , with his face toward the Lord High Sheriff , who shall be seated in the middle of the Pavilion , with certain Clerks by him , one of which shall write down the names of every Elector , that is , of every one that drew a gold Ball at the middle Urn , and in the Order , his Ball was drawn , till the Electors amount unto six in number ; and the first six Electors Horse and Foot promiscuously , are the first order of Electors ; the second six ( still accompting them as they are drawn ) the second Order ; the third six , the third Order ; and the fourth six , the fourth Order of Electors : every Elector having place in his order , according unto the order wherein he was drawn : But so soon as the first order of Electors is compleat , the Lord High Sheriff shall send them with a Copy of the following List ▪ and a Clerk that understands the Ballot , forthwith unto a little Tent standing before the Pavilion , in his eye , whereunto no other person but themselves during the Election shall approach : the List shall be written in this manner : ANNO DOMINI , The List of the prime Magnitude or first dayes Election of Magistrates . 1. The Lord High Sheriff , Commander in Chief 2. Lord Lievtenant 3. Lord Custos Rotullorum , Muster-master-Generall 4. The Conductor , being Quartermaster-Generall 5. The first Censor 6. The second Censor of the Tribe of Nubia , containing at this present Muster , 700 Horse , and 1500 Foot , in all 2200 Deputies . And the Electors of the first hand or order being six , shall each of them name unto his respective Magistracy in the left , such as are not already elected in the Hundreds , till one Competitor be chosen unto every Magistracy in the List by the Ballot of the Electors of the first Order , which done , the List with the Competitors thereunto annexed shall be returned unto the Lord High Mheriff , by the Clerk attending that order , but the Electors shall kéep their places , for they have already given their Suffrage , and may not enter into the Ballot of Tribe . If there arise any dispute in an order of Electors , one of the Censors or sub-Censors appointed by them , in case they be Electors , shall enter into the Tent of that Order ; and that Order shall stand unto his Iudgment in the decision of the Controversie . The like shall be done exactly by each other , order of Electors , being sent as they are drawn ; each with another Copy of the same List , into a distinct Tent , till there he returned unto the Lord High Sheriff four Competitors unto every Magistracy in the List ; that is to say , One Competitor Elected unto every office in every one of the four Orders ; which Competitors the Lord High Sheriff shall cause to be pronounced or read by a Cryer unto the Congregation , and the Congregation having heard the whole Lists repeated , the names shall be put by the Lord High Sheriff unto the Tribe , one by one , beginning with the first Competitor in the first Order , thence proceeding to the first Competitor in the second Order , and so to the first in the third and fourth Orders : and the Suffrages being taken in boxes ( by boyes as hath béen already shewn ) shall be poured into the Bowles standing before the Censors , who shall be seated at each end of the Table in the Pavilion , the one numbring the Affirmatives , and the other the Negative ; and he , of the four Competitors to the first Magistracy , that hath most above half the Suffrages of the Tribe in the Affirmative , is the first Magistrate ; The like is to be done successively by the rest of the Competitors in their order . But because soon after the Boxes are sent out for the first name , there be others sent out for the second , and so for the third , &c. by which means divers names are successively at one and the same time in ballotting ; the Boy that carries a Box shall sing or repeat Continually the name of the Competitor for whom that Box is carrying , with that also of the Magistracy unto which he is proposed . A Magistrate of the Tribe happening to be an Elector , may substitute any one of his own Order to execute his other Function : the Magistrates of the Prime Magnitude being thus elected , shall receive the present charge of the Tribe . If it be objected against this order , that the Magistrates to be elected by it , will be men of more inferior rank then those of the hundreds , in regard that those are chosen first ; It may be remembred , that so were the Burgesses in the former Government , neverthelesse the Knights of the Shire were men of greater quality : And the election at the Hundred is made by a Councel of Electors , of whom less cannot be expected then the discretion of naming persons fittest for those capacities , with an eye upon these to be elected at the Tribe . For what may be objected in the point of difficulty , it is demonstrable by the foregoing orders , that a man might bring ten thousand men ( if there were occasion ) with as much ease , and as suddainly to performe the ballot , as he can make five thousand men ( drawing them out by double files ) to march a quarter of a mile : but because at this Ballot , to go up and down the field , distributing the Linnen pellets unto every Man , with which he is to ballot or give suffrage would lose a great deale of time , therefore a Mans wife , his daughters or others make him his provision of pellets before the ballot ; and he cometh into the field with a matter of a score of them in his pocket . And now I have as good as done with the sport . The next is , order 11 The Eleventh Order , Explaining the duties and Functions of the Magistrates , contained in the List of the prime Magnitude : And those of the Hundreds , beginning with the Lord High Sheriff , who over and above his more ancient Offices and those added by the former Order is the first Magistrate of the Phylarch , or prerogative Troop : the Lord Lievtenant over and above his Duty mentioned , is Commander in Chief of the musters of the Youth , and second Magistrate of the Phylarch ; the Custos Rotulorum is to return the yearly Muster-Rolles of the Tribe , as well that of the Youth as of the Elders unto the Rolls in Emporium , and is the third Magistrate of the Phylarch : the Censors by themselves , and their sub-Censors , that is , the Overséers of the Parishes , are to sée that the respective Lawes of the Ballot be observed in all the popular Assemblies of the Tribe : they have power also to put such Nationall Ministers , as in preaching shall intermeddle with the matter of Government , out of their livings ; Except the party appeal unto the Phylarch , or unto the Councill of Religion where in that case the Censors shall prosecute All and every one of these Magistrates together with the Iustices of Peace : and the Iury-men of the Hundreds amounting in the whole number unto thréescore and six , are the Prerogative Troop or Phylarch of the Tribe . The function of the Phylarch or Prerogative Troop is five-fold ; First , they are the Councill of the Tribe , and as such to Govern the Musters of the same according to the foregoing Orders , having Cognizance of what hath passed in the Congregations , or Elections made in the Parishes or the Hundreds , with power to punish any undue practises or variation from their respective Rules and Orders , under an Appeal to the Parliament . A marriage legitimately is to be pronounced by the Parochiall Congregation , the Muster of the Hundred , or the Phylarch ; and if a Tribe have a desire ( which they are to expresse at the Muster by their Captains , every Troop by his own ) to petition the Parliament , the Phylarch as the Counsell shall frame the Petition in the Pavilion , and propose it by Clauses , unto the Ballot of the whole Tribe , and the Clauses that shall be affirmed by the Ballot of the Tribe ; and be signed by the hands of the six Magistrates of the Prime Magnitude , shall be received and estéemed by the Parliament as the Petition of the Tribe , and no other . Secondly , the Phylarch hath power to call unto their assistance what other Troops of the Tribe they please ( be they Elders or Youth , whose discipline will be hereafter directed ) and with these to receive the Iudges Itinerant in their Circuits , whom the Magistrates of the Phylarch shall assist upon the Bench , and the Iuries elsewhere in their proper Functions according unto the more Ancient Lawes and Customs of this Nation . Thirdly , the Phylarch shall hold the Court called the Quarter-Sessions according unto the Ancient Custom , and therein shall also hear Causes in order unto the Protection of Liberty of Conscience , by such Rules as are or shall hereafter be appointed by the Parliament . Fourthly , all Commissions , issued into the Tribes by the Parliament , or by the Chancery , are to be directed unto the Phylarch , or some of that Troop , and executed by the same respectively . Fifthly , In the Case of Levies of money the Parliament shall tax the Phylarchs , the Phylarchs shall tax the Hundreds , the Hundreds the Parishes , and the Parishes shall Levy it upon themselves : the Parishes having Levied the Tax money , accordingly shall return it unto the Officers of the Hundreds , the Hundreds unto the Phylarchs , and the Phylarchs unto the Exchequer : but if a man have ten Children living , he shall pay no taxes ; if he have five living , he shall pay but half Taxes ; if he have béen Married thrée years , or be above twenty five years of age , and have no Child or Children Lawfully begotten , he shall pay double taxes : and if there happen to grow any dispute vpon these or such other Orders as shall or may hereunto be added hereafter , the Phylarch ▪ shall judge the Tribes , and the Parliament shall judge the Phylarchs ; for the rest , if any man shall go about to introduce the right or power of debate into any Popular Council or Congregation of this Nation , the Phylarch or any Magistrate of the Hundred or of the Tribe , shall cause him forthwith to be sent in Custody unto the Councill of War. The part of the Order relating unto the Rolls in Emporium , being of singular use , is not unworthy to be somewhat better opened ; In what manner the lists of the Parishes , Hundreds and Tribes are made , hath been shewen in their respective orders ; whereafter the parties elected , they give account of the whole number of the Elders or Deputies in their respective assemblies or musters ; the like for this part exactly , is done by the youth in their discipline ( to be hereafter shewen ) : wherefore the lists of the Parishes Youth and Elders being summed up , give the whole number of the people able to beare Armes ; and the lists of the Tribes Youth and Elders being summed up , give the whole number of the people , bearing Armes . This account being annually recorded by the Master of the Rolls is called the Pillar of Nilus , because the people being the riches of the Common-wealth , as they are found to rise or fall by the degrees of this Pillar like that River , give account of the publique Harvest . Thus much for the description of the first daies work at the Muster , which happened , as hath been shewen , to be done as soone as said : for as in practise it is of small dificulty , so requires it not much time , seeing the great Councill of Venice consisting of a like number , begins at 12. of the Clock , and Elects nine Magistrates in one afternoon : But the Tribe being dismissed for this night , repaired unto their quarters , under the conduct of their new Magistrates . The next morning returning into the field very early , the Orator proceeded to order 12 The Twelfth Order ; directing the Muster of the Tribe in the second dayes Election , being that of the List called the Gallaxy , in which the Censors shall prepare the Urns according to the directions given in the Ninth Order for the second Ballot , that is to say , with 36. gold-Balls in the middle Urn , making four Orders , and nine Electors in every Order according unto the number of the Magistrates in the List of the Gallaxy , which is as followeth : 1. Knight , To be chosen out of the Horse . 2. Knight To be chosen out of the Horse . 3. Deputy To be chosen out of the Horse . 4. Deputy To be chosen out of the Horse . 5. Deputy To be chosen out of the Horse . 6. Deputy To be chosen out of the Foot. 7. Deputy To be chosen out of the Foot. 8. Deputy To be chosen out of the Foot. 9. Deputy To be chosen out of the Foot. The rest of the Ballot shall procéed Exactly according unto that of the first day : But for as much as the Common-wealth Demandeth as well the Fruits of a mans body as of his mind , he that hath not béen married shall not be Capable of these Magistracies untill he be married ; if a Deputy already chosen to be an Officer in the Parish in the Hundred or in the Tribe , be afterwards chosen of the Gallaxy , it shall be lawfull for him to Delegate his Office in the Parish , in the Hundred , or in the Tribe , unto any one of his own order , being not already chosen into office . The Knights and Deputies being chosen , shall be brought unto the head of the Tribe by the Lord High Sheriff , who shall administer unto them this Oath , [ Ye shall well and truly observe and keep the Orders and Customs of this Common-wealth which the People have Chosen . ] And if any of them shall refuse the Oath , he shall be rejected ; and that Competitor which had the most voices next shall be called in his place ; who if he take the Oath , shall be entred in the List ; But if he also refuse the Oath , he who had most voices next shall be called , and so untill the number of nine out of those Competitors which had most voices be sworn Knights and Deputies of the Gallaxy : ( This Clause , in regard of the late divisions , and to the end that no violence be offered unto any mans Conscience , to be of force but for the first three years only : ) The Knights of the Gallaxy being elected and sworn are to repair by the Munday next ensuing the last of March unto the Pantheon or Pallace of Iustice scituate in the Metropolis of this Common-wealth , ( except the Parliament through Sicknesse , or some other occasion , have adjourned unto some other part of the Nation ) where they are to take their Places in the Senate , and continue in full Power and Commission as Senators for the full term of thrée years next ensuing the date of their Election . The Deputies of the Gallaxy are to repair by the same day ( except as before excepted ) unto the Hall situated in Emporium , where they are to be listed of the Prerogative Tribe or equall Representative of the people ; and to continue in full power and Commission as their Deputies for the full term of thrée years , next ensuing their Election . But for as much as the term of every Magistracy , or office in this Common-wealth requireth an equall vacation , a Knight , a Deputy of the Gallaxy having fulfilled his term of thrée years , shall not be re-elected unto the same or any other Tribe , till he have also fulfilled his thrée years vacation . Who ever shall rightly consider the foregoing orders , will be as little able to find how it is possible , that a worshipfull Knight should declare himselfe in Ale and Biefe , worthy to serve his Country , as how my Lord High Sheriff's honour , in case he were protected from the Law , could play the Knave . But though the forgoing Orders so far as they reguard the constitution of the Senate and the people , requireing no more as to an ordinary election then is therein explained , that is but one third part of their Knights and Deputies , are perfect ; yet must wee in this place , and as to the Institution , of necessity erect a scaffold : For the Common-wealth to the first Creation other Councills in full number , required thrice as many as are eligible by the foregoing Orders ; wherefore the Gratour whose ayd in this place was most necessary , rightly informing the people of the reason , staid them two daies longer at the Muster , and tooke this course . One list containing two Knights and seven Deputies , he caused to be chosen upon the second day , which list being called the first Gallaxy , qualified the parties elected of it , with power for the Terme of one yeare and no longer ; another list containing two Knights and seven Deputies more , he caused to be chosen the third day , which list being called the second Gallaxy , qualified the parties elected of it with power , for the terme of two yeares and no longer . And upon the fourth day he chose the third Gallaxy according as it is directed by the Order , impowered for three yeares , which Lists successively falling ( like the signes or constellations of one Hemisphere , that setting cause those of the other to rise ) cast the great Orbs of this Common-wealth into an Annuall Trienial and Perpetual Revolution . The businesse of the Muster being thus happily finisht , Hermes de Caduceo , Lord Orator of the Tribe of Nubia , being now put into her first Rapture , caused one of the censors Pulpits to be planted in front of the squadron , and ascending into the same , spake after this manner : My Lords the Magistrates , and the People of the Tribe of NUBIA , WE have this day solemnized the happy Nuptialls of the two greatest Princes that are upon the Earth , or in Nature ; Arms and Councills : in the Mutual Embraces whereof consisteth your whole Common-wealth : whose Councills upon their perpetuall Wheelings , Marches , and Counter-marches , create her Armies ; and whose Armies with the golden Vollies of the Ballot , at once create and Salute her Councills . There be ( such is the World now adaies ) that think it ridiculous to see a Nation exercising her Civill functions in military Discipline ; while they committing their Buffe unto their Servants , come themselves to hold Trenchards : For what availeth it such as are unarmed , ( or , which is all one , whose Education acquainteth them not with the proper use of their Swords ) to be called Citizens ? What were two or three thousand of you , well affected to your Country , but naked , unto one Troop of Mercenary Souldiers ? If they should come upon the Field and say , Gentlemen , It is thought fit that such and such men should be chosen by you ; where were your Liberty ? Or , Gentlemen , Parliaments are exceeding good , but you are to have a little patience , these Times are not so fit for them ; where were your Common-wealth ? What causeth the Monarchy of the Turks but Servants in Arms ? What was it that begot the glorious Common-wealth of Rome , but the Sword in the hands of her Citizens ? wherefore my glad Eyes salute the Serenity and brightnesse of this day with a showr that shall not cloud it . Behold , the Army of Israel become a Common-wealth , and the Common-wealth of Israel remaining an Army ! with her Rulers of Tens and of Fifties , her Rulers of Hundreds , and her Rulers of Thousands , drawing near , ( as this day throughout our happy Fields ) unto the Lot by her Tribes , encreased above threefold , and led up by her Phylarchs , or Princes , to sit ( Sellis Curulibus ) upon Fifty Thrones , judging the Fifty Tribes of Oceana . Or , Is it Athens , breaking from her Iron Sepulchre ; where she hath been so long Trampled upon by Hosts of Janizaries ? For certainly that ( nec vox hominem sonat ) is the voice of Theseus , having gathered his scattered Athenians into one City . — Haec juris sui Parere Domino Civitas vni negat : Rex ipse Populus annuas mandat vices Honoris huic , illive . — This Free-born Nation liveth not upon the Dole or Bounty of one Man , but distributing her Annuall Magistracies and Honours with her own hand , is her self King People — ( At which the Orator was a while interrupted with shouts , but at length proceeded ) — Is it grave Lacedemon in her Armed Tribe divided by her Obae and her Mora , which appears to chide me that I teach the people to talk , or conceive such Language as is drest like a woman , to be a fit Usher of the Joyes of Liberty into the hearts of men ? Is it Rome in her Victorious Arms ( for so she held her Concio or Congregation ) that Congratulateth with us , for finding out that which she could not hit on , and binding up her Comitia Curiata , Centuriata , and Tributa in one inviolable League of Union ? Or is it the Great Councill of incomparable Venice , bowling forth by the self-same Ballot her immortall Common-wealth ? For , neither by Reason nor by her Experience is it impossible that a Common-wealth should be immortall ; seeing the people being the materials never dyes , and the form which is motion must without opposition , be endlesse : The Bowl which is thrown from your hand , if there be no rub , no impediment , shall never cease : for which cause the glorious Luminaries that are the Bowles of God , were once thrown for ever ; and next these , those of Venice . But certainly , my Lords , what ever these great Examples may have shewn us , we are the first that have shewn unto the World a Common-wealth Established in her rise upon Fifty such Towers , and so Garnizoned as are the Tribes of Oceana , containing one hundred thousand Elders upon the Annuall List , and yet but an out-guard ; besides her marching Armies to be equall in the discipline , and in the number of her Youth . And for as much as Soveraign powers is a necessary , but a formidable creature , not unlike the Powder , which ( as you are Souldiers ) is at once your safety , and your danger , being subject to take fire against you as for you ; how well and securely is She by your Gallaxy's , so collected as to be in full force and vigour , and yet so distributed , that it is impossible you should be blown up by your own Magazeen . Let them who will have it , that power if she be confin'd cannot be Soveraign , tell us , whether our Rivers do not enjoy a more secure and fruitfull raign within their proper banks , then if it were lawful for them , in ravishing our harvests , to spill themselves ? whether soules not confin'd unto their peculiar bodies do govern them any more , then those of Witches in their Trances ? Whether Power not confin'd unto the bounds of Reason and Virtue , have any other bounds then those of Vice and Passion ? or if Vice and Passion be boundlesse , and Reason and Virtue have certain Limits , on which of these Thrones holy men should anoint their Soveraign ? But to blow away this dust , The Soveraign power of a Common-wealth is no more bounded , that is to say , Streightened , then that of a Monarch , but is Ballanced . The Eagle mounteth not unto her proper pitch , if she be bounded ; nor , if she be not ballanced . And lest a Monarch should think that he can reach farther with his Scepter , the Roman Eagle upon her Ballance spread her wings from the Ocean to Euphrates . Receive the Soveraign Power ; you have received her ; hold her fast , embrace her for ever in your shining Arms : The virtue of the Loadstone is not impaired or Limited , but receiveth strength and nourishment by being bound in Iron . And so giving your Lordships much joy , I take my leave of this Tribe . The Orator descending , had the period of his speech made with a vast applause , and exultation by the whole Tribe , attending him , for that night unto his quarter , as the Phylarch , with some commanded Troops , did the next day unto the Frontires of the Tribe , where Leave was taken on both sides with more Teares then Grief . So , A Tribe is the third division of Land occasioned by the third Collection of the People , whose functions proper unto that place are contained in the five foregoing Orders . The Institution of the Common-wealth was such as needed those props and Scaffolds , which may have troubled the Reader , but I shall here take them away and come unto the Constitution which stands by it selfe and yeelds a clearer prospect . The Motions by what hath been already shewn , are Spherical , and sphericall motions have their proper Center , for which cause , ( ere I proceed further ) it will be necessary for the better understanding of the whole , that I discover the Center whereupon the motions of this Common-wealth are formed . The Center or Basis of every Government , is no other then the Fundamentall Lawes of the same . Fundamentall Lawes are such as state what it is that a man may call his own , that is to say , Proprietie ; and what the meanes be whereby a man may enjoy his own , that is to say Protection : the first is also called Dominion , and second Empire or Soveraigne power , whereof this ( as hath been shewn ) is the naturall product of the former , for such as is the Ballance of of the Dominion in a Nation , such as the nature of her Empire . Wherefore the Fundamentall Lawes of Oceana , or the Center of this Common-wealth are the Agrarian , and the Ballot . The Agrarian by the Ballance of dominion preserving equalitie in the Roote , and the Ballot by an equall rotation conveying it into the branch , or exercise of Soveraigne power : as to begin with the former appeareth , by order 13 The Thirtéenth Order , Constituting the Agrarian Lawes of Oceana , Marpesia and Panopea , whereby it is ordained , First , for all such Lands as are lying and being within the proper Tercitories of Oceana , that every man who is at present possessed , or shall hereafter be possessed of an Estate in Land excéeding the Revenue of two thousand pounds a year , and having more then one Son , shall leave his Lands either equally divided among them , in case the Lands amount unto above 2000 l. a year unto each ; or so near equally in case they come under , that the greater part or portion of the same remaining unto the eldest , excéed not the value of two thousand pounds Revenue . And no man not in present possession of Lands above the value of two thousand pounds by the year , shall receive , enjoy , ( except by Lawful Inheritance ) acquire or purchase unto himself , Lands within the said Territories amounting with those already in his possession , above the said Revenue . And if a man have a daughter , or daughters , except she be an Heir , or they be Heirs he shall not leave or give unto any one of them in Marriage or otherwise for her portion above the value of one thousand five hundred pounds in Lands Gods and Moneys : Nor shall any Friend , Kinsman , or Kinswoman adde unto her or their Portion or Portions that are so provided for , to make any one of them greater : Nor shall any man demand , or have more in marriage , with any woman . Neverthelesse an Heir shall enjoy her Lawfull Inheritance , and a Widow whatsoever the bounty or affection of her husband shall bequeath unto her , to be divided in the first Generation , wherein it is divisible according as hath béen shewn . Secondly , for Lands lying and being within the Territories of Marpesia , the Agrarian shall hold in all parts as it is established in Oceana , save onely in the Standard , or Proportion of Estates in Land , which shall be set for Marpesia at five Hundred pounds . And thirdly , for Panopea , the Agrarian shall hold in all parts , as in Oceana . And whosoever possessing above the proportion allowed by these Lawes , shall be lawfully convicted of the same , shall forfeit the overplus unto the use of the State. Agrarian Lawes of all others have ever been the greatest Bugbears , and so in the Institution were these , at which time it was ridiculous to see , how strange a fear appeared in every body of that which , being good for all , could hurt no body . But instead of the proof of this Order , I shall out of those many debates that happened ere it could be past , insert two Speeches that were made at the Councill of Legislators , the first by the Right Honourable Philautus de Garbo , a young man , being Heir apparent unto a very Noble Family , and one of the Counsellours , who expressed himself as followeth : May it please your Highnesse , My Lord Archon , OF Oceana , IF I did not ( to my Capacity ) know from how profound a Counsellor I dissent ; it would certainly be no hard task to make it as light as the day ; First , that an Agrarian is altogether unnecessary : Secondly , that it is dangerous unto a Common-wealth : Thirdly , that it is insufficient to keep out Monarchy : Fourthly , that it destroyes Families : Fifthly , that it destroyes Industry : And last of all , that , though it were indeed of any good use , it will be a matter of such difficulty to introduce in this Nation , and so to settle that it may be lasting , as is altogether invincible . First , that an Agrarian is unnecessary unto a Common-wealth , what clearer testimony can there be , than , that the Common-wealths which are our Contemporaries ( Venice , whereunto your Highnesse giveth the upper hand of all Antiquity , being one ) have no such thing ? And there can be no reason why they have it not , seeing it is in the Soveraign Power at any time to establish such an Order , but that they need it not ; wherefore no wonder if Aristotle who pretends to be a good Common-wealths-man , have long since derided Phaleas , to whom it was attributed by the Greeks , for this invention . Secondly , That an Agrarian is dangerous unto a Common-wealth , is affirmed upon no sleight Authority , seeing Machiavill is positive , that it was the Dissention which happened about the Agrarian that caused the Destruction of Rome ; Nor do I think that it did much better in Lacedemon , as I shall shew anon . Thirdly , That it is insufficient to keep out Monarchy , cannot without impiety be denyed , the holy Scriptures bearing Witnesse , that the Common-wealth of Israel notwithstanding her Agrarian , submitted her neck unto the Arbitrary Yoke of her Princes . Wherefore to come unto my Fourth Assertion , That it is destructive unto Families ; this also is so apparent , that it needeth pity rather then proof . Why alas do you bind a Nobility , which no Generation shall deny to have been the first that freely sacrificed her blood unto the ancient Liberties of this People , up-an unholy Altar ? VVhy are the People taught , That their Liberty , which except our noble Ancestors had been born , must have long since been buried , cannot now be born except we be buried ? . A Common-wealth should have the innocence of the Dove : Let us leave this purchase of her birth unto the Serpent , which eateth her self out of the womb of her Mother . But it may be said perhaps , that we are falne from our first Love , become proud and idle . It is certain ( My Lords ) that the hand of GOD is not upon Us for nothing ; but take heed how you admit of such assaults and sallyes upon mens Estates , as may slacken the Nerve of labour , and give others also reason to believe that their sweat is vain ; Or whatsoever be pretended , your Agrarian ( which is my Fourth Assertion ) must indeed destroy Industry : For , that so it did in Lacedemon , is most apparent , as also that it could do no otherwise , where every man having his 40. Quarters of Barley , with Wine proportionable , supplyed him out of his own Lot by his Labourer or Helott ; and being confin'd in that unto the scantling above which he might not live , there was not any such thing as a Trade , or other Art , save that of War , in excercise ; VVherefore a Spartane , if he were not in Arms , must sit and play with his fingers , whence ensued perpetuall VVar ; And , the Estate of the Citizen being as little capable of encrease , as that of the Common-wealth , her inevitable Ruine . Now what better ends you can propose unto your selves in like wayes , I do not so well see , as that there may be worse ; For Lacedemon yet , was free from civill VVar ; but if you imploy your Citizens no better then she did , I cannot promise you that you shall fare so well , because both they are still desirous of VVar that hope it may be profitable unto them ; And the strongest security you can give of Peace , is to make it gainfull ; otherwise men will rather choose that whereby they may break your Lawes , then that whereby your Lawes may break them ; which I do not speak so much in relation unto the Nobility , or such as would be holding , as to the people or them that would be getting ; the passion in these being of so much the more strength , as a mans felicity is weaker in the Fruition of things , then in the Prosecution and encrease of them . Truly ( my Lords ) it is my fear , that by taking off more hands , and the best from Industry , you will farther indammage it , then can be repaired by laying on a few , and the worst : while the Nobility must be forced to send their Sons unto the Plough ; and , as if this were not enough , to Marry their Daughters also unto Farmers . But I do not see ( to come unto the last Point ) how it is possible that this thing should be brought about , to your good I mean , though it may unto the Destruction of many : For that the Agrarian of Israel , or that of Lacedemon might stand , is no such miracle ; the Lands without any Consideration of the former Proprietor , being surveyed and cast into equall Lots , which could neither be bought , nor sold , nor multiplyed ; so that they knew whereabout to have a man : but in this Nation no such Division can be introduced , the Lands being already in the hands of Proprietors , and such whose Estates lye very rarely together , but mixed one with another , being also of Tenures in nature so different ; that as there is no experience that an Agrarian was ever introduced in such a case , so there is no appearance how , or reason why , it should : but that which is against Reason and Experience is impossible . The Case of my Lord Philautus was the most concern'd in the whole Nation ; for he had four younger Brothers , his Father being yet Living unto whom he was Heir of ten thousand pounds a year : Wherefore being a man both of good parts and esteem , his words wrought both upon Mens Reason , and Passions , and had born a stroke at the head of the businesse , if my Lord Archon had not interposed the Buckler , in this Oration : My Lords , the Legislators of Oceana , MY Lord Philautus hath made a thing which is easie , to seem hard ; if he ought the thanks unto his Eloquence , it would be worthy of lesse Praise , then that he oweth it unto his merit , and the Love he hath most deservedly purchased of all men : nor is it rationally to be feared , that he who is so much before-hand in his Private , should be in Arrear in his Publique capacity . Wherefore my Lords tendernesse throughout his Speech arising from no other principle then his solicitude , lest the Agrarian should be hurtfull unto his Country ; It is no lesse then my duty to give the best satisfaction I am able unto so good a Patriot , taking every one of his doubts in the Order proposed : And , First , Whereas my Lord , upon Observation of the Modern Common-wealths , is of opinion , that an Agrarian is not necessary ; It must be confessed , that at the first sight of them there is some appearance favouring his Assertion : but upon Accidents of no presidents unto us . For the Common-wealths of Switz and Holland , I mean of those Leagues , being situated in Countries not alluring the Inhabitants unto wantonness , but obliging them unto universal Industry , have an implicite Agrarian in the nature of them : and being not obnoxious unto a growing Nobility , which as long as their former Monarchies spread the wing over them , could either not at all be hatched , or was soon broken ; are of no Example unto us , whose experience in this point hath been unto the Contrary . But what if even in these Governments there be indeed an explicite Agrarian ? For when the Law Commands an equall , or near equall distribution of a mans Estate in Land among his Children , as in those Countries , a Nobility cannot grow , and so there needeth no Agrarian , or is one . And for the growth of the Nobility in Venice , ( if so it be , for Machiavill observes in that Republick , as a cause of it , a great mediocrity of Estates ) it is not a point that she is to fear , but might study , seeing She consisteth of nothing else but Nobility ; by which , what ever their Estates suck from the People , especially if it come equally , is digested into the better blood of that Common-wealth , which is all , or the greatest benefit they can have by accumulation ; for how unequall soever you will have them to be in their Incoms , they have Officers of the Pomp , to bring them equall in expences , or at least in the ostentation or shew of them : And so unlesse the advantage of an Estate consist more in the measure then in the use of it , the Authority of Venice , but enforceth our Agrarian ; nor shall a man evade or elude the prudence of it , by the authority of any other Common-wealth ; For if a Common-wealth have been introduced at once as those of Israel and Lacedemon , you are certain to find her underlayd with this as the main foundation ; nor if she have owght more unto Fortune then Prudence , hath she raised her head without musing upon this matter , as appeareth by that of Athens , which through her Defect in this point , saith Aristotle , introduced her Ostracisme , as most of the Democraties of Greece . [ Ob hanc itaque causam civitates quae Democratice administrantur Ostracismum instituunt : ] But not to restrain a Fundamental of such latitude unto any one kind of Government . Do we not yet see , that if there be a sole Landlord , of a vast Territory , he is the Turk ? That if a few Land-Lords overballance a Populous Countrey , they have store of Servants ? That if a People be in equall ballance , they can have no Lords ? That no Government can otherwise be erected , then upon some one of these Foundations ? That no one of these Foundations , ( each being else apt to change into some other ) can give any security unto the Government , unlesse it be fixed ? That through the want of this fixation , potent Monarchies , and Common-wealths have falne upon the heads of the People , and accompanied their own sad Ruines with vast effusions of innocent Blood ? Let the Fame , as was the merit of the ancient Nobility of this Nation , be equall unto , or above what hath been already said , or can be spoken , yet have we seen not only their Glory , but that of a Throne , the most indulgent to , and least invasive for so many Ages upon the Liberty of a People that the World hath known , through the meer want of fixing her foot by a proportionable Agrarian upon her proper Foundation , to have falne with such horrour , as hath been a Spectacle of astonishment unto the whole earth . And were it well argued from one Calamity , that we ought not to prevent another ? Nor is Aristotle so good a Common-wealths-man for deriding the invention of Phaleas , as in recollecting himself , where he saith , That Democraties when a Lesser part of their Citizens overtop the rest in Wealth , degenerate into Oligarchies , and Principalities : And , which comes nearer unto the present purpose , that the greater part of the Nobility of Tarantum coming accidentally to be ruin'd , the Government of the Few came by consequence to be changed into that of the Many . These things considered , I cannot see how an Agrarian as to the fixation or security of a Government can be lesse then necessary . And if a Cure be necessary , it excuseth not the Patient , his disease being otherwise desperate , that it is dangerous ; which was the Case of Rome , not so stated by Machiavill , where he saith , That the strife about the Agrarian caused the Destruction of that Common-wealth . As if when a Senator was not rich ( as Crassus held ) except he could pay an Army , that Common-wealth could have done other then Ruine ; whether in strife about the Agrarian , or without it : ( Nuper divitiae avaritiam & abundantes voluptates desiderium per luxum atq , libidinem pereundi perdendique omnia invexere : ) If the greatest Security of a Common-wealth consist in being provided with the proper Antidote against this Poison , her greatest Danger must be from the absence of an Agrarian ; which is the whole truth of the Roman example : For the Laconick , I shall reserve the farther explication of it , as my Lord also did to another Place : and first see whether an Agrarian proportioned unto a Popular Government , be sufficient to keep out Monarchy : My Lord is for the negative , and fortified by the People of Israel electing a King. To which I say , That the Action of the People therein expressed is a full Answer unto the Objection of that example ; For the Monarchy neither grew upon them , nor could by reason of the Agrarian possibly have invaded them , if they had not pull'd it upon themselves by the election of a King ; which being an Accident , the like whereof is not to be found in any other People so planted , nor in this , till as it is manifest , they were given up by GOD unto infatuation , ( for saith he to Samuel , They have not rejected Thee , but they have rejected ▪ Me , that I should not Reign over them ) hath something in it which is apparent , by what went before , to have been besides the Course of Nature , and by what followed : For the King having no other foundation then the Calamities of the People , so often beaten by their Enemies , that despairing of themselves , they were contented with any Change ; If he had Peace as in the dayes of Solomon , left but a slippery Throne unto his Successor , as appeared by Rehoboam . And the Agrarian , notwithstanding the Monarchy thus introduced , so faithfully preserved the Root of that Common-wealth , that it shot oftner forth , and by intervals continued longer then any other Government , as may be computed from the Institution of the same by Joshua , 1465. years before Christ , unto the totall Dissolution of it , which happened in the Raign of the Emperour Adrian 135. years after the Incarnation . A People planted upon on an equall Agrarian , and holding to it , if they part with their liberty , must do it upon good will , and make but a bad title of their bounty . As to instance yet farther in that which is proposed by the present Order to this Nation , the Standard whereof is at 2000 l. a year . The whole Territory of Oceana being divided by this proportion , amounteth unto 5000. Lots . So the Lands of Oceana being thus distributed , and bound unto this distribution , can never fall unto fewer then Five thousand Proprietors . But Five thousand Proprietors so seased will not agree to break the Agrarian ; for that were to agree to rob one another ; Nor to bring in a King , because they must maintain him , and can have no benefit by him ; Nor to exclude the People , because they can have as little by that , and must spoyl their Militia . So the Common-wealth continuing upon the ballance proposed , though it should come into Five thousand hands can never alter ; And that it should ever come into Five thousand hands , is as improbable as anything in the World that is not altogether impossible . My Lords , other Considerations are more private : As that this Order destroyes Families ; which is as if one should lay the ruines of some ancient Castle unto the Herbs which do usually grow out of them ; the destruction of those Families being that indeed which naturally produced this Order . For we do not now argue for that which we would have , but for that which we are already possessed of ; as would appear , if a note were but taken of all such as have at this day above Two thousand pounds a year in Oceana . If my Lord should grant ( and I will put it with the most ) that they who are Proprietors in Land , exceeding the proportion , exceed not Three hundred ; with what brow can the Interest of so few be ballanced with that of the whole Nation ? Or rather , what Interest have they to put in such a ballance ? They would live as they have been accustomed to do : Who hinders them ? They would enjoy their Estates , Who touches them ? They would dispose of what they have according unto the Interest of their Families ; It is that which we desire . A man hath one Son , let him be called ; Would he enjoy his Fathers Estate ? It is his , and his Sons , and his Sons Sons after him . A man hath five Sons , let them be called , Would they enjoy their Fathers Estate ? It is divided among them ; for we have four Votes for one in the same Family , and therefore this must be the Interest of the Family ; or the Family knoweth not her own Interest . If a man shall dispute otherwise , he must draw his Arguments from Custom , and from Greatnesse , which was the interest of the Monarchy , not of the Family : and we are now a Common-wealth . If the Monarchy could not bear with such divisions because they tended to a Common-wealth ; neither can a Common-wealth connive at such accumulations , because they tend to a Monarchy . If the Monarchy might make bold with so many for the good of one ; We may make bold with one for the good of so many , nay , for the good of all . My Lords , it cometh into my head , that upon occasion of the variety of Parties enumerated in our late Civill Wars , was said by a Friend of mine coming home from his Travels , about the latter end of these Troubles ; That he admired how it came to passe , that Younger Brothers , especially being so many more in number then their Elder , did not make one against a Tyranny , the like whereof hath not been exercised in any other Nation . And truly , when I consider that our Country-men are none of the worst natur'd , I must confesse I marveil much how it comes to passe , that we should use our Children , as we do our Puppies ; take one , lay it in the lap , feed it with every good bit , and drown five . Nay worse ; for as much as the Puppies are once drown'd , whereas the Children are left perpetually drowning . Really , my Lords , it is a flinty Custome and all this for his cruell Ambition , that would raise himself a Pillar , a golden Pillar for his Monument , though he have Children , his own reviving Flesh , and a kind of immortality . And this is that Interest of a Family , for which we are to think ill of a Government that will not endure it . But quiet your selves . The Land through which the River Nilus wanders in one stream , is barren , but where he parts into Seven , he multiplies his fertile shores , by distributing , yet keeping and improving such a Propriety and Nutrition , as is a prudent Agrarian unto a well ordered Common-wealth . Nor ( to come unto the fifth Assertion ) is a Political body rendred any fitter for Industry , by having one Gowty , and another withered Leg , than a naturall : It tendeth not unto the improvement of Merchandize that there be some who have no need of their Trading , and others that are not able to follow it . If confinement discourage Industry , an Estate in money is not confined ; and lest Industry should want whereupon to work , Land is not engrossed , nor entailed upon any man , but remains at her Devotion . I wonder whence the computation can arise , that this should discourage Industry ? Two thousand pounds a year a man may enjoy in Oceana , as much in Panopea , Five hundred in Marpesia : there be other Plantations ; and the Common-wealth will have more : Who knoweth how far the Arms of our Agrarian may extend themselves ? and whether he that might have left a Pillar , may not leave a Temple or many Pillars unto his more pious Memory ? Where there is some measure in riches , a man may be rich ; but if you will have them to be infinite , there will be no end of sterving himself , and wanting what he hath : and what pains does such an one take to be poor ! Furthermore if a man shall think , that there may be an Industry lesse greasie , or more noble , and so cast his thoughts upon the Common-wealth , he will have Leisure for her , and she Riches and Honours for him ; his sweat shall smell like Alexander's . My Lord Philautus is a young Man , who enjoying his Ten thousand pounds a year , may keep a noble House in the old way , and have homely Guests : and having but Two , by the means proposed , may take the upper hand of his great Ancestors ; with reverence unto whom , I may say , there hath not been one of them would have disputed his place with a Roman Consul . My Lord do not break my heart ; the Nobility shall go unto no other Ploughs then those from which we call our Consuls . But saith he , it having been so with Lacedemon , that neither the City nor the Citizens was capable of increase , a blow was given by that Agrarian , which Ruined both . And what are we concerned with that Agrarian , or that blow , while our Citizens and our City ( and that by our Agrarian ) are both capable of encrease ? The Spartane if he made a Conquest had not Citizens to hold it , the Oceaner will have enow : the Spartane could have no Trade , the Oceaner may have all . The Agrarian in Laconia , that it might bind on Knapsacks , forbidding all other Arts but that of War , could not make an Army of above 30000. Citizens . The Agrarian in Oceana without interruption of Traffique , provides us in the fifth part of the Youth an annuall source or fresh spring of 100000. besides our Provinciall Auxiliaries ; out of which to draw marching Armies ; And as many Elders , not feeble , but men most of them in the flowr of their Age , and in Arms for the defence of our Territories . The Agrarian in Laconia , banisht money ; this , multiplyes it . That , allowed a matter of twenty or thirty Acres to a man ; this , two or three thousand : There is no Comparison between them . And yet I differ so much from my Lord , or his opinion , that the Agrarian was the Ruine of Lacedemon ; that I hold it no lesse then demonstrable to have been her main support ; For if banishing all other diversions it could not make an Army of above 30000 ; then letting in all other diversions , it must have broken that Army : Wherefore Lysander bringing in the golden spoyles of Athens , irrecoverably ruin'd that Common-wealth ; and is a warning to us , that in giving encouragement unto Industry , we also remember , that Covetousnesse is the root of all Evill . And our Agrarian can never be the cause of those Seditions threatened by my Lord , but is the proper cure of them , as Lucan noteth well in the State of Rome , before the Civil Wars , which happened through the want of such an Antidote ; Hinc usura vorax , rapidumque in tempore Foenus , Hinc concussa fides , et multis utile bellum . Why then are we mistaken , as if we intended not equall advantages in our Common-wealth unto either Sex , because we would not have womens fortunes consist in that metall , which exposeth them unto Cut-purses ? If a man cut my purse , I may have him by the heels , or by the neck for it ; Whereas a man may cut a Womans purse and have her for his pains in fetters . How bruitish , and much more then bruitish , is that Common-wealth , which preferreth the Earth before the fruits of her Womb ? If the people be her treasure , the staffe by which she is sustained and comforted , with what Justice can she suffer them , by whom she is most inriched , to be for that cause the most impoverished ? and yet we see the gifts of God , and the bounties of Heaven in fruitful Families , through this wretched custome of marrying for money , become their insupportable grief and poverty : nor falleth this so heavy upon the lower sort , being better able to shift for themselves , as upon the Nobility or Gentry : For what availeth it in this case , from whence their veins have derived their blood ; while they shall see the Tallow of a Chandler , sooner converted into that beauty which is required in a Bride ? I appeal , whether my Lord Philautus or my self be the Advocate of Nobility ; against which in the Case proposed by me , there would be nothing to hold the ballance . And why is a woman , if she may have but fifteen hundred pounds , undone ? If she be unmarried , what Nobleman allowes his Daughter in that case a greater Revenue , then so much mony may command ? And if she marry , no Nobleman can give his Daughter a greater portion then she hath . Who is hurt in this case ? nay , who is not benefitted ? If the Agrarian give us the sweat of our brows without diminution ; if it prepare our table , if it make our Cup to over flow ; and above all this , in providing for our Children , anoint our heads with that oyl which taketh away the greatest of worldly cares , what man , that is not besotted with a Covetousnesse as vain as endlesse , can imagine such a Constitution to be his Poverty , seeing where no woman can be considerable for her portion , no portion will be considerable with a woman ; and so their Children will not only find better preferments without their brocage , but more freedom of their own affections . We are wonderfull severe in Laws , That hey shall not marry without our consent ; as if it were care and tendernesse over them : But is it not , lest we should not have the other thousand pound with this Son , or the other hundred pound a year more in Joynture for that Daughter ? These when we are crost in them are the sins for which we water our couch with tears , but not of Penitence ; seeing whereas it is a mischief beyond any that we can do unto our enemies , we persist to make nothing of breaking the affection of our Children . But there is in this Agrarian an homage unto pure and spotlesse Love , the consequence whereof I will not give for all the Romances . An Alderman maketh not his Daughter a Countesse till he have given her 20000 l. nor a Romance a considerable Mistrisse till she be a Princesse ; these are characters of bastard Love. But if our Agrarian exclude Ambition and Covetousness , we shall at length have the care of our own breed , in which we have been curious as to that of our Dogs and our Horses . The marriage bed will be truly Legitimate , and the Race of the Common-wealth not spurious . But ( impar magnanimis ausis imparque dolori ) I am hurl'd from all my hopes by my Lords last Assertion of Impossibility , that the Root from whence we imagine these fruits , should be planted or thrive in this soyl . And why ? because of the mixture of Estates , and variety of Tenures . Nevertheless there is yet extant in the Exchequer an old Survey of the whole Nation ; Wherefore such a thing is not impossible : Now if a new survey were taken at the present Rates , and the Law made , that no man should hold hereafter above so much Land as is valued therein at 2000 l , a year ; it would amount unto a good and sufficient Agrarian . It is true , that there would remain some difficulty in the different kind of Rents ; And that it is a matter requiring not only more leisure then we have ; but an Authority which may be better able to bow men unto a more generall Consent , then is to be wrought out of them by such as are in our capacity : Wherefore , as to the Manner , it is necessary that we refer it unto the Parliament ; but as to the Matter , they can no otherwise fix their Government upon the right Ballance . I shall conclude with a few words , to some parts of the Order , which my Lord hath omitted . As first to the Consequences of the Agrarian to be settled in Marpesia , which irrepairably breaks the Aristocracy of that Nation ; being of such a nature , as standing , it is not possible that you should Govern. For while the People of that Country are little better then the Cattle of the Nobility , you must not wonder if according as these can make their Markets with Forreign Princes , you find these to be driven upon your Grounds : And if you be so tender now you have it in your Power , as not to hold an hand upon them that may prevent the Slaughter that must otherwise ensue in like Cases , the bloud will lye at your door . But in holding such an hand upon them , you may settle the Agrarian ; and in settling the Agrarian , you give the People not only Liberty , but Lands ; which makes your Protection necessary to their Security ; and their Contribution due unto your Protection , as to their own Safety . For the Agrarian of Panopea , it allowing such Proportions of so good Land , men that conceive themselves streightned by this in Oceana , will begin there to let themselves forth , where every Citizen will in time have his Villa . And there is no question , but the improvement of that Country by this means , must be far greater then it hath been in the best of former times . I have no more to say , but that in those ancient and heroicall Ages , when men thought that to be necessary which was virtuous ; the Nobility of Athens having the People so much engaged in their Debt , that there remained no other question among these , than , which of those should be King ; no sooner heard Solon speak than they quitted their Debts , and restored the Common-wealth : Which ever after held a Solemn and Annuall Feast called the Sisacthia , or Recision in memory of that Action . Nor is this example the Phoenix ; For at the Institution by Lycurgus , the Nobility having Estates ( as ours here ) in the Lands of Laconia , upon no other valuable Consideration , than the Common-wealth proposed by him , threw them up to be parcel'd by his Agrarian . But now when no man is desired to throw up a farthing of his money , or a shovell full of his Earth , and that all we can do , is but to make a Virtue of necessity : We are disputing whether we should have Peace , or War ; For Peace , you cannot have without some Government , nor any Government without the proper Ballance : Wherefore if you will not fix this which you have , the rest is blood , for without blood you can bring in no other . By these Speeches made at the Institution of the Agrarian , you may perceive what were the Grounds of it . The next is order 14 The Fourteenth Order , constituting the Ballot of Venice , as it is fitted by severall alterations , and appointed unto every Assembly , to be the constant add only way of giving suffrage in this Common-wealth . This is the generall Order , whence those branches of the Ballot , some whereof you have allready seen are derived , which with those that follow were all read and debated in this place at the Institution ; when my Lord Epimonus de Garrula being one of the Counsellors , and having no farther patience , ( though the Rules were composed by the Agent of this Common-wealth , residing for that purpose at Venice ) then to heare the direction for the Parishes , stood up , and made way for himselfe in this manner : May it please your Highnesse , my Lord Archon , UNder Correction of Mr. Peregrine Spy our very Learned Agent and Intelligencer ; I have seen the World a little Venice , and ( as Gentlemen are permitted to do ) the Great Councill Ballotting . And truly , I must needs say , that it is for a dumb shew the goodliest that I ever beheld with mine Eyes . You should have some would take it ill , as if the noble Venetians thought themselves too good to speak to Strangers , but they observed them not so narrowly : The truth is , they have nothing to say unto their Acquaintance ; or , Men that are in Council sure would have tongues : For , a Council , and not a word spoken in it , is a Contradiction — But there is such a pudder with their Marching and Counter-marching , as , though never a one of them draw a Sword , you would think they were Training ; which till I found that they did it onely to entertain strangers , I came from among them as wise as I went thither — But in the Parliament of Oceana you had no Balls , for Dancing , but sober Conversation , a Man might know and be known ; shew his parts , and improve ' em . And now if you take the advice of this same Fellow you will spoyl all with his Whimsies . — Mr ▪ Speaker , — Cry you mer●y , my Lord Archon I mean ; Set the wisest Man of your House in the Great Council of Venice , and you will not know him , from a Fool. Whereas nothing is more certain , then that flat and dull fellowes in the Judgment of all such as used to keep Company with them before , upon Election into our House , ha●e immediately chitted like Barley in the fat , where it acquires a new Spirit , and flow'd forth into Language , that I am as confident as I am here , if there were not such as delight to abuse us , is far better then Tu●ly's : Or , let any body but translate one of his Orations , and speak it in the House , and see if every body do not laugh at him . This is a great matter , Mr. Speaker , they do not cant it with your book-Learning ; your Orbs , your Centers , your prime Magnitudes , and your Nebulones , things I professe that would make a sober man run stark mad to hear 'em ; while we , who should be considering the Honour of our Country , and that it goes now or never upon our hand , whether it shall be ridiculous to all the world ; are going to nine-holes , or trow - Madam for our Businesse , like your dumb Venetian , whom this same Sir Politick your Resident that never saw him do any thing but make faces , would insinuate into you , at this distance , to have the onely knack of State : Whereas if you should take the pains as I have done to look a little nearer , you would find these same wonderful things to be nothing else , but meer naturall Fopperies or Capricio's , as they call them in Italien , even of the meanest of that Nation : For , put the Case you be travelling in Italy , ask your Contadino , that is , the next Country-fellow you meet some question , and presently he ballots you an answer with a nod , which is Affirmative ; or a shake with his head , which is the Negative box : Or a shrug with his shoulder , which is the Bossolo di non sinceri . — Good ! You will admire Sandes for telling you , that Grotta di cane is a Miracle : and I shall be laughed at for assuring you , that it is nothing else but such a damp ( continued by the neighbourhood of certain Sulphur-mines ) as through accidental heat doth sometimes happen in our Coal-Pits . But ingratitude must not discourage an honest man from doing good . There is not , I say , such a tongue-ty'd Generation under Heaven as your Italian ; that you should not wonder if he make signs . But our People must have something in their Diurnalls , we must ever and anon be telling 'em our minds ; or if we be at it when we raise Taxes like those Gentlemen with the finger and the thumb , they will swear that we are Cut-purses . — Come , I know what I have heard 'em say , when some men had mony that wrought hard enough for it : and do you conceive they will be better pleased when they shall be told , that upon like occasions you are at Mum-chance or Stool-ball ? I do not speak for my self ; for though I shall alwaies acknowledge , that I got more by one years sitting in the House , then by my three years Travels ; it was not of that kind . But I hate that this same Spy for pretending to have plaid at Billiards with the most Serene Common-Wealth of Venice , should make such fools of us here ; when I know that he must have had his intelligence from some Corn-Cutter upon the Rialta ; for a noble Venetian would be hang'd if he should keep such a fellow Company . — And yet if I do not think he hath made you all dote , never trust me , my Lord Archon is sometimes in such strange Raptures . Why good my Lord let me be heard as well as your Aple Squire , She hath fresh blood in her Cheeks , I must confesse , but she is but an old Lady ; nor has he pickt her Cabinet ; these he sends you are none of her Receipts I can assure you , he bought them for a Julio at St. Marks of a Mountebank : She hath no other wash upon my knowledge for that same envy'd Complexion of hers but her Marshes , being a little better sented , saving your presence , then a Chamber-pot . — My Lords , I know what I say , But you will never have done with it , That neither the great Turk , not any of those little Turks her Neighbours have been able to spoyl her ! Why you may as well wonder that Wees●ls do not suck Eggs in Swans-Nests . — Do you think that it hath layn in the Devotion of her Beads ; which you that have pe●ked so much at Popery , are now at length resolv'd , shall Consecrate M. Parson , and be dropt by every one of his Congregation , while those same whimsicall Intelligences your Surveyors ( you will break my heart ) give the turn unto your Primum Mobile ? and so I think they will , for you will find , that Money is the Primum Mobile , and they will turn you thus out of some three or four hundred thousand pounds . A pretty Summe for Urns , and Balls , for Boxes and Pills , which these same quacksalvers are to Administer unto the Parishes , and for what disease I mervail ! Or how does it Work ? Out comes a Constable , an Overseer , and a Church-warden ! Mr. Speaker , I am amaz'd ! Never was there Goose so stuck with Lard as my Lord Epimonus's Speech with laughter , The Archon having much ado to recover himself , in such manner as might enable him to return these thanks : IN your whole lives ( my Lords ) were you never entertained with so much Ingenuity ; my Lord Epimonus having at once mended all the faults of Travellers . For first , whereas they are abominable Liars , he hath not told you ( except some malicious body have mis-informed him , concerning poor Spy ) one syllable of falsehood . And Secondly , whereas they never fail to give the upper hand in all their Discourses unto Forraign Nations , still justling their own into the Kennell ; he bears an Honour unto his Country that will not dissolve in Cephalonia , nor be corrupted with Figs , and Melons , which I can assure you is no ordinary Obligation : and therefore hold it a matter of publick concernment , that we be no occasion of quenching my Lords Affections ; nor is there any such great matter between us , but might me thinks be easily reconciled : for though that which my Lord gained by sitting in the House , I stedfastly believe , as he can affirm , was gotten fairly ; yet dare I not , nor do I think , that upon consideration , he will promise so much for other Gamesters , especially when they were at it so high , as he intimates not only to have been in use , but to be like enough to come about again . Wherefore ( say I ) let them throw with boxes ; for unlesse we will be below the Politicks of an ordinary , there is no such barre unto Coging . It is known unto his Lordship , that our Game is , Most at a throw , and that every cast of our Dice is , in our Suffrages ; nor will be deny , that partiality in a Suffrage is downright Cogging . Now if the Venetian boxes be the most soveraign of all Remedies against this same Cogging : Is it not a strange thing that they should be thrown first into the fire by a fair Gamester ? Men are naturally subject unto all kinds of Passion ; Some you have that are not able to withstand the brow of an Enemy ; And , others that make nothing of this , are lesse of proof against that of a Friend ; So that if your Suffrage be bare-faced , I dare say you shall not have one fair cast in twenty . But what ever a mans fortune be at the box , he neither knoweth whom to thank , nor whom to Challenge . Wherefore ( that my Lord may have a Charitable opinion of the choice Affection which I confesse to have above all other beauties , for that of incomparable Venice ) there is in this way of Suffrage no lesse then a demonstration that it is the most pure ; and the purity of the Suffrage in a popular Government is the health , if not the life of it ; seeing the Soul is no otherwise breathed into the Soveraign Power , then by the Suffrage of the People . Wherefore no wonder if Postellus be of opinion , that this use of the Ball is the very same with that which was of the Bean in Athens ; or , that others , by the Text concerning Eldad and Medad , derive it from the Common-wealth of Israel . There is another thing , though not so materiall unto us , that my Lord will excuse Me , if I be not willing to yield , which is that Venice subsisteth only by her Situation ; It is true , that a man in time of Warre , may be more secure from his Enemies , by being in a Citadell ; but not from his Diseases ; wherefore the first cause , if he live long , is his good Constitution , without which his Citadell were to little purpose ; and it is no otherwise with Venice . With this speech of the Archon , I conclude , the proofe of the Agrarian ; and of the Ballot , being the Fundamentall Lawes of this Common-wealth : and come now from the Center to the circumferences or Orbes , whereof some have been already shewn ; As how the Parishes annually poure themselves into the Hundreds , the Hundreds into the Tribes , and the Tribes into the Gallaxy's , the Annuall Gallaxy of every Tribe consisting of two Knights , and seaven Deputies , whereof the Knights constitute the Senate ; the Deputies , the Prerogative Tribe commonly called the people : and the Senate and the people constitute the Soveraigne Power , or Parliament of Oceana . Wherefore to shew what the Parliament is , I must first open the Senate , and then the people , or Prerogative Tribe . To begin with the Senate , of which ( as a man is differently represented by a Picture drawer , and by an Anatomist ) I shall first discover the face or aspect , and then the parts , with the use of them . Every Munday-Morning in the Summer , at seaven , and in the Winter at eight , the great Bell in the Clockhouse at the Pantheon beginneth , and continueth Ringing for the space of one houre , in which time the Magistrates of the Senate , being attended according to their quality , with a respective number of the Balotines , Doore-keepers , and Messengers , and having the Ensignes of their Magistracies borne before them , as the Sword before the Strategus , the Mace before the Orator , a Mace with the Seale before the Commissioners of the Chancery , the like with the Purse before the Commissioners of the Teasury ; and a Silver wand , like those in use with the Universities , before each of the Censors being Chancellors of the same . These with the Knights , in all Three hundred , Assemble in the House or Hall of the Senate . The House or Hall of the Senate , being scituated in the Pantheon or Pallace of Justice , is a roome consisting of a Square and a halfe : in the middle of the lower end is the doore , at the upper end hangeth a rich State overshaddowing the greater part of a large Throne , or halfe pace of two Stages , the first ascended by two steps from the floore , and the second about the middle , rising two steps higher . Upon this stand two Chaires , in that on the right hand sits the Strategus , in the other th● Orator , adorned with Scarlet Robes , after the fashion that was used by the Dukes in the Aristocracy . At the right end of the upper Stage , stand three Chaires , in which the three Commissioners of the Seale are placed , and at the other end sit the three Commissioners of the Treasury , every one in a Robe , or habit like that of the Earls , of these Magistrates of this upper Stage consisteth the Signory . At either end of the lower Stage stands a little Table , to which the Sacreteries of the Senate are set with their tufted sleeves in the habit of civill Lawyers . Unto the foure-stepps , whereby the two Stages of the Throne are ascended , answer foure-long Benches , which successively deriving from every one of the stepps containe their respective height , and extend themselves by the side Walls towards the lower end of the house , every bench being divided by numerall Characters into the Thirty seaven parts or places . Upon the upper benches sit the Censors in the Robes of Barons ; the first in the middle of the right hand bench , and the second directly opposite unto him on the other side . Upon the rest of the Benches sit the Knights , who if they be called unto the Urnes distributing themselves by the fiugres come in equall files , either by the first seale which consisteth of the two upper benches on either side ; or by the second seale consisting of the two lower benches on either side ; beginning also at the upper , or at the lower ends of the same according to the Lot whereby they are called for which end the benches are open , and ascended at either end with easy staires , and large passages . The rest of the ballot is conformable unto that of the Tribe ; the Censors of the house sitting at the side Urnes , and the youngest Magistrate of the Signory , at the middle ; the Urnes being placed before the Throne , and prepared according unto the number of the Magistrates to be at that time chosen by the rules already given unto the Censors of the Tribes . But before the benches of the Knights on either side stands one being shorter ; and at the upper end of this , sit the two Tribunes of the Horse ; at the upper end of the other , the two Tribunes of the foot in their Armes ; the rest of the benches being covered by the Judges of the Land in their Robes ; but these Magistrates have no suffrage , neither the Tribunes , though they derive their presence in the Senate , from the Romans ; nor the Judges , though they derive theirs , from the ancient Senate of Oceana . Every Monday , this assembly sits of course ; at other times , if there be occasion , any Magistrate of the House by giving order for the Bell or by his lictor , or ensigne-bearer calls a Senate ; And every Magistrate or Knight during his session hath the Title , Place , and Honour of a Duke , Earle , Baron or Knight respectively . And every one that hath borne the same Magistracy ( tertiò ) by his third session , hath his respective place , and Ti●e during the terme of his Life , which is all the Honour conferr'd by this Common-wealth , except upon the Master of the Ceremonies , the Master of the Horse , and the King of the Heraulds , who are Knights by their Places . And thus you have the Face of the Senate , in which there is scarce any feature that is not Roman or Venetian ; nor do the Hornes of this Crescent extend themselves much unlike those of the Sanhedrim , on either hand of the Prince , and of the Father of that Senate . But upon Beauty in which every Man hath his phansy , we will not otherwise Phylosophize then to remember that there is somthing more then decency in the Robe of a Judge , that would not be well spared from the Bench ; and that the gravest Magistrate unto whom you can commit the Sword of Justice , will find a quicknesse in the spurrs of Honour , which if they be not laid unto virtue , will lay themselves unto that which may rout a Common-wealth . To come from the Face of the Senate , unto the Constitution and use of the parts : It is contained in the peculiar Orders . And the Orders which are peculiar unto the Senate , are either of Election , or Instruction . Elections in the Senate are of three sorts , Annuall , Bienniall , and Extraordinary . Annuall Elections are performed by the Schedule called the Tropick : and the Tropick , consisteth of two parts ; the one containing the Magistrates ; and the other the Councells , to be yearly elected . The Schedule or Tropick of the Magistrates , is as followeth in order 15 The Fiftéenth Order , requiring , That upon every Munday next ensuing the last of March , the Knights of the Annuall Gallaxy's taking their places in the Senate , be called the first Region of the same ; and that the House having dismissed the third Region , and received the first , procéed unto Election of the Magistrates contained in the first part of the Tropick , bp the ensuing Schedule , The Lord Strategus . Annuall Magistrates . The Lord Orator . Annuall Magistrates . The first Censor . Annuall Magistrates . The second Censor . Annuall Magistrates . The third Commissioner of the Seal . Trienniall Magistrates . The third Commissioner of the Treasury . Trienniall Magistrates . The Annuall Magistrates ( provided that no one Man bear above one of those Honours during the term of one Session ) may be elected out of any Region . But the Trienniall Magistrates may not be elected out of any other , then the third Region only , lest the term of their Session expire before that of their Honour ; and ( it being unlawful for any man to bear Magistracy any longer then he is thereunto qualified by the Election of the People ) cause a fraction in the Rotation of this Common-wealth . The Stratêgus is first President of the Senate , and Generall of the Army , if it be commanded to March ; in which case there shall be a second Strategus elected to be first President of the Senate , and Generall of the second Army : and if this also be Commanded to March , a third Stratêgus shall be chosen ; and so as long as the Commonwealth sendeth forth Armies . The Lord Orator is second and more peculiar President of the Senate , unto whom it appertaineth to keep the House unto Orders . The Censors , whereof the first by consequence of his Election is Chancellor of the University of Clio , and the second of that of Calliope ; are Presidents of the Council for Religion and Magistrates , unto whom it belongeth to keep the House unto the order of the Ballot . They are also Inquisi●tors into the wayes and meanes of acquiring Magistracy ; and have power to punish indirect procéeding in the same , by removing a Knight or Magistrate out of the House , under appeale unto the Senate . The Commissioners of the Seale being thrée , whereof the third is annually chosen out of the third Region , are Iudges in Chancery . The Commissioners of the Treasury being thrée , whereof the third is annually chosen out of the third Region , are Iudges in the Exchequer ; and every Magistrate of this Schedule , hath right to propose unto the Senate . But the Strategus with the six Commissioners are the Signory of this Common-wealth having right of Session and Suffrage in every Council of the Senate , and power either joyntly or severally , to propose in all or any of them , I have little in this Order to observe or prove , but that the Stratêgus is the same honour both in name and thing that was borne , among others , by Philopaenen and Aratus in the Common-wealth of the Achaeans ; the like having been in use also with the Aetolians ( Quem ut Achaei Strategon nominabant , saith Emmius ) . The Orator , called otherwise the Speaker , is with small alteration the same that had been of former use in this Nation . These two , if you will , may be compared unto the Consules in Rome , or the Suffetes in Carthage , for their Magistracy is scarce different . The Censors derive their power of removing a Senator , from those of Rome ; the Government of the Ballot , from those of Venice ; and that of animadversion upon the Ambitus , or canvace for Magistracy , from both . The Signory with the whole right and use of that Magistracy , to be hereafter more fully explained , is almost purely Venetian . The second part of the Tropick is directed by order 16 The Sixtéenth Order , whereby the constitution of the Councils , being foure , that is to say , the Council of State , the Council of Warre , the Council of Religion , and the Council of Trade ; is rendred conformable in their Revolutions unto that of the Senate . As first , by the annuall election of five Knights , out of the third Region of the Senate , into the Council of State , consisting of fiftéene Knights , five in every Region . Secondly by the annuall election of thrée Knights out of the third Region of the Council of State , to be proposed by the Provosts and elected by that Council , into the Council of Warr , consisting of nine Knights , thrée in every Region not excluded by this election from remaining members also , of the Council of State : the foure Tribunes of the people have right of Session and Suffrage in the Councill of Warr. Thirdly by the annuall election of foure Knights out of the third Region of the Senate into the Council of Religion , consisting of twelve Knights , foure in every Region : of this Council , the Censors are Presidents . Fourhly by the annuall election of foure Knights out of the third Region of the Senate , into the Council of Trade , consisting of twelve Knights , four in every Region . And each Region in every one of these Councils thus constituted , shall wéekly and interchangeably elect one Provost , whose Magistracy shall continue for one wéeke , nor shall he be re-elected into the same till every Knight of that Region in the same Council have once borne the same Magistracy . And the Provosts being ▪ one in every Region , thrée in every Councill , and twelve in all , besides their other Capacities , shall assemble and be a Council or rather an Academy apart ; to certaine ends and purposes to be hereafter farther explained with those of the rest of the Councils . This Order is of no other use then for the frame and turne of the Councils , and yet of no small one : for in motion consisteth Life , and the motion of a Common-wealth will never be currant , unlesse it be circular . Men that , like my Lord Epimonus , not induring the resemblance of this kind of Government unto Orbes and Spheres , fall on Physicking and purging of it , do no more then is necessary ; for if it be not in Rotation both as to Persons and Things , it will be very sick ▪ The People of Rome , as to Persons , if they had not been taken up by the wheele of Magistracy , had overturned the Charriot of the Senate . And those of Lacedemon as to Things , had not been so quiet when the Senate trasht their businesse , by incroaching upon the result , if by the institution of the Ephors they had not brought it about againe . So that if you allow not a Common-wealth , her Rotation , in which consists her equality , you reduce her to a party , and then it is necessary that you be Physitians indeed , or rather Farriers ; for you will have strong Patients , and such as must be halterd and cast , or your selves may need bone-setters . Wherefore the Councils of this Common-wealth , both in regard of their Elections , and , as will be shewn , of their Affaires , are uniforme with the Senate in their Revolutions , not as Whirle-pits , to swallow , but to bite , and with the scrues of their Rotation , hold and turne a businesse like the Vice of a Smith , unto the hand of the Work-man ; Without Engines of which nature it is not possible for the Senate , much lesse for the people , to be perfect Artificers in a Politicall capacity . But I shall not hold you longer from order 17 The Seaventéenth Order , directing Bienniall elections or the constitution of the Orbe of Embassadours in Ordinary , consisting of foure Residences , the Revolution whereof is performed in eight yeares , and preserved through the election of one Ambassadour in two yeares by the ballot of the Senate to repaire unto the Court of France and reside there for the terme of two yeares ; and the terme of two yeares being expired , to remove from thence unto the Court of Spaine , there to continue for the space of two yeares ; and thence to remove unto the State of Venice ; And after two yeares residence in that Citty ▪ to conclude with his residence at Constantinople , for a like terme of time , and so to returne . A Knight of the Senate or a Deputy of the Prerogative may not be Elected Ambassadour in Ordinary , because a Knight or Deputy so chosen , must either lose his Session , which would cause an unevennesse in the motion of this Common-wealth , or accumulate Magistracy , which agréeth not with the equality of the same . Nor may any man be elected into this Capacity that is above five and thirty yeares of age , lest the Common-wealth lose the Charge of his education , by being deprived at his returne of the fruit of it , or else enjoy it not long ▪ through the defects of nature . This Order is the perspective of the Common-wealth whereby she foreseeth danger ; or the Traffick , whereby she receiveth every two yeares the returne of a States-man enriched with eight years experience , from the prime Martes of Negotiation in Europe . And so much for the Elections in the Senate that are ordinary , such as are extraordinary follow in order 18 The Eighteenth Order , appointing all Elections upon emergent occasions except that of the dictator to be made by the Scrutiny , or that kind of Election , whereby a Council comes to be a fifth Order of Electors . For example , if there be occasion of an Embassador Extraordinary , the Provosts of the Council of State , or any two of them shall propose unto the same , till one Competitor be chosen by that Council : and the Council having chosen a Competitor shall bring his name into the Senate , which in the usuall way shall choose foure more Competitors unto the same Magistracy ; and put them with the Competitor of the Council , unto the Ballot of the House , by which he of the five that is chosen , is said to be elected by the Scruteny of the Council of State. A Uice-Admiral , a Polemarch , or of the Council of War. A Iudge or Serjeant at Law by the Scruteny Field-Officer shall be elected after the same manner , by the Scruteny of the Commissioners of the Seale . A Baron , or considerable Officer of the Exchequer by the Scruteny of the Commissioners of the Treasury . Men in Magistracy , or out of it are equally capable of election by the Scruteny ; But a Magistrate or Officer elected by the Scruteny unto a Military imployment ; if he be neither a Knight of the Senate , nor a Deputy of the Prerogative ought to have his Office confirmed by the Prerogative , because the Militia in a Common-wealth ▪ where the people are Soveraign , is not lawfull to be touched injussù Populi . The Romans were so curious that though their Consuls were elected Centuriatis , they might not touch the Militia , except they were confirmed Curiatis Comitiis : for a Magistrate not receiving his power from the People , takes it from them ; and to take away their Power is to take away their Liberty . As to the Election by the Scruteny it may be easily perceived to be Venetian , there being no such way to take in the knowledge , which in all reason must be best in every Council of such men as are most fit for their turnes , and yet to keepe them from the bias of particular affection or interest under that pretence : For the cause why the great Council , in Venice scarce ever elects any other then the Name that is brought in by the Scruteny , is very probable to be ; that they may . This election is the last of those appertayning unto the Senate , the Councils being chosen by the Orders already shewn ; It remaineth that we come unto those whereby they are instructed ; and the Orders of Instruction unto the Councils are two ; The first for the subject Matter , whereupon they are to proceed ; and the second , for the Manner of their proceeding . The subject matter of the Councils , is distributed unto them by order 19 The Nineteenth Order , distributing unto every Council such businesses as are properly to belong unto their Cognizance , whereof some they shall receive and determine ; And others they shall receive , prepare and introduce into the House , as first , The Council of State is to receive all Addresses , Intelligences and Letters of Negotiation ; to give audience to Embassadors sent unto , and to draw up Instructions for such as shall be sent by this Common-wealth ; to receive propositions from , and hold intelligence with the Proviniall Councils ; to consider upon all Laws to be Enacted , amended , or Repealed ; and upon all Leavies of men , or money , Warr , or Peace , Leagues or Associations to be made by this Common-wealth , so farre forth as is conducible unto the orderly preparation of the same to be introduced by them into the Senate . Provided that all such affaires , as , otherwise appertayning unto the Council of State are , for the good of the Common-wealth , to be carryed with greater Secresy , be mannaged by the Council of Warr , with power to receive and send forth Agents , Spys , Emissarys , Intelligeneers , Frigots ; And to mannage affaires of that nature , if it be necessary without communication unto the Senate , till such time as it may be had without detriment unto the businesse . But they shall have no power to engage the Common-wealth in a Warr , without the consent of the Senate and the People . It appertaineth also unto this Council to take Charge of the Fleet as Admiral ; and of all Store-Houses , Armourys , Arsenalls , and Magazines appertayning unto this Common-wealth . They shall keep a diligent record of the Military expeditions from time to time reported by him that was Strategus or Generall , or one of the Polemarchs in that action ; or at least so farr forth as the experience of such Commanders may tend unto the improvement of the Military discipline , which they shall digest , and introduce into the Senate : and if the Senate shall thereupon frame any Article , they shall see that it be observed in the Musters or education of the Youth . And whereas the Council of Warr is the Centinel or Scout of this Common-wealth , if any Person or Persons shall goe about to introduce ▪ Debate , into any Popular assembly of the same ; or otherwise to alter the present Government , or strike at the root of it , they shall apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , seized , imprisoned ; and examine , arraigne , acquit , or condemne , and cause to be executed any such Person , or Persons , of their proper Power and Authority , and without appeale . The Council of Religion ; as the Arbiter of this Common-wealth in cases of conscience more peculiarly appertayning unto Religion , Christian Charity , and a pious Life ; shall have the care of the nationall Religion , and the protection of the Liberty of Conscience , with the Cagnizance of all causes relating unto either of them . And first as to the Nationall Religion ; They shall cause all places or preferments of the best Revenue in either of the Universities to be conferred upon none other then such of the most learned and pious men , as have dedicated themselves unto the study of Theology . They shall also take an especiall care that by such Augmentations as be , or shall hereafter be appointed by the Senate , every Benefice in this Nation be improved at the least unto the value of One hundred pounds a year . And to the end that there be no interest at all , whereby the Divines or Teachers of the National Religion , may be corrupted , or corrupt Religion , they shall be capable of no other kind of Imployment or Preferment in this Common-Wealth . And whereas a Directory for the administration of the Nationall Religion , is to be prepared by this Council , they shall in this and other Debates of this nature procéed in manner following : A question arising in matter of Religion shall be put and stated by the Council in writing ; which Writing the Censors shall send by their Beadles ( being Proctors chosen to attend them ) each unto the University whereof he is Chancellor ; and the Uice-Chancellor of the same receiving the writing , shall call a Convocation of all the Divines of that University being above fourty years of age ; And the Universities upon a Point so proposed , shall have no manner of Intelligence or Correspondence one with another , untill their Debates be ended , and they have made return of their Answers unto the Council of Religion by two or thrée of their own Members , that may clear their sense if any doubt should arise , unto the Council ; which done , they shall return , and the Council having received such information , shall procéed according unto their own Iudgments , in the Preparation of the whole matter for the Senate . That so the interest of the Learned being removed , there may be a right Application of Reason into Scripture , which is the Foundation of the National Religion . Secondly , this Council as to the Protection of the liberty of Conscience , shall suffer no coercive Power in the matter of Religion to be exercises in this Nation . The Teachers of the National Religion being no other then such as voluntarily undertake that calling ; and their Auditors or Hearers , no other then are also voluntary . Nor shall any gathered Congregation be molested or interrupted in their way of Worship ( being neither Iewish nor Idolatrous ) but vigilantly , and vigorously protected and defended in the enjoyment practice and profession of the same . And if there be Officers , or Auditors appointed by any such Congregation , for the introduction of Causes into the Council of Religion , all such Causes so introduced shall be received , heard and determined by the same , ( with recourse had if néed be unto the Senate . ) Thirdly , every Petition addressed unto the Senate , except that of a Tribe , shall be received , examined , and debated by this Council ; and such only as they upon such examination and debate had shall think fit may be introduced into the Senate . The Council of Trade being the Vena Porta of this Nation shall hereafter receive Instructions more at large : For the present , their experience attaining unto a right Understanding of those Trades , and Mysteries that féed the veins of this Common-wealth , and a true distinction of them from those that suck , or exhaust the same ; they shall acquaint the Senate with the Conveniencies , and Inconveniencies , to the end that encouragement may be applyed unto the one , and remedy to the other . The Academy of the Provosts being the affability of the Common-wealth , shall assemble every day towards the evening in a fair Room , having certain withdrawing Rooms thereunto belonging . And all sorts of Company that will repair thither for Conversation or discourse , so it be upon the matter of Government , News ▪ or Intelligence , or to propose any thing unto the Councils , shall be fréely and affably received in the Outer Chamber , and heard in the way of civil Conversation , which is to be managed without any other Awe or Ceremony , then thereunto is usually appertaining ; to the end that every man may be frée ; and that what is proposed by one , may be argued or discourses upon by the test , except the mat●et herof secresie ; in which Case the Provosts , or some of them shall take such as desi●● Audience into one of the withdrawing Rooms ; And the Provosts are to give their minds , that this Academy be so governed , adorned , and preserved , as may be most attractive unto men of parts , and good Affections unto the Common-wealth , for the excellency of the Conversation . Furthermore , If any man not being able or willing to come in Person , have any advice to give which he iudgeth may be for the good of the Common-wealth , he may write his mind unto the Academy of the Provosts , in a Letter signed or not signed ; which Letter shall be left with the door-kéeper of the Academy : Nor shall any Person delivering such a Letter be seized , molessed , or detained , though it should prove to be a Libell : But the Letters so delivered shall be presented unto the Provosts ; and in case they be so many that they cannot well be examined by the Provosts themselves , they shall distribute them as they please to be read by the Gentlemen of the Academy , who finding any thing in them materiall , will find matter of Discourse : Or if they happen upon a businesse that requires privacy , return it with a note upon it unto a Provost . And the Provosts by the Secretaries attending shall cause such notes out of Discourses or Letters to be taken as they please , to the end that they may propose as occasion serveth what any two of them shall think fit , out of their notes so taken unto their respective Councils : to the end that not only the Ear of the Common-wealth be open unto all , but that men of such Education being in her Eye , She may upon emergent Elections or occasions , be alwaies provided of her Choice of fit Persons . Every Council being adorned with a State for the Signory shall be attended by two Secretaries , two Door-kéepers , and two Messengers in ordinary , and have Power to Command more upon emergencies , as occasion requireth . And the Academy shall be attended with two Secretaries , two Messengers , and two Door-kéepers ; this with the other Councils being provided with their farther Conveniencies at the charge of the State. But whereas it is incident unto Common-wealths upon Emergences , requiring extraordinary spéed , or secresie , either through their natural delayes , or unnatural haste to incur equal danger while holding unto the slow pace of their Orders they come not in time to defend themselves from some suddain blow , or breaking them for the greater spéed ; they but haste unto their own Destruction : If the Senate shall at any time make Election of nine Knights extraordinary to be added unto the Council of War , as a Juncta for the term of thrée moneths . The Council of War , with the Juncta so added ▪ is for the term of the same ; Dictator of Oceana having power to levy men and money , to make War and Peace , as also to enact Lawes , which shall be good for the space of one year , ( if they be not sooner repealed by the Senate and the People ) and for no longer time , except they be confirmed by the Senate and the People . And the whole Administration of the Common-wealth for the term of the said thrée Moneths shall be in the Dictator ; Provided , that the Dictator shall have no power to do any thing that tendeth not unto his proper end and institution ; but all unto the Preservation of the Common-wealth as it is established ; And , for the suddain restitution of the same unto the natural channel , and common course of Government . And all Acts , Orders , Decrées or Lawes of the Council of War with the Juncta , being thus created , shall be signed , Dictator Oceanae . This Order of Instructions unto the Councils , being ( as in a matter of that nature is requisite ) very large , I have used my best skill to abbreviate , in such manner as might shew no more of it then is necessary unto the understanding of the whole ; though as to the parts , or further duties of the Councils ; I have omitted many things of singular use in a Common-wealth . But it was spoken to at the Council by the Archon in this manner : My Lords , the Legislators , YOur Councils ( except the Dictator only are proper and native Springs and Sources you see , which ( hanging a few sticks and strawes , that , as lesse considerable , would otherwise be more troublesome , upon the banks of their peculiar channels ) derive the full stream of businesse into the Senate , so pure , and so far from the possibility of being troubled , or steined ( as will undeniably appear by the Course contained in the ensuing Order ) with any kind of private interest or partiality , that it shall never be possible for any . Assemblie hearkening unto the advice or information of this or that worthy Member , either instructed upon his Pillow , or while he was making himself ready , or by the Petition or Ticket which he received at the Door ; to have half the Security in his Faith , or advantage by his Wisdome : Such a Senate , or Council being through the incertainty of the Winds , like a wave of the Sea ; nor shall it otherwise mend the matter by flowing up into dry ditches , or referring Businesses to be better examined by Committees , then to go farther about with it to lesse purpose ; if it do not ebb back again with the more mudd in it . For in a Case referred to an occasionall Committee , of which any Member that is desirous may get himself named , and to which nobody will come , but either for the sake of his Friend , or his own Interest ; It fareth little better as to the Information of the Senate , then if it had been referred unto the Parties . Wherefore the Athenians being distributed into four Tribes , out of which by equall numbers they Annually chose Four hundred men , called the Senate of the Bean , ( because the ballot at their Election was performed by the use of Beans ) divided them by Fifties , into eight parts . And every Fifty in their turn ; for one eight part of the year was a Council apart called the Prytans : the Prytans in their distinct Council receiving all Commers , and giving ear unto every Man that had any thing to propose concerning the Common-wealth , had power to debate and prepare all the Businesses that were to be introduced into the Senate . The Achaeans had ten selected Magistrates called the Demiurgs , constituting a Council apart called the Synarchy , which with the Strategus prepared all the Business that was introduced into their Senate : But neither the Senate of the Athenians , nor of the Achaeans , but would have wondred if a man should have told them , that they had been to receive all Comers , and Discourses to the end that they might refer them afterwards unto the Prytans or the Synarchy : much lesse unto an occasionall Committee , exposed unto the catch that catch may , of the parties interested . And yet Venice in this ( as in most of her Orders , ) excells them all by the constitution of her Councils , that of the Colledge , and the other of the Dieci . The course of the Colledge is exactly described in the ensuing Order : And for that of the Dieci it so little differs from what it hath bestowed upon our Dictator , that I need not to make any particular description of it . But to Dictatorian power in general , and the use of it , because it must needs be of difficult digestion unto such as , peuking still at ancient Prudence , shew themselves to be in the Nursery of Mother-wit ; it is no less then necessary to say something . And first , in a Common-wealth that is not wrought up , nor perfected , this Power will be of very frequent , if not continual use ; Wherefore it is said more then once upon defects of the Government in the Book of Judges , That , in those dayes there was no King in Israel ; Nor hath the Translator ( though for no King , he should have said no Judge ) abused you so much ; seeing that the Dictator , ( and such was the Judge of Israel ) or the Dictatorian Power being in a single Person , so little differs from Monarchy , which followed in that , that from the same cause there hath been no other effect in any Common-wealth , as in Rome was manifest by Scylla and Caesar , who to make themselves Absolute or Soveraign , had no more to do , then to prolong their Magistracy ; for Dictatoris imperium quasi Numen . Nevertheless , so it is , that without this Power which is so dangerous , and subject to introduce Monarchy , a Common-wealth cannot be safe from falling into the like Dissolution ; For unless you have an Expedient in this Case of your own , and bound up by your providence from recoyling ; Expedients in some Cases you must not only have , but be beholding for them unto such whom you must trust at a pinch , when you have not leisure to stand with them for Security ; which will be a thousand times more dangerous . And there can never be a Common-wealth otherwise then by the Order in debate wrought up unto that perfection ; but this necessity must sometimes happen in regard of her natural slownesse and openness , and the suddainess of Assaults that may be made upon her , as also the secresie which in some cases may be of absolute necessity unto her affairs . Whence Machiavil concludes it positively , That a Commonwealth unprovided of such a Refuge , must ruine ; for her course is either broken by the blow , in one of those cases ; or by her self , while it startles her out of her Orders . And indeed a Common-wealth is like a Grey-hound , which having once coasted , will never after run fair , but grow sloathful ; and when she comes to make a common practice of taking nearer wayes then her orders , she is dissolved ; for the being of a Common-wealth consists in her Orders . Wherefore at this lift , you will be exposed unto danger , if you have not provided before-hand for the safety of your resort in like cases : nor is it sufficient that your resort be safe , unless it be as secret , and quick ; for if it be slow or open , your former inconveniences are not remedied . Now for our imitation in this part , there is nothing in experience like that of the Council of Ten in Venice ; the benefit whereof would be too long to be shewn in the whole Piece , and therefore I shall take but a pattern out of Janotti : In the War ( saith he ) which the Venetians had with Florence in Casentine , the Florentines finding a necessity in their affairs far from any other inclination in themselves to ask their Peace , sent Ambassadours about it unto Venice , where they were no sooner heard , then the bargain was struck up by the Council of Ten ; and every body admiring ( seeing this Common-wealth stood upon the higher ground ) what should be the reason of such haste ; the Council upon the return of the Embassadours imparted Letters unto the Senate , whereby it appeared , that the Turk had newly launched a formidable Fleet against their State ; which had it been known to the Florentines , it was well enough known they would have made no Peace : Wherefore the service of the Ten was highly applauded by the Senate , and celebrated by the Venetians . Whereby may appear , not only in part what use there is of Dictatorian Power in that Government , but that it is assumed at the discretion of that Council ; Whereas in this of Oceana it is no otherwise intrusted then when the Senate , in the Election of nine Knights extraordinary , giveth at once the Commission , and taketh security in a ballance added unto the Council of War , though securer before by the Tribunes of the People , then that of Venice ; which yet never incurr'd Jealousie : For if the younger Nobility have been often girding at it , that happened not so much through the apprehension of danger in it unto the Common-wealth , as through the Awe of it upon themselves : Wherefore the Graver have doubtlesly shewn their Prudence in the Law : Whereby the Magistracy of these Counsellors being to last untill their Successours be created , the Council is established . The Instructions of the Councils for their Subject matter being shewn , it remaineth that I shew the Instructions for the manner of their proceeding , as they follow in order 20 The Twentieth Order , Containing the Method of Debate , to be observed by the Magistrates , and the Councils , successively , in order to a Decree of the Senate . The Magistrates of the Signory as Counsellors of this Common-wealth , shall take into their Consideration all matter of State , or of Government ; and having right to propose in any Council May any one or more of them propose what Businesse he or they please in that Council whereunto it most properly belongeth : And that the Councils may be held unto their duty , the said Magistrates are super-intendents , and inspectors of the same , with right to propose unto the Senate . The Censors have equall power with these Magistrates , but in relation unto the Council of Religion only . Any two of the thrée Provosts in every Council may propose to and are the more peculiar Proposers of , the same Council ; to the end that there be not only an inspection and super-intendency of Businesse in general , but that every work be also committed unto a peculiar hand . Any one or more of the Magistrates , or any two of the Provosts respectively having proposed ; the Council shall debate the businesse so proposed , to which they of the third Region that are willing shall speak first in their order ; they of the second , next ; and they of the third , last ; and the opinions of those that proposed or spoke as they shall be thought the most considerable by the Council , shall be taken by the Secretary of the same in writing , and each of them signed with the name of the Authour . The opinions being thus prepared , any Magistrate of the Signory , Censor , or any two of the Provosts of that Council , upon this occasion may assemble the Senate . The Senate being assembled , the Opinions ( for example , if they be four ) shall be read in their Order , that is , according unto the order or dignity of the Magistrates or Counsellors by which they were signed . And being read , if any of the Council introducing them will speak , they as best acquainted with the Businesse , shall have precedence , and after them the Senators shall speak according unto their Regions , beginning by the third first , and so continuing till every man that will , have spoken : and when the opinions have béen sufficiently debated , they shall be put altogether unto the Ballot after this manner . Four Secretaries carrying each of them one of the opinions in one hand , with a white box in the other , and each following another , ( according unto the order of the opinions ) shall present his Box , naming the Author of his opinion unto every Senator ; and one Secretary or Ballotine with a gréen Box shall follow the four white ones ; and one Secretary of Ballotine with a red Box shall follow the gréen one : and every Senator shall put one Ball into some one of these six boxes . The Suffrage being gathered and opened before the Signory : If the red box or Non-sincer had above half the Suffrages , the opinions shall be all cast out , for the Major part of the House is not clear in the businesse . If no one of the four opinions had above half the Suffrages in the Affirmative , that which had fewest shall be cast out , and the other thrée shall be Ballotted again . If no one of the thrée had above half , that which had fewest shall be cast out , and the other two shall Ballotted again . If neither of the two had above half , that which had fewest shall be cast out , and the remaining opinion shall be Ballotted again . And if the remaining opinion have not above half , it shall also be cast out . But the first of the opinions that arrives at most above half in the Affirmative is the Decrée of the Senate . The opinions being all of them cast out by the Non-cincer , may be review'd ( if occasion permit ) by the Council , and brought in again . If they be cast out by the Negative , the Case being of Advice only , the House approveth not , and there is an end of it : the Case being necessary , and admitting delay , the Council is to think again upon the Businesse , and to bring in new opinions , but the Case being necessary , and not admitting delay ; the Senate forthwith electing the Juncta shall create the Dictator . ( Et videat Dictator ne quid Resp. detrimenti capiat . ) This in case the Debate conclude not in a Decrée : but if a Decrée be past , it is either in matter of State , or Government according to Law enacted already , and then it is good without going any farther : or it is in matter of Law to be enacted , repealed , or amended , and then the Decrée of the Senate , especially if it be for a War , or for a Levy of Men or Money , is invalid , without the result of the Common-wealth , which is in the Prerogative Tribe , or Representative of the People . The Senate having prepared a Decrée to be proposed unto the People , shall appoint their Proposers : and no other may propose for the Senate unto the People but the Magistrates of the House ; that is to say , the thrée Commissioners of the Seal , or any two of them ; the thrée of the Treasury , or any two of them ; or the two Censors . The Senate having appointed their Proposers , shall require of the Tribunes a muster of the People at a set time and place : and the Tribunes , or any two of them having muster'd the People accordingly ; the Proposers shall propose the sense or Decrée of the Senate by Clauses unto the People . And that which is proposed by the Authority of the Senate , and resolved by the Command of the People , is the Law of Oceana . To this Order , implicitely containing the sum very near of the whole civil part of the Common-wealth : My Lord Archon spoke thus in Councill : My Dear Lords , THere is a saying , That a man must cut his Coat according to his Cloth. When I consider what God hath allow'd or furnished unto our present Work , I am amazed . You would have a Popular Government , He hath weighed it unto you in the present ballance as I may say to a drag me ; you have no more to do , but to fix it . For the Superstructures of such a Government , they require a good Aristocracy : You have , or have had a Nobility or a Gentry the best studied , and the best Writers , at least next that of Italy , in the whole World ; nor have they been inferiour when so exercised , in the leading of Armies . But the people are the main body of a Common-wealth ; shew me ( à Gadibus usque Auroram et Gangem ) from the treasuries of Snow ( as it is in Job ) unto the burning Zone , a people whose shoulders so universally and so exactly fit the Corselet . Neverthelesse it were convenient , to be well provided with Auxiliaries : There is Marpesia through her fruitfulnesse inexhaustible , of men , and men through her barrennesse not only inured unto hardship , but bucked in your Arms. It may be said that Venice , save only that she taketh not in the People , is the most incomparable Situation of a Common-wealth . You are Venice taking in your People and your Auxiliaries too . My Lords , the children of Israel were makers of brick , before they were builders of a Common-wealth : But our brick is made , our morter temper'd , the Cedars of Lebanon are hew'd and squared unto our hands . Hath this been the work of man ? or is it in man to withstand this work ? Shall he that contendeth with the Almighty instruct him ? He that reproveth God , let him answer it . For our parts , every thing is so laid , that when we come to have use of it , it is the next at hand ; and unlesse we can conceive that God and Nature do any thing in vain , there is no more for us to do , but to dispatch . The Piece which we have reached to us in the foregoing Orders , is the Aristocracy . Athens , as hath been shewn , was plainly lost through the want of a good Aristocracy : but the sufficiency of an Aristocracy goes demonstrably upon the hand of the Nobility or Gentry : for that the Politicks can be master'd without study , or that the people can have leisure to study , is a vain imagination ; and what kind of Aristocracy , Divines and Lawyers would make , let their incurable run upon their own narrow bias ; and their perpetuall invectives against Machiavill ( though in some places justly reproveable , yet the only Polititian , and incomparable Patron of the people ) serve for instruction . I will stand no more unto the Judgment of Lawyers and Divines in this work , then unto that of so many other Tradesmen ; but if the Modell chance to wander abroad , I recommend it unto the Roman Speculativi ; ( Garbatissimi Signori ) the most Compleat Gentleman of This Age ; for their censure ; or , with my Lord Epimonus's his leave , send three or four hundred Copies unto the Agent at Venice , to be presented unto the Magistrates there ; and when they have considered them , to be proposed unto the debate of the Senate , the most competent Judges under Heaven ; who though they have great Affairs , will not refuse to return you the Oracle of their Ballot . The Counsellours of Princes I will not trust , they are but Journy-men . The wisdom of these later times in Princes Affairs ( saith Verulamius ) is rather fine deliveries and shiftings off dangers when they be near , then solid and grounded courses to keep them aloof . Their Counsellours do not derive their proceedings from any sound root of Government , that may contain the demonstration , and assure the successe of them , but are expedient-mongers , givers of themselves to help a lame dog over a stile ; else how commeth it to passe , that the same of Cardinal Richelieu hath been like thunder , whereof we hear the noise , but can make no demonstration of the reason ? But to return , if neither the People , nor Divines and Lawyers can be the Aristocracy of a Nation , there remains only the Nobility , in which style , to avoid farther repetition , I shall understand the Gentry also ; as the French do by the word Noblisse . Now to treat of the Nobility , in such sort as may be lesse obnoxious unto mistake ; it will be convenient , and responsible unto the present occasion , that I divide my discourse into four Parts . The first treating of Nobility , and the kinds of it . The second , of their capacity of the Senate . The third , of the divers kinds of Senates . The fourth , of the Senate , according unto the foregoing Orders . Nobility may be defined divers wayes , for it is either ancient riches , or ancient virtue , or title confer'd by a Prince or a Common-wealth . Nobility of the first kind may be subdivided into two other , such as hold an over-ballance in Dominion or Propriety unto the whole People : or such as hold not an over-ballance . In the former Case a Nobility ( such was the Gothicks , of which sufficient hath been spoken ) is incompatible with popular Government ; for unto popular Government it is essential , that power should be in the people , but the overballance of a Nobility in Dominion , draweth the power unto themselves ; wherefore in this sense it is that Machiavill is to be understood , where he saith , ( Questi tali sono pernitiosi in ogni Republica , & in ogni Provincia ) ; that these are pernicious in a Common-wealth ; and of France , Spain , and Italy , that they are Nations ( lequali tutte inscieme sono la corruttela del mondo ) which for this cause are the corruption of the world : for otherwise Nobility may according unto his definition , which is , That they are such as live upon their own revenues in plenty , without engagement either unto the tilling of their Lands , or other work for their livelihood ; hold an underballance unto the people : In which case they are not onely safe , but necessary unto the naturall mixture of a well-ordered Common-wealth . For how else can you have a Common-wealth that is not altogether Mechanick ? or what comparison is there of such Common-wealths , as are or come nearest to Mechanick ; for example , Athens , Switz , Holland , unto Lacedemon , Rome , and Venice , plumed with their Aristocracies . Your mechanicks , till they have first feather'd their nests , like the Fowles of the Ayr , whose whole imployment is to seek their food , are so busied in their private concernments , that they have neither leisure to study the publick , nor are safely to be trusted with it , ( quia egestas haud facile habetur sine damno ) because a man is not faithfully imbarqued in this kind of ship , if he have no share in the freight . But if his share be such as gives him leisure by his private advantage , to reflect upon that of the Publick : what other name is there for this sort of men ( being à leur ayte ) but ( as Machiavill you see calls them ) Nobility ? especially when their families come to be such as are noted , for their services done unto the Common-wealth , and so take into their ancient riches ancient virtue , which is the second definition of Nobility , but such an one as is scarce possible in nature without the former . For as the Baggage ( saith Verulamius ) is to an Army ; so are riches to Virtue ; they cannot be spared nor left behind , though they be impedimenta , such as not onely hinder the march , but sometimes through the care of them lose or disturb the Victory . Of this later sort is the Nobility of Oceana ; the best of all other , because they having no stamp whence to derive their price , can have it no otherwise then by their intrinsick value . The third definition of Nobility , is Title , Honour , or Distinction from the people , conferr'd or allow'd by the Prince , or the Common-wealth ; and this may be in two wayes , either without any stamp or priviledge as in Oceana , or with such priviledges as are inconsiderable , as in Athens after the battel of Plateae , whence the Nobility had no right , as such , but unto religious offices , or inspection of the publick games , whereunto they were also to be elected by the people : or with priviledges , and those considerable ones ▪ as the Nobility in Athens before the battel of Plateae , and the Patricians in Rome , each of which had right , or claimed it , unto the Senate and all the Magistracies ; wherein for some time they only by their stamp were current . But to begin higher , and speak more at large of Nobility in their several capacities of the Senate ; ( à Jove Principium ) The Phylarchs or Princes of the Tribes of Israel , were the most renowned ; or , as the Latine , the most noble of the Congregation , ( Numb . 1.16 . ) whereof by hereditary right they had the leading , and judging . The Patriarchs or Princes of Families according as they declared their pedigrees , ( Numb . 1.18 . ) had the like right as to their Families ; but neither in these nor the former was there any hereditary right unto the Sanhedrim ; though there be little question but the wise men , and understanding and known among their Tribes which the people took or elected into those or other Magistracies , and Moses made Rulers over them , ( Deut. 1.13 . ) must have been of these , seeing these could not choose but be the most known among the Tribes , and were likeliest by the advantages of education to be the most wise and understanding . Solon having found the Athenians neither Locally nor Genealogically , but by their different wayes of life , divided into four Tribes , that is , into the Souldiery , the Tradesmen , the Husbandmen , and the Goat-herds , instituted a new distribution of them , according unto the Cense or valuation of their Estates into four Classes ; the first , second , and third consisting of such as were Proprietors in Land , distinguished by the rate of their free-holds , with that stamp upon them , which making them capable of honour unto their riches , that is to say , of the Senate and all the Magistracies , excluded the fourth , being the body of the people , and far greater in number then the former three , from other right as to those capacities , then the election of these , who by this means became an hereditary Aristocracy or Senatorian Order of Nobility . This was that course which came afterwards to be the destruction of Rome , and had now ruin'd Athens ; the Nobility , according to the inevitable nature of such an one , having laid the plot how to devert the people of the result , and so to draw the whole power of the Common-wealth unto themselves ; which in all likelihood they had done : if the people , coming by meer chance to be victorious in the battel of Plateae , and famous for defending Greece against the Persian , had not returned with such courage , as irresistibly brake the Classes , unto which of old they had born a white tooth , brought the Nobility unto equall terms , and the Senate with the Magistracies to be common unto both ; the Magistracies by Suffrage , and the Senate which was the mischief of it , as I shall shew anon in that constitution , by lot only . The Lacedemonians were in the manner , and for the same cause with the Venetians at this day , no other than Nobility ▪ even according to the definition given of Nobility by Machiavill ; for they neither exercised any Trade , nor labour'd their Lands or Lots , which was done by their Helots ; wherefore some Nobility may be far from pernicious in a Common-wealth , by Machiavill's own testimony , who is an admirer of this ; though the servants thereof were more then the Citizens . To these servants , I hold the answer of Lycurgus , when he bad him who asked , why he did not admit the people unto the Government of his Common-wealth , go home and admit his servants unto the government of his Family , to relate ; for neither were the Lacedemonians servants , nor farther capable of the Government , unlesse , whereas the Congregation had the result , he should have given them the debate also ; every one of these that attained unto sixty years of age , and the major vote of the Congregation , being equally capable of the Senate . The Nobility of Rome and their capacity of the Senate , I have already described by that of Athens , before the battaile of Plateae , save only that the Athenian was never eligible into the Senate without the suffrage of the people , till the introduction of the lot , but the Roman Nobility ever ; for the patriPatricians were elected into the Senate by the Kings , by the Consuls , or the Censors ; or if a plebeian happened to be conscribed , he and is posterity became patrician : nor , though the people had many disputes with the Nobility , did this ever come in controversy , which if there had been nothing else might in my judgment have been enough to overturne that Commonwealth . The Venetian Nobility , but that they are richer , and not military , resemble at all other points the Lacedemonian , as I have already shewn ; these , Machiavill excepts from his rule , by saying , that their Estates are rather personal then real , or of any great revenue in Land : which comes unto our account , and shews , that a Nobility or party of the Nobility not over-ballancing in Dominion , is not dangerous , but of necessary use in every Common-wealth , provided that it be rightly ordered ; for if it be so ordered as was that of Rome , though they do not overballance in the beginning , as they did not there , it will not be long ere they do , as is clear both in reason , and that experience towards the later end . That the Nobility be capable of the Senate , is there only not dangerous , where there be no other Citizens ; as in this Government , and that of Lacedemon . The Nobility of Holland and Switz though but few , have priviledges not only distinct from the people , but so great , that in some Soveraignties they have a Negative voice ; an example which I am far from commending , being such as if those Governments were not Cantonized , divided and subdivided into many petty Soveraignties that ballance one another , and in which the Nobility except they had a Prince at the head of them , can never joyn to make work , would be the most dangerous that ever was ; but the Gothick , of which it savours . For in ancient Common-wealths you shall never find a Nobility to have had a negative but by the pole , which , the people being far more in number , came to nothing ; whereas these have it , be they never so few , by their stamp or order . Ours of Oceana , have nothing else but their education and their leisure for the publick , furnished by their ease and competent riches ; and their intrinsick value , which according as it comes to hold weight in the Judgment or Suffrage of the People , is their only way unto honour and preferment : wherefore I would have your Lordships to look upon your Children as such , who if they come to shake off some part of their baggage , shall make the more quick and glorious march : for it was nothing else but the baggage sordidly plunder'd by the Nobility of Rome , that lost the victory of the whole World in the midst of her Triumph . Having follow'd the Nobility thus close , they bring us , according unto their natural course and divers kinds , unto the divers Constitutions of the Senate . That of Israel ( as was shew'd by my right noble Lord Phosphorus de Auge in the opening of the Common-wealth ) consisted of seventy Elders , elected at the first by the people ; but whereas they were for life , they ever after ( though without any Divine precept for it ) substituted their Successours by Ordination , which ceremony was most usually performed by imposition of hands , and by this means a Common-wealth of as popular institution as can be found , became , as it is accounted by Josephus , Aristocratical . From this ordination , deriveth that which was introduced by the Apostles into the Christian Church ; for which cause I think it is , that the Presbyterians would have the Government of the Church to be Aristocraticall ; albeit the Apostles , to the end , as I conceive , that they might give no occasion unto such a mistake , but shew , that they intended the Government of the Church to be popular , Ordained Elders ( as hath been shewn ) by the holding up of hands ( or free Suffrage of the people ) in every Congregation , or Ecclesia ; for that is the word in the Original , being borrow'd from the civil Congregations of the people in Athens and Lacedemon , which were so called ; and the word for holding up of hands in the Text , is also the very same , which signified the Suffrage of the people in Athens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the Suffrage of the Athenians was given per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Emmius . The Council of the Bean ( as was shewn by my Lord Navarchus de Paralo , in his full discourse ) being the proposing Senate of Athens ( for that of the Areopagites was a Judicatory ) consisted of four , some say five hundred Senators , elected annually , all at once , and by a meer lot without suffrage ; wherefore albeit the Senate , to correct the temerity of the lot , had power to cast out-such as they should judge unworthy of that honour ; this related to manners only , and was not sufficient to repair the Common-wealth , which by such means became impotent ; and for as much as her Senate consisted not of the natural Aristocracy , which in a Common-wealth is the onely spur and rein of the people , was cast headlong by the rashnesse of her Demagogs or Grandees into ruine ; while her Senate , like the Roman Tribunes , ( qui ferè semper regebantur à multitudine magis quam regebant ) proposed not unto the Result only , but unto the Debate also of the people , who were therefore called unto the Pulpits , where some vomited , and others drunk poison . The Senate of Lacedemon ( most truly discover'd by my Lord Laco de Scytale ) consisted but of 30 for life , whereof the two Kings having but single votes , were hereditary , the rest elective by the free Suffrage of the people , but out of such as were sixty years of age ; these had the whole debate of the Common-wealth in themselves , and proposed unto the result only of the people : and now the riddle which I have heretofore found troublesome to unfold , is out ; that is to say , why Athens and Lacedemon consisting each of the Senate and the People , the one should be held a Democracy , and the other an Aristocracy , or laudable Oligarchy , as it is termed by Isocrates ; ( for that word is not , where ever you meet it , to be branded , seeing it is used also by Aristotle , Plutarch , and others , sometimes in a good sense ) ▪ The main difference was , that the people in this had the result only , and in that the debate and result too . But for my part , where the people have the election of the Senate , not bound unto a distinct order , and the result which is the Soveraign power , I hold them to have that share in the Government , ( the Senate being not for life ) whereof , with the safety of the Common-wealth , they are capable in nature , and such a Government for that cause to be Democracy ; though I do not deny , but in Lacedemon the paucity of the Senators considered , it might be called Oligarchy , in comparison of Athens ; or , ●f we look upon their continuance for life , though they had been more , Aristocracy . The Senate of Rome ( whose fame hath been heard to thunder in the Eloquence of my Lord Stolo de Enyo ) consisting of 300 , was in regard of the number , lesse Oligarchicall then that of Lacedemon , but more in regard of the Patrician , who having an hereditary capacity of the same were not elected unto that honour by the people : but being Conscribed by the Censors , enjoy'd it for life : wherefore these if they had had their wills , would have resolv'd as well as debated ; which set the people at such variance with them , as dissolv'd the Common-wealth : whereas if the people had enjoy'd the result , as well that about the Agrarian , as all other strife , must of necessity have ceased . The Senates of Switzs and Holland ( as I have learnt of my Lords Alpester , and Glaucus ) being bound up , like the sheaf of Arrowes which this gives , by leagues , lie like those in their quivers ; But Arrowes when they come to be drawn , fly some this way , and some that : and I am contented that these concern us not . That of Venice ( by the faithful testimony of my most excellent Lord Linceus de Stella ) hath obliged a world , sufficiently punisht by its own blindnesse or ingratitude , to repent and be wiser : for whereas a Common-wealth in which there is no Senate , or where the Senate is corrupt , cannot stand : the Great Council of Venice like the Statua of Nilus , leans upon an Urn or Water-pot , which poureth forth the Senate in so pure and perpetual a stream , as being unable to instagnate , is for ever uncapable of corruption . The fuller description of this Senate is contained in that of Oceana ; and that of Oceana in the foregoing Orders . Unto every one of which , because something hath been already said , I shall not speak in particular . But in general , your Senate ( and the other Assembly , or the Prerogative , as I shall shew in due place ) are perpetuall , not as Lakes or Puddles , but as the Rivers of Eden ; and are beds made , as you have seen , to receive the whole people , by a due and faithful Vicissitude into their current . They are not , as in the later way , alternate . Alternate life in Government , is the alternate death of it . Ut fratrem Pollux alternâ morte redemit . This was the Gothick Work , whereby the former Government was not only a ship , but a gust too ; could never open her sailes , but in danger to overset her self : neither make any Voyage , nor lye safe in her own Harbour . The Wars of later Ages ( saith Verulamius ) seem to be made in the dark , in respect of the glory and honour , which reflected upon men from the Wars in ancient times . Their shipping of this sort was for Voyages , ours dare not launch : nor lye they safe at home . Your Gothick Polititians seem unto me rather to have invented some new ammunition ▪ or Gunpowder , in their King and Parliament ( duo fulmina belli ) then Government . For what is become of the Princes ( a kind of people ) in Germany ? blown up . Where are the Estates , or the Power of the people in France ? blown up . Where is that of the people in Aragon , and the rest of the Spanish Kingdoms ? blown up . On the other side , where is the King of Spain's power in Holland ? blown up . Where is that of the Austrian Princes in Switz ? blown up . This perpetual peevishnesse and jealousie , under the alternate Empire of the Prince and of the People , is obnoxious unto every Spark . Nor shall any man shew a reason that will be holding in prudence , why the people of Oceana have blown up their King , but that their Kings did not first blow up them : The rest is discourse for Ladies . Wherefore your Parliaments are not henceforth to come out of the bag of Aeolus , but by the Gallaxy's , to be the perpetual food of the fire of Vesta . Your Gallaxy's which divide the House into so many Regions are three , one of which constituting the third region is annually chosen , but for the term of three years ; which causeth the house having blooms , fruit half ripe , and others droping off in full maturity , to resemble an Orange-Tree : such as is at the same time an education or spring , and an harvest too ; for the people have made a very ill choice in the man , who is not easily capable of the perfect knowledge in one year of the Senatorian Orders ; which knowledge allowing him for the first to have been a Novice , brings him the second year unto practice , and time enough ; for at this rate you must alwaies have two hundred knowing men in the Government : and thus the vicissitude of your Senators is not perceiveable in the steddinesse and perpetuity of your Senate , which , like that of Venice , being alwaies changing , is for ever the same : and though other Polititians have not so well imitated their pattern , there is nothing more obvious in nature , seeing a man who wears the same flesh but a short time , is neverthelesse the same man , and of the same Genius ; and whence is this but from the constancy of nature in holding a man unto her Orders ? Wherefore hold also unto your Orders ; but this is a mean request , your Orders will be worth little , if they do not hold you unto them : wherefore imbarque . They are like a ship , if you be once aboard , you do not carry them , but they you ; and see how Venice stands unto her tacklin , you will no more forsake them , then you will leap into the Sea. But they are very many , and difficult . O my Lords , what Seaman casts away his Carde because it hath four and twenty points of Compasse ? and yet those are very near as many , and as difficult as the Orders in the whole Circumference of your Common-wealth . Consider ; how have we been tossed with every wind of Doctrine , lost by the glib tongues of your Demagogs and Grandees in our own Havens ? A Company of Fidlers that have disturbed your rest for your groat ; two to one , three thousand pounds a year to another , hath been nothing : and for what ? is there one of them that yet knowes what a Common-wealth is ? And are you yet afraid of such a Government in which these shall not dare to scrape , for fear of the Statute ? Themistocles could not fiddle , but could make of a small City a great Common-wealth : these have fiddled , and for your money , till they have brought a great Common-wealth to a small City . It grieves me , while I consider how , and from what causes , imaginary difficulties will be aggravated , that the foregoing Orders are not capable of any greater clearnesse in discourse or writing : But if a man should make a book , describing every trick or passage , it would fare no otherwise with a game at Cards ; and this is no more , if a man play upon the square . There is a great difference ( saith Verulamius ) between a cunning man and a wise man , ( between a Demagog and a Legislator ) not onely in point of honesty , but in point of ability : As there be that can pack the Cards , and yet cannot play well ; so there be some that are good in canvasses and factions , that are otherwise weak men . Allow me but these Orders , and let them come with their Cards in their sleeves , or pack if they can . Again , ( saith he ) it is one thing to understand persons , and another to understand matters ; for many are perfect in mens humours , that are not greatly capable of the reall part of businesse : which is the constitution of one that hath studied men , more then books : but there is nothing more hurtfull in a State , than that cunning men passe for wise . His words are an Oracle . As Dionysius , when he could no longer exercise his tyranny among men , turned School-master , that he might exercise it among boyes : Allow me but these Orders , and your Grandees so well skilled in the baites and palates of men , shall turn Rat-catchers . And whereas Councils ( as is discreetly observed by the same Authour in his time ) are at this day , in most places but familiar meetings , ( somewhat like the Academy of Provosts ) where matters are rather talked on then debated ; and run too swift to order an Act of Council : Give me my Orders , and see if I have not trashed your Demagogs . It is not so much my desire to return upon haunts , as theirs that will not be satisfied ; wherefore if notwithstanding what was said of dividing and choosing in our Preliminary discourses , men will yet be returning unto the question , Why the Senate must be a Council apart ; though even in Athens , where it was of no other constitution then the Popular Assembly , the distinction of it , from the other , was never held lesse then necessary : this may be added unto the former reasons , that if the Aristocracy be not for the Debate , it is for nothing ; but if it be for the Debate , it must have convenience for it : and what convenience is there for debate in a crowd , where there is nothing but jostling , treading upon one another , and stirring of blood , than which in this case there is nothing more dangerous ? Truly , it was not ill said of my Lord Epimonus , That Venice playes her Game as it were at billiards or nine-holes ; and so may your Lordships , unlesse your ribs be so strong , that you think better of football ; for such sport is debate in a Popular Assembly , as , notwithstanding the distinction of the Senate , was the destruction of Athens . This Speech concluded the Debate which happened at the Institution of the Senate : the next Assembly is that of the People , or Prerogative Tribe . The Face , or nime of the Prerogative Tribe for the Arms , the Horses , and the Discipline , but more especially for the select Men , is that of a very noble Regiment , or rather of two ; the One of Horse , divided into three Troops , ( besides that of the Provinces , which will be shewn hereafter ) with their Captains , Cornets , and two Tribunes of the Horse at the head of them . The other of Foot in three Companies ( besides that of the Provinces ) with their Captains , Ensigns , and two Tribunes of the Foot at the head of them . The first Troop is called the Phoenix ; the second the Pelican ; and the third the Swallow . The first Company the Cypresse ; the second , the Mirtle ; and the third the Spray . Of these again , ( not without a near resemblance of the Roman Division of a Tribe ) the Phoenix and the Cypresse constitute the first Classis ; the Pelican and the Myrtle , the second ; and the Swallow with the Spray the third , renewed every Spring by order 21 The One and Twentieth Order , Directing , that upon every Monday next ensuing the last of March , the Deputies of the annuall Gallaxy arriving at the Pavilion in the Halo , and electing one Captain and one Cornet of the Swallow ( Trienniall Officers ) by and out of the Cavalry at the Horse Urn , according unto the Rules contained in the Ballot of the Hundred : And one Captain with one Ensign of the Spray ( Trienniall Officers ) by and out of the Infantry at the Foot Urn , after the same way of ballotting : Constitute and become the third Classis of the Prerogative Tribe . Seven Deputies are annually returned by every Tribe , whereof three are Horse , and four are Foot ; and there be fifty Tribes , so the Swallow must consist of 150 Horse , the Spray of 200 Foot ; and the rest of the Classes being two , each of them in number equal● ; the whole Prerogative ( besides the Provinces , that is , the Knights and Deputies of Marpesia and Panopea , ) must consist of 1050 Deputies , It is right . And these Troops and Companies may as well be called Centuries as those of the Romans ; for the Romans related not , in so naming theirs , unto the number : And whereas they were distributed according unto the valuation of their Estates , so are these ; which by virtue of the last Order , are now accommodated with their Triennial Officers ; but there be others appertaining unto this Tribe , whose Election being of far greater Importance is Annual , as followeth in order 22 The Twenty second Order ; Whereby the first Classis having Elected their Trienniall Officers , and made Oath unto the Old Tribunes , That they will neither introduce , cause nor to their power suffer debate to be introduced into any popular Assembly of this Government , but to their utmost be ayding and assisting to seize and deliver any Person or Persons in that way offending and striking at the Root of this Common-wealth unto the Councill of War ; are to procéed with the other two Classes of the Prerogative Tribe to Election of the New Tribunes , being four Annual Magistrates , whereof two are to be elected out of the Cavalry at the Horse-Urn , and two out of the Infantry at the Foot-Urn , according unto the Common ballot of the Tribes : And they may be promiscuously Chosen out of any Classis , provided that the same Person shall not be capable of beating the Tribunitian Honour twice in the term of one Gallaxy . The Tribunes thus chosen shall receive the Tribe ( in reference to the power of Mustering and Disciplining the same ) as Commanders in Chief : and for the rest as Magistrates , whose proper function is prescribed by the next Order . The Tribunes may give leave unto any number of the Prerogative not excéeding one hundred at a time , to be absent , so they be not Magistrates , nor Officers , and return within thrée moneths ; If a Magistrate or Officer , have necessary occasion , he may also be absent for the space of one moneth ; provided , that there be not above thrée Cornets or Ensigns , two Captains or one Tribune so absent at one time . To this the Archon spoke at the Institution , after this manner ▪ My Lords , It is affirmed by Cicero in his Oration for Flaccus , That the Common-wealths of Greece were all shaken or ruined ▪ by the intemperance of their Comitia , or Assemblies of the People . The truth is , if good heed in this point be not taken , a Common-wealth will have bad Leggs . But all the World knowes he should have excepted Lacedemon , where the People ( as hath been shewn by the Oracle ) had no power at all of Debate , nor ( till after Lysander , whose Avarice opened a Gulph ▪ that was not long ere it swallowed up his Country ) came it ever to be exercised by them : Whence that Common-wealth stood longest and firmest of any other , but this , in our dayes , of Venice ; which having underlaid her Self with the like Institution , owes a great , if not the greatest part of her steadinesse unto the same principle ; the great Council , which is with her the People , by the Authority of my Lord Epimonus , never speaking a word . Nor shall any Common-wealth where the People in their political capacity is talkative , ever see half the dayes of one of these : But being carried away by Vain-glorious Men ( that , as Overbury sayes , Pisse more then they drink ) Swim down the sink ; as did Athens , the most prating of these Dames , when that same ranting fellow Alcibiades fell on Demagoging for the Sicilian War. But whereas Debate by the Authority and experience of Lacedemon and Venice , is not to be committed unto the People in a well ordered Government ; It may be said , That the Order specify'd is but a slight barre in a matter of like danger ; For so much as an Oath , if there be no recourse upon the breach of it , is a weak tye for such hands as have the Sword in them . Wherefore what should hinder the People of Oceana if they happen not to regard an Oath , from assuming Debate , and making themselves as much an Anarchy as those of Athens ? To which I answer , Take the Common sort in a private Capacity , and except they be injured , you shall find them to have ( Verecundiam Patrum ) a bashfulnesse in the presence of the better sort , or wiser Men ; acknowledging their abilities by attention ; and accounting it no mean Honour to receive respect from them . But if they be injured by them , they hate them , and the more for being wise , or great , because that makes it the greater injury . Nor refrain they in this Case from any kind of intemperance of speech , if of Action . It is no otherwise with a People in their political Capacity ; You shall never find that they have assum'd Debate for it self , but for something else : Wherefore in Lacedemon where there was , and in Venice where there is , nothing else for which they should assume it , they have never shewn , so much as an inclination to it . Nor was there any appearance of such a desire in the People of Rome , ( who from the time of Romulus had been very well contented with the Power of Result either Comitiis Curiatis , as it was settled upon them by him ; or Centuriatis , as it was alter'd in their regard for the worse by Servius Tullius ) till news was brought some fifteen years after the exile of Tarquine their late King ( during which time , the Senate had governed passing well ) that he was dead at the Court of Aristodemus the Tyrant of Cumae . ( Eo nuncio erecti patres , erecta Plebs . Sed Patribus nimis luxuriosa ea fuit laetitia : Plebi , cui ad eam diem summâ ope inservitum erat , injuriae à Primoribus fieri coepêre ) Whereupon the Patricians , or Nobility began to let out the hitherto dissembled Venom , which is inherent in the root of Oligarchy , and fell immediately upon injuring the People beyond all moderation : For whereas the People had served both gallantly and contentedly in Arms , upon their own Charges , and though joynt Purchasers by their Swords of the conquer'd Lands , had not participated in the same , to above two Acres a man , the rest being secretly usurped by the Patricians : they through the meannesse of their support , and the greatnesse of their expence , being generally indebted , no sooner returned home with Victory to lay down their Arms , then they were snatcht up by their Creditors the Nobility , to cram Goales : Whereupon ( but with the greatest modesty that was ever known in the like case ) they first fell upon debate ( Se foris pro libertate & imperio dimicantes , domi à civibus captos & oppressos esse : tutioremque in bello quam in pace , inter hostes quam inter cives , libertatem plebis esse ) : It is true , that when they could not get the Senate ( through fear , as was pretended by the Patricians ) to assemble and take their grievances into Consideration , they grew so much warmer , that it was glad to meet : Where Ap. Claudius , a fierce Spirit , was of opinion , That recourse should be had unto Consular power , whereby some of the brands of Sedition being taken off , the flame might be extinguisht : Servilius being of another temper , thought it better and safer to try if the People might be bow'd , than broken . But this debate was interrupted by tumultuous news of the near approach of the Volsci , a case in which the Senate had no recourse but to the People , who contrary unto their former custom upon like occasions would not stir afoot , but fell on laughing , and saying , ( Patres militarent patres arma caperent , ut penes eosdem pericula belli , penes quos praemia , essent ) Let them fight that have something to fight for . The Senate that had purses , and could not sing so well before the Thief , being in great perplexity , found no possible way out of it , but to beseech Servilius , one of a Genius well known to be Popular , That he would accept of the Consulship , and make some such use of it as might be helpful to the Patrician interest . Servilius accepting of the offer , and making use of his Interest with the people , perswaded them to hope well of the good intention of the Fathers , whom it would little beseem to be forced unto those things which would lose their Grace , and that in view of the enemy , if they came not freely ; and withall published an Edict , That no man should with-hold a Citizen of Rome by Imprisonment from giving his Name ( for that was the way , as I shall have opportunity hereafter to shew more at large , whereby they drew out their Armies ) nor seize , nor sell any Mans Goods or Children that was in the Camp ; Whereupon the people with a mighty Concourse immediately took Arms , marched forth , and ( which to them was as easie as to be put into the humour , and that as appears in this place was not hard ) totally defeated the Volsci first , then the Sabines , ( for the neighbour Nations , hoping to have had a good bargain of the Discord in Rome were up on all sides ) and after the Sabines , the Aurunci . Whence returning victorious in three Battels , they expected no lesse then that the Senate would have made good their Words . When Appius Claudius the other Consul of his innate Pride , and that he might frustrate the faith of his Collegue , caused the Souldiers ( who being set at liberty had behaved themselves with such valour ) to be restored at their return unto their Creditors , and their Gaoles . Great resort upon this was made by the People unto Servilius , shewing him their Wounds , calling him to witwitnesse how they had behaved themselves , and minding him of his promise . Poor Servilius was sorry , but so over aw'd with the headinesse of his Collegve , and the obstinacy of the whole faction of the Nobility ; that not daring to do any thing either way , he lost both Parties : the Fathers conceiving that he was Ambitious , and the People that he was False : while the Consul Claudius continuing to countenance such as daily seized and imprisoned some of the indebted People , had still new , and dangerous Controversies with them , insomuch that the Common-wealth was torn with horrid Division , and the People ( because they found it not so safe , or so effectual in Publique ) minded nothing but laying their heads together in private Conventicles . For this A. Virginius , and Titus Vetusius the new Consuls were reproved by the Senate as slothfull , and upbraided with the Virtue of Ap. Claudius . Whereupon the Consuls having desired the Senate , that they might know their pleasure , shewed afterwards their readinesse to obey it , by summoning the People according unto command , and requiring Names whereby to draw forth an Army for diversion , but no man would answer . Report hereof being made unto the Senate , the younger sort of the Fathers grew so hot with the Consuls , that they desired them to abdicate the Magistracy , which they had not the courage to defend . The Consuls , though they conceived themselves to be roughly handled , made this soft Answer : Fathers Conscript , that you may please to take notice it was foretold , some horrid Sedition is at hand : We shall onely desire , that they whose valour in this place is so great , may stand by us to see how we behave our Selves , and then be as resolute in your Commands as you Will : Your Fatherhoods may know if we be wanting in the performance . At this , some of the hot bloods returned with the Consuls unto the Tribunal , before which the People were yet standing , and the Consuls having generally required Names , in vain , ( to put it unto something ) required the name of one that was in their eye particularly ; on whom , when he moved not , they commanded a Lictor to lay hands ; but the People thronging about the party summon'd , forbad the Lictor who durst not touch him ; at which the Hot-spurs that came with the Consuls , enraged by the affront , descended from the Throne to the ayd of the Lictor ; from whom in so doing they turned the indignation of the People upon themselves with such heat , that the Consuls interposing , thought fit by remitting the Assembly , to appease the Tumult ; in which neverthelesse there had been nothing but noise . Nor was there lesse in the Senate , being suddainly rally'd upon this occasion , where they that received the Repulse , with others , whose heads were as addle as their own , fell upon the businesse as if it had been to be determined by Clamour , till the Consuls , upbraiding the Senate , that it differ'd not from the Market-place , reduced the House unto Orders : And the Fathers having been consulted accordingly , there were three Opinions . P. Virginius conceived , that the Consideration to be had upon the matter in question , ( or ayd of the indebted and imprison'd people ) was not to be farther extended then unto such as had engaged upon the promise made by Servilius : T. Largius , that it was no time to think it enough , if mens merits were acknowledged , while the whole People , sunk under the weight of their debts , could not emerge without some commmon ayd ; which to restrain by putting some into a better Condition then others , would rather more inflame the Discord then extinguish it ▪ Ap. Claudius ( still upon the old haunt ) would have it , That the People were rather wanton then fierce : It was not oppression that necessitated , but their Power that invited them unto these Freaks ; the Empire of the Consuls since the Appeal unto the People ( whereby a plebeian might ask his Fellowes if he were a Thief ) being but a meer Scar-crow . Go to , ( sayes he ) Let us create the Dictator , from whom there is no appeal , and then let me see more of this Work ; or him that shall forbid my Lictor . The advice of Appius was abhorr'd by many , and to introduce a general Recision of Debts with Largius , was to violate all Faith : That of Virginius as the most moderate would have past best , but that there were private Interests ( that same bane of the Publique ) which withstood it ; So they concluded with Appius ; who also had been Dictator , if the Consuls and some of the graver sort had not thought it altogether unseasonable , at a time when the Volsci and the Sabins were up again , to venture so far upon Alienation of the People ; for which cause Valerius , being descended from the Publicola's , the most Popular Family , as also in his own person of a mild nature , was rather trusted with so rigid a Magistracy . Whence it happened , that the People , though they knew well enough against whom the Dictator was created , feared nothing from Valerius ; But upon a new promise made to the same effect with that of Servilius , hoped better another time , and throwing away all Disputes , gave their Names roundly , went out , and ( to be brief ) came home again as Victorious as in the former Action , the Dictator entring the City in Triumph . Neverthelesse when he came to presse the Senate , to make good his promise , and do something for the ease of the People , they regarded him no more as to that point then they had done Servilius . Whereupon the Dictator , in disdain to be made a stale , abdicated his Magistracy , and went home . Here then was a Victorious Army without a Captain , and a Senate pulling it by the beard in their Gowns . What is it ( if You have read the Story , for there is not such another ) that must follow ? Can any Man imagine , that such only should be the opportunity upon which this People could run away ! Alas , poor men , the Aequi and the Volsci , and the Sabines were nothing , but the Fathers invincible ! There they sate some three hundred of them armed all in Robes , and thundring with their Tongues ; no hopes in the earth to reduce them unto any tolerable Conditions : Wherefore , no thinking to abide long so near them ; away marches the Army , and encamps in the Fields . This Retreat of the People is called the Secession of Mount Aventine , where they lodged , very sad at their Condition , but not letting fall so much as a word of Murmur against the Fathers . The Senate by this time were great Lords , had the whole City unto themselves ; but certain Neighbours were upon the way that might come to speak with them , not asking leave of the Porter . Wherefore their minds became troubled , and an Orator was posted unto the People to make as good Conditions with them as he could ; but , whatever the terms were , to bring them home , & with all speed : And here it was covenanted between the Senate , and the People , That these should have the Magistrates of their own Election , called the Tribunes ; upon which they returned . To hold you no longer , the Senate having done this upon necessity , made frequent attempts to retract it again ; while the Tribunes on the other side , to defend what they had gotten , instituted their Tributa Comitia , or Councill of the People ; where they came in time , and as disputes increased , to make Lawes without the Authority of the Senate , called Plebiscita : Now to conclude in the Point at which I drive ; such were the steps whereby the People of Rome came to assume Debate : nor is it in Art or Nature to debarre a People of the like effect , where there is the like cause : For Romulus having in the Election of his Senate squared out a Nobility for the support of a Throne , by making that of the Patricians a distinct and hereditary Order , planted the Common-wealth upon two contrary Interests , or Roots , which shooting forth in time produced two Common-wealths , the one Oligarchical in the Nobility , and the other a meer Anarchy of the People , which thenceforth caused a perpetual feud and enmity between the Senate and the People , even to death . There is not a more noble , or usefull question in the Politicks , then that which is started by Machiavil , Whether means were to be found whereby the Enmity that was between the Senate and the people of Rome , might have been removed . Nor is there any other in which we , or the present occasion , are so much concerned , particularly in relation unto this Author ; For as much as his Judgment in the determination of the question standing , our Common-wealth falleth . And he that will erect a Common-wealth against the Judgment of Machiavill , is obliged to give such reasons for his enterprize as must not go on begging . Wherefore to repeat the Polititian very honestly , but somewhat more briefly : He disputes thus ; There be two sorts of Common-wealths , the one for Preservation , as Lacedemon and Venice . The other for Encrease , as Rome . Lacedemon being governed by a King and a small Senate , could maintain it self a long time in that Condition , because the Inhabitants , being few , having put a bar upon the reception of Strangers , and living in strict observation of the Lawes of Lycurgus , which now had gotten reputation , and taken away all occasion of Tumults , might well continue long in Tranquillity : For the Lawes of Lycurgus introduced a greater equality in Estates , and a less equality in Honours ; whence there was equall Poverty , and the Plebeians were lesse Ambitious , because the Honours , or Magistracies of the City could extend but unto a few ; and were not communicable unto the People ; nor did the Nobility by using them ill , ever give them a desire to participate of the same : This proceeded from the Kings , whose Principality being placed in the midst of the Nobility , had no greater means whereby to support it self , then to shield the People from all Injury ; Whence the People not fearing Empire , desired it not . And so all occasion of enmity between the Senate and the People was barr'd . But this union happened especially from two causes , the one , that the Inhabitants of Lacedemon being few , could be govern'd by the Few . The other , that not receiving Strangers into their Common-wealth , they did not corrupt it , nor increase it , unto such a Proportion as was not governable by the Few . Venice hath not divided with her Plebeians , but all are called Gentlemen that be in administration of the Government ; for which Government She is more beholding unto Chance , then the Wisdome of her Law-makers ; For many retiring unto those Islands , where that City is now built from the inundations of Barbarians that overwhelm'd the Roman Empire , when they were encreased unto such a number , that to live together it was necessary to have Lawes : They Ordained a form of Government , whereby assembling often in Council upon Affairs , and finding their number sufficient for Government , they put a barre upon all such as repairing afterwards unto their City should become Inhabitants , excluding them from participation of Power . Whence they that were included in the Administration had right ; and they that were excluded , coming afterwards , and being received upon no other Conditions to be Inhabitants , had no wrong , and therefore had no occasion ; nor were they trusted with Arms , and therefore had no means to be tumultuous . Wherefore this Common-Wealth might very well maintain her Self in Tranquillity . These things considered , it is plain , that the Roman Legislators to have introduced a quiet State , must have done one of these two things ; Either shut out Strangers , as the Lacedemonians ; Or , as the Venetians , not allow'd the People to bear Arms. But they did neither . By which means the People having power and encrease , were in perpetual Tumult . Nor is this to be helped in a Common-Wealth for Increase , seeing if Rome had cut off the occasion of her Tumults , She must have cut off the means of her Increase , and by consequence of her Greatnesse . Wherefore let a Legislator consider with himself , whether he would make his Common-wealth for Preservation , in which Case She may be free from Tumults ; or for Increase , in which case she must be infested with them . If he make her for Preservation she may be quiet at home ; but will be in danger abroad . First , because her foundation must be narrow , and therefore weak ; as that of Lacedemon , which lay but upon 30000 Citizens ; or that of Venice , which lyes but upon three Thousand . Secondly , such a Common-wealth must either be in Peace , or in War ; If She be in Peace , the Few are soonest effeminated and corrupted , and so obnoxious also unto Faction : If in War , succeeding ill , she is an easie prey ; or succeeding well , ruined by Increase ▪ a Weight which her Foundation is not able to bear . For Lacedemon when she had made her self Mistris , upon the matter , of all Greece , through a slight accident , the rebellion of Thebes , occasioned by the Conspiracy of Pelopidas discovering this infirmity of her nature , the rest of her conquer'd Cities immediately knocked off , and in the turn as it were of an hand reduced her from the fullest Tide , unto the lowest Ebb of her fortune . And Venice having possessed Her self of a great part of Italy by her Purse , was no sooner , in defence of it , put unto the tryall of her Arms , then She lost all in one Battail . Whence I conclude , That in the Ordination of a Common-wealth , a Legislator is to think upon that which is most honourable ; and laying aside the Modells for Preservation , to follow the example of Rome conniving at , and temporizing with the enmity between the Senate and the People , as a necessary step unto the Roman Greatnesse . For that any man should find out a ballance that may take in the Conveniencies , and shut out the inconveniencies of both , I do not think it possible . These are the words of the Author , though the Method be somewhat alter'd , to the end that I may the better turn them unto my hand . My Lords , I do not know how you hearken unto this sound , but to hear the greatest Artist in the modern World , giving Sentence against our Common-wealth ; is that , with which I am nearly concerned . Wherefore , with the honour due unto the Prince of Polititians , let us examine his ratiocination , with the liberty which he hath asserted to be the right of a free people . But we shall never come up to him , except by taking the Businesse a little lower , we descend from effects to their causes . The Causes of Commotion in a Common-wealth are either external or internal . External are from Enemies , from Subjects , or from Servants . To dispute then what was the Cause why Rome was infested by the Italian , or by the Servile Wars , why the Slaves took the Capitol : why the Lacedemonians were near as frequently troubled with their Helots , as Rome with all those ? Or why Venice , whose Situation is not trusted unto the faith of Men , hath as good or better quarter with them whom She Governeth , then Rome had with the Latines ; were to dispute upon external Causes : the question put by Machiavill , is of internal Causes ; Whether the enmity that was between the Senate and the People of Rome might have been removed ; And to determine otherwise of this question then he doth , I must lay down other Principles then he hath . To which end I affirm , that a Common-wealth internally considered is either equall , or unequall . A Commonwealth that is internally equall hath no internall cause of Commotion , and therefore can have no such effect , but from without . A Commonwealth internally unequall hath no internall cause of quiet , and therefore can have no such effect , but by diversion . To prove my Assertions , I shall at this time make use of no other then his examples . Lacedemon was externally unquiet , because She was externally unequall , that is as to her Helots ; and she was internally at rest , because she was equall in her Self , both in root and branch ; In the root by her Agrarian , and in branch by the Senate , in as much as no man was thereunto qualified , but by election of the People : Which Institution of Lycurgus is mention'd by Aristotle , where he saith , That rendring his Citizens aemulous ( not carelesse ) of that Honour , he designed unto the People the Election of the Senate . Wherefore Machiavill in this , as in other places , having his eye upon the Division of Patrician and Plebeian Families as they were in Rome , hath quite mistaken the Orders of this Common-wealth , where there was no such thing . Nor did the Quiet of it derive from the Power of the Kings , who were so far from shielding the People from injury , of the Nobility , of which there was none in his sense , but the Senate , that one declared end of the Senate at the Institution , was to shield the people from the Kings , who thenceforth had but single Votes : Neither did it proceed from the streightnesse of the Senate , or their keeping the People aloof from the Government , that they were quiet , but from the equality of their administrations , seeing the Senate ( as is plain by the Oracle , their fundamental Law ) had no more then the Debate , and the Result of the Common-wealth belonged unto the People . Wherefore when Theopomp and Polydore Kings of Lacedemon , would have kept the people aloof from the Government , by adding unto the ancient Law this Clause ( Si pravè populus rogassit , Senatui Regibúsque retractandi jus esto ) , If the determination of the People be faulty , it shall be lawfull for the Senate to resume the Debate ; the people immediately became unquiet , and resumed that Debate , which ended not till they had set up their Ephors , and caused that Magistracy to be confirmed by their Kings . ( Theopompo Spartanorum regi moderationis testimonium reddamus . Nam cum primus instituisset ut Ephori Lacedemone crearentur , ita futuri regiae potestati oppositi , quemadmodum Romae Tribuni Plebis consulari imperio sunt objecti : atque illi uxor dixisset , id egisse illum ut filiis minorem potestatem relinqueret : Relinquam , inquit , sed diuturniorem . Optimē quidem . Ea enim demum tuta est potentia , quae viribus suis modum imponit . Theopompus igitur legitimis regnum vinculis constringendo , quo longius à licentia retraxit , hoc propius ad benevolentiam civium admovit ) . By which it may appear , that a Common-wealth for Preservation if she come to be unequal , is as obnoxious unto enmity between the Senate and the People , as a Common-wealth for Encrease : and that the Tranquillity of Lacedemon derived from no other Cause then her Equality . For Venice , to say , that she is quiet because she disarms her Subjects , is to forget , that Lacedemon disarmed her Helots , and yet could not in their regard be quiet ; wherefore if Venice be defended from external causes of commotion , it is first , through her situation , in which respect her Subjects have no hope , ( and this indeed may be attributed unto her fortune ) and secondly , through her exquisite Justice , whence they have no will to invade her : but this can be attributed to no other cause then her prudence : which will appear to be greater , as we look nearer ; for the effects that proceed from fortune ( if there be any such thing ) are like their cause , unconstant ; but there never happened unto any other Common-wealth , so undisturbed and constant a tranquillity and peace in her self , as is that of Venice ; wherefore this must proceed from some other cause then Chance . And we see that as she is of all others the most quiet , so the most equal , Common-wealth . Her body consists of one Order , and her Senate is like a rolling stone ( as was said ) which never did , nor , while it continues upon that rotation , ever shall gather the mosse of a divided or ambitious interest ; much lesse such an one as that which grasped the people of Rome in the talons of their own Eagles . And if Machiavill , a verse from doing this Common-wealth right , had consider'd her Orders , ( as his reader shall easily perceive he never did ) he must have been so far from attributing the prudence of them unto Chance , that he would have touched up his admirable work unto that perfection , which , as to the civil part , hath no pattern in the universall World , but this of Venice . Rome , secure by her Potent and Victorious Arms from all external causes of commotion , was either beholding for her peace at home , unto her Enemies abroad , or could never rest her head . My Lords , you that are Parents of a Common-wealth , and so freer Agents then such as are meer natural , have a care . Fo , ras no man shall shew me a Commonwealth born streight , that ever became crooked ; so , no man shall shew me a Common-wealth born crooked , that ever became streight : Rome was crooked in her birth , or rather prodigious , her twins the Patricians and Plebeian Orders came , as was shewn by the foregoing story , into the world , one body , but two heads , or rather two bellies ; for , notwithstanding the Fable out of Aesop , whereby Menenius Agrippa the Orator that was sent from the Senate unto the People at Mount Aventine ; shew'd the Fathers to be the belly , and the people to be the Arms and the Legs ; which except that , how sloathful soever it might seem , were nourished , not these but the whole body must languish and be dissolved ; it is plain , that the Fathers were a distinct belly , such an one as took the meat indeed out of the peoples mouthes ; but abhorring the Agrarian , returned it not , in the due and necessary nutrition of a Common-wealth . Neverthelesse , as the people that live about the Cataracts of Nilus are said not to hear the noise ; so neither the Roman Writers , nor Machiavill the most conversant with them , seem among so many of the Tribunitian storms , to hear their natural voice : for though they could not misse of it , so far as to attribute them unto the strife of the People for participation in Magistracy ; or , in which Machiavill more particularly joyns , unto that about the Agrarian ; this was to take the businesse short , and the remedy for the disease . ( Cujus levamen mali , Plebes , nisi suis in summo imperio locatis , nullum speraret . ) A People when they are reduced unto misery and despair , become their own Polititians , as certain beasts when they are sick become their own Physitians , and are carried by a natural instinct unto the desire of such herbs , as are their proper cure ; but the people , for the greater part , are beneath the beasts in the use of them : Thus the people of Rome , though in their misery , they had recourse by instinct as it were unto the two main Fundamentals of a Common-wealth , Participation of Magistracy , and the Agrarian ; did but taste , and spet at them , not ( which is necessary in Physick ) drink down the potion , and in that their healths . For when they had obtained participation of Magistracy , it was but lamely , not to a full and equall rotation in all elections ; nor did they greatly regard it in so much as they had gotten : And when they had attained unto the Agrarian , they neglected it so far as to suffer the Law to grow obsolete ; but if you do not take the due dose of your Medicines , ( as there be slight tasts which a man may have of Philosophy that incline unto Atheisme ) it may chance be poyson , there being a like taste of the Politiques that inclines to Confusion , as appears in the Institution of the Roman Tribunes , by which Magistracy , and no more , the people were so far from attaining unto peace , that they in getting but so much , got but heads for eternal feud ; whereas if they had attained in perfection either unto the Agrarian , they had introduced the equality and calm of Lacedemon ; or unto Rotation , they had introduced that of Venice : And so there could have been no more Enmity between the Senate and the People of Rome , then there was between those Orders in Lacedemon , or is in Venice . Wherefore Machiavill seemeth unto me , in attributing the peace of Venice more unto her luck then her prudence ; of the whole stable to have saddled the wrong horse , for though Rome , ( quae non imitabile fulmen Aere , et cornupedum cursu simulârat Equorum ) in her Military part could beat it better , beyond all comparison , upon the sounding hoof ; Venice for the Civil , hath plainly had the wings of Pegasus . The whole Question then will come upon this Point , Whether the People of Rome could have obtained these Orders : And first , to say , that they could not have obtained them without altering the Common-wealth , is no argument ; seeing , neither could they , without altering the Common-wealth , have obtained their Tribunes ; which neverthelesse were obtained : And if a man consider the posture that the people were in when they obtained their Tribunes , they might as well , and with as great ease , ( for as much as the reason why the Nobility yielded unto the Tribunes , was no other , then that there was no remedy ) have obtained any thing else . And for experience , it was in the like case , that the Lacedemonians set up their Ephors , and the Athenians after the battel of Plateae , bowed the Senate ( so hard a thing it is for a Commonwealth that was born crooked to become streight ) as much the other way . Nor , if it be objected , that this must have ruin'd the Nobility , and in that deprived the Common-wealth of the Greatnesse which she acquired by them ; is this opinion holding , but confuted by the sequell of the story , shewing plainly , that the Nobility through the defect of such Orders , that is to say , of Rotation and the Agrarian ) came to eat up the people ; and battening themselves in Luxury , ( to be as Salust speaketh of them , Inertissumi nobiles , in quibus sicut in statua , praeter nomen , nihil erat additamenti ) to bring so mighty a Common-wealth , so huge a glory , unto so deplorable an end . Wherefore , means might have been found , whereby the enmity that was between the Senate and the People of Rome might have been removed . My Lords , — If I have argued well , I have given you the comfort and assurance , that notwithstanding the judgment of Machiavill , your Common-wealth is both safe and sound : but if I have not argued well , then take the comfort and assurance which he gives you , while he is firm , That a Legislator is to lay aside all other examples , and follow that of Rome only , conniving and temporizing with the enmity between the Senate and the People , as a necessary step unto the Roman Greatnesse . Whence it followes , that your Common-wealth at the worst , is that which he hath given you his word is the best . I have held your Lordships long , but upon an account of no small importance , which I can now sum up in these few words : Where there is a lickerrishnesse in a popular Assembly to Debate , it proceedeth not from the constitution of the People , but of the Common-wealth : Now that the Common-wealth is of such Constitution as is naturally free from this kind of intemperance , is that which to make good , I must divide the remainder of my Discourse into two Parts . The First , shewing the several Constitutions of the Assemblies of the People in other Common-wealths . The Second , comparing of Our Assembly of the People with Theirs ; and shewing how it excludeth the inconveniences , and embraceth the conveniencies of them all . IN the beginning of the first Part I must take notice , that among the Popular error of our dayes it is no small one , That men imagines the ancient Governments of this kind to have consisted for the most part of one City , that is , of one Town ; whereas by what we have learnt of my Lords that open'd them , it appears that there was not any considerable one of such a constitution but Carthage , till this in our dayes of Venice . For to begin with Israel , it consisted of the twelve Tribes ; locally spread or quartered throughout the whole Territory ; these being called together by Trumpets , constituted the Church or Assembly of the people . The vastnesse of this weight , as also the slownesse , thence inavoidable , became a great cause ( as hath been shewn at large by my Lord Phosphorus ) of the breaking that Common-wealth ; notwithstanding that the Temple , and those religious Ceremonies for which the people were at least annually obliged to repair thither ; were no small ligament of the Tribes ; otherwise but slightly tack'd together . Athens consisted of four Tribes , taking in the whole People both of the City , and of the Territory ; not so gather'd by Theseus into one Town , as to exclude the Country , but to the end that there might be some Capital of the Commonwealth : though true it be , that the Congregation consisting of the Inhabitants within the Walls , was sufficient to all intents and purposes , without those of the Country ; these also being exceeding numerous , became burdensome unto themselves ; and dangerous unto the Common-wealth : the more for their ill education , as is observed by Xenophon and Polybius , who compare them unto Marriners , that in a calm are perpetually disputing and swaggering one with another , and never lay their hands unto the Common tackling or safety , till they be all indangered by some storm : Which caused Thucydides , when he saw this people through the purchase of their misery , become so much wiser , as to reduce their Comitia or Assemblies unto five thousand , to say , ( as in his eighth Book ) And now ( at least in my time ) the Athenians seem to have ordered their State aright ; consisting of a moderate temper both of the Few ( by which he means the Senate of the Bean ) and of the Many , or the five thousand ; and he doth not only give you his judgment , but the best proof of it ; for this ( saith he ) was the first thing , that after so many misfortunes past , made the City again to raise her head . The place I would desire your Lordships to note , as the first example , that I find , or think is to be found , of a popular Assembly by way of Representative . Lacedemon consisted of thirty thousand Citizens dispersed throughout Laconia , one of the greatest Provinces in all Greece , and divided ( as by some Authors is probable ) into six Tribes ; of the whole Body of these being gather'd , consisted the great Church or Assembly , which had the Legislative power ; the little Church , gather'd sometimes for matters of concernment , within the City , consisted of the Spartans only : these happened like that of Venice to be good constitutions of a Congregation , but from an ill cause the infirmity of a Common-wealth which through her Paucity was Oligarchical . Wherefore , go which way you will , it should seem , that without a Representative of the people , your Commonwealth consisting of an whole Nation , can never avoid falling either into Oligarchy or confusion . This was seen by the Romans , whose rustick Tribes extending themselves from the river Arno , unto the Vulturnus , that is , from Fesulae or Florence unto Capua , invented a way of Representative by Lots ; the Tribe upon which the first fell , being the prerogative , and some two or three more that had the rest , the Jure-vocatae : These gave the Suffrage of the Common-wealth ( binis Comitiis ) ; the Prerogative at the first Assembly , and the Jure vocatae at a second . Now to make the paralel , All the inconveniences that you have observed in these Assemblies are shut out , and all the conveniences taken in , to your prerogative ; for first it is that for which Athens , shaking off the blame of Xenophon and Polybius , came to deserve the praise of Thucydides , a Representative ; and secondly , not as I suspect in that of Athens , and is past suspition in this of Rome , by lot , but by suffrage , as was also the late House of Commons , by which means in the prerogatives , all the Tribes of Oceana are Jure Vocatae ; and if a man shall except against the paucity of the standing number , it is a wheel , which in the revolution of a few years turneth every hand that is fit , or fitteth every hand that it turns , unto the publick work : Moreover , I am deceived , if upon due consideration , it do not fetch your Tribes with greater equality and ease unto themselves , and unto the Government , from the frontiers of Marpesia ; than Rome ever brought any one of hers out of her Pomaeria , or the nearest parts of her adjoyning Territories . To this you may adde , That whereas a Common-wealth , which in regard of the People is not of facility in execution , were sure enough in this Nation to be cast off through impatience ; Your Musters and Gallaxy's are given unto the people , as milk unto babes , whereby when they are brought up through four dayes election in an whole year , ( one at the Parish , one at the Hundred , and two at the Tribe ) unto their strongest meat , it is of no harder digestion , then to give their Negative or Affirmative as they see cause . There be gallant men among us that laugh at such an appeal or umpire ; but I refer it , whether you be more inclining to pardon them or me , who I confesse have been this day laughing at a sober man , but without meaning him any harm , and that is Petrus Cunaeus , where speaking of the nature of the people , he saith , that taking them apart , they are very simple , but yet in their Assemblies they see and know something , and so runs away without troubling himself with what that something is . Whereas the people taken apart , are but so many private interests , but if you take them together , they are the publick interest ; the publick interest of a Common-wealth ( as hath been shewn ) is nearest that of mankind , and that of mankind is right reason ; but with the Aristocracy , whose reason or interest when they are all together , as appear'd by the Patricians , is but that of a party , it is quite contrary ; for , as taken apart they are far wiser then the people , considered in that manner ; so being put together , they are such fooles , that by deposing the people , as did those of Rome , they will saw off the branch whereupon they sit , or rather destroy the root of their own greatnesse : Wherefore Machiavill following Aristotle , and yet going before him , may well assert ( Che la multitudine è piu savia et piu costunte che vn Prencipe ) the Prerogative of Popular Government for wisdome . And hence it is , that the Prerogative of your Common-wealth , as for Wisdom , so for Power , is in the People : which ( albeit I am not ignorant , that the Roman Prerogative was so called a Praerogando , because their Suffrage was first asked ) gives the denomination unto your Prerogative Tribe . The Elections whether Annual or Triennial , being shewn by the Twenty second , that which comes in the next place to be considered , is order 23 The Twenty third Order , shewing the Power , function , and manner of Proceeding of the Prerogative Tribe . The Power or function of the Prerogative is of two parts , the one of Result , in which it is the Legislative Power , the other of Iudicature , in which regard it is the highest Court , and the last appeale in this Common-wealth . For the former part , the people by this Constitution , being not obliged by any Law , that is not of their own making ; or Confirmation by the Result of the Prerogative , their equall Representative : It shall not be lawfull for the Senate to require Obedience , from the people , nor for the people to give obe obedience unto the Senate in or by any Law that hath not been promulgated or printed & publisht for the space of six wéeks ▪ & afterwards porposed by the Authority of the Senate unto the Prerogative Tribe , and resolved by the Major Uote of the same in the affirmative . Nor shall the Senate have any power to levy War , Men , or Money , otherwise then by the consent of the People so given , or by a Law so Enacted , except in cases of exigence , in which it is agreed , thar the Power both of the Senate , and the People shall be in the Dictator , so qualified , and for such a terme of time as is according unto that Constitution already prescribed . While a Law is in Promulgation the Censors shall animadvert upon the Senate ; and the Tribunes upon the People , that there he no laying of heads together ; Conventicles , or Canvassing to carry on , or oppose any thing ; but that all my be done in a frée and open way . For the latter part of the Power of the Prerogative or that whereby they are the Supream Iudicatory of this Nation , and of the Provinces of the same , the Cognizance of Crimes against the Majesty of the People , as high Treason , as also of Peculate that is robery , of the Treasury , or Defraudation of the Common-wealth appertaineth unto this Tribe , and if any Person or Persons , Provincialls or Citizens shall appeale unto the people , it belongerh unto the Prerogative to Iudge and determine the Case , Provided that if the Appeale be from any Court of justice in this Nation or the Provinces , the Appellant shall first deposite one hundred pounds in the Court from which he appealeth , to be forfeited unto the same , if he be cast in his Suite by the people . But the Power of the Council of War being the expedition of this Common-wealth , and the Martiall Law of the Strategus in the Field , are those onely from which there shall lye no Appeale unto the People . The Proceeding of the Prerogative in case of a Proposition , is to be thus Ordered : The Magistrates proposing by Authority of the Senate , shall rehearse the whole Matter , and expound it unto the People , which done , they shall put the whole together unto the Suffrage ▪ with three Boxes , the Negative , the Affirmative , and the Non-sincere : and the Suffrage being returned unto the Tribunes , and numbred in the presence of the Proposers , if the Major Uote be in the Non-sincere , the Proposers shall desist , and the Senate shall resume the Debate . If the Major Uote be in the Negative , the Proposers shall desist , and the Senate too . But if the Major Uote be in the Affirmative , then the Tribe is clear , and the Proposers shall begin and put the whole matter , with the Negative and the Affirmative , ( leaving out the Non-sincere ) by Clauses ; and the Suffrages being taken and numbred by the Tribunes in the presence of the proposers , shall be written and reported by the Tribunes unto the Senate , and that which is proposed by the authority of the Senate , and confirmed by the Command of the People , is the Law of Oceana . The Proceeding of the Prerogative in a case of Iudicature is to be thus ordered . The Tribunes being Auditors of all Causes appertaining unto the Cognizance of the people , shall have notice of the Sute or Tryall , whether of appeale or otherwise , that is to be Commenced , and if any one of them shall accept of the same , it appertaineth unto him to introduce it . A Cause being introduced , and the people Mustered or Assembled for the Decision of the same , the Tribunes are Presidents of the Court , having power to keep it : unto Orders , and shall be seated upon a Scaffold erected in the middle of the Tribe : upon the right hand shall stand a seat , or large Pulpit assigned unto the Plaintiffe , or the Accuser ; and , upon the left , another for the Defendant , each if they splease with his Counsel . And the Tribunes being attended upon such occations with so many Ballotines , Secretaryes , Door-keekers , and Messengers of the Senate as shall be requisite ; One of them shall turn up a Glasse of the nature of an hour-glasse , but such an one as is to be of an houre and a halfe's running ; which being turned up , the party , or Counsell on the right hand may begin to speak to the People ; if there be Papers to be read , or witnesses to be examined , the Officer shall lay the Glasse side-wayes untill the Papers be read , and the Witnesses examined , and then turn it up again ; and so long as the Glasse is running the Party on the right hand hath liberty to speak , and no longer . The Party on the right hand having had his time , the like shall be done in every respect , for the Party on the left . And the Cause being thus heard , the Tribunes shall put the question unto rhe Tribe with a white , a black , and a red Box ( or non-sincere ) , Whether Guilty , or not Guilty ? And if , the Suffrage being taken , the Major Uote be in the Non-sincere , the Cause shall be re-heard upon the next juridicall day following ; and put unto the question in the same manner . If the Major Uote come the second time in the Non-sincere , the Cause shall be heard again upon the third day : but at the third hearing the question shall be put without the Non-sincere . Upon the first of the three dayes in which the Major Uote comes in the white box , the party accused is absolv'd ; and upon the first of them in which it comes in the black box , the party accused is condemned . The Party accused being condemned , the Tribunes shall put with the white and the black Box , these questions , or such of them , as , regard had unto the Case , they shall conceive most proper . 1. Whether he shall have a writt of ease . 2. Whether he shall be fined so much , or so much . 3. Whether he shall be Confiscated . 4. Whether he shall be rendred incapable of Magistracy . 5. Whether he shall be banished . 6. Whether he shall be put to Death . These or any three of these questions whether simple or such as shall be thought fitly mixed , being put by the Tribunes , that which hath most above half the Uotes in the black Box is the sentence of the people , which the Troop of the third Classis is to see executed accordingly . But whereas by the Constitution of this Common-wealth it may appear that neither the Propositions of the Senate , nor the Iudicature of the people , will be so frequent as to hold the Prerogative in continuall imployment ; the Senate , a maine part of whose Office it is to teach and instruct the people , shall duly ( if they have no greater affairs to divert them , ) cause an oration to be made unto the Prerogative by some Knight or Magistrate of the Senate , to be chosen out of the ablest men , and from time to time , appointed by the Orator of the House ; in the great Hall of the Pantheon , while the Parliament resideth in the town ; or in some Grove or sweet place in the field , while the Parliament for the heat of the year shall reside in the country ; upon every Tuesday , morning or afternoon . And the Orator appointed pro tempore unto this office shall first repeat the orders of the Common-wealth with all possible brevity ; and then making choice of one , or some part of it , discourse thereof unto the people . An Oration or discourse of this nature being afterward perused by the councill of State , may as they see cause be printed and published . The Archon's Comment upon the Order , I find to have been of this sense : My Lords , TO crave pardon for a word or two in farther explanation of what was read ; I shall briefly shew how the Constitution of this Tribe or Assembly answers unto their Function ; and how their function , which is of two parts , the former in the Result or Legislative Power ; the later in the Supream Judicature of the Common-wealth , answers unto their Constitution . Machiavill hath a Discourse , where he puts the question , Whether the guard of liberty be with more security to be committed unto the Nobility , or to the People . Which doubt of his ariseth through the want of explaining his term ; for the guard of liberty can signifie nothing else but the result of the Common-wealth ▪ so that to say , that the guard of liberty may be committed unto the Nobility , is to say , that the result may be committed unto the Senate , in which case the People signifie nothing : Now to shew it was a mistake , to affirm it to have been thus in Lacedemon , sufficient hath been spoken ; and whereas he will have it to be so in Venice also ; ( Quello , saith Contarini , appresso il quale e la somma autorita di tutta la citt● , el dalle leggi , et decreti de i quali pende l'autoritatâ cosi del Senato come ancora di tutti i Magistrati , e il Consiglio Grande . ) it is institutively in the great Council by the Judgment of all that know that Common-wealth ; though for the reasons shewn it be sometimes exercised by the Senate . Nor need I run over the Common-wealths in this place for the proof of a thing so doubtlesse , and such as hath been already made so apparent , as that the result of each was in the Popular part of it . The Popular part of yours , or the Prerogative Tribe , consisteth of seven Deputies ( whereof three are of the Horse ) annually elected out of every Tribe of Oceana , which being fifty , amounteth unto one hundred and fifty Horse , and two hundred Foot ; and the Prerogative consisting of three of these Lists , consisteth of four hundred and fifty Horse , and six hundred Foot , ( besides those of the Provinces to be hereafter mentioned ) by which means the over-ballance in the Suffrage remaining unto the Foot by one hundred and fifty Votes , you have unto the support of a true and natural Aristocracy , the deepest root of a Democracy that hath been planted . Wherefore there is nothing in Art or Nature better qualify'd for the result then this Assembly . — It is noted out of Cicero by Machiavill , That the People , albeit they are not so prone to find out truth of themselves , as to follow Custome , or run into errour ; yet if they be shew●d truth , they not only acknowledge and embrace it very suddenly , but are the most constant and faithful Guardians and Conservators of it . It is your Duty and Office , whereunto you are also qualify'd by the Orders of this Common-wealth , to have the People as you have your Hawks and Greyhounds , in leases and slips , to range the fields , and beat the bushes for them ; for they are of a nature that is never good at this sport , but when you spring or start their proper quarry : think not that they will stand to ask you what it is , or lesse know it then the Hawks and Greyhounds do theirs ; but forthwith make such a flight or course , that a Huntsman may as well undertake to run with his dogs , or a Faulkoner to fly with his Hawk , as an Aristocracy at this game to compare with the People . The People of Rome were seized upon no less prey then the Empire of the World , when the Nobility turned tailes and pearched among Dawes upon the Tower of Monarchy . For though they did not all of them intend the thing , they would none of them indure the remedy , which was the Agrarian . But the Prerogative Tribe hath not only the Result , but is the Supream Judicature , and the ultimate Appeal in this Common-wealth . For the Popular Government that makes account to be of any standing , must make sure in the first place of the Appeal unto the People . ( Ante omnes de provocatione adversus Magistratus ad Populum , sacrandoque cum bonis capite ejus , qui regni occupandi concilia inesset . ) As an Estate in trust becomes a mans own , if he be not answerable for it , so the Power of a Magistracy not accomptable unto the People from whom it was received becoming of private use , the Common-wealth loses her Liberty ; Wherefore the right of Supream Judicature in the People ( without which there can be no such thing as Popular Government ) is confirmed by the constant Practice of all Common-wealths ; as that of Israel in the Cases of Achan , and of the Tribe of Benjamin , adjudged by the Congregation . The Dicasterion or Court called the Heliaia in Athens , which ( the Comitia of that Common-wealth consisting of the whole People , and so being too numerous to be a Judicatory ) was constituted sometimes of Five hundred , at others of One thousand , or , according to the greatnesse of the Cause , of Fifteen hundred , elected by the Lot out of the whole body of the People , had with the nine Archons , that were Presidents , the Cognizance of such Causes as were of highest importance in that State. The Five Ephors in Lacedemon , which were Popular Magistrates , might question their Kings , as appears by the Cases of Pausanias and of Agis , who being upon his Tryall in this Court , was cryed unto by his Mother , to appeal unto the People , as Plutarch hath it in his Life . The Tribunes of the People of Rome , like in the nature of their Magistracy , and for sometime in number , unto the Ephors ; as being according unto Halicarnasseus and Plutarch , instituted in imitation of them ; had power ( diem dicere ) to Summon any Man , his Magistracy at least being expired , ( for from the Dictator there lay no Appeal ) to answer for himself unto the People . As in the case of Coriolanus , which was going about to force the People by withholding Corn from them in a famine , to relinquish the Magistracy of the Tribunes . In that of . Sp. Cassius for affecting Tyranny . Of M. Sergius for running away at Veii . Of C. Lucretius for spoyling his Province . Of Junius Silanus for making War against the Cimberi , in jussu Populi ; with divers others . And the Crimes of this nature were call'd Laesae Majestatis . Examples of such as were arraigned , or tryed for Peculate , or Defraudation of the Common-wealth , were , M. Curius , for intercepting the money of the Samnites . Salinator , for the unequal division of Spoyles unto his Souldiers . M. Posthumius , for Cheating the Common-wealth by a feigned Shipwrack ; Causes of these two kinds were of more Publique nature ; but the like Power upon Appeals was also exercised by the People in private Matters , even during the time of the Kings ; As in the Case of Horatius . Nor is it otherwise with Venice , where Doge Loridano was Sentenced by the great Council ; and Antonio Grimani ; afterwards Doge , questioned , for that he being Admiral , had suffered the Turk to take Lepanto in view of his Fleet. Neverthelesse , there lay no Appeal from the Roman Dictator unto the People ; which if there had , might have cost the Common-wealth dear , when Sp. Moelius affecting Empire , circumvented and debauched the Tribunes ; whereupon T. Quintius Cinninatus was created Dictator . Who having chosen Servilius Alaha to be his Lievtenant or Magister Equitum , sent him to apprehend Moelius , whom while he disputed the Commands of the Dictator , and implored the ayd of the People , Alaha cut off upon the place : By which example you may see in what cases the Dictator may prevent the blow , which is ready sometimes to fall ere the People be aware of the danger . Wherefore there lyes no Appeal from the Dieii in Venice unto the Great Council nor from our Council of War to the People . For the way of proceeding of this Tribe , or the Ballot , it is , as was once said for all , Venetian . This Discourse ( de Judiciis ) whereupon we are fallen , bringeth us rather naturally then of design from the two general Orders of every Common-wealth ; that is to say , from the Debating part , or the Senate ; and the Resolving part , or the People ; to the third , which is the Executive part , or the Magistracy ; whereupon I shall have no need to dwell : For , the Executive Magistrates of this Common-wealth are the Strategus in Arms , the Signory in their several Courts ; ( as the Chancery , the Exchequer ) as also the Councils in divers Cases within their Instructions , the Censors as well in their proper Magistracy , as in the Council of Religion : the Tribunes in the Government of the Prerogative , and that Judicatory : And the Judges with their Courts ; Of all which so much is already said or known as may suffice . The Tuesday-Lectures or Orations unto the People , will be of great benefit unto the Senate , the Prerogative , and the whole Nation . Unto the Senate , because they will not only teach your Senators Elocution , but keep the Systeme of the Government in their memories . Elocution is of great use unto your Senators ; for if they do not understand Rhetorick , ( giving it at this time for granted , that the Art were not otherwise good ) and come to treat with , or vindicate the cause of the Common-wealth against some other Nation , that is good at it ; the advantage will be subject to remain upon the merit of the Art , and not upon the merit of the Cause . Furthermore , the Genius or Soul of this Government , being in the whole and in every part ; they will never be of ability in determination upon any particular , unlesse at the same time they have an Idea of the whole . That this therefore must be , in that regard , of equal benefit unto the Prerogative , is plain ; though these have a greater concernment in it . For this Common-wealth is the Estate of the People : and a man ( you know ) though he be virtuous , yet if he do not understand his Estate , may run out or be cheated of it . Last of all , the treasures of the Politicks will by this means be so opened , rifled , and dispersed , that this Nation will as soon dote , like the Indians , upon glasse Beads , as disturb your Government with whimsies , and freaks of mother-wit ; or suffer themselves to be stutter'd out of their Liberties . There is not any reason why your Grandees , your wise men of this Age , that laugh out , and openly , at a Common-wealth , as the most ridiculous thing , do not appear to be , as in this regard they are , meer Ideots ; but that the People have not Eyes . There remaineth no more appertaining unto the Senate and the People , than order 24 The Twenty fourth Order , Whereby it is lawfull for the Province of Marpesia to have 30. Knights of their own election continually present in the Senate of Oceana together with 60. Deputies of Horse , and 120. of Foot in the Prerogative Tribe , indued with equall power ( respect had unto their quality and number , ) in the Debate and result of this Common-wealth : Provided that they Observe the Course or Rotation of the same by the Annuall Return of 10. Knights , 20. Deputyes of the Horse , and 40. of the Foot The like in all respects is lawfull for Panopea and the Horse of both the Provinces amounting unto one Troop , and the Foot unto one Company ; one Captain , and one Cornet of the Horse shall be annually chosen by Marpesia ; and one Captain and one Ensigne of the Foot shall be annually chosen by Panopea . The Orb of the Prerogative being thus Compleat is not unnaturally compar'd unto that of the Moon , either in consideration of the Light , borrowed from the Senate as from the Sun ; or of the ebbs and floods of the People , which are marked by the Negative or Affirmative of this Tribe , And the Constitution of the Senate and the People being shewn , You have that of the Parliament of Oceana , Consisting of the Senate proposing , and of the People resolving ; which amounts unto an Act of Parliament . So the Parliament is the Heart , which consisting of two Ventricles ; the one greater and replenished with a grosser store ; the other lesse and full of a purer ; sucketh in , and gusheth forth the life blood of Oceana by a perpetuall Circulation . Wherefore the life of this Government is no more unnaturall or obnoxious for this , unto dissolution , then that of a Man ; Nor unto giddinesse then the World , ( seeing the Earth whether it be it self , or the Heavens that are in Rotation , is so farr from being giddy that it could not subsist without the motion . ) But why should not this Government be much rather capable of duration and steddinesse by a motion ? than which GOD hath ordained no other unto the universall Common-wealth of Mankind : seeing one Generation cometh , & another goeth , but the Earth remaineth firme for ever ; that is in her proper Situation or Place , whether shee be moved or not moved upon her proper Center . The Senate the People and the Magistracy , or the Parliament so Constituted ( as you have seen ) is the Guardian of this Common-wealth , and the Husband of such a Wife as is elegantly described by Solomon . Shee is like the Merchants Ship , Shee bringeth her food from farre . She considereth a Field and buyeth it : With the fruit of her hands Shee Planteth a Vineyard : Shee conceived that her Merchandize is good : She stretcheth forth her hands to the poor : Shee is not affraid of the Snow for her Houshold , for all her houshold are clothed with Scarlet : Shee maketh her self Coverings of her Tapestry ; Her cloathing is Silke and Purple ; Her Husband is known ( by his Robes ) in the Gates , when he sitteth amongst the Senators of the Land. The Gates , or inferiour Courts were branches as it were of the Sanhedrim or Senate of Israel . Nor is our Common-wealth a worse houswife , or hath shee lesse regard unto her Magistrates ; as may appear by , order 25 The Twenty fifth Order . That , whereas the Publique Revenue is through the late Civill Wars dilapidated ; the Excize , being improved or improveable to the Revenue of One Million , be applyed for the space of Eleaven years to come , unto the reparation of the same , and the present Maintenance of the Magistrates , Knights , Deputies , and other Officers , who according unto their severall Dignities and Functions shall annually receive towards the Support of the same , as followeth : The Lord Stratêgus Marching , is upon another accompt to have Field Pay as Generall . The Lord Strategus sitting 002000. li. per Annum . The Lord Orator 002000. li. per Annum . The three Commissioners of the Seal 004500. li. per Annum . The three Commissioners of the Treasury 004500. li. per Annum . The two Censors 003000. li. per Annum . The 290. Knights , at 500 l. a Man 145000. li. per Annum . The 4. Embassadors in Ordinary 012000. li. per Annum . The Council of War for Intelligence 003000. li. per Annum . The Master of the Ceremonies 000500. li. per Annum . The Master of the Horse 000500. li. per Annum . His Substitute 000150. li. per Annum . The 12. Ballotines for their winter Liveries 000240. li. per Annum . For their Summer Liveries 000120. li. per Annum . For their board-Wages 000480. li. per Annum . For the keeping of three Coaches of State , 24 Coach-horses with Coachmen , and Postilions 001500. li. per Annum . For the Grooms , and keeping of 16. great Horses for the Master of the Horse , and for the Ballotines whom he is to govern and instruct in the Art of Riding , 000480. li. per Annum . The 20. Secretaries of the Parliament 002000. li. per Annum . The 20. Door-keepers who are to attend with Pole-axes ; For their Coats , 000200. li. per Annum . For their Board-wages 001000. li. per Annum . The 20. Messengers , which are Trumpeters ; For their Coats , 000200. li. per Annum . For their Board-wages , 001000. li. per Annum . For Ornament of the Masters of the Youth 005000. li. per Annum . Sum , 189370. li. per Annum . Out of the Personall Estates of every man who at his death bequeatheth nof above Forty shillings unto the Master of that Hundred wherein it lyes , shall be levied one per Cent , untill the solid Revenue of the Muster of the Hundred amount unto 50. l. per annum ; for the Prizes of the Youth . The twelve Ballotines are to be divided into three Regions according unto the Course of the Senate , the four of the first Region to be elected at the Tropick out of such Children as the Knights of the same shall offer , not being under Eleven yeers of age , nor above 13. And their Election thall be made by the Lot at an Urn set by the Serjant of the house for that purpose in the Hall of the Pantheon . The Livery of the Common-wealth for the fashion or the colour may be changed at the Election of the Strategus according unto his phantasy . But every Knight during his Session shall be bound to give unto his Foot-man or some one of his Foot-men , the Livery of the Common-wealth . The Prerogative Tribe shall receive as followeth : The 2. Tribunes of the Horse 000014 li. by the Week . The 2. Tribunes of the Foot 000012 li. by the Week . The 3. Captains of Horse 000015 li. by the Week . The 3. Cornets 000009 li. by the Week . The 3. Captains of Foot 000012 li. by the Week . The 3. Ensigns 000007 li. by the Week . The 442 Horse at 2 l. a man 000884 li. by the Week . The 592 Foot at 1 l. 10 s. a man 000888 li. by the Week . The 6. Trumpeters 000007 li. 10 s. by the Week . The three Drummers 000002 li. 5 s. by the Week . Summ , by the Week 001850 li. 15. s. Summ , by the Year 096239 li. The Totall of the Senate , the People , and the Magistracy , 287459 l. 15. s. The dignity of the Common-wealth , and ayds of the severall Magistracies and Offices thereunto belonging being provided for as aforesaid , the Overplus of the Excize with the Product of the Summe rising shall be carefully mannaged by the Senate and the People through the diligence of the Officers of the Exchequer ; till it amount unto Eight Millions , or to the purchase of about four hundred thousand Pounds solid Revenue . At which time , the terme of eleven yeers being expired , the Excize , ( except if be otherwise ordered by the Senate and the people ) shall be totally remitted , and abolished for ever . At this Institution the Taxes ( as will better appear in the Corollary ) were abated about one half , which made the Order when it came to be tasted , to be of good relish with the People in the very beginning ; though the Advantages then were no-wise comparable unto the Consequences to be hereafter shewn . Neverthelesse , my Lord Epimonus , who with much ado had been held till now , found it Midsummer Moon , and broke out of Bedlam in this mood , My Lord Archon , I Have a singing in my head like that of a Cart wheel , my brains are upon a rotation ; and some are so merry , that a man cannot speak his griefs ; but if your high-shod Prerogative , and those same slouching Fellowes your Tribunes , do not take my Lord Strategus's , and my Lord Orator's heads , and jole them together under the Canopy , then let me be ridiculous unto all Posterity : For here is a Common-wealth , to which if a man should take that of the Prentices in their ancient administration of Justice at Shrove-tide , it were an Aristocratie . You have set the very Rabble with Troncheons in their hands , and the Gentry of this Nation like Cocks with scarlet gills , and the golden combs of their Salaries to boot , lest they should not be thrown at . Not a Night can I sleep for some horrid Apparition or other ; One while these Myrmidons are measuring silks by their quarter-Staves ; another stuffing their greasie Poutches with my Lord High-Treasurer's Jacobus's : For they are above a thousand in Arms to three hundred , which , their Gowns being pull'd over their ears , are but in their doublets and hose . But what do I speak of a Thousand ? there be two thousand in every Tribe , that is an hundred thousand in the whole Nation , not only in the Posture of an Army , but in a Civill capacity sufficient to give us what Lawes they please : Now every body knowes , that the lower sort of People regard nothing but money ; and you say it is the duty of a Legislator to presume all men to be wicked , wherefore they must fall upon the richer , as they are an Army ; or lest their minds should misgive them in such a villany , you have given them encouragement that they have a nearer way , seeing it may be done every whit as well by the overballancing Power which they have in Elections . There is a Fair which is annually kept in the Center of these Territories at Kiberton , a Town famous for Ale , and frequented by Good-Fellowes ; where there is a solemnity of the Pipers , and Fidlers of this Nation , ( I know not whether Lacedemon , where the Senate kept accompt of the stops of the Flutes and of the Fiddlestrings of that Common-wealth , had any such Custom ) call'd the Bull-running , and he that catcheth and holdeth the Bull , is the annuall and Supream Magistrate of that Comitia , or Congregation , called King-Piper ; without whose Licence it is not lawfull for any of those Citizens to enjoy the liberty of his Calling ; nor is he otherwise legitimately qualify'd ( or civitate donatus ) to lead Apes , or Bears in any Perambulation of the same . Mine Host of the Bear , in Kiberton , the father of Ale , and Patron of good Foot-ball and Cudgel-players hath any time since I can remember been Grand-Chancellor of this Order . Now say I , seeing great things arise from small beginnings , what should hinder the People prone to their own advantage , and loving money , from having Intelligence conveyed unto them by this same King-Piper & his Chancellor , with their Loyall Subjects the Minstrills and Bear-wards : Masters of Ceremonies , unto which there is great recourse in their respective Perambulations , and which they will Commission and instruct , with directions unto all the Tribes , willing and commanding them , That as they wish their own goods , they choose none other into the next Primum Mobile , but of the ablest Cudgell and Foot-ball Players : which done as soon as said , your Primum mobile consisting of no other stuffe , must of necessity be drawn forth into your Nebulones , and your Galimofrys , and so the silken Purses of your Senate and Prerogative being made of Sowes-ears , most of them Black-Smiths , they will strike while the Iron is hot , and beat your Estates into Hob-nailes ; Mine Host of the Bear being Strategus , and King-Piper Lord Orator . Well , my Lords , it might have been otherwise , exprest , but this is well enough a conscience . In your way , the wit of Man shall not prevent this or the like Inconvenience ; but if this , ( for I have conferr'd with Artists ) be a Mathematical demonstration ; I could kneel to you , that ere it be too late we might return unto some kind of Sobriety . If we empty our Purses with these Pomps , Salaries , Coaches , Lacquays , and Pages , what can the people say lesse , then that we have drest a Senate and a Prerogative to nothing , but to go unto the Park with the Ladies ? My Lord Archon , whose meeknesse resembled that of Moses , vouchsafed this Answer : My Lords , FOr all this , I can see my Lord Epimonus every night in the Park , and with Ladies ; nor do I blame this in a young man , or the respect which is and ought to be given unto a Sex that is one half of the Common-wealth of mankind , and without which the other would be none ; howbeit our Magistrates I doubt may be somewhat with the oldest to perform this part with much acceptation : ( and , Servire et non gradire , è cosa da morire ) Wherefore we will lay no certain obligation upon them in this point , but leave them ( if it please you ) unto their own fate or discretion . But this , for I know my Lord Epimonus loves me , and though I can never get his esteem , I will say , If he had a Mistresse should use him so , he would find it a sad life : or I appeal unto your Lordships , how I can resent it from such a friend , that he puts King Piper's Politicks in the ballance with mine . King Piper , I deny not , may teach his Bears to dance , but they have the worst ear of all creatures ; now how he should make them keep time in fifty severall Tribes , and that two years together , for else it will be to no purpose , may be a small matter with my Lord to promise ; but it seemeth unto me of impossible performance : first , through the nature of the Bean ; and secondly , through that of the Ballot ; or what he hath hath hitherto thought so hard , is now come to be easie : but he may think , that for expedition they will eat up these Balls like Apples ; however , there is so much more in their way , by the constitution of this , than is to be found in that of any other Common-wealth , that I am reconciled ; it now appearing plainly , that the points of my Lords arrowes are directed at no other white then to shew the excellency of our Government above others ; which as he proceeds farther , is yet plainer : while he makes it appear , that there can be no other elected by the people but Smiths , ( Brontesque Steropesque et nudus membra Pyracmon . ) Othoniel , Aod , Gideon , Jephtha , Samson , as in Israel . Miltiades , Aristides , Themistocles , Cimon , Pericles , as in Athens . Papyrius , Cincinnatus , Camillus , Fabius , Scipio , as in Rome . Smiths of the fortune of the Common-wealth , not such as forg'd hobnails , but Thunder-bolts . Popular Elections are of that kind , that all the rest of the world is not able either in number or glory to equal those of these three Common-wealths . These indeed were the ablest Cudgel and Foot-ball players ; bright Armes were their Cudgels , and the World was the Ball that lay at their Feet . Wherefore we are not so to understand the Maxime of Legislators , which holdeth all men to be wicked , as if it related to mankind or a Common-wealth , the interests whereof are the only streight lines that they have whereby to reform the crooked , but as it relates unto every man or party under what colour soever he or they pretend to be trusted apart , with or by the whole . Hence then it is derived , which is made good in all experience , that the Aristocracy is ravenous , and not the People : Your high-way-men are not such as have Trades , or have been brought up unto industry ; but such whose education hath pretended unto that of Gentlemen . My Lord is so honest , he doth not know the Maxims that are of absolute necessity unto the arts of wickednesse ; for it is most certain , if there be not more purses then Thieves , that the thieves themselves must be forced to turn honest , because they cannot thrive of their Trade : but now if the people should turn thieves , who sees not that there would be more theeves then purses ; wherefore that an whole People should turn robbers or Levellers is as impossible in the end as in the means . But that I do not think your Artist mention'd , Astronomer or Arithmetician which he be , can tell me how many barly corns would reach unto the Sun , I could be content he were called unto the account , with which I shall conclude this Point : when by the way I have chidden my Lords the Legislators , who as if they doubted my tackling would not hold , leave me to flag in a perpetual calm ; but for my Lord Epimonus , who breathes now and then into my sayles and stirs the waters . A Ship maketh not her way so briskly , as when she is handsomely brushed by the waves , and tumbles over those that seem to tumble against her ; in which case I have perceived in the dark , that light hath been stricken even out of the Sea , as in this place , where my Lord Epimonus faining to give us a demonstration of one thing , hath given it of another , and of a better . For the people of this Nation , if they amount in each Tribe unto two thousand Elders , and two thousand Youth upon the annual Roll , holding a fifth unto the whole Tribe ; then the whole of a Tribe ( not accounting women and children ) must amount unto twenty thousand ; and so the whole of all the Tribes , being fifty , unto one million . Now you have ten thousand Parishes , and reckoning these one with another , each at one thousand pounds a year dry rent ; the Rent or Revenue of the Nation as it is or might be let to farm , amounteth unto ten millions ; and ten millions in revenue divided equally unto one million of men , comes but to ten pounds a year unto each whereupon to maintain himself , his Wife and Children . But he that hath a Cow upon the Common , and ernes his shilling by the day at his labour , hath twice as much already as this would come unto for his share ; because if the Land were thus divided , there would be no body to set him on work : my Lord Epimonus's Footman , who costs him thrice as much as one of these could thus get , would lose by this bargain . What should we speak of those innumerable Trades whereupon men live not only better then others upon good shares of Lands , but become also purchasers of greater Estates ? Is not this the demonstration which my Lord meant , that the Revenue of Industry in a Nation , at the least in this , is three or four-fold greater then that of the meer rent ? If the people then obstruct Industry , they obstruct their own livelihood ; but if they make a War , they obstruct Industry . Take the bread out of the peoples mouthes , as did the Roman Patricians , and you are sure enough of a War , in which case they may be Levellers ; but our Agrarian causeth their Industry to flow with milk and honey . It may be answer'd , ( O fortunati nimiùm , bona si sua nôrint Agricolae ) That this is true , if the people were given to understand their own happinesse ; but where do they that ? Let me answer with the like question , Where do they not ? They do not know their happinesse it should seem in France , Spain , and Italy : teach them what it is , and try whose sense is the truer . But as to the late Wars in Germany , it hath been affirmed unto me there , that the Princes could never make the people to take Arms while they had bread , and have therefore suffer'd Countreys now and then to be wasted , that they might get Souldiers : This you will find to be the certain pulse and temper of the people ; and if they have been already proved to be the most wise and constant order of a Government ; why should we think , when no man can produce one example of the common Souldiery in an Army , mutinying because they had not Captains pay ; that the Prerogative should jole the heads of the Senate together , in regard that these have the better Salaries , while it must be as obnoxious unto the People in a Nation , as to the Souldiery in an Army , that it is no more possible , their emoluments of this kind should be afforded by any Common-wealth in the world to be made equal with those of the Senate , then that the Common Souldiers should be equall with the Captains : it is enough to the common Souldier that his virtue may bring him to be a Captain , and more unto the Prerogative , that each of them is nearer to be a Senator . If my Lord think our Salaries too great , and that the Common-wealth is not Houswife enough ; whether is it better huswifery that she should keep her family from the snow , or suffer them to burn her house that they may warm themselves ▪ for one of these wil be ; do you think that she came off at a cheaper rate , when men had their rewards by a thousand , two thousand pounds a year in Land of Inheritance ? If you say , that they will be more godly then they have been , it may be ill taken ; and if you cannot promise that , it is time we find out some way of stinting at least , if not curing them of that same Sacra Fames . On the other side , if a poor man ( as such an one may save a City ) give his sweat unto the publick , with what conscience can you suffer his Family in the mean time to sterve . But he that layes his hand unto this plough , shall not lose by taking it off from his own ▪ and a Common-wealth that will mend this , shall be penny-wise . The Sanhedrim of Israel being the Supream , and a constant Court of Judicature could not choose but be exceeding gainful . The Senate of the Bean in Athens , because it was but annual , was moderately salariated , but that of the Areopagites being for life bountifully ; which advantages the Senators of Lacedemon had , where there was little mony or use of it , was in honour for life . The Patricians having no profit took all ; Venice being a situation , where a man goes but to the door for his imployment , the honour is great , and the reward very little : but in Holland a Counsellour of State hath fifteen hundred Flemish pounds a year , besides other accommodations . The States General have more . And that Common-wealth looketh nearer her penny , then ours need to do . For the Revenue of this Nation , besides that of her industry , amounts , as hath been shewn , unto ten millions , and the Salaries in the whole , come not unto three hundred thousand pounds a pear ; the beauty they will adde unto the Common-wealth will be exceeding great , and the people delight in the beauty of their Common-wealth , the encouragement they will give unto the study of the publick very profitable , the accommodation they will afford unto your Magistrates , very honourable and easie . And the sum , when it or twice as much was spent in hunting and house-keeping , was never any grievance unto the people . I am ashamed , to stand huckling upon this point ; it is sordid . Your Magistrates are rather to be provided with farther accommodations . For what if there should be sicknesse ? whither will you have them to remove ? and this City in the soundest times , for the heat of the year , is no wholsome aboad : have a care of their healths unto whom you commit your own . I would have the Senate and the People , except they see cause to the contrary ; every first of June , to remove into the Country ayr , for the space of three moneths : you are better fitted with Summer houses for them , then if you had built them to that purpose ; there is some twelve miles distant the Convallium upon the River Halcionia , for the Tribunes and the Prerogative , a Pallace capable of a thousand men ; and at twenty miles distant you have Mount Celia , reverend as well for the antiquity as state of a Castle , compleatly capable of the Senate , the Proposers having lodgings in the Convallium , and the Tribunes in Celia ; it holds the correspondence between the Senate and the People exactly . And it is a small matter for the Proposers , being attended with the Coaches and Officers of State , besides other conveniences of their own , to go a matter of five or ten miles ( those Seats are not much farther distant ) to meet the people upon any Heath or Field that shall be pointed : where having dispatched their businesse , they may hunt their own Venizon , ( for I would have the great walled Park upon the Halcionia to belong to the Signory , and those about the Convallium unto the Tribunes ) and so go to supper . Pray my Lords , see that they do not pull down these houses to sell the lead of them ; for when you have consider'd on it , they cannot be spared . The founders of the School in Hiera , provided that the boyes should have a Summer seat . You should have as much care of these Magistrates . But there is such a selling , such a Jewish humour in our Republicans , that I cannot tell what to say to it ; onely this , any man that knowes what belongs to a Common-wealth , or how diligent every Nation in that case hath been , to preserve her ornaments , and shall see waste lately made , the Woods adjoyning unto this City which served for the delight and health of it , cut down to be sold for three pence ; will tell you , that they who did such things would never have made a Common-wealth : The like may be said of the ruine or damage done upon our Cathedrals , ornaments in which this Nation excels all others : nor shall this ever be excused upon the score of Religion ; for though true it be , that God dwelleth not in houses made with hands , yet you cannot hold your Assemblies but in such houses , and these are of the best that have been made with hands . Nor is it well argued that they are pompous , and therefore prophane , or lesse proper for Divine service , seeing that the Christians in the Primitive Church chose to meet with one accord in the Temple ; so far were they from any inclination to pull it down . The Orders of this Common-wealth , so far , or near so far forth , as they concern the Elders , together with the severall Speeches at the Institution , which may serve unto the better understanding of them as so many Commentaries , being shewn ; I should now come from the Elders unto the Youth , or from the Civil Constitution of this Government unto the Military , but that I judge this the fittest place ; where into by the way to insert the Government of the City , though for the present but perfunctorily . THe Metropolis or Capitall Citty of Oceana is commonly called Emporium , though it consist of two Cities distinct , as well in name as in Government , whereof the other is called Hiera : For which cause I shall treat of each apart , beginning with Emporium . Emporium with the Libertyes , is under a twofold division , the one regarding the Nationall and the other , Urbane or City Government ; it is divided in regard of the Nationall Government into three Tribes , and in respect of the Urbane into Twenty six , which for distinction sake are called Wards , being contained under the three Tribes but unequally , wherefore the first Tribe containing ten Wards is called Scazon , the second containing eight Metoche , and the third containing as many , Telicouta : the bearing of which names in mind concernes the better understanding of the Government . Every Ward , hath her Wardmot , Court or Inquest , consisting of all that are of the clothing or Liveries of Companies , residing within the same . Such are of the Livery or Clothing as have obtained unto the dignity to we are Gowns and Particolour'd Hoods or Tipets according unto the Rules , and ancient Customes of their respective Companies . A Company is a Brotherhood of Tradesmen , professing the same Art , governed , according unto their Charter , by a Master and Wardens : Of these there be a matter of sixty , whereof twelve are of greater dignity then the rest , that is to say the Mercers , Grocers , Drapers , Fishmongers , Gold-Smiths , Skinners , Merchant-Taylors , Haberdashers , Saliers , Ironmongers , Vinters , Cloth-workers , which with most of the rest have common Halls , divers of them being of antient and magnificent Structure , wherein they have frequent meetings at the summons of their Masters , or Wardens , for the managing and regulation of their respective Trades and Mysteries . These Companies ; as I shall shew , are the roots of the whole Government of the City : for the Liveries that reside in the same Ward , meeting at the Wardmot inquest , unto which it belongeth to take cognizance of all sorts of moysances , and violations of the customs and Orders of the City , and to present them unto the Court of Aldermen ; have also power to make election of two sorts of Magistrates or Officers ; the first of Elders or Aldermen of the Ward ; the second of Deputies of the same , otherwise called Common-Council men . The Wards in these Elections , because they do not elect all at once , but some one yeare , and some another , observe the distinction of the three Tribes ; for example , the Scazon consisting of ten Tribes , maketh election the first yeare of ten Aldermen , one in each Ward , and of one hundred and fifty Deputies , fifteene in each Ward : all which are Trienniall Magistrates or Officers , that is to say , are to beare their dignity for the space of three years . The second year , the Metoche , consisting of eight Wards electeth eight Aldermen , one in each Ward ; and an hundred and twenty Deputies , fifteen in each Ward ; being also Trienniall Magistrates . The third yeare Telicouta , consisting of a like number of Wards , electeth an equall number of like Magistrates for a like terme : So that the whole number of the Aldermen , according unto that of the Wards , amounteth unto twenty-six ; and the whole number of the Deputies , unto three hundred and ninety . The Aldermen thus elected have divers capacities ; for first , they are Justices of the Peace , for the term , and by consequence of their election ; secondly , they are Presidents of the Wardmot , and Governours , each of that Ward ; whereby he was elected ; and last of all these Magistrates being assembled together , constitute the Senate of the Citty , otherwise called the Court of Aldermen : but no man is capable of this election , that is not worth ten thousand pounds : this Court upon every new Election maketh choice of censors out of their own number . The Deputies in like manner being assembled together , constitute the Prerogative Tribe of the City ; otherwise called , the Common-Councill : by which meanes the Senate and the People of the City were caught in as it were by the rapture of the Nationall Government , to the same wheele of annuall , trienniall , and perpetuall revolution . But the Liveries over and above the right of these elections by their divisions mentioned ; being assembled alltogether at the Guild of the City , constitute an other Assembly called the Common-Hall . The Common-Hall hath right of two other elections ; the one of the Lord Mayor , and the other of the two Sheriffs being annuall Magistrates . The Lord Major can be elected out of no other then one of the twelve Companies of the first ranks , and the Common Hal agreeeth by the plurality of Suffrages upon two names ; which being preferred unto the Lord Mayor , for the time being , and the Court of Aldermen : they elect one by their scruteny , for so they call it , though it differ from that of the Common-wealth : The Orator or Assistant unto the Lord Major in the holding of his Courts is some able Lawyer elected by the Court of Aldermen , and called the Recorder of Emporium . The Lord Major being thus elected , hath two capacities ; the one regarding the Nation , the other the City : in that which regards the City , he is President of the Court of Aldermen , having power to assemble the same , or any other Council of the City , as the Common-Councill or Common-Hall , at his will and pleasure ; and in that which regards the Nation , he is Commander in Cheif , of the three Tribes , whereinto the City is divided ; one of which he is to bring up in person at the Nationall Muster unto the Ballot ; as his Vice Comites , or High-Sheriffs , are to do by the other two , each at their distinct pavilion , where the nine Aldermen elected Censors , are to officiate by three in each Tribe , according unto the Rules and Orders already given unto the Censors , of the rustick Tribes : And the Tribes of the City have no other then one common Phylarch , which is the Court of Aldermen , and the Common-Councill ; for which cause they elect not at their muster the first Liste called the Prime Magnitude . The Conveniences of this alteration of the City Government , besides the bent of it unto conformity with that of the Nation , were many ; whereof I shall mention but a few , as first , whereas men under the former administration , when the burden of some of these Magistracyes , lay for life , were oftentimes chosen not for their fitnesse , but rather unfitnesse , or at least unwillingnesse to undergo such a weight , whereby they were put at great rates to fine for their ease ; a man might now take his share in Magistracy , with that equity which is due unto the publick , and without any great inconvenience unto his private affaires . Secondly , whereas the City , in as much as the Acts , of the Aristocracy or Court of Aldermen in their former way of proceeding , were rather Impositions , then Propositions , was frequently disquieted , with the inevitable consequence , in the power of debate exercised by the popular part or Common Councill ; the right of debate being hence forth established in the Court of Aldermen and that of result in the Common Councill , killed the branches of division in the root , which for the present may suffice to have been said of the City of Emporium . That of Hiera consisteth as to the Nationall Government of two Tribes , the first called Agoraea , the second Propola : but as to the peculiar Policy of twelve Maniples , or Wards divided into three cohorts each cohort containing four Wards , whereof the Wards of the first cohort elect for the first yeare four Burgesses , one in each ward ; the Wards of the second cohort , for the second yeare four Burgesses , one in each Ward ; and the wards of the third cohort for the third yeare foure Burgesses , one in each Ward ; all trienniall Magistrates : by which the twelve Burgesses , making one Court for the Government of this City , according unto their instructions by act of Parliament , fall likewise into an annual , triennial , and perpetuall revolution . This Court being thus constituted , maketh election of diverse Magistrates ; as first of an High Steward , who is commonly some person of quality , and this Magistracy is elected in the Senate by the scruteny of this Court ; unto him they choose some able Lawyer to be his Deputy , and to hold the Court ; and last of all they elect out of their own number six Censors . The High Steward is Commander in Chief , of the two Tribes , whereof he in person bringeth up the one at the Nationall Muster unto the Ballot , and his Deputy the other , at a distinct pavilion ; the six Censors chosen by the Court officiating by three in each Tribe at the Urnes , and these Tribes , have no other Phylarch , but this Court. As for the manner of elections , and suffrage both in Emporium and Hiera , it may be said once for all , that they are performed by the Ballott , and according unto the respective rules already given . There be other Cities and Corporations throughout the territory , whose Policy being much of this kind , would be tedious and not worth the labour to insert , nor dare I stay . Juvenum manus emicat ardens . I returne with the method of the Common-wealth , unto the remaining part of her Orbes which are military and provinciall , the military except the Strategus , and the Polemarchs or feild Officers consisting of the youth only , and the Provinciall consisting of a mixture , both of the Elders and of the Youth . To begin with the Youth , or the military Orbes , they are Circles unto which the Common-wealth must have a Care to keep close ; A man is a Spirit raised up by the Magick of Nature ; if she doe not stand safe , and so that she may set him to some good and usefull work , he spets fire , and blowes up Castles ; for where there is life , there must be motion or work and the work of idlenesse is mischiefe , ( Non omnibus dormit ) But the work of industry is health . To set men unto this , the Common-wealth must begin early with them , or it will be too late : and the meanes whereby she sets them unto it , is education ; the Plastick art of government . But it is as frequent as sad in experience , whether through negligence , or which in the consequence is all one , or worse , overfondnesse in domestick performance of this Duty , that innumerable Children come to owe their utter Perdition unto their own Parents ; in each of which , the Commonwealth loseth a Citizen ; Wherefore the Lawes of a Government how wholesomesoever in themselves , being such as if men by a congruity in their Education be not brought up to find a relish in them , they will spit at : The education of a mans Children is not wholly to be committed or trusted unto himself . You find in Livy the Children of Brutus , having been bred under Monarchy , make faces at the Common-wealth of Rome , A King ( say they ) is a Man , you may prevaile with him when you have need there should be Law , or when you have need there should be no Law. He hath favours in the right , and he frowns not in the wrong place ; he knowes his friends from his Enemies . But Lawes are deafe inexorable things , such as make no difference between a Gentlemen and an ordinary fellow : a Man can never be merry for them , for to trust altogether to his own innocence is a sad Life : unhappy wantons ! Scipio ( on the other side ) when he was but a Boy ( some two or three and twenty ) being informed that certaine Patricians , or Roman Gentlemen , through a qualme upon the defeate which Haniball had given them at Cannae , were laying their heads together and contriving their Flight with the transportation of their goods out of Rome ; drew his sword and setting himself at the doore of the Chamber where they were at Council , protested , That who did not immediately sweare , not to desert the Common-wealth he would make his Soul to desert his Body , Let men argue as they please for Monarchy , or against a Common-wealth , the world shall never see any man so sottish or wicked as ( in cool blood ) to preferre the education of the Sons of Brutus , before that of Scipio ; and of this mould , except a Melius or a Manlius was the whole youth of that Common-wealth though not ordinarily so well cast . Now the health of a Government , and the education of the youth being of the same pulse , no wonder if it have been the constant practize of well order'd Commonwealths to commit the Care and feeling of it unto publique Magistrates . A duty that was performed in such manner by the Areopagites , as is elegantly praised by Isocrates . The Athenians , saith he , write not their Lawes upon dead Walls , nor content themselves with having ordained punishments for Crimes , but provide in such manner by the education of their youth , that there be no Crimes for punishment : he speakes of those Lawes which reguarded manners , not of those orders which concerned the administration of the Commonwealth , least you should think he contradicts Xenophon and Polibius . The Children of Laetdemon , at the seaventh yeare of their Age , were delivered unto the paedonomi , School-Masters , not Mercenary but Magistrates of the Commonwealth , unto which they were accomptable for their charge : by these at the age of fourteen they were preferr'd unto other Magistrates called the Beidiaei , having the inspection of the Games , and exercises , among which that of the Platanista was famous , a kind of Fight in squadrons , but somewhat too fierce ; when they came to be of military age , they were listed of the Mora , and so continued in readinesse for publique Service under the Discipline of the Polemarches . But the Roman Education and Discipline by the Centurys and Classes is that unto which the Commonwealth of Oceana hath had a more concerned eye in her three Essays , being certain degrees by which the youth commence as it were in Armes for Magistracy , as appeares by order 26 The Twenty Sixth Order , instituting that if a Parent have but one Sonne , the Education of that one Sonne shall be wholly at the disposing of that Parent , but ( whereas there be Free-Schools erected and indow'd , or to be erected and indow'd in every Tribe of this Nation , to a sufficient proportion for the Education of the Children of the same ; which Schooles , to the end that shere be no detriment or hindrance unto the Schollers upon case of removeing from one unto another , are every of them to be Governed by the strict inspection of the Censors of the Tribes , both upon the School-Masters their manner of life and teaching , and the Proficiency of the Children ; after the Rules and method of that in Hiera ) . If a Parent have more Sons then one , the Censors of the Tribes shall animadvert upon and punnish him that sendeth not his Sons within the ninth yeare of their age unto some one of the Schooles of a Tribe , there to be kept and taught if he be able at his Charges , and if he be not able , Gratis till they arrive at the age of fifteen yeares . And a Parent may dispose of his Sons at the fifteenth yeare of their age , according unto his choice or ability , whether it be unto Service in the way of Apprentices unto some Trade , or otherwise , or unto farther study , as by sending them unto the Inns of Court , of Chancery , or unto one of the Universities of this Nation ; but he that taketh not upon him some one of the Professions proper unto some one of those places , shall not continue longer in any of them till they have attained unto the age of eighteen yeares ; and every man having not at that age of 18. yeares taken upon him , or addicted himselfe unto the profession of the Law , Theology , or Physick ; and being no Servant , shall be capable of the Essay of the youth , and no other Person whatsoever ; except a man haveing taken upon him such a Profession , happen to lay it by , ere he arrive at three or four and twenty yeares of age , and be admitted unto this Capacity by the respective Phylarch , being satisfyed that he kept not out so long with any designe to evade the service of the Common-wealth , but that being no sooner at his own disposing it was no sooner at his own choice to come in . And if any Youth or other Person of this Nation have a desire to travell into Forraigne Countries upon occasion of businesse , delight , or farther improvement of his Education ; the same shall be lawfull for him upon a passe obtained from the Censors in Parliament , putting a convenient limit unto the time , and recommending him unto the Embassadours by whom he shall be assisted and unto whom he shall yield honour and obedience in their respective residences . Every Youth at his returne from his travell , is to present the Censors with a Paper , of his own writing , contayning the interest of State or forme of Government of the Countries or some one of the Countries where he hath been ; and if it be good , the Censors shall cause it to be printed and published , prefixing a Line in Commendation of the Author . Every Wednesday , next ensuing the last of December , the whole Youth of every Parish , that is to say every man ( not excepted by the foregoing part of the Order ) being from eighteen yeares of age to 30. shall repaire at the found of the Bell unto the respective Church , and being there assembled in presence of the overseers , who are to governe the Ballot , and the Constable who is to officiate at the Urne , shall after the manner of the Elders , elect every fifth man of their whole number , ( provided that they choose not above one of two Brothers at one Election , nor above halfe if they be foure or upward ) to be a Stratiot or Deputy of the Youth ; And the list of the Stratiots so elected being taken by the overseers shall be entred in the Parish Book , and diligently preserved as a record , called the first Essay . They whose estates by the Law are able , or whose Friends are willing to mount them , shall be of the Horse , the rest are of the Foot. And he who hath been one yeare of this list is not capable of being re-elected till after one years intervall . Every Wednesday , next ensuing the last of Ianuary , the Stratiots being Mustred at the Rendevouz of their respective hundred , shall in the presence of the Iury-men , who are overseers of that Ballot , and of the High-Constable who is to officiate at the Urne , elect out of the Horse of their Troop , or Company one Captain , and one Ensigne or Cornet , unto the Command of the same ; And the Iury-men having entered the List of the Hundred into a Record to be diligently kept at the Rendevouz of the same ; the first publique Game of this Commonwealth shall begin and be performed in this manner . Whereas there is to be at every Rendevouz of an Hundred , one Cannon , Culverin , or Sakre ; The prize Armes , being forged by sworne Armorours of this Common-wealth , and for their proof , besides their beauty , viewd and tryed at the Tower of Emporium , shall be exposed , by the Iustice of Peace appertayning unto that Hundred ; the said Iustice , with the Iury-men being Iudge of the Game : And the Iudges shall deliver unto the Horse-man that gaines the Prize at the carrier , one sute of Armes being of the value of twenty pounds : Unto the Pikeman that gaines the Prize at throwing the Bullet , one suit of Armes of the value of ten-pounds : Unto the M●squetier that gaines the Prize at the Mark with his M●squet , one sute of Armes of the value of ten pounds ; And unto the Canoneer that gaines the Prize at the Marke with the Cannon , Culverin , or Sakre , one Chaine of Silver being of the value of ten pounds . Provided , that no one Man at the same Muster play above one of the Prizes . Whosoever gaineth a Prize is bound to weare it ( if it be his lot ) upon Service ; and no man shall sell , or give away an Armour thus won , except he have lawfully attained unto two or more of them , at the Games . The Games being ended , and the Master dismist , the Captaine of the Troop or Company shall repaire with a Copy of the List unto the Lord Lievtenant of the Tribe , and he High-Constable with a Duplicate of the same unto the Custos Rotulorum , or M●ster-Master-Generall , to be also communicated with the Censors ; in each of which the Iury-men giving a note upon every name of an only Son shall certify that the List is without subterfuge or evasion ; or , if it be not , upon whom the evasion or subterfuge lyeth , unto the end that the Phylarch or the Censors may animadvert accordingly . And every Wednesday next ensuing the last of February , the Lord Lievtenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Censors and the Conductor shall receive the whole M●ster of the Youth of that Tribe at the Rendevouz of the same , distributing the Horse and Foot with their Officers , according unto the directions given in the like case for the distribution of the Elders , and the whole squadron being put by that meanes in Batalia ; the second Game of this Commonwealth shall begin , by the exercise of the Youth in all the parts of their military discipline according unto the Orders of Parliament , or direction of the Council of Warr in that Case : And the hundred pounds allowed by the Parliament for the ornament of the Muster in every Tribe , shall be expended by the Phylarch , upon such artificiall Castles , Citadels , or like devices , as may make the best and most profitable sport for the Youth and their spectators . Which being ended , the Censors having prepared the Urnes by putting into the Horse Urne , 220. Gold Balls , whereof ten are to be marked with the Letter M. and other ten with the Letter P. Into the Foot Urne , 700. Gold Balls , whereof ; 50. are to be marked with the Letter M. and 50. with the Letter P. and made up the Gold Balls in each Urne by the addition of Silver Balls unto the same , in number equall with the Horse and Foot of the Stratiots : the Lord Lievtenant shall call the Stratiots unto the Urnes , where they that draw the Silver Balls shall returne unto their Places ; and they that draw the Gold Balls shall fall off to the pavilion , where , for the space of one houre they may chopp and change their Balls according as one can agree with another , whose Lot he likes better ▪ but the houre being out the conductor seperating them , whose Gold Balls have no letter , from those whose Balls are marked ; shall cause the Cryer to call the Alphabet , as first A. whereupon all they whose Gold Balls are not marked , and whose sirnames begin with the Letter A. shall repaire unto a Clerk appertayning unto the Custos Rotulorum , who shall first take the names of that Letter : then those of B. and so forth ; till all the names be Alphabetically enrolled ; and the Youth of this List being six hundred in a Tribe Foot , that is 30000 Foot in all the Tribes ; and two hundred in a Tribe Horse , that is 10000. Horse in all the Tribes , are the second Essay of the Stratiots , and the standing Army of this Commonwealth to be alwaies ready upon Command to march . They whose Balls are marked with M. amounting by 20 Horse , and 50. Foot in a Tribe unto 2500 Foot and 500. Horse in all the Tribes ; And they whose Balls are marked with P. in every point correspondent are parts of the third Essay ; they of M. bring forthwith to march for Marpesia and they of P. for Panopea , to the ends and according to the further directions following in the order for the Provinciall Orbs. If the Polemarchs , or Field Officers be elected by the Scruteny of the Council of Warr , and the Strategus Commanded by the Parliament or the dictator to march , the Lords Lievtenants ( who have power to Muster and Discipline the Youth so often as they receive Orders for the same from the Council of Warr ) are to deliver the second Essay , or so many of them as shall be Commanded unto the Conductors , who shall present them unto the Lord Strategus at the fime and place appointed by his Excellency to be the Generall Rendevouze of Oceana where the Council of Warr shall have the accommodation of Horses and Armes for his men in readinesse , and the Lord Strategus , having armed , mounted , and distributed them , whether according unto the recommendation of their Prize Armes , or otherwise ; shall lead them away unto his Shipping , being also ready , and provided with Uictualls Ammunition , Artigliery , and all other necessarys , commanding them , and disposing of the whole conduct of the Warr by his sole power and authority : and this is the third Essay of the Stratiots , which being Shipp'd , or march'd out of their Tribes , the Lords Lievtenants shall re-elect the second Essay out of the remaining part of the first ; and the Senate another Strategus . If any veterane or veteranes of this Narion , the terme of whose Youth , or militia is expired , having a desire to be entertained in the further Service of the Commonwealth shall present him or themselves at the Rendevouz of Oceana , unto the Strategus , it is in his power to take on such and so many of them as shall be consenfed unto by the Polemarchs , and to send back an equall number of the Stratiots . And for the better managing of the proper Forces of this Nation the Lord Strategus by appointment of the Council of Warr , and out of such Levies as they shall have made in either or both of the Provinces , unto that end , shall receive Auxiliarys at Sea , or elsewhere at some certaine place , not exceeding his proper Armes , in number . And whosoever shall refuse any one of his three Essays , except upon cause shewn he be dispensed withall by the Phylarch , or if the Phylarch be not assembled , by the Censors of his Tribe , shall be deemed an Helot or publique Servant , pay one fifth of his yearely revenue besides all other Taxes unto the Commonwealth for his Protection , and be incapable of bearing Magistracy except such as is proper to the Law. Neverthelesse if a man have but two Sons , the Lord Lievtenant shall not suffer above one of them to come unto the Urne at one election of the second Essay : and though he have above two Sons , there shall not come above halfe the Brothers at one Election ; and if a man have but one Son , he shall not come unto the Urne at all without the consent of his Parents , or his Guardians nor shall it be any reproach unto him , or impediment unto his bearing of Magistracy . This for Expoditions that are Forraigne will be proved , and explained together with order 27 The Twenty Seaventh Order , Providing in case of invasion apprehended , that the Lords High-Sheriffs of the Tribes upon Commands received from the Parliament , or the Dictator , distribute the bands of the Elders into divisions after the nature of the Essayes of the Youth , and that the second division or Essay of the Elders being made and consisting of 30000 Foot , and 10000 Horse be ready to march with the second Essay of the Youth , and be brought also by the Conductors unto the Strategus . The second Essay of the Elders and Youth being marcht out of their Tribes , the Lords High-Sheriffs and Lievtenants shall have the remayning part of the annuall Bands ; both of Elders and Youth in readinesse , which if the Beacons be fired , shall march unto the Rendevouz to be in that case appointed by the Parliament or the Dictator , and the Beacons being fired , the Curiata Comitia or Parochiall Congregations shall elect a fourth , both of Elders and Youth to be immediately upon the Guard of the Tribes , and dividing themselves as aforesaid to march also in their divisions according unto Orders , which method in case of extremity shall proceed unto the election of a third , or the leavy of a second , or of the last man in the Nation , by the power of the Lords High-Sheriffs ▪ to the end that the Common-wealth in her utmost pressure may shew her trust that God in his justice will remember mercy ; by humbling her selfe , and yet preserving her courage , discipline and constancy , even unto the last drop of her blood , and the utmost farthing . The Services performed by the youth , or by the Elders in case of Invasion , and according unto this Order , shall be at their proper cost and charges that are any wayes able to indure it , but if there be such as are known in their Parishes to be so indigent that they cannot march out of their Tribes , nor undergoe the burden , in this case incumbent , the Congregations of their Parishes shall furnish them with sufficient summes of money to be repay'd upon the Certificate of the same by the Parliament when the action shall be over . And of that which is respectively enjoyn'd by this Order , any Tribe , Parish ▪ Magistrate , or Person that shall faile , is to answer for it at the Council of Warr , as a Desertor of his Country . The Archon being the greatest Captain of his , ( if not of any ) Age , added much unto the Glory of this Common-wealth , by interweaving the Militia with more Art and Lustre then any Legislator from , or before , the time of Servius Tullius . But as the bones or Skeleton of a man , though the greatest part of his beauty be contained in their proportion or Symmetry , yet shewn without flesh , are a spectacle that is rather horrid ; so without Discourses , the Orders of a Common-wealth : which if she go forth in that manner , may complain of her friends that they stand mute , and staring upon her : Wherefore this Order was thus fleshed by the Archon : My Lords , DIogenes , seeing a young Fellow drunk , told him that his Father was drunk when he begot him : For this in natural , I must confesse I see no reason ; but in Political Generation , it is right : The Vices of the People are from their Governours . Those of their Governours , from their Lawes or Orders ; and those of their Lawes or Orders , from their Legislators . ( Ut malè posuimus initia , sic caetera sequuntur ; ) What ever was in the womb imperfect as to her proper work , comes very rarely , or not at all to perfection : And the formation of a Citizen in the Womb of the Common-wealth , is his Education . Education by the first of the foregoing Orders is of Six kinds ; At the School , in the Mechannicks , at the Universities , at the Innes of Court or Chancery , in Travels , and in Military Discipline : Some of which I shall touch , and some I shall handle . That which is proposed for the erecting , and endowing of Schools throughout the Tribes capable of all the Children of the same , and able to give unto the Poor the Education of theirs Gratis , is only matter of direction in a case of very great Charity , as easing the needy of the Charge of their Children from the Ninth to the Fifteenth year of their Age ; during which time their work cannot be profitable , and restoring them when they may be of use , furnished with tooles , whereof there be advantages to be made in every work , seeing he that can read , and use his pen , hath some convenience by it in the meanest Vocation ; and it cannot be conceived , but that which comes ( though in small parcels ) to the advantage of every Man in his Vocation , must amount unto the advantage of every Vocation ; and so unto that of the Common-wealth : Wherefore this is commended unto the Charity of every wise-hearted , and well-minded man to be done in time ; and as GOD shall stir him up or inable him : there being such provision already in the Case , as may give us leave to proceed without obstruction . Parents ( under animadversion of the Censors ) are to dispose of their Children at the fifteenth year of their Age unto something ; but what , is left , according to their abilities or inclination , in their own Choice : This , with the Many , must be unto the Mechanicks , that is to say , unto Agriculture or Husbandry ; unto Manufactures ; or unto Merchandize . Agriculture is the Bread of the Nation , we are hung upon it by the teeth ; it is a mighty Nursery of Strength , the best Army , and the most assured Knapsack ; it is managed with the least turbulent or ambitious , and the most innocent hands of all other Arts. Wherefore I am of Aristotle's opinion , That a Common-wealth of Husband-men ( and such is ours ) must be the best of all others . Certainly , my Lords , you have no measure of what ought to be , but what can be done for the encouragement of this Profession : I could wish I were Husband good enough to direct something to this end ; but racking of Rents is a vile thing in the richer sort , an uncharitable one to the poorer ; a mark of slavery , and nips your Common-wealth in the fairest Blossom : On the other side , if there should be too much ease given in this kind , it would occasion Sloath , and so destroy Industry the nerve of a Commonwealth ▪ But if ought might be done to hold the ballance eeven between these two , it would be a Work in this Nation equall unto that for which Fabius was call'd Maximus by the Romans . In Manufactures and Merchandize the Hollander hath gotten the start of us ; but at the long-run it will be found , that a People Working upon a Forraign Commodity , doth but f●rm the Manufacture , and that it is entailed upon them only , where the growth of it is native : As also that it is one thing to have the Carriage of other mens Goods , and another for a man to bring his own unto the best market . Wherefore Nature having provided encouragement for these Arts in this Nation above others , where the people growing , they of necessity must also increase , it cannot but establish them upon a far more sure and effectual Foundation then that of the Hollanders . But their Educations are in order unto the first things or necessities of nature ; as Husbandry unto the Food ; Manufacture unto the Clothing ; and Merchandize unto the Purse of the Common-wealth . There be other things in Nature , which being second as to their Order , for their dignity and value are first , and such to which the other are but Accommodations ; of this sort are especially these , Religion , Justice , Courage , Wisdome . The Education that answers unto Religion in our Government is that of the Universities . Moses the Divine Legislator was not only learned in all the Learning of the Egyptians , but took into the Fabrick of his Common-wealth the Learning of the Midianites in the advice of Jethro : and his Foundation of an University laid in the Tabernacle , and finisht in the Temple , became that Pinacle from whence all the Learning in the World hath taken wing ; as the Philosophy of the Stoicks , from the Phariseet ; that of the Epicureans , from the Sadduces ; and from the Learning of the Jews , so often quoted by our SAVIOUR , and fulfilled in Him , the Christian Religion Athens was the most famous University in her dayes and her Senators , that is to say , the Areopagites were all Philosophers . Lacedemon ( to speak truth ) though she could write and read , was not very bookish . But who disputeth hence against Universities , disputeth in the same Argument against Agriculture , Manufacture , and Merchandize , every one of these having been equally forbidden by Lycurgus , not for it self , ( for if he had not been Learned in all the Learning of Crete , and well travell'd in the knowledge of other Governments , he had never made his Common-wealth ) but for the diversion which they must have given his Citizens from their Arms , who being but few , if they had minded any thing else , must have deserted the Common-wealth . For Rome , she ( had ingenium par imperio ) was as Learned as Great , and held her Colledge of Argurs in much reverence . Venice hath taken her Religion upon trust : Holland , cannot tend it to be very studious : Nor doth Switz mind it much ; yet are they all addicted unto their Universities . We cut down Trees to build Houses , but I would have some body shew me , by what reason or experience , the cutting down of an University , should tend unto the setting up of a Common-wealth . Of this I am sure ; the perfection of a Common-wealth is not to be attained unto without the knowledge of ancient Prudence ; nor the knowledge of ancient prudence without Learning ; nor Learning without Schools of good Literature ; and these are such as we call Universities . Now though meer University-Learning of it self , be that which ( to speak the words of Verulamius ) Crafty men contemn , and simple men onely admire , yet is it such as wise men have use of ; for Studies do not teach their own use , but that is a wisdome without , and above them , won by observation . Expert men may execute , and perhaps judge of particulars one by one ; but the general Counsels and the plots , and the marshalling of affairs , come best from those that are learned . Wherefore if you would have your children to be Statesmen , let them drink by all means of these Fountains , where perhaps there was never any . But what though the water a man drinks be not nourishment ? it is the vehiculum without which he cannot be nourished . Nor is Religion lesse concerned in this point than Government ; For take away your Universities , and in a few years you lose it . The Holy Scriptures are written in Hebrew and in Greek , they that have neither of these Languages may think leight of both ; But find me a man that hath one in perfection , the study of whose whole Life it hath not been . Again , this is apparent to us in daily Conversation , that if four or five Persons that have lived together be talking , another speaking the same Language may come in , and yet understand very little of their Discourse : in that it relateth unto Circumstances , Persons , Things , Times and Places which he knoweth not . It is no otherwise with a Man , having no insight of the times in which they were written , and the Circumstances unto which they relate , in the reading of ancient Books , whether they be Divine or humane . For example , when we fall upon the discourse about Baptisme and Regeneration , that was between our Saviour and Nicodemus where Christ reproacheth him of his Ignorance in this manner : Art thou a Doctor in Israel , and understandest not these things ? What shall we think of it ? or , Wherefore should a Doctor in Israel have understood these things more then another , but that both Baptisme and Regeneration ( as was shewed at large by my Lord Phosphorus ) were Doctrines held in Israel ? Instance in one place of a hundred , which he that hath not mastered the circumstances unto which they relate , cannot understand . Wherefore to the understanding of the Scripture , it is necessary to have ancient Languages , and the knowledge of ancient times , or the ayd of them who have such knowledg : and to have such as may be alwaies able and ready to give such ayd , ( unlesse you would borrow it of another Nation , which would not only be base , but deceitful ) it is necessary unto a Common-wealth that She have Schools of good Literature , or Universities of her own . We are Commanded ( as hath been said more then once ) to search the Scriptures ; And whether do they search the Scriptures that take this pains in ancient Languages and Learning ? or they that will not , but trusting unto Translations onely , and to words as they sound unto present Circumstances ? than which nothing is more fallible , Or certain to lose the true sense of Scriptures , pretend to be above humane understanding , for no other cause then that they are below it ? But in searching the Scriptures by the proper use of our Universities , we have been heretofore blessed with greater Victories and Trophies against the purple Hosts , and golden Standards of the Romish Hierarchy , than any Nation ; and therefore , why we should relinquish this upon the presumption of some , that because there is a greater Light they have it , I do not know . There is a greater Light then the Sun , but it doth not extinguish the Sun , nor doth any Light of GOD's giving extinguish that of Nature , but encrease and Sanctifie it . Wherefore , neither the honour borne by the Israelitish , Roman , nor any other Commonwealth that I have shewn , unto their Eclesiasticks consisted in being governed by them , but in consulting them in matter of Religion ; upon whose responsa , or Oracles , they did afterwards as they thought fit . Nor would I be mistaken , as if by affrming the Universities , to be in order both unto Religion and Government , of absolute necessity , I declared them or the Ministry in any wise fit to be trusted so far as to exercise any power not derived from the civill Magistrate , in the administration of either . If the Jewish Religion were directed and established by Moses , it was directed and established by the civill Magistrate ; or if Moses exercised this administration as a Prophet , the same Prophet did invest with the same administration , the Sanhedrim , and not the Priests ; and so doth our Commonwealth , the Senate and not the Clergy . They who had the supreme Administration or Government of the Nationall Religion in Athens , were the first Archon , the ( Rex Sacrificus , or ) High Priest , and Polemarch ; which Magistrates were ordained or elected , ( per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by the holding up of Hands , in the Church , Congregation , or Comitia of the People . The Religion of Lacedemon was governed by the Kings , who were also high Priests , and officiated at the sacrifice , these had power to substitute their Pythii , Embassadors or Nuncios by which not without concurrence of the Senate they held intelligence with the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos . And the Ecclesiasticall part of the Commonwealth of Rome was governed by the Pontifex Maximas , the Rex Sacrificulus , and the Elaminus , all ordained or elected by the people , the Pontifex , Tributis ; the King , Centuriatis ; and the Flamines or Parish Preists , Curiatis Comitiis . I do not mind you of these things , as if for the matter there were any parallel to be drawn out of their superstitions to our Religion ; but to shew that for the manner , ancient prudence is as well a rule in divine as humane things ; nay , and such an one as the Apostles themselves , ordaining Elders by the holding up of hands in every Congregation , have exactly follow'd ; for some of the Congregations where they thus ordeined Elders were those of Antioch , Iconium , Lystra , Derbe , the Country of Lycaonia , Pisidia , Pamphylia , Perga , with Attalia . Now that these Cittys and Countrys when the Romans propagated their Empire into Asia , were found most of them Commonwealths , and that many of the rest were indued with like power , so that the people living under the protection of the Romane Emperors , continued to the elect their own Magistrates , is so known a thing ; that I wonder whence it is , men quite contrary unto the universall proof of these examples , will have Ecclesiasticall Government to be necessarily distinct from civill power ; when the right of the Elders ordained by the holding up of hands in every Congregation , to teach the people , was plainly derived from the same civill power by which they ordained the rest of their Magistrates . And it is no otherwise in our Commonwealth ; where the Parochiall Congregation electeth or ordaineth her Pastor . To object the Commonwealth of Venice in this place were to shew us that it hath been no otherwise , but where the civill power , hath lost the liberty of her Conscience by embracing of Popery : as also that to take away the liberty of conscience in this administration from the civill power , were a proceeding which hath no other president , than such as is Popish . Wherefore your Religion is thus settled ; the Universities are the seminaries of that part which is nationall , by which meanes others withall safely may be permitted to follow the liberty of their consciences , in reguard that however they behave themselves , the ignorance of the unlearned in this case cannot lose the religion , nor disturb the Government ; which otherwise it would most certainely do , and the universities with their Emoluments , as also the Benefices of the whole Nation are to be improoved by such Augmentations , as may make a very decent and comfortable subsistance for the Ministry , which is neither to be allow'd Synods nor Assemblies , ( but upon the occasion shewn in the Universities , they are consulted by the Councill for Religion , suffred to meddle with affaires of State ) nor to be capable of any other publick preferment whatsoever ; by which means the interest of the learned can never come to corrupt your Religion , nor disturb your Government ; which otherwise it would most certainly do . Venice , though she do not see , or cannot help the corruption of her Religion , is yet so circumspect to avoid disturbance in this kind of her Government , that her Council proceeds not unto election of Magistrates , till it be proclaimed , Fora Papalini , by which words such as have consanguinity with red hats , or relation unto the Court of Rome , are warned to withdraw . If a Minister in Holland meddle with matter of State , the Magistrate sendeth him a pair of shooes , whereupon if he do not go , he is driven away from his charge . I wonder why Ministers of all men should be perpetually tampering with Government , first because they as well as others have it in expresse charge to submit themselves unto the Ordinances of men ; and secondly , because these Ordinances of men must go upon such Politicall Principles ; as they of all others ( by any thing that can be found in their writings or actions ) least understand : whence you have the suffrage of all Nations unto this sense : An ounce of wisdom is worth a pound of Clergy : Your greatest Clerks are not your wisest men : and when some foul absurdity in State is committed , it is common with the French , and even the Italians , to call it Pas de Clerc , or , Governo du Prete . They may bear with men that will be preaching without study , while they will be governing without Prudence . My Lords , if you know not how to rule the Clergy , you will most certainly be like a man that cannot rule his Wife ; have neither quiet at home , nor honour abroad . Their honest Vocation is to teach your Children at the Schools and the Universities , and the people in the Parishes ; and Yours is concern'd to see that they do not play the shrewes : of which parts consists the Education of your Common-wealth , so far forth as it regards Religion . To Justice , or that part of it which is commonly executive , answers the Education of the Inns of Court , or Chancery . Upon which ( to Philosophize ) requires a peculiar kind of Learning that I have not . But they who take upon them any Profession proper unto the Educations mentioned , that is , Theology , Physick , Law , are not at leisure for the Essayes : Wherefore the Essays being Degrees , whereby the Youth Commence for all Magistracies , Offices and Honours in the Parish , Hundred , Tribe , Senate , or Prerogative ; Divines , Physicians , and Lawyers , not taking these Degrees , exclude themselves from all such Magistracies , Offices , and Honours . And whereas Lawyers are likest to exact farther reason for this : They growing up from the most gainful Art at the Barr , unto those Magistracies upon the Bench , which are continually appropriated to themselves ; and not onely endowed with the greatest Revenues , but held for life ; have the least reason of all the rest to pretend unto any other ; Especially in an equal Commonwealth , where Accumulation of Magistracy , or to take a Person engaged by his Profit unto the Lawes as they stand , into the Power which is Legislative , and should keep them unto what they were , or ought to be , were a Soloecisme in Prudence . It is true , that the Legislative power may have need of Advice and Assistance from the executive Magistracy , or such as are learned in the Law ; for which Cause the Judges are , ( as they have heretofore been ) Assistants in the Senate . Nor , however it came about , can I see any reason why a Judge , being but an Assistant , a Lawyer , should be a member of a Legislative Council . I deny not , that the Roman Patricians were all Patrons , and that the whole People were Clients , some unto one family , and some unto another , by which means they had their Causes pleaded and defended in some appearance gratis ; for the Patron took no money ; though if he had a daughter to marry , his Clients were to pay her portion : nor was this so much . But if the Client accused his Patron , gave testimony or Suffrage against him , it was a crime of such nature , that any man might lawfully kill him as a Traytor : and this , as being the nerve of the Optimacy , was a great cause of ruine unto that Common-wealth : for when the people would carry any thing that pleased not the Senate , the Senators were ill provided if they could not intercede , that is , oppose it by their Clients ; with whom , to vote otherwise then they pleased , was so high a Crime . The observation of this bond till the time of the Gracchi ( that is to say , till it was too late , or to no purpose , to break it ) was the cause , why in all the former heats and disputes that had happened between the Senate and the People , it never came to blowes ; which was good : but withall , the people could have no remedy , which was Evil : Wherefore I am of opinion , that a Senator ought not to be a Patron or Advocate ; nor a Patron or Advocate to be a Senator ; for if his practice be gratis , it debaucheth the people ; and if it be mercenary , it debaucheth himself : take it which way you will , when he should be making of Lawes , he will be knitting of Nets . Lycurgus , as I said , by being a Traveller , became a Legislator ; but , in times , when Prudence was another thing : Neverthelesse we may not shut out this part of Education , in a Common-wealth which will be her Self a Traveller ; for those of this make , have seen the World ; especially , because this ( though it be not regarded in our times , when things being left to take their chance , it fares with us accordingly ) is certain ; No man can be a Polititian , except he be first an Historian or a Traveller ; for except he can see what Must be , o● what May be , he is no Polititian : Now if he have no knowledge in story , he cannot tell what hath been ; and if he hath not been a Traveller , he cannot tell what is : but he that neither knoweth what hath been , nor what is ; can never tell what must be , or what may be . Furthermore , the Embassies in ordinary by our constitution , are the Prizes of young men , more especially such as have been Travellers . Wherefore they of these inclinations , having leave of the Censors , owe them accompt of their time , and cannot choose but lay it out with some ambition of Praise , or Reward , where both are open : whence you will have eyes abroad , and better choice of Publique Ministers : your Gallants shewing themselves not more unto the Ladies at their balls , than unto your Commonwealth at her Academy , when they return from their Travels . But this Common-wealth being constituted more especially of two Elements , Arms , and Councils , driveth by a natural instinct , at Courage and Wisdome , which he who hath attained , is arriv'd at the perfection of humane nature . It is true , that these Virtues must have some naturall root in him that is capable of them ; but this amounteth not unto so great a matter as some will have it . For if Poverty make an industrious ; a moderate Estate , a temperate ; and a Lavish fortune , a Wanton Man ; and this be the common course of things ; Wisdom is rather of necessity , than Inclination . And that an Army which was meditating upon Flight , hath been brought by Despair to win the Field , is so far from being strange , that like Causes will evermore produce like Effects . Wherefore this Common-wealth driveth her Citizens like Wedges , there is no way with them but through ; nor end , but that Glory whereof Man , is capable by Art or Nature . That the Genius of the Roman Families preserved it self throughout the line : as to instance in some , that the Manlii were still severe ; the Publicolae lovers ; and the Appi● haters of the people , is attributed by Marchiavill unto their Education : nor , if interest might adde unto the reason , why the Genius of a Patrician was one thing , and that of a Plebeian another ▪ is the like so apparent between different Nations , who according unto their different Educations have yet as different manners . It was anciently noted , and long confirmed by the French , that in their first assaults their courage was more then that of men ; and for the rest lesse then that of women : which neverthelesse through the amendment of their discipline , we see to be otherwise . I will not say , but that some Man or Nation upon equall improvement of this kind may be lighter then some other ; but certainly , Education is the scale without which no Man or Nation can truly know his or her own weight or value . By our Histories we can tell when one Marpesian would have beaten ten Oceaners ; and when one Oceaner would have beaten ten Marpesians . Marc Anthony was a Roman , but how did that appear in the embraces of Cleopatra ? You must have some other Education for your Youth ; or they , like that passage , will shew better in Romance , then true Story . The Custom of the Common-wealth of Rome in distributing her Magistracies without respect of age , happened to do well in Corvinus and Scipio ; for which cause Machiavill ( with whom that which was done by Rome , and that which is well done , is for the most part all one ) commendeth this course . Yet how much it did work at other times , is obvious in Pompey & Caesar ; examples by which Bocalini illustrateth the Prudence of Venice in her contrary practice , affirming it to have been no small step unto the ruine of the Roman Liberty , that these having tasted in their Youth of the Supream Honours ; had no greater in their age to hope for , but by perpetuating of the same in themselves , which came to Blood , and ended in Tyranny . The opinion of Verulamius is safe , The Errours ( saith he ) of Young Men are the ruine of Businesse ; whereas the errours of aged men amount but to this , that more might have been done or sooner . But though their Wisdome be little , their Courage is great . Wherefore ( to come unto the main Education of this Common-wealth ) the Militia of Oceana is the Province of Youth . The distribution of this Province by the Essays is so fully described in the Order , that I need repeat nothing . The Order it self being but a Repetition or Copy of that Originall , which in ancient Prudence is , of all other , the fairest ; as that from whence the Commonwealth of Rome , more especially derived the Empire of the World ; And there is much more reason in this age , when Governments are universally broken , or swerved from their Foundations , and the People groan under Tyranny , that the same causes ( which could not be withstood when the World was full of Popular Governments ) should have the like effect . The Causes in the Common-wealth of Rome , whereof the Empire of the World was not any miraculous , but a naturall ( nay I may safely say necessary ) consequence are contained in that part of her discipline which was domestick , and in that which shee exercised in her provinces or conquest . Of the latter I shall have better occasion to speak when we come unto our Provinciall Orbes ; the former divided the whole People by Tribes , amounting , as Livy shewes , at their full growth unto thirty five ; and every Tribe by the Cense or valuation of Estates into five Classes , for the sixth being Proletary that is , the Nursery , or such as through their Poverty contributed nothing to the Commonwealth but Children , was not reckoned nor used in Armes : And this is the first point of the Militia ; in which Moderne Prudence is quite contrary unto the Ancient ; for where as we excusing the rich , and arming the Poore , become the vassalls of our Servants , they by excusing the Poor and Arming such as were rich enough to be Freemen , became Lords of the Earth . ( The Nobility and Gentry of this Nation , who understand so little what it is to be Lords of the Earth , that they have not been able to keep their Lands ; will think it a strange education for their Children to be common Souldiers , and obliged unto all the duties of Armes ; neverthelesse it is not for 4 , s. a week , but to be capable of being the best man in the Feild or in the City : the latter part of which consideration makes the Common Souldier in this , a better man then the Generall of any Monarchicall Army . And whereas it may be thought , that this would drink deep of Noble Blood ; I dare boldly say , take the Roman Nobility in the heat of their fiercest Warrs , and you shall not find such a shambles of them as hath been made of ours by meer luxury and slothfullnesse ; which killing the body ; ( Animalsque in vulnere ponunt . ) kill the Soul also ; whereas Common right is that which who stands in the vindication of , hath used that Sword of Justice for which he receiveth the purple of Magistracy : the glory of a man on Earth can go no higher , and if he fall he riseth , and comes sooner unto that reward which is so much higher as Heaven is above Earth . To return unto the Roman example . ) Every Classis was divided ( as hath been more then once shewn ) into Centurys , and every Century was equally divided into Youth and Elders ; the Youth for Forraigne Service , and the Elders for the Guard of the Territory . In the first Classis were a matter of eighteene Centurys of Horse being those which by the Justitution of Servius were first called unto the suffrage ( Centuri●tis . ) But the delectus , o● Levy of an Army ( which is the present businesse ) proceeded according to Polybius in this manner . Upon a Warr decreed , the Consuls elected four and twenty military Tribunes or Colonels ; whereof ten , being such as had merited their tenth Stipend , were younger Officers . The Tribunes being chosen , the Consuls appointed the day unto the Tribes , when those in them of military Age were to appear at the Capitol ; The day being come , and the Youth Assembled accordingly , the Consuls ascended their Tribunal , and the younger Tribunes were forthwith divided into four parts after this manner : foure were assigned unto the first Legion , ( a Legion at the most consisted of 6000 Foot , and 300 Horse ) three unto the second , four unto the third , and three unto the fourth ; the younger Tribunes being thus distributed , two of the Elder were assigned unto the first Legion , three unto the second , two unto the third , and three unto the fourth . And the Officers of each Legion thus assigned , having drawn the Tribes by Lots , and being seated according unto their divisions at a convenient distance from each other ; the Tribe of the first Lot was called : whereupon they that were of it knowing the businesse , and being prepared , presently bolted out four of their Number , in the choice whereof such care was taken , that they offered none that was not a Citizen ; no Citizen that was not of the Youth ; no Youth that was not of some one of the five Classes , nor any one of the five Classes that was not expert at his Exercizes . Moreover , they used such diligence in matching them for age and stature , that the Officers of the Legions , except they happened to be acquainted with the Youths so bolted , were forced to put themselves upon fortune , while they of the first Legion chose one ; they of the second , the next ; they of the third , another ; and the fourth Youth fell to the last Legion , and thus was the election ( the Legions and the Tribs varying according unto their Lots ) carryed on till the Foot were compleat . The like Course with little alteration was taken by Horse Officers till the Horse also were compleat . This was called giving of Names ( which the Children of Israel did also by Lot ) and if any Man refused to give his Name , he was sold for a slave , or his Estate confiscated to the Commonwealth ( Marcus Curius Consul cum sùbitum delectum edicere coactus esset & juniorum nemo respondisset conjectis in sortem omnibus , Polliae ( it is the name of a Tribe ) quae proxima exierat , primum nomen urnâ extractum citari jussit , neque eo respondente , bona Adolescentis has●â subjecit , which was conformable unto the Law in Israel , according whereunto Saul took a yoak of Oxen , and hewed them in pieces , and sent them throughout the Tribes , saying , Whosoever cometh not forth ( unto battel ) after Saul and Samuel , so shall it be done unto his Oxen. By which you may observe also , that they who had no cattle were not of the Militia in Israel . But the age of the Roman Youth ( Lege Tulliâ ) determined at 30. and by the Law ( though it should seem by Machiavill and others , that this was not well observed ) a Man could not stand for Magistracy till he ( was miles emeritus ) had fulfill'd the full term of his Militia ; which was compleat in his tenth stipend or Service : nor was he thence forth obliged under any penalty to give his name , except the Commonwealth were invaded , in which case the Elders were as well obliged as the Youth , ( Quod per magnos tumultus fieri solitum erat , justitio indicto , delectus sine vacationibus habitus est ) The Consul might also Levy ( Milites evocatos ) commanded-Men out of such as had served their terme , and this at his Discretion . The Legions being thus compleat , were divided by two unto each Consul ; and in these no man had right to serve , but a Roman Citizen ; Now because two Legions made but a small Army , the Romans added unto every one of their Armies an equall number of Foot , and a double number of Horse Levied among their Latine or Italian Associates ; so a Consular Army with the Legions and Auxiliaries , amounted to about Thirty thousand : and whereas they commonly levy'd two such Armies together , these being joyned made a matter of 60 thousand . The Steps whereby our Militia followes the greatest Captain , are the three Essays ; the first elected by a fifth man ( Curiatis ) in the Parishes , amounting in the whole unto One hundred thousand , choosing their Officers ( Centuriatis ) at the Hundreds , where they fall also unto their Games , or Exercises , invited by handsome Prizes , such as for themselves and the honour of them will be coveted ; such as will render the Hundred a place of Sports , and exercise of Arms all the year long ; such as in the space of ten years will harnoyse you 30000 Men Horse and Foot , with such Arms for their Forge , proof , and beauty , as ( notwithstanding the Argyraspides , or silver shields of Alexanders guard ) were never worn by so many ; such as will present marks of Virtue and direction unto your General or Strategus in the distribution of his Army , which doubles the value of them , unto the Proprietors , who are bound to wear them , and easeth the Common-wealth of so much Charge , so many being Armed already . But here will be the Objection , now . How shall such a Revenue be compassed ? Fifty pounds a year in every Hundred is a great deal , not so easily raised : men will not part with their money ; nor would the sum as it is proposed by the Order of Pompe , rise in many years . These are difficulties that fit our Genius exactly : And yet a Thousand pounds in each Hundred once levied , establisheth the Revenue for ever . Now the Hundreds one with another are worth ten thousand pounds a year dry rent , over and above Personal Estates , which bring it unto twice the value . So a twentieth part of one years Revenue of the Hundred , does it . If you cannot afford this while you pay Taxes , though from henceforth they will be but small ones , do it when you pay none : If it be then too much for one year , do it in two : If it be too much for two years , do it in four . What Husbands have we hitherto been ? What is become of greater Summes ? My Lords , if you should thus cast your bread upon the waters , after many daies you would find it : stand not huckling , when you are offer'd Corn and your money again in the mouth of the Sack. But to proceed : The first Essay being Officer'd at the Hundreds , and mustred ( Tributis ) at the Tribes , where they are entertain'd with other Sports , which will be very fine ones ; Proceed unto the Election of the second Essay , or standing Army of this Nation consisting of thirty thousand Foot , and ten thousand Horse ; and these ( upon a War decreed ) being delivered at the Rendezvouz of Oceana unto the Strategus , are the third Essay , which answereth unto the Roman Legions . But you may observe , that whereas the Consuls elected the Military Tribunes , and raised Commanded men out of the Veteranes at their own discretion : Our Polemarchs or Field-Officers are elected by the Scruteny of the Council of Warre ; and our Veteranes not otherwise taken on , than as Voluntiers , and with the consent of the Polemarchs , which may serve for the removall of certain Scruples which might otherwise be incident in this place , though without encouragement by the Roman way of proceeding , much lesse that which is proposed . But whereas the Roman Legions in all amounted not in one Army to above 30000 Men , or little more , you have here Fourty thousand ; and whereas they added Auxiliaries , in this regard it is that Marpesia will be of greater Revenue unto you , then if you had the Indies ; for whereas heretofore She hath brought you forth nothing but her native Thistle : ploughing out the ranknesse of her Aristocracy by your Agrarian , you will find her an inexhaustible Magazine of Men , and to her own advantage , who will make a far better Accompt by the Arms , then by the Pins of Poland : Wherefore as a Consular Army consisted of about an equall number of Auxiliaries added unto their Legions by their Latine or Italian Associates , you may adde unto a Parliamentary Army an equall number of Marpesians , or Panopeans , as that Colony shall hereafter be able to supply you . By which means the Common-wealth will be able to go forth to Battail with Fourscore thousand Men. To make Wars with small Forces is no Husbandry , but a waste , a disease , a lingring and painful Consumption of Men and Money ; the Romans making theirs thick , made them short , and had little regard unto money , as that which they who have men enow , can command where it is fittest that it should be Levied . All the ancient Monarchies by this means got on wing , and attain'd unto vast Riches . Whereas your Modern Princes being dear Purchasers of small parcels , have but empty Pockets . But it may be that some will accuse the Order , of rashnesse ; in that it committeth the sole Conduct of the War unto the General ; and the Custom of Venice by her Proveditori , or Checks upon her Commanders in Chief , may seem to be of greater Prudence ; but in this part of our Government neither Venice , nor any Nation that maketh use of mercenary Forces , is for our Instruction . A mercenary Army , with a standing Generall , is like the fatall Sister that Spins : But proper Forces , with an annuall Magistrate , are like Her that cuts the thread . Their Interests are quite contrary , and yet you have a better Proveditor then the Venetian , another Strategus sitting with an Army standing by him ; whereupon that which is marching , if there were any probability it should , would find as little possibility that it could recoyl , as a Forraign Enemy to invade you . These things considered , a War will appear to be of a contrary nature unto that of all other reckonings , in as much as of this , you must never look to have a good accompt if you be strict in imposing Checks . Let a Council of Hunts-men assembled before-hand , tell you which way the Stagg shall run , where you shall cast about at the fault , and how you shall ride to be in at the Chase all the day : but these may as well do that , as a Council of War direct a General . The hours that have painted wings , and of different colours , are his Counsel : he must be like the eye that maketh not the scene , but hath it so soon as it changes . That in many Counsellors there is strength , is spoken of civill Administrations ; As to those that are Military , there is nothing more certain , then that in many Counsellors there is weaknesse . Joynt Commissions in Military affairs are like hunting your Hounds in their Couples : In the Attick War , Cleomenes and Demaratus , Kings of Lacedemon , being thus coupled , tugg'd one against another ; and while they should have joyn'd against the Persian , were the Cause of the calamity : whereupon that Common-wealth took better Counsel , and made a Law , whereby from thenceforth there went at once but one of her Kings unto Battail . The Fidenati being in rebellion , and having slain the Colony of the Romans ; four Tribunes with Consular power were created by the people of Rome , whereof one being left for the guard of the City , the other three were sent against the Fidenati , who through the division that happened among them , brought nothing home but dishonour : whereupon the Romans created the Dictator ; ( and Livy gives his judgment in these words : Tres Tribuni , potestate Consulari , documento fuêre , quàm plurimum imperium bello inutile esset ; tendendo ad sua quisque consilia , cum alii aliud videretur , aperuerunt ad occasionem , locum hosti ) When the Consuls , Quictius and Agrippa , were sent against the Aequi , Agrippa for this reason refused to go forth with his Colleague , ( saying ; Saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum , summam imperii apud unum esse ) And if the ruine of Modern Armies were well considered , most of it would be found to have fallen upon this Point : it being in this case far safer to trust unto any one Man of common Prudence , then to any two or more together of the greatest Parts . The Consuls indeed being equal in Power , while one was present with the Senate , and the other in the Field with the Army , made a good Ballance ; and this with us is exactly follow'd by the Election of a new Strategus upon the march of the old one . The Seven and twentieth Order , Whereby the Elders in case of Invasion are obliged unto equall duty with the Youth , and each upon their own Charge , is suitable unto reason ; ( for every Man defends his own Estate ) ; and unto our Copy , as in the War with the Samnites and Tuscans . ( Senatus justitium indici , delectum omnis generis hominum haberi jussit : nec ingenui modo , et juniores Sacramento adacti sunt , sed seniorum etiam cohortes factae . ) This Nation of all others is the least obnoxious unto Invasion . Oceana ( saith a French Polititian ) is a Beast that cannot be devoured but by her Self ; Neverthelesse , that Government is not perfect which is not provided at all points ; and in this ( ad Triarios res rediit ) the Elders being such as in a martial State must be Veterans ; the Common-wealth invaded gathers strength ( like Antaeus ) by her fall , whilst the whole number of the Elders consisting of five hundred thousand , and the Youth of as many ( being brought up according unto the Order ) give twelve Successive Battels , each Battel consisting of Eighty thousand Men , half Elders , and half Youth : And the Common-wealth whose Constitution can be no stranger unto any of those virtues which are to be acquired in humane life , growes familiar with Death ere She dye . If the hand of God be upon her for her transgressions , She shall mourn for her sins , and lye in the dust for her iniquities , without losing of her manhood . ( Si fractus illabatur orbis Impavidam ferient ruinae . ) The remaining part being the Constitution of the Provinciall Orbe is partly Civill , or consisting of the Elders ; and partly Military , or consisting of the Youth . The Civil part of the Provincial Orbe is directed by order 28 The Twenty-Eighth Order ; Whereby the Council of a Province being constituted of twelve Knights , divided by four into thrée Regions ( for their terme and revolution conformable unto the Parliament ) is perpetuated by the annuall election at the Tropick of four Knights ( being trienniall Magistrates ) out of the Region of the Senate whose terme expireth ; and of one Knight out of the same Region to be Strategus , or Generall of the Province , which Magistracy is annuall . The Strategus or Magistrate thus chosen , shall be as well President of the Provinciall Council with power to propose unto the same , as Generall of the Army . The Council for the rest shall elect weekly Provosts , having any two of them also right to propose , after the manner of the Senatorian Councils of Oceana . And whereas all Provinciall Councils are members of the Council of State , they may and ought to keep diligent correspondence with the same ; which is to be done after this manner ; Any opinion or opinions Legitimately proposed and debated at a Provinciall Council ; being there upon signed by the Strategus , or any two of the Provosts , may be transmitted unto the Council of State in Oceana : and the Council of State proceeding upon the same in their naturall Course ( whether by their own Power if it be a matter within their instructions , or by authority of the Senate , thereupon consulted , if it be a matter of State which is not in their instructions or by authority of the Senate and Command of the People , if it be a matter of Law , as for the Levys of Men or Money upon common use and safety ) shall returne such answers , advice , or Orders , as in any of the ways mentioned shall be determined upon the Case . The Provinciall Councils of Marpesia and Panopea respectively shall take especiall care that the Agrarian Laws , as also all other Laws that be or shall from time to time be enacted by the Parliament of Oceana , for either of them , be duely put in execution ; They shall mannage and receive the Customs of either Nation for the Shipping of Oceana being the Common Guard ; they shall have a care that moderate and sufficient pay upon the respective Province be duely raysed for the support and maintenance of the Officers and Souldiers , or Army of the same in the most effectuall constant and convenient way . They shall receive the Regalia , or publique Revenues of those Nations , out of which every Counsellor shall have for his terme , and unto his proper use , the Summe of 500 l. per annum ; and the Strategus 500. l. as President , besides his pay as Generall , which shall be 1000 pounds : the remainder to go unto the use of the Knights and Deputies of the respective Provinces ; to be paid if it will reach , according unto the rates of Oceana ; if not , by an equall distribution , respectively ; or the overplus , if there be any , to be returned unto the Treasury of Oceana . They shall mannage the Lands ( if there be any such holden in either of the Provinces by the Common-wealth of Oceana , in Dominion ) and return the Rents into the Exchequer . If the Commonwealth come to be possessed of richer provinces , the pay of the Generall or Strategus , and of the Council is may be respectively encreased . The People for the rest shall elect their own Magistrates , and be governed by their own Lawes having power also to appeale from their Native , or Provinciall Magistrates if they please unto the People of Oceana . And whereas there may be such as receiving Injury are not able to prosecute their appeales at so great a distance : Eight Serjants at Law being sworne by the Commissioners of the Seale shall be sent by foure into each Province once in two yeares , who dividing the same by Circuits , shall heare such Causes , and having gathered and introduced them shall returne unto the severall Appellants , Gratis , the Determinations and Decrees of the People in their severall Cases . The terms of a Knight in a Provinciall Orbe as to domestick Magistracies shall be esteemed a Uacation and no barr unto present Election into any other Honour , his Provinciall Magistracy being expired . The Quorum of a Provinciall Council , as also of every other Council or Assembly in Oceana , shall in time of health consist of two parts in thrée , of the whole number proper unto that Council or Assembly ; and , in a time of Sicknesse , of one part in three ; But of the Senate there can be no Quorum without thrée of the Signory : nor of a Councill without two of the Provosts . The Civil part of the Provinciall Orbe being declared by the foregoing Order ; The military part of the same is constituted by order 29 The Twenty Ninth Order ; Whereby the Stratiots of the third Essay , having drawn the Gold Balls marked with the Letter M. and being ten Horse & fifty Foot in a Tribe , that is to say , five hundred Horse , and two thousand five hundred Foot in all , the Tribes shall be delivered by the respective Conductors unto the Provinciall Strategus , or Generall , at such a time and place or Rendevouz as he shall appoint by Order and Certificate of his Election ; and the Strategus having received the Horse and Foot mentioned , which are the third Classis of his Provinciall Guard , or Army , shall forthwith lead them away unto Marpesia , where the Army consisting of thrée Classes each Classis containing thrée thousand Men , whereof five hundred are Horse ; and receiving the new Strategus with the third Classis ; the old Strategus with the first Classis shall be dismist by the Provinciall Council . The same method with the Stratiots of the Letter P. is to be observed for the Provinciall Orbe of Panopea : and the Common-wealth coming to acquire new Provinces , the Senate and the People may erect new Orbs in like manner consisting of greater or lesse numbers according as is required by the respective occasion . If a Stratiot have once served his terme in a Provinciall Orbe , and happen afterwards to draw the Letter of a Province at the Election of the second Essay ; he may refuse his Lot , and if he refuse it , the Censor of that Urn shall cause the files balloting at the same to make an hault ; and if the Stratiot produce the Certificate of his Strategus or Generall , that he hath served his time accordingly ; the Censor throwing the Ball that he drew into the Urn againe , and taking out a blank , shall dismisse the Youth , and cause the Ballot to procéed . To perfect the whole structure of this Common-wealth : some drections are given unto the third Essay , or Army marching , in order 30 The Thirtieth Order ; When thou goest to battel against thine enemies and seest Horses and Chariots , and a people more then thou ; be not affraid of them , for the Lord thy God is he that goeth with thee to fight for thee against thine enemies : And when thou dividest the spoile , it shall be as a statute and an Ordinance unto thee , that as his part is that goeth down to the battle , so shall his part be that tarryeth by the Stuffe : that is , as to the Commonwealth of Oceana ; The spoile taken of the enemy ( except Clothes , Armes , Horses , Ammunition and Uictuall , to be divided unto the Souldiery by the Strategus and the Polemarchs vpon the place according unto their Discretion ) shall be delivered unto four Commissaries of the Spoiles elected and sworn by the Councill of War , which Commissaries shall be allowd shipping by the State and convoyes according as occasion shall require by the Strategus ; to the end that having a bill of lading signed by thrée or more of the Polemarchs they may Ship and bring or cause such spoiles to be brought unto the Prize Office in Oceana , where they shall be sold , and the profit arising by such spoiles shall be divided into thrée parts whereof one shall go unto the Treasury , another shall be paid to the Souldiery of this Nation , a third unto the Auxiliaries , at their return from their service , provided that the said Auxiliaries be equall in number unto the proper forces of this Nation , otherwise their share shall be so much lesse as they are fewer in number : the rest of the two thirds to go unto the Officers and Souldiers of the proper forces ; and the spoiles so divided unto the proper forces shall be subdivided into thrée equall parts , whereof one shall go unto the Officers , and two unto the common Souldiers , the like for the Auxiliaries : and the share allotted unto the Officers , shall be divided into foure equall parts whereof one shall go to the Strategus , another unto the Polemarchs , a third unto the Colonels , and a fourth unto the Captaines , Cornets , Ensignes and under Officers , receiving their share of the spoile as common Souldiers . The like for the Auxiliaries : and this upon paine in the case of failure , of what the people of Oceana , unto whom the Cognizance of Peculate or Crimes of this nature is properly appertaining , shall adjudge or decrée . Upon these three last orders the Archon seemed to bee haranging at the head of his Army , in this manner . My dear Lords and Excellent Patriots A Government of this make , is a Cōmonwealth for increase . Of those for preservation , the inconveniences , and frailties have been shewn : their rootes are narrow , such as do not runne , have no fivers , their tops weak and dangerously exposed unto the weather ; except you chance to finde one ( as Venice ) planted in a flowerpot , and if shee grow , shee grows top-heavy , and falls too . But you cannot plant an Oak in a flowerpot : She must have earth for her root , and heaven for her branches . Imperium Oceano famam quae terminet astris . Rome was said ( Mole sua ruere ) to bee broken by her own weight , but Poetically . For that weight by which she was pretended to bee ruined , was supported in her Emperors , by a farre slighter foundation . And in the Common experience of good Architecture , there is nothing more known , than that buildings , stand the firmer and the longer for their own weight ; nor ever swerve through any other internal cause , than that their materials are corruptible ; but the people never dyes , nor , as a Political Body , are subject unto any other corruption than that which deriveth from their Government . Unlesse a man will deny the chain of causes in which hee denies God , hee must also acknowledge the chain of effects ; wherefore there can bee no effect in Nature , that is not from the first Cause , and those successive lincks of the chain , without which it could not have been . Now except a man can shew the contrary in a Commonwealth , if there bee no cause of corruption in the first make of it , there can never bee any such effect . Let no mans superstition , impose prophanenesse upon this assertion ; for as Man is sinful , and yet the world is perfect , so may the Citizen bee sinfull , and yet the Commonwealth bee perfect . And as man seeing the World is perfect , can never commit any such sin as can render it imperfect , or bring it unto a natural dissolution ; so the Citizen , where the common Wealth is perfect can never commit any such crime , as can render it imperfect ; or bring it unto a natural dissolution . To come unto experience , Venice , notwithstanding that wee have found some flaws in it , is the only Cōmonwealth , in the make wherof , no man can find a cause of dissolution ; for which reason wee behold her ( albeit she consist of men that are not without sin ) at this day with one thousand years upon her back , for any internal cause , as young , as fresh , and free from decay , or any appearance of it , as shee was born , but what ever in nature , is not sensible of decay by the course of a thousand years , is capable of the whole age of nature : by which calculation for any check that I am able to give my self ; a Commonwealth rightly ordered , may for any internal causes be as immortal , or long-lived as the World. But if this be true , those Commonwealths that are naturally fallen , must have derived their ruine from the rise of them . Israel and Athens , died not naturall , but violent deaths , in this manner the World is to dye ; wee are speaking of those causes of dissolution which are naturall unto government ; and they are but two , either Contradiction or Inequality , if a Common-wealth be a contradiction she must needs destroy her self ; and if she be unequal , it tends to strife , and strife to ruine . By the former of these fell Lacedemon , by the latter Rome . Lacedemon being made altogether for war , and yet not for increase , her natural progresse , became her natural dissolution , and the building of her own victorious hand , too heavy for her foundation ; so shee indeed fell by her own weight . But Rome through her native Inequality , which how it inv●terated the bosomes of the Senate and the people each against other , and even unto death hath been shewn at large . Look well unto it my Lords , for if there be a contradiction or inequality in your Commonwealth it must fall ; but if it have neither of these , it hath no principle of mortality , do not think mee impudent ; if this be truth , I should commit a grosse indiscretion , in concealing it . Sure I am that Machiavil , is for the immortality of a Commonwealth upon far weaker principles . If a Commonwealth ( saith he ) were so happy as to be provided often with men , that when she is swarving from her principles should reduce her unto her institution , shee would be immortall . But a Common-wealth , as we have demonstrated , swarveth not from her Principles , but by and through her institution , if she brought no byasse into the World with her , her course for any internal cause , must be streight forward , as we see is that of Venice , she cannot turn unto the right hand , nor to the left , but by some rubs , which is not an internal but an external cause , against such she can be no way fortifyed , but through her situation as is Venice , or through her Militia as was Rome ; by which examples a Common-wealth may be secure , or those also ; Think me not vain , for I cannot hold ; a Common-wealth that is rightly instituted can never swarve , nor one that is not rightly instituted be secured from swarving by reduction unto her principles , wherefore it is no less apparent in this place , that Machiavil understood not a Common-wealth as to the whole peice . As where having told you , That a Tribune or any other Citizen of Rome , might propose a Law unto the people , and debate it with them , he adds this order was good while the people were good , but when the people became evil , it became most pernicious ; as if this Order , through which with the like , the people most apparently became evil , could ever have been good ; or that the people , or the Commonwealth could ever have become good , by being reduced unto such principles as were the Original of their evil . The disease of Rome was , as hath been shewn , from the native inequality of her ballance , and no otherwise from the Empire of the World , which then as this falling into one scale , that of the Nobility ( an evil in such a Fabrick inevitable ) kickt out the People , wherefore a man that could have made her to throw away the Empire of the World , might in that have reduced her unto her principles , and yet have been so far from rendering her immortal , that going no farther hee should never have cured her . But your C. W. is founded upon an equal Agrarian ; and if the earth be given unto the Sonnes of men , this ballance , is the ballance of justice , such an one as in having due regard unto the different industry , of different men , yet faithfully judgeth the poor . And the King that faithfully judgeth the poor , his Throne shall be established for ever , much more the Commonwealth ; seeing that equality which is the necessary dissolution of Monarchy , is the generation , the very life and soul of a Commonwealth ; And now , if ever , I may be excusable , seeing that the Throne of a Commonwealth may be established for ever , is consonant unto the holy Scriptures . The ballance of a Commonwealth that is equal , is of such nature , that what ever falleth into her Empire , must fall equally , and if the whole earth fall into your scales , it must fall equally , & so you may be a greater people , and yet not swerve from your principles one hair . Nay you will be so far from that , that you must bring the world in such a case , unto your ballance , even unto the ballance of Justice . But hearken , My Lords , Are we on earth ? Do we see the Sun ? or are we visiting those shady places which are fained by the Poets ? ( Continuò audita voces , vagitus & ingens . ) These Gothick Empires that are yet in the world , were at the first , though they had legs of their own , but an heavy and unweildy burden , but their foundations being now broken , the Iron of them entereth even into the souls of the oppressed , and hear the voice of their Comforters . My father hath chastised you with whips , but I will chastise you with scorpions . Hearken , I say , if thy brother cry unto thee in affliction , wilt thou not hear him ? This is a Commonwealth of the fabrick , that hath an open ear , and a publick concernment , she is not made for her self only , but given as a Magistrate of God unto mankinde , for the vindication of common Right , and the law of Nature . Wherefore saith Cicero of the like , that of the Romans ( Nos magis patronatum orbis terrarum suscepimus , quam Imperium ) we have rather undertaken the Patronage than the Empire of the world . If you , not regarding this example , like some other Nations that are upon the point to smart for it , shall , having attained unto your own liberty , bear the sword of your common Magistracy , in vain , sit still ; and fold your arms , or which is worse , let out the blood of your people unto Tyrants to be shed in the defence of their yoaks , like water , and so not only turn the grace of God into wantonness , but his justice into wormwood . You are not now making a Commonwealth , but heaping coals of fire upon your own heads . A Commonwealth , I say , of this make is a Minister of God upon earth , to the end that the world may be governed with righteousness . For which cause ( that I may come at length unto our present business ) the orders last rehearsed are buds of Empire , such as with the blessing of God , may spread the arms of your Commonwealth , like an holy Asylum unto the distressed world , and give the earth her Sabbath of years , or rest from her labours under the shadow of your wings . It is upon this point where the writings of Machiavil having for the rest excelled all other Authors , come as far to excel themselves . ( Commonwealths , saith he , have had three wayes of propagating themselves , One after the manner of Monarchies , by imposing the yoak , which was the way of Athens , and towards the latter times of Lacedemon ; Another by equal leagues , which is the way of Switz ( I shall adde of Holland though since his time ) A third by unequal leagues , which to the shame of the world , was never practised ; nay nor so much as seen , or minded by any other Commonwealth , but that only of Rome . They will each of them either for caution , or imitation , be worthy to be well weighed , which is the proper work of this place . Athens and Lacedemon , have been the occasion of great scandal to the world , in two , or at least one of two regards . The first their emulation , which involved Greece in perpetual wars , the second their way of propagation , which by imposing yoaks upon others , was plainly contradictory to their own principles . For the first , Governments bee they of what kinde soever , if they bee planted too close , are like trees , that impatient in their growth to have it hindred , eat out one another . It was not unknown unto these , in contemplation , or ( if you read the story of Agesilaus ) in action , that either of them with thirty thousand men might have mastered the East , and certainly , if the one had not stood in the others light , Alexander had come too late to that end , which was the means ( and would be if they were to live again ) of ruine , at the least unto one of them : wherefore with any man that understandeth the nature of Government , this is excusable ; so it was between Oceana and Marpesia ; so it is between France and Spain ( though lesse excusable ) and so it ever will bee in like cases . But to come unto the second occasion of scandal by them given , which was in the way of their propagation , it is not excusable : for they brought their confederates under bondage ; by which means Athens gave occasion of the Peloponesian warre , the wound of which shee dy'd stinking , when Lacedemon , taking the same infection from her carkasses , soon followed . Wherefore my Lords , let these bee warnings unto you , not to make that liberty which God hath given you , a snare unto others , in using this kind of inlargement of your selves . The Second way of Propagation or inlargement used by Common-wealths , is that of Switz and Holland , equal leagues ; this , though it be not otherwise mischievous , is uselesse to the world , and dangerous unto themselves ; uselesse unto the world , for as the former governments were Storks , these are blocks , have no sense of honour , or concernment in the sufferings of others . But as the Aetolians a state of the like fabrick , were reproached by Phillip of Macedon , prostrate themselves , by letting out their arms unto the lusts of others : while they have their own liberty barren , and without legitimate issue . I do not defame the people , the Switz for valour have no superior , the Hollander for industry no equal : but themselves in the mean time shall so much the less excuse their Governments , seeing that unto the Switz it is well enough known , that the Ensigns of his Common-wealth have no other Motto then ( in te converte manus ) and that of the Hollander , though hee swear more gold than the Spaniard digs , let 's him languish in debt , for shee her self lives upon charity , these are dangerous unto themselves , precarious governments , such as do not command , but beg their bread from Province to Province ; in Coats that being patched up of all colours are of none . That their Cantons and Provinces are so many arrows , is good ; but they are so many bows too , which is naught . Like unto these was the Commonwealth of the ancient Tuscans , hung together like Bobbins , without an hand to weave with them , therefore easily overcome by the Romans , though at that time ; for number , a far lesse considerable people . If your liberty be not a root that grows , it will be a branch that withers , which consideration brings mee unto the Paragon , the Common-wealth of Rome . The ways and means whereby the Romans acquired the Patronage , and in that the Empire of the world , were different , according unto the different Condition of their Commonwealth in her rise , and in her growth ; in her rise shee proceeded rather by Colonies , in her growth by unequal Leagues . Colonies without the bounds of Italy shee planted none ( such dispersion of the Roman Citizen , as to plant him in forreign parts , til the contrary interest of the Emperors brought in that practice , was unlawful ) nor did shee ever demolish any City within that Compass ; or divest it of liberty , but whereas the most of them were Commonwealths , stirred up by emulation of her great felicity , to war against her , if shee overcame any she confiscated some part of their Lands that were the greatest incendiaries , or causes of the trouble , upon which shee planted Colonies of her own people , preserving the Lands and Liberties for the rest , unto the natives or inhabitants . By this way of proceeding , ( that I may bee brief as is possible ) she did many and great things . For in confirming of Liberty , shee propagated her Empire , in holding the inhabitants from rebellion , shee put a curb upon the incursion of Enemies ; in exonerating her self of the poorer sort , shee multiplied her Citizens , in rewarding her veterans , shee rendered the rest lesse seditious , and in acquiring unto her self the reverence of the Common parent , shee from time to time became the Mother of New-born Cities . In her farther growth the way of her propagation , went more upon Leagues , which for the first division were of two kindes , Social and Provincial . Again , Social Leagues , or Leagues of Society , were of two kindes . The first called , Latinity or Latine ; The second Italian Right . The League between the Romans and the Latins , or Latine Right , approached nearest unto ( Jus Quiritium ) the right of a native Roman , The Man or the City that was honoured with this Right was ( Civitate donatus cum suffragio ) adopted a Citizen of Rome , with the right of giving suffrage with the people in some cases , as those of Confirmation , of Law , or Determination in Judicature , if both the Consuls were agreed , not otherwise ; wherefore that coming to little , the greatest and most peculiar part of this Priviledge was , that who had born Magistracy ( at least that of Aedile or Quaestor ) in any Latine City , was by consequence of the same a Citizen of Rome at all points . Italian Right was also donation of the City , but without Suffrage ; they who were in either of these Leagues , were governed by their own Laws and Magistrates , having all the Rights , as to liberty of Citizens of Rome , yeelding and paying to the Commonwealth as head of the League , and having the Conduct of all Affairs appertaining to the Common Cause , such aid of Men and Monies as were particularly agreed upon the merit of the cause , and specified in their respective Leagues , whence such Leagues came to be called equal or unequal accordingly . Provincial Leagues were of different extention , according unto the Merit and Capacity of a conquered people , but of one kinde , for every Province was governed by Roman Magistrates , as a Praetor or a Consul , according to the dignity of the Province , for the Civil Administration , and conduct of the Provincial Army : And a Quaestor for the gathering of the publick Revenue , from which Magistrates , a Province might appeal unto Rome . For the better understanding of these particulars , I shall exemplifie in as many of them as is needful : And first , in Macedon . The Macedonians were thrice conquered by the Romans , first under the conduct of T. Quintus Flaminius , secondly under that of L. Aemilius Paulus ; and thirdly , under that of Q. Caecilius Metellus , thence called Macedonicus . For the first time ( Pax petenti Philippo data , Graeciae libertas ) Philip of Macedon , who ( possessed of Acro Corinthus ) boasted no less than was true , that he had Greece in fetters , being overcome by Flaminius , had his Kingdome restored unto him , upon condition that he should forthwith set all the Cities which he held in Greece , and in Asia at liberty ; and that he should not make war out of Macedon , but by leave of the Senate of Rome , which Philip ( having no other way to save any thing ) agreed should be done accordingly . The Grecians being at this time assembled at the Istmian Games , where the concourse was mighty great , a Cryer , appointed unto the office by Flaminius , was heard among them proclaiming all Greece to be free ; to which the people being amazed , at so hopeless a thing , gave little credit , till they received such testimony of the truth as put it past all doubt , whereupon they fell immediately on running unto the Proconsul , with Flowers and Garlands , and such violent expressions of their admiration and joy , as if Flaminius a young man ( about some thirty three ) had not also been very strong , hee must have dyed of no other death then their kindness , while every one striving to touch his hand , they bore him up and down the field with an unruly throng , full of such Ejaculations as these ; How ! Is there a people in the world , that at their own Charge , at their own Peril , will fight for the liberty of another ! Did they live at the next door unto this fire ! Or what kinde of men are these , whose business it is to pass Seas , that the World may be governed with righteousness ! The Cities of Greece and of Asia shake off their Iron fetters at the voyce of a Cryer ! Was it madness to imagine such a thing , and is it done ! O Vertue ! O Felicity ! O Fame ! In this example your Lordships have a Donation of Liberty , or of Italian Right unto a people , by restitution to what they had formerly enjoyed , and some particular Men , Families , or Cities , according unto their merit of the Romans , if not upon this , upon like occasions were gratified with Latinity . But Philips share by this means did not please him , wherefore the League was broken by his son Perseus . And the Macedonians thereupon for the second time conquered by Aemilius Paulus , their King taken , and they sometime after the Victory , summoned unto the Tribunal of the General ; where remembring how little hope they ought to have of pardon , they expected some dreadful sentence . When Aemilius in the first place declared the Macedonians to be free , in the full possession of their Lands , Goods , and Laws , with right to elect annual Magistrates , yeelding and paying unto the people of Rome one half of the Tribute which they were accustomed to pay unto their own Kings . This done he went on , making so skilful a division of the Country , in order to the methodizing of the people , and casting them into a form of popular Government . That the Macedonians being first surprized with the vertue of the Romans , began now to alter the scene of their Admiration , that a stranger to them should do such things for them in their own Country , and with such facility , as they had never so much as once imagined to be possible . Nor was this all , for Aemilius , as if not dictating to conquered Enemies , but to some well-deserving friends , gave them in the last place Laws , so suitable , and contrived with such care and prudence , that long use and experience ( the only Correctress of works of this nature ) could never finde a fault in them . In this Example you have a Donation of Liberty , or of Italian Right , unto a people that had not tasted of it before , but were now taught how to use it . My Lords , The Royallists should compare what we are doing , and we what hitherto we have done for them , vvith this example . It is a shame that while wee are boasting up our selves above all , we should be so far from imitating such examples as these , that we do not so much as understand , that if Government be the parent of manners , where there be no Heroical Vertues , there is no Heroical Government . But the Macedonians rebelling ( at the name of a false Philip ) the third time against the Romans , were by them judged incapable of Liberty , and reduced by Metellus unto a Province . Now whereas it remains , that I explain the nature of a Province , I shall rather choose that of Sicely , because having been the first that the Romans made , the descriptions of the rest relate to it . We have so received the Sicilian Cities into amity ( saith Cicero ) that they enjoy their ancient Laws , and upon no other condition than of the same obedience unto the people of Rome , which they formerly yeelded unto their own Princes or Superiors . So the Sicilians , whereas they had been parcelled forth unto divers Princes , and into divers States , the cause of perpetual Wars , whereby hewing one another down , they became Sacrifices unto the ambition of their Neighbours , or of some Invader , were now received at the old rate into a new Protection , which could hold them , and in which no Enemy durst touch them ; nor was it possible ( as the case stood with such ) for the Sicilians to receive , or for the Romans to give more . A Roman Province is defined by Sigonius , a Region having Provinciall Right . Provinciall Right in general , was to bee Governed by a Roman Praetor , or Consull , in matter , at lest , of State , and of the Militia . And by a Quaestor , whose Office it was to receive the Publicks Revenue . Provinciall Right in particular , was different , according unto the different Leagues , or Agreements between the Common-wealth , and the People reduced unto a Province . ( Siculi hoc jure sunt , ut quod civis cum cive agat , domi certet suis legibus , quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem Civitatis , ut de eo Praetor Judices , ex P : Rupilii Decreto , Sortiatur . Quod privatus a Populo petit , aut populus a privato , Senatus ex aliqua Civitate , qui judicet , datur , cui alterna Civitates rejectae sunt . Quod civis Romanus a Siculo petit , Siculus Judex datur ; quod Siculus a cive Romano ; civis Romanus datur . Ceterarum rerum selecti Judices . ex civium Romanorum conventu proponi solent . Inter aratores & decumanos lege frumentaria , quam Hieronicam appellant , judicia fiunt . ) Because the rest would oblige mee unto a discourse too large for this place , it shall suffice that I have shewed you how it was in Sicely . My Lords , Upon the Fabrick of your Provinciall Orbe I shall not hold you ; because it is sufficiently described in the Order , and I cannot beleeve that you think it inferiour to the way of a Praetor and a Quastor . But whereas the Provinciall way of the Roman Common-wealths was that whereby shee held the Empire of the World , and your Orbes are intended to bee capable at the least of the like use ; there may arise many Controversies . As whether such a course bee lawfull , whether it bee feizable ? and seeing that the Romans ruined upon that point , whether it would not bee unto the destruction of the Common-wealth ? For the first , If the Empire of a Common-wealth bee a Patronage , to ask whether it bee lawfull for a Commonwealth to aspire unto the Empire of the World , is to ask whether it bee lawfull for her to do her duty , or to put the World into a better condition than it was before . And to ask whether this bee feizable , is to ask why the Oceanar , being under the like administration of Government , may not do as much with two hundred men as the Roman did with one hundred , for comparing their Commonwealths in their rise , the difference is yet greater . Now that Rome ( seris Avaritia Luxuriaque ) through the naturall thirst of her constitution , came at length with the fulnesse of her Provinces , to burst her self , this is no otherwise to bee understood , than as when a man that from his owne evill constitution , had contracted the Dropsie , dyes with drinking : It being apparent that in case her Agrarian had held , shee could never have been thus ruined ; And I have already demonstrated that your Agrarian being once poysed , can never break or swarve . Wherefore to draw towards some Conclusion of this Discourse , let mee inculcate the use , by selecting a few considerations out of many . The regard had in this place unto the Empire of the World , appertaineth to a well-ordered Commonwealth , more especially for two Reasons . 1 The facility of this great enterprize , by a Government of the Modell proposed . 2 The danger that you would run , in the omission of such a Government . The facility of this enterprize , upon the grounds already laid , must needs bee great , forasmuch as the Empire of the World hath been , both in reason and experience , the necessary consequence of a Common-wealth of this nature only , for though it have been given unto all kinds to drive at it , inasmuch as that of Athens , or Lacedemon , if the one had not hung in the others light ; might have gained it , yet could neither of them have held it ; not Athens , through the manner of her propagation , which being by down-right Tyranny , could not preserve what shee had ; nor Lacedemon , because shee was overthrown by the weight of a less Conquest . The facility then of this great Enterprize , being peculiar unto that popular Government ; I shall consider it , First , In gaining ; And secondly , In holding . For the former ( Volenti non fit injuria ) it is said of the people under Eumenes , that they would not have changed their subjection for liberty , wherefore the Romans gave them no disturbance . If a people be contented with their Government , it is a certain sign that it is good , and much good do them with it . The sword of the Magistracy is for a terror unto them that do evil . Eumenes had the fear of God , or of the Romans before his eyes , concerning such hee hath given you no Commission . But till wee can say here are the Romans , where is Eumenes ? Do not think that the late appearances of God unto you , have been altogether for your selves ; he hath surely seen the affliction of your Brethren , and heard their cry , by reason of their task-masters . For to believe otherwise , is not only to be mindlesse of his wayes , but altogether deaf . If you have ears to hear , this is the way in which you will assuredly bee called upon : for if while there is no Stock of Liberty , no sanctuary of the afflicted , it bee a common object , to behold a people casting themselves out of the pan of one Prince , into the fire of another : what can you think , but if the world should see the Roman Eagle again , shee would renew her age , and her flight ? nor ever did shee spread her wing with better Omen , then will be read in your Ensigns , which if called in by an oppressed people , they interpose between them and their Yoak ; the people themselves must either do nothing in the mean time , or have no more pains to take for their wished fruit than to gather it , if that bee not done for them . Wherefore this must needs bee easy , and yet you have a greater facility , than is in the arm of flesh ; for if the cause of mankind , bee the cause of God ; the Lord of Hosts will bee your Captain , and you shall bee a praise unto the Earth . The facility of holding , is in the way of your Propagation ; if you take that of Athens and Lacedemon ; you shall rain snares , but either catch or hold nothing . Lying lips are an abomination unto the Lord , if setting up for liberty you impose yoaks , hee will assuredly destroy you ; On the other side , to go about a work of this nature , by a League without an head , is to abdicate that Magistracy , wherewithall hee hath not only indued you , but whereof hee will require an account of you ; for cursed is hee that doth the work of the Lord negligently . Wherefore you are to take the course of Rome : if you have subdued a Nation that is capable of liberty , you shall make them a present of it , as did Flaminius unto Greece , and Aemilius unto Macedon ; reserving unto your selves some part of that revenue , which was legally paid unto the former Government , together with the right of being head of the League , which includeth such Levyes of men and mony as shall bee necessary for the carrying on of the publick work , for if a people have by your means attained unto freedom , they owe both unto the cause and you , such aid as may propagate the like fruit unto the rest of the world . But whereas every Nation is not capable of her liberty unto this degree , lest you be put , to doing and undoing of things , as the Romans were in Macedon , you shall diligently observe what Nation is fit for her liberty unto this degree , and what not ; which is to be done by two marks , the first if shee bee willing to help the Lord against the mighty ; for if shee have no care of the Liberty of mankind , shee deserveth not her own ; but because in this you may be deceived by pretences , which continuing for a while specious , may afterwards vanish ; the other is more certain , and that is , if shee bee capable of an equal Agrarian ; which that it was not observed by excellent Aemilius , in his Donation of Liberty , and introduction of a Popular State among the Macedonians , I am more then moved to believe , for two reasons , the first because at the same time the Agrarian was odious unto the Roman Patricians ; the second , that the Pseudo-Phillip could afterwards so easily recover Macedon , which could not have happened , but by the Nobility , and their impatience having great estates , to bee equalled with the people , for that the people should otherwise , at the meer sound of a name , have thrown away their liberty , is incredible ; Wherefore bee assured ▪ that the Nation where you cannot establish an equal Agrarian , is incapable of her liberty , as to this kinde of Donation . For example , except the Aristocracy in Marpesia , bee dissolved , neither can that people , have their liberty there , nor you govern at home , for they continuing still liable to bee sold by their Lords , unto forrain Princes , there will never ( especially in a Country of which there is no other profit to be made ) bee want of such Merchants and drovers , while you must be the market where they are to receive their second payment . Nor can the Aristocracy there be dissolved but by your means , in relation whereunto , you are provided with your Provincial Orb , which being proportioned unto the measure of the Nation that you have vindicated or conquered , will easily hold it ; for there is not a people in the world more difficult to be held than the Marpesians , which though by themselves it be given unto their own nature , is truly to be attributed unto that of their Country : Nevertheless you having nine thousand men upon the continual guard of it , that threatned by any sudden insurrection , have places of retreat ; and an Army of forty thousand men upon a dayes warning ready to march unto their rescue , it is not to be rationally shewn , which way they can possibly slip out of your hands ; and if a man shall think , that upon a Province more remote , and divided by Sea , you have not the like hold ; he hath not so well considered your wings , as your talons , your shipping being of such nature , as maketh the descent of your Armies almost of equal facility in any Country , so that what you take , you hold , both because your Militia being already populous , will bee of great growth in it self , and through the confederates , by whom in taking and holding , you are still more inabled to take and hold . Nor shall you easilier hold , then the people under your Empire or Patronage be held ( My Lords , I would not go unto the door ; to see whether it be ( rimarum plena ) close shut , this is no under-board dealing , nor game , at which he shall have any advantage against you that sees your Cards , but to the contrary the advantage shall be your own ) for with eighteen thousand men ( which number I put , because it circulates your Orb by the annual charge of six thousand ) having set the matters in the order shewn , you will be able to hold the greatest Province , and eighteen thousand men , allowing them greater pay than any Prince ever gave , will not stand the Province in one Million revenue ; * In consideration whereof , they shall have their own estates free unto themselves , be governed by their own Laws and Magistrates ; which if the Revenue of the Province be in dry rent ( as there may be some that are four times as big as Oceana ) forty millions , will bring it with that of industry ( to speak with the least ) unto twice the value , so that the people there , who at this day are so oppressed , that they have nothing at all whereupon to live , shall for one Million paid unto you , receive at the least seventy nine unto their proper use , in which place I appeal unto any man , whether the Empire described , can be other than the Patronage of the world . Now if you adde unto the propagation of Civil Liberty , ( what is so natural unto this Commonwealth that it cannot bee omitted ) the Propagation of the Liberty of Conscience , this Empire , this Patronage of the world , is the Kingdome of Christ. For as the Kingdome of God the Father , was a Commonwealth , so shall be the Kingdome of God the Son ; The people shall be willing in the day of his power , Psal. 110.3 . Having shewed you in this , and other places some of those inestimable benefits of this kinde of Government , together with the natural and facile emanation of them from their fountain . I come ( lest God , who hath appeared unto you , for hee is the God of Nature , in the glorious Constellation of these subordinate causes , whereof wee have hitherto been taking the true elevation , should shake off the dust of his feet against you ) to warn you of your dangers , which you , not taking the opportunity , will run by omission . Machiavil speaking of the defect of Venice , through her want of proper Arms , cryes out ( Questo tagliogli le gambe da montar in cielo ) this cut her wings , and spoyled her mount unto heaven . If you lay your Commonwealth upon any other foundation , then the people , you frustrate your self of proper Arms , and so lose the Empire of the World ; nor is this all , but some other Nation will have it . Columbus offered gold unto one of your Kings , through whose happy incredulity , another Prince hath drunk the poyson , even unto the consumption of his people ; but I do not offer you a nerve of war that is made of purs-strings , such an one as hath drawn the face of the earth into convulsions , but such an one as is natural unto her health and beauty . Look you to it , where there is tumbling and tossing upon the bed of sickness , it must end in death , or recovery . Though the people of the world in the dregs of Gothick Empire , bee yet tumbling and tossing upon the bed of sickness , they cannot dye , nor is there any means of recovery for them , but by ancient prudence , whence of necessity it must come to pass , that this drug bee better known . If France , Italy and Spain , were not all sick , all corrupted together , there would bee none of them so , for the sick would not bee able to withstand the sound , nor the sound to preserve her health without curing of the sick . The first of these Nations ( which if you stay her leasure , will in my minde bee France ) that recovers the health of ancient Prudence , shall assuredly govern the world ; for what did Italy when shee had it ? And as you were in that , so shall you in the like case bee reduced unto a Province , I do not speak at randome . Italy , ( L. Aemilio Papo . C. Atilio Regulo Cos. ) armed upon the Gallick Tumult that then happened of her self , and without the aid of forreign Auxiliaries , Seventy thousand Horse , and Seven hundred thousand Foot ; but as Italy is the least of those three Countries in extent , so is France the greatest in Population . I , decus , I nostrum , melioribus utere fatis . My dear Lords , Oceana is as the Rose of Sharon , and the Lilly of the Valley . As the Lilly among thorns , such is my Love among the Daughters . She is comely as the Tents of Kedar , and terrible as an Army with Banners . Her neck is as the Tower of David , builded for an Armory , whereon there hang a thousand Bucklers , and Shields of mighty men . Let me hear thy voyce in the morning , whom my soul loveth . The South hath dropped , and the West is breathing upon thy Garden of Spices . Arise Queen of the earth ; Arise holy Spouse of Jesus , For lo the Winter is past , the Rain is over and gone . The Flowers appear on the earth , the time of singing of birds is come , and the voyce of the Turtle is heard in our Land. Arise I say , come forth , and do not tarry ; ah ! wherefore should mine eyes behold thee by the rivers of Babylon , hanging thy harpes upon the willows , thou fairest among women ? Excellent Patriots . If the people bee soveraign , here is that which establisheth their Praerogative . If wee be sincere , here is that which disburdeneth our souls , maketh good all our ingagements . If we be charitable , here is that which imbraceth all Partyes . If wee would bee setled , here is that which will stand . If our Religion bee any thing else but a vain boast , scratching and defacing humane nature or reason , which being the image of God , makes it a kinde of murther , here is that Empire , whence Justice shall runne down like a river , and judgement like a mighty stream , Amos 5.24 . who is it then that calls us ? or what is in our way ? a Lyon , is it not the Dragon that old Serpent ? for what wretched shifts are these ? Here is a great deal , might wee not have some of this at one time , and some at another ? My Lords , permit me to give you the sum or brief Epitome of the whole Common-Wealth . THe Center or Fundamental Laws are first the Agrarian proportioned at two thousand pounds a year in Land , lying and being within the proper territory of Oceana , and so stateing Propriety in Land at such a ballance , that the Power can never swarve out of the hands of the many . Secondly , The Ballot conveying this equal sap , from the root by an equal election or rotation , into the branches of Magistracy or Soveraign power . The Orbes of this Common-wealth being Civil , Military , or Provincial , are as it were cast upon this Mold or Center , by the Divisions of the People ; first into Citizens and Servants : Secondly , Into Youth and Elders : Thirdly , Into such as have one hundred pound a year in Lands , Goods , or Monies , who are of the Horse , and such as have under , who are of the Foot. Fourthly , by their usual residence into Parishes , hundreds , and Tribes . The Civil Orbs consist of the Elders , and are thus Created , every Monday next ensuing the last of December , the Elders in every Parish , elect the fifth man to be a Deputy , half a days work , every Monday next ensuing the last of Ianuary , the Deputies meet at their respective hundred , and elect out of their number one Iustice of the Peace , one Iury-man , one Coroner , and one High-Constable of the Foot ; one days work . Every Monday next ensuing the last of February , the Hundreds meet at their respective Tribe , and there elect the Lords High-Sheriffe , Lieutenant , Gustos Rotulorum , the Conductor , the two Censors out of the Horse , the Magistrates of the Tribe , and of the hundreds , with the Iury-men constituting the Phylarch , assist in their respective Offices at the Assizes , hold the Quarter Sessions , &c. The day following the Tribe elects , the annual Galaxy , consisting of two Knights , and three Deputies out of the Horse , with four Deputies of the Foot , thereby indued with Power , as Magistrates of the whose Nation for the term of three years : an Officer chosen at the Hundred , may not bee elected a Magistrate of the Tribe , but a Magistrate or Officer , either of the Hundred or of the Tribe , being elected into the Galary may substitute any one of his own Order , unto his Magistracy or Office in the Hundred , or in the Tribe ; This of the Muster is two days work , so the body of the People is annually at the charge of three days work , and an half , in their own Tribes , for the perpetuation of their power , receiving over and above the Magistracies so divided among them . Every Monday next ensuing the last of March ; The Knights being an Hundred in all the Tribes , take their places in the Senate ; The Knights having taken their Places in the Senate , make the third Region of the same ; and the house proceeds unto the Senatorian Elections . Senatorian Elections are annual , biennial , or emergent . The Annual are performed by the Tropick . The Tropick is a Scedule consisting of two parts , the first by which the Senatorian Magistrates are elected , the second , by which the Senatorian Councils are perpetuated . The first part is of this Tenor. The Lord Strategus . The Lord Orator . The first Censor . The second Censor . Annual Magistrates , and therfore such as may bee elected out of any Region ; the term of every region , having at the Tropick one year at the least unexpired . The third Cōmissioner of the Seal . The third Cōmissioner of the Treasury . Triennial Magistrates , and therefore such as can bee chosen out of the third Region only , as that alone , which hath the term of three years unexpired . The Strategus and the Orator sitting are Consuls , or Presidents of the Senate . The Strategus marching is General of the Army , in which case a new Strategus is elected to sit in his room . The Strategus sitting with the six Commissioners being Counsellors of the Nation , are the Signory of the Commonwealth . The Censors are Magistrates of the Ballot , Presidents of the Council for Religion , and Chancellors of the Universities . The second part of the Tropick , perpetuateth the Council of State , by the election of five Knights , out of the first Region of the Senate , to be the first Region of that Council , consisting of fifteen Knights , five in every Region . The like is done by the election of four into the Council of Religion , and four into the Council of Trade , out of the same Region in the Senate , each of these Councils consisting of twelve Knights , four in every Region . But the Council of Warre consisting of nine Knights , three in every Region , is elected by and out of the Council of State , as the other Councils are elected by and out of the Senate ; And if the Senate add a Iuncta of nine Knights more , elected out of their own number , for the term of three months , the Council of Warre by vertue of that addition , is Dictator of Oceana for the said term . The Signory ioyntly or severally hath right of Session , and Suffrage in every Senatorian Council , and to propose either unto the Senate , or any of them . And every Region in a Council electing one weekly Provost ; any two of those Provosts , have power also to propose unto their respective Council , as the proper and peculiar proposers of the same : for which cause they hold an Academy , where any man either by word of mouth , or writeing , may propose unto the Proposers . Next unto the elections of the Tropick , is the Biennial Election of one Embassadour in ordinary , by the Ballot of the House , unto the Residence of France , at which time the Resident of France , removes to Spain , he of Spain , to Venice , hee of Venice , to Constantinople , and hee of Constantinople returns . So the Orbe of the Residents , is wheeled about in eight years , by the Biennial election of one Embassadour in Ordinary . The last kind of Election is emergent . Emergent Elections are made by the Scruteny . Election by Scruteny , is when a Competitor being made by a Council , and brought into the Senate : The Senate chooseth four more Competitors unto him , and putting all the five unto the Ballot , hee who hath most above half the Suffrages is the Magistrate . The Polemarches , or Field Officers , are chosen by the Scruteny of the Council of Warre : An Embassadour extraordinary by the Scruteny of the Council of State : the Iudges and Serieants at Law by the Scruteny of the Seal , and the Barons , and prime Officers of the Exchequer , by the Scruteny of the Treasury . The opinion , or opinions that are legitimately proposed unto any Council must bee debated by the same , and so many as are resolved upon the debate , are introduced into the Senate , where they are debated and resolved , or reiected by the whole house : that which is resolved by the Senate is a Decree , which is good in matter of State , but no law except it bee proposed unto , and resolved by the prerogative . The Deputies of the Galaxy being three horse and four foot in a Tribe , amount in all the Tribes unto one hundred and fifty horse , and two hundred foot , which having entred the Prerogative ▪ and chosen their Captains , Gornet and Ensign ( triential Officers , ) make the third Classis consisting of one Troop , and one Company , and so ioyning with the whole Prerogative , elect four annual Magistrates , called Tribunes , whereof two are of the Horse , and two of the foot , these have the command of the Prerogative Sessions and Suffrage in the Council of war , and Sessions without Suffrage in the Senate . The Senate having past a Decree which they would propose unto the people , cause it to be printed and published , or promulgated for the space of six weeks , which being Ordered , they choose their Proposers , The Proposers must bee Magistrates , that is , the Commissioners of the Seal , those of the Treasury , or the Censors . These being chosen , desire the Muster of the Tribunes , and appoint the day . The people being assembled at the day appointed , and the Decree proposed , that which is proposed by authority of the Senate , and commanded by the People is the Law of Oceana , or an Act of Parliament . So the Parliament of Oceana consisteth of the Senate proposing , and the People resolving . The People , or Prerogative are also the Supream Iudicatory of this Nation , having power of hearing and determining all Causes of appeal from all Magistrates , or Courts Provinciall , or Domestick , as also to question any Magistrate , the term of his Magistracy being expired : if the Case be introduced by the Tribunes or any one of them . The Military Orbs consist of the Youth , that is , such as are from eighteen to thirty years of age : and are thus created . Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of December , the Youth of every Parish assembling , elect the fifth of their number to be their Deputies , the Deputies of the Youth , are called Stratiots , and this is the first Essay . Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of Ianuary , the Stratiots assembling at the hundred , elect their Captain and their Ensign , and fall to their game . Every Wednesday next ensuing the last of February , the Stratiots are received by the Lord Lieutenant their Commander in Chief , with the Conductors and the Censors , and having been disciplin'd and entertained with other Games , are called unto the Urnes , where they elect the second Essay , consisting of two hundred horse and six hundred foot in a Tribe , that is , often thousand Horse , and thirty thousand foot in all the Tribes , which is the standing Army of this Nation , to march at any warning ; they also elect at the same time , a part of the third Essay , by the mixture of balls marked with the letter M. and the letter P. for Marpesia and Panopea , they of either mark being ten Horse and fifty foot in a Tribe , that is , five hundred horse and two thousand foot in all the Tribes , which are forthwith to march to their respective Provinces . But the third Essay of this Nation more properly so called , is when the Strategus with the Polemarches ( the Senate and the People , or the Dictator having Decreed a Warre ) receive in return of his Warrants the second Essay from the hands of the Conductors at the Randezvouz of Oceana , which Army marching with all Accommodations , Provided by the Council of Warre , the Senate elects a new Strategus , and the Lords Lieutenants , a new second Essay . A Youth except he bee an onely sonne , refusing any one of his three Essays without sufficient cause , shewn unto the Phylarch , or the Censors , is uncapable of Magistracy , and is fined a fift part of his yearly rent , or of his Estate for Protection . In case of Invasion the Elders are obliged unto like duty with the Youth , and upon their own Charge . The Provincial Orbe consisting in part of the Elders , and in part of the Youth , is thus created . Four Knights out of the first Region falling , are elected in the Senate , to bee the first Region of the Provincial Orbe of Marpesia , these being triennial Magistrates , take their places in the Provincial Council , consisting of twelve Knights , for in every Region , each Region choosing there weekly Provosts , of the Council thus constituted , one Knight more chosen out of the same Region in the Senate , being an annual Magistrate is President , with power to propose , and the opinions proposed by the President , or any two of the Provosts are Debated by the Council , and if occasion bee of farther power or instruction , than they yet have transmitted unto the Council of State , with which the Provincial is to hold Intelligence . The President of this Councill is also Strategus , or General of the Provincial Army , wherefore the Conductors upon notice of his Election , and appointment of his Randezvous , deliver unto him the Stratiots of his Letter , which hee takes with him into his Province : and the Provincial Army having received the new Strategus , with the third Classis , the Council dismisseth the old Strategus with the first Classis . The like is done for Panopea , or any other Province . But whereas the term of every other Magistracy or election in this Common-wealth , whether annual or triennial , requireth an equal Uacation , the term of a Provincial Counsellor or Magistrate , requireth no vacation at all . The Coram of a Provincial , as also that of every other Council and assembly , requireth two thirds in a time of health , and one third in a time of sickness . — ( Insula Portum Efficit objectu laterum , geminique minantur In coelum scopuli , quorum suo vertice latè Aequora tuta silent ) I think I have omitted nothing , but the Props and Scaffolds which are not of use but in building . And how much is here ? Shew me another Commonwealth in this compass ? How many things ? Shew me another intire Government consisting but of thirty Orders . If you go to suit there lye unto some of your Courts two hundred original Writs ; If you stir your hand , there go more nerves and bones unto the motion ; If you play , you have more Cards in the pack ; nay you could not sit with your ease in that chair , if it consisted not of more parts , will you not allow unto your Legislator , what you can afford your Upholdster ; unto the Throne , what is necessary to a Chair ? My Lords , If you will have fewer Orders in a Common-wealth you will have more , for where she is not perfect at first , every day , every houre will produce a new Order , the end whereof is to have no Order at all , but to grinde with the clack of some Demagoge ; Is hee providing already for his golden Thumb ? Lift up your heads ; Away with Ambition , that fulsome complexion of a States-man , tempered like Sylla's ( Luto cum sanguine ) with blood and muck . And the Lord give unto his Senators wisdome , and make our faces to shine , that we may be a light unto them that sit in darkness , and the shadow of death , to guide their feet in the way of peace . — In the Name of God , What 's the matter ! — Philadelphus the Secretary of the Council , having performed his task in reading the several Orders , as you have seen , upon the receit of a Packet , it should seem from his correspondent Boccalini , Secretary of Parnassus , in reading one of the letters , burst forth into such a violent passion of weeping , and down-right howling , that your Legislators being startled with the apprehension of some horrid news ; one of them had no sooner snatched the letter out of his hand , then the rest crying Read , Read , he obeyed in this manner . The third instant , his Phaebean Majesty , having taken the nature of free States into his Royal consideration , and being steadily perswaded , that the Laws in such Governments are incomparably better , and more assuredly directed unto the good of mankinde , than in any other , that the courage of such a people is the aptest tindar , unto noble fire , that the genius of such a soyl is that wherein the roots of good literature are least worm-eaten with Pedantisme , and where their fruits have ever come unto the greatest maturity , and highest relish , conceived such a loathing of their Ambition and Tyranny , who usurping the liberty of their native Countries , become slaves to themselves , in as much as be it never so contrary unto their own nature or consciences , they have taken the earnest of sin , and are ingaged to persecute all men that are good . ( For , Nemo unquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit ) with the same or greater rigor , than is ordained by Laws for the wicked , assembled all the Senators residing in the learned Court at the Theater of Melpomene , where he caused Caesar the Dictator to come upon the Stage , and his Sister Actia ; his Nephew Augustus , Julia his Daughter , with the children which she had by Marcus Agrippa , Lucius , and Cajus Caesars , Agrippa Posthumus , Julia , and Agrippina , with the numerous Progeny which she bare unto her renowned husband Germanicus , to enter . A miserable Scene in any , but most deplorable in the eies of Caesar , thus beholding what havock his prodigious ambition , not satisfied with his own bloody ghost , had made upon his more innocent Remains , even unto the total extinction of his Family . For it is ( seeing where there is any humanity , there must be some compassion ) not to be spoken without tears , that of the full branches deriving from Octavia , the elder sister , and Julia the Daughter of Augustus , there should not be one fruit or blossome that was not cut off , or blasted , by the Sword , Famine , or Poyson . Now might the great soul of Caesar have been full ; and yet that which powred in as much or more , was to behold that execrable race of the Claudii , having hunted , and sucked his blood with the thirst of Tygars , to be rewarded with the Roman Empire , and remain in full possession of the famous Patrimony : A spectacle to pollute the light of heaven . Nevertheless as if Caesar had not yet enough , his Phaebean Majesty caused to be introduced on the other side of the Theater , the most illustrious and happy Prince Andrea Doria , with his dear posterity , imbraced by the soft and constant arms of the City Genoa , into whose bosome , ever fruitful in her gratitude , he had dropp'd her fair liberty like the dew of heaven , which when the Roman Tyrant beheld , and how much more fresh that Lawrel was worn with a root in the hearts of the people , than that which hee had torn off ; he fell into such horrid distortion of limbs and countenance ; that the Senators who had thought themselves steel and flint at such an object , having hitherto stood in their reverent snow like thawing Alpes , now covered their faces with their large sleeves . My Lords ( said the Archon rising ) witty Philadelphus , hath given us a grave admonition in a dreadful Tragedy ( Discite justitiam moniti , & non temnere divos ) Great and glorious Caesar , the highest character of flesh , yet could not rule but by that part of man , which is the beast , but a Common-wealth is a Monarchy , to hear God is King , in as much as reason his dictate , is her Soveraign Power . Which said , he adjourned the Council . And the Model being soon after promulgated ( Quod bonum foelix , faustumque sit huic Reipub , Agite quirites , censuere patres , jubeat populus ) The Sea roared , and the Flouds clapt their hands . LIBERTAS The Proclamation of his Highnesse the Lord Archon of Oceana , upon Promulgation of the Model . WHereas his Highness and the Council , in the framing of the modell promulgated , have not had any private interest , or ambition , but the fear of God , and the good of this people before their eyes , and it remains their desire , that this great work may bee carried on accordingly , this present greeting is to inform the good people of this Land , that as the Council of Prytans sate , during the framing of the model , to receive from time to time , such propositions as should be offered , by any wise hearted or publick spirited man , towards the institution of a well ordered Common-wealth , so the said Council is to sit as formerly in the great Hall of the Pantheon , during Promulgation , which is to continue for the space of three months , to receive , weigh , and as there shall bee occasion , transmit , unto the council of Legislators , all such objections as shall be made against the said Model , whether in the whole , or in any part . Wherefore that nothing bee done rashly , or without consent of the people , such of what party soever , with whom there may remain any doubts or difficulties , are desired with all convenient speed to address themselves unto the said Prytans , where if such objections , doubts , or difficulties receive solution unto the satisfaction of the auditory , they shall have publick thanks , but if the said objections , doubts , or difficulties , receive no solution unto the satisfaction , of the auditory , then the model promulgated shall bee reviewed , and the party that was the occasion of the review , shall receive publick thanks , together with the best horse in his Highnesses Stable , and bee one of the Council of Legislators . And so God have you in his keeping . I should now write the same Council of the Prytans , but for two reasons , the one , that having had but a small time for that which is already done , I am over-laboured ; The other , that there may be new objections : Wherefore if my Reader have any such as to the Model , I intreat him to address himself by way of Oration , as it were unto the Prytans that when this rough draught comes to be a work , his speech being faithfully inserted in this place , may give , or receive correction unto amendment . For what is written will be weighed but conversation , in these dayes is a game , at which they are best provided that have light Gold It is like the sport of women that make flowers of straws , which must be stuck up , but may not be touched ? Nor , which is worse , is this the fault of conversation onely . But to the Examiner , I say , If to invent method , and to teach an art , be all one , Let him shew that this Method is not truly invented , or this Art is faithfully taught . I cannot conclude a Circle , ( and such is this Common-wealth ) without turning the end into the beginning . The time of Promulgation being expired , the Surveyors were sent down , who having in due season made report that their work was perfect , the Orators followed , under the administration of which officers , & Magistrates the Commonwealth was ratified and established by the whole body of the people , Curiatis , Centuriatis , and Tributis Comitiis . And the Orators being by vertue of their Scroles or lots , members of their respective Tribes , were elected each first Knight of the third List , or Galaxy : Wherefore having at their return , assisted the Archon in putting the Senate , and the People or Prerogative into motion , they abdicated the Magistracy both of Orators and Legislators . The Corollary . FOR the rest ( sayes Plutarch closing up the story of Lycurgus ) when he saw that his Government had taken root , and was in the very Plantation strong enough to stand by it self ; he conceived such a delight within him , as GOD is described by Plato to have done , when he had finished the Creation of the World , and saw his owne Orbes move below him : For in the Art of Man , being the imitation of nature , which is the * Art of GOD , there is nothing so like the first Call of beautifull Order , out of Chaos and Confusion , as the Architecture of a well order'd Common-wealth . Wherefore Lycurgus seeing in effect , that his Orders were good , fell into deep Contemplation how he might render them , so far forth as is in humane providence , unalterable and immortall . To which end he assembled the People , and remonstrated unto them , that for ought he could perceive , their Policy was already such , and so well established , as was sufficient to entayle upon them and theirs , that virtue and felicity whereof humane Life is Capable . Neverthelesse , there being another thing of greater Concernment then all the rest , whereof he was not yet provided to give them a perfect accompt , nor could , till he had consulted the Oracle of Apollo ; he desired that they would observe his Lawes , without any change or alteration whatsoever , till his return from Delphos ; unto which all the People chearfully and unanimously engaged themselves by promise , desiring him that he would make as much hast as he could . But Lycurgus before he went , began with the Kings and the Senators , and thence taking the whole People in Order , made them all swear unto that which they had promised , and then took his Journey . Being arrived at Delphos , he sacrificed unto Apollo , and afterwards enquired if the policy which he had established , were good and sufficient for a virtuous and an happy Life . ( It hath been a Maxime with Legislators , not to give Checks unto the present Superstition , but to make the best use of it , as that which is alwayes the most powerfull with the People ; otherwise though Plutarch being a Priest , was interested in the cause , there is nothing plainer then Cicero in his Book De Divinatione hath shewed it , that there was never any such thing as an Oracle , except in the Art of the Priests . But to be civill unto the Author . ) The God answered Lycurgus , that his policy was exquisite , and that his City holding unto the strict observation of his forme of Government , should attain unto the height of fame and glory . Which Oracle Lycurgus causing to be written , failed not to send unto his Lacidemon . This done , that his Citizens might be for ever inviolably bound by their Oath , that they would alter nothing till his return , he took so firm a Resolution to dye in the Place , that from thence forward receiving no manner of food , he soone after performed it accordingly . Nor was he deceived in the Consequence , for his City became the first in glory and excellency of Government in the whole World. And so much for Lycurgus according to Plutarch . My Lord Archon when he beheld not onely the rapture of motion , but of joy and harmony , into which his Sphears without any manner of Obstruction or enterfering , but as it had been naturally were cast , conceived not les of exultation in his Spirit , but saw no more necessity or reason why he should administer an Oath unto the Senate and the People , that they would observe his Institutions , then unto a Man in perfect health , and felicity of Constitution that he would not kill himself . Neverthelesse whereas Christianity though it forbid violent hands , consisteth no lesse in Self denial then any other Religion , he resolved that all carnall Concupisence should dye in the Place , to which end that no manner of Food might be left unto ambition , he entred into the Senate with an unanimous Applause , And having spoken of his Government as Lycurgus did when he assembled the People , abdicated the Magistracy of Archon . The Senate as strucken with astonishment continued silent , Men upon so suddain an Accident being altogether unprovided of what to say ; till the Archon withdrawing , and being almost at the doore , divers of the Knights flew from their Places offering as it were to lay violent hands on him , while he escaping left the Senate with the tears in their eyes of Children that had lost their Father , and to rid himself of all farther importunity , retired unto a Country house of his , being remote and very private , in so much that no Man could tell for some time what was become of him . Thus the Law-Maker happened to be the first object and reflection of the Law made : For as Liberty of all things is the most welcome unto a People , so is there nothing more abhorrent from their nature then ingratitude . We accusing the Roman People of this Crime against some of their greatest Benefactors , as Camillus , heap mistake upon mistake , for being not so competent Judges of what belongs unto Liberty as they were , we take upon us to be more competent Judges of virtue . But whereas virtue for being a vulgar thing among them , was of no lesse rate then Jewels are with such as wear the most ; we are selling this stone which we have ignorantly raked out of the Roman ruders , at such a rate as the Switz did that which they took in the Baggage of Charles of Burgundy : For that Camillus had stood more firme against the Ruine of Rome then her Capitol , was acknowledged : But on the other side that he stood as firme for the Patricians against the Liberty of the People was as plain ; wherefore he never wanted of the People that would dye at his foot in the Field , nor that would withstand him to his beard in the City . An example in which they that think that Camillus had wrong , neither doe themselves right nor the People of Rome , who in this signifie no lesse then that they had a scorn of slavery beyond the fear of Ruine , which is the height of Magnanimity . The like might be shewn by other examples , objected against this , and other Popular Government , as in the Banishment of Aristides the Just from Athens , by the Ostracisme , which first was no punishment , nor ever understood for so much as a disparagement , but tended only to the Security of the Common-wealth , through the removall of a Citizen , whose Riches or Power with a party was suspected , out of harms way for the space of ten years , neither to the diminution of his Estate or Honour . And next though the virtue of Aristides might in it self be unquestioned , yet for him under the name of the Just to become Universall Umpire of the People in all cases , even to the neglect of the Legall wayes and orders of the Common-wealth , approached so much unto the Prince , that the Athenians doing Aristides no wrong , did their Government no more then right in removing him , which therefore is not so probable to have come to passe as Plutarch presumeth , through the envy of Themistocles : seeing Aristides was far more popular then Themistocles , who soon after took the same walk upon a worse occasion . Wherefore as Machiavill for any thing since alleadged hath irrefragably proved that Popular Governments are of all other the least ingratefull , so the obscurity ( I say ) into which my Lord Archon had now withdrawn himself , caused an universall sadnesse and cloud in the minds of Men upon the glory of his rising Common-wealth . Much had been ventilated in private discourse , and the People ( for the Nation was divided into Parties that had not yet lost their animosities ) being troubled , bent their eyes upon the Senate , when after some time spent in devotion , and the solemn Action of Thanksgiving , his Excellency Navarchus de Paralo in the Tribe of Dorean , Lord Strategus of Oceana ( though in a new Common-wealth a very Prudent Magistrate ) proposed his part or Opinion in such manner unto the Council of State , that passing the Ballott of the same with great unanimity and applause , it was introduced into the Senate , where it past with greater . Wherefore the Decree being forthwith Printed and Published , Copies were returned by the Secretaries unto the Phylarches ( which is the manner of Promulgation ) and the Commissioners of the Seal , that is to say , the Right Honourable Phosphorus de Auge in the Tribe of Eudia , Dolabella d' Enyo in the Tribe of Turmae , and Linceus de Stella in the Tribe of Nubia being elected Proposers pro tempore , bespoke of the Tribunes a Muster of the People to be held that day 6 weeks , which was the time allowed for Promulgation , at the Halo . The Satisfaction which the People throughout the Tribes received upon promulgation of the Decree , loaded the Carriers with weekly Letters between Friend & Friend , whether Magistrates or private Persons . But the day for Proposition being come , and the Praerogative upon the Place appointed in Discipline , Sanguine de Ringwood in the Tribe of Saltum Captain of the Phoenix marched by Order of the Tribunes with his Troop unto the Piazza of the Pantheon , where his Trumpets entering into the great Hall by their Blazon gave notice of his Arrivall , at which the Serjant of the House came downe , and returning informed the Proposers , who descending were received at the foot of the Staires by the Captaine , and attended unto the Coaches of State , with which Calcar de Gilvo in the Tribe of Phalera Master of the Horse , and the Ballotins upon their great Horses stood waiting at the Gate ▪ The Proposers being in their Coaches , the Traine being for the Pompe the same that is used at the reception of Embassadors , proceeded in this order , In the Front marched the Troop with the Cornet in the van , and the Captaine in the rear : next the Troop came the twenty Messengers or Trumpets ; the Ballotins upon the Corvet with their Usher in the van , and the Master of the Horse in the Rear : Next the Ballotins Bronchus de Rauco in the Tribe of Bestia King of the Herraulds with his fraternity in their Coats of Arms ; And next unto Sr Brochus , Boristenes de Holiwater in the Tribe of Ave Master of the Ceremonies : The Mace and the Seale of the Chancery went immediately before the Coaches , and on either side the doore-keepers or Guard of the Senate with their Pole-axes , accompanied with some three , or four hundred Footmen , belonging unto the Knights or Senators ; The Trumpeters Ballotins , Guards , Postilions , Coach-men , and Foot-men being very gallant in the Liveries of the Common-wealth , but all except the Ballotins without hatts , in lieu whereof they wore black velvet calots being pointed with a little peake at the forehead . After the Proposers , came a long file of Coaches full of such Gentlemen as use to grace the Commonwealth upon like occasions . In this posture they moved slowly through the Streets , affoarding in the Gravity of the Pomp , and the welcomnesse of the end , a most reverent and acceptable Prospect unto the People from the Pantheon to the Halo , being about half a mile , arrived at the Halo , where they found the Prerogative in a close body inviron'd with Scaffolds that were covered with Spectators : The Tribunes received the Proposers , and conducted them into a seat placed in front of the Tribe , like a Pulpit , but that it was of some length , and well adorned by the Herraulds , with all manner of Birds and Beasts , save that they were ill Painted , and never a one of his naturall colour . The Tribunes were placed at a Table that stood below the long seat , those of the Horse in the middle , and those of the Foot at either end , with each of them a bowle or bason before him , that on the right hand being white , and the other green : in the middle of the Table stood a third which was red . And the House-keeper of the Pavillion who had already delivered a proportion of linnen balls or pellets unto every one of the Tribe , now presented boxes unto the Ballotines . But the Proposers as they enter'd the Gallery , or long Seat , having put off their Hats by way of Salutation , were answered by the People with a shout , whereupon the younger Commissioners seated themselves at either end , and the first standing in the middle , spake after this manner . My Lords , the People of OCEANA . WHILE I find in my self what a felicity it is to Salute you by this Name , and in every face anointed as it were with the Oyle of Gladnesse , a full and sufficient testimony of the like sense . To goe about to feast you with words , who are already filled with that food of the mind , which being of pleasing and wholesome digestion , taketh in the difinition of true joy , were a needlesse enterprize . I shall rather remember you of that thankfulnesse which is due , then puff you up with any thing that might seeme vaine . Is it from the armes of flesh that we derived these Blessings ? Behold the Common wealth of Rome falling upon her owne victorious Sword. Or is it from our own Wisedome , whose Counsells had brought it even to that passe that we began to repent our selves of Victory ? Far be it from us ( my Lords ) to Sacrifize unto our owne Nets , which we our Selves have so narrowly escaped ; Let us rather lay our mouths in the dust , and look up , ( as was taught the other day when we were better instructed in this Lesson ) unto the Hills with our gratitude . Neverthelesse seeing we read how GOD upon neglect of his Prophets hath been provoked unto wrath ; it must needs follow that he expecteth Honour should be given unto them by whom he hath chosen to worke as his Instruments . For which cause nothing doubting of my warrant , I shall proceed unto that which more particularly concerneth the present occasion , the discovery of my Lord Archons virtues and merit to be ever placed by this Nation in their true Meridian . My Lords , I Am not upon a subject which perswadeth me to balk , but necessitateth me to seek out the greatest examples . To begin with Alexander erecting Trophies common with his Sword and the Pestilence ; to what good of Mankind did he infect the ayre with his heaps of carkases ? The sword of war , if it be any otherwise used then as the sword of magistracy for the feare and punishment of those that doe evil , is as guilty in the sight of GOD , as the Sword of a Murderer ; nay more , for if the blood of Abel , of one innocent Man , cryed in the ears of of the Lord for Vengeance , What shall the blood of an innocent Nation ? Of this kind of Empire , the Throne of Ambition , the quarry of a mighty Hunter , it hath been truly sayd , that it is but a great Robbery . But if Alexander had restored the Liberty of Greece , and propagated it unto Mankind , he had done like my Lord Archon , and might have been truly call'd the Great . Alexander cared not to steale a victory , that would be given . But my Lord Archon hath torne away a victory which had been stolne , while we were tamely yeelding up Obedience unto a Nation reaping in our Fields , whose fields he hath subjected unto our Empire , and nayled them with his victorious Sword unto their native Caucasus . Machiavill gives an handsome Caveat , Let no man ( sayth he ) be circumvented with the Glory of Caesar , from the false reflection of their pens , who through the longer continuance of his Empire in the name then in the family , changed their freedome for flattery . But if a man would know truly what the Romans thought of Caesar , lett him observe what they said of Catiline . And yet by how much he who hath perpetrated some heighnous Crime , is more execrable then he who did but attempt it : by so much is Caesar more execrable then Catline . To the contrary let him that would know what ancient and heroicall times , what the Greeks and Romans would both have thought and sayd of my Lord Archon ; Observe what they thought and sayd of Solon , Lycurgus , Brutus , and Publicola . And yet by how much his vertue that is crown'd with the perfection of his worke , is beyond theirs , who were either inferiour in their ayme , or in their performance , by so much is my Lord Archon to be preferred before Solon , Lycurgus , Brutus , and Publicola . Nor will we shun the most illustrious example of Scipio ; this Hero , though never so little lesse , yet was he not the founder of a Common-wealth , and for the rest allowing his tue to have been of the most untainted ray , in what did it out thine this of my Lord Archon ? But if dazling the eyes of the Magistrates it over-awed Liberty , Rome might be allowed some excuse that She did not like it , and I , if I admit not of this comparison . For where is my Lord Archon ? Is there a Genius , how free soever , which in his presence would not find it self to be under power ? He is shrunk into Clouds , he seeks obscurity in a Nation that sees by his light . He is impatient of his own Glory , least it should stand between you and your Liberty . Liberty ! What is that , if we may not be gratefull ? And if we may , we have none : For who hath any thing he doth not owe ? My Lords , there be some hard conditions of virtue : If this debt were exacted , it were not due ; whereas being cancel'd , we are all entred into Bonds . On the other side , if we make such payment as will not stand with a free People , we doe not enrich my Lord Archon , but Rob him of his whole estate , and of his immence glory . These Particulars had in due deliberation , and mature debate , according unto the orders of this Common-wealth . It is proposed by Authority of the Senate to you my Lords the People of Oceana . I. THat the Dignity and Office of Archon , or Protector of the Common-wealth of Oceana , be , and is hereby confer'd by the Senate and the People of Oceana , upon the most Illustrious Prince , and sole Legislator of this Common-wealth , Olphaus Megaletor ( Pater Patriae ) whom God preserve , for the terme of his naturall Life . II. That three hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum yet remaining of the ancient Revenue , be estated upon the said illustrious Prince , or Lord Archon , for the said terme , and to the propper and peculiar use of his Highnesse . III. That the Lord Archon have the reception of all Forreigne Embassadors , by and with the Councill of State , according unto the orders of this Common-wealth . IV. That the Lord Archon have a standing Army of twelve thousand Men , defrayed upon a monethly tax , dureing the terme of three years , for the Protection of this Common-wealth , against dissenting Parties , to be govern'd , directed , and Commanded by , and with the advice of the Council of War , according unto the Orders of this Common-wealth . V. That this Common-wealth make no distinction of Persons or Parties , but every man being Elected and sworn , according unto the Orders of the same , shall be equally capable of Magistracy ; or not Elected , shall be equally capable of Liberty , and the enjoyment of his Estate free from all other then common Taxes . VI. That a man putting a distinction upon himself , refusing the Oath upon Election , or declaring himself of a party , not conformable to the civil Government , may within any time of the three years standing of the Army , transport himself and his Estate , without molestation or impediment , into any other Nation . VII . That in case there remain any distinction of Parties not conforming unto the civil Government of this Common-wealth , after the three years of the standing Army be expired , and the Common-wealth be thereby forced to prolong the terme of the said Army , the pay from thenceforth of the said Army , shall be levied upon the Estates of such parties so remaining unconformable unto the Civil Government . The Proposer having ended his Oration , the Trumpets sounded , and the Tribunes of the Horse being mounted to view the Ballot , caused the Tribe which thronging up to the Speech , came almost round the Gallery , to retreat a matter of twenty paces , when Linceus de Stella receiving the Propositions , repaired with Bronchus de Rauco the Heralt , unto a little Scaffold erected in the middle of the Tribe , where he seated himself , the Herrault standing bare upon his right hand . The Ballotines having their boxes ready , stood before the Gallery , and at the Command of the Tribunes marched , one unto every Troop on Horsback , and one unto every Company on foot , each of them being followed by other Children that bore red boxes , ( this is putting the Question whether the Question should be put . ) And the Suffrage being very suddainly returned unto the Tribunes of the Table , and number'd in the view of the Proposers , the Votes were all in the Affirmative ; whereupon the red , or doubtfull Boxes were laid aside , it appearing that the Tribe whether for the Negative or Affirmative , was clear in the matter . Wherefore the Herrault began from the Scaffold in the middle of the Tribe to pronounce the first Proposition , and the Ballotines marching with the Negative and Affirmative only : Bronchus with his voyce like Thunder , continued to repeat the Proposition over and over again so long as it was in Balloting : The like was done for every Clause , till the Ballot was finisht , and the Tribunes assembling had signed the points , that is to say , the number of every Suffrage , as it was taken by the Secretary upon the tale of the Tribunes , and in the sight of the Proposers ; for this may not be omitted , it is the pulce of the People . Now whereas it appertaineth unto the Tribunes to report the Suffrage of the people unto the Senate , they cast the Lot for this Office with three silver Balls , and one gold one , and it fell upon the R t Worshipfull Argus de Crookhorne , in the Tribe of Pascua , first Tribune of the Foot. Argus being a good sufficient Man in his own Country , was yet of the mind that he should make but a bad spokes man , and therefore became something blank at his Luck , till his colleagues perswaded him that it was no such great matter , if he could but read , haveing his Paper before him . The Proposers takeing Coach , received a volley upon the Field , and returned in the same Order , save that being accompanied with the Tribunes , they were also attended by the whole Praerogative unto the Piazza of the Pantheon , where with another volley they took their leaves . Argus , who had not thought upon his Wife and Children all the way , went very gravely up , and every one being seated , the Senate by their silence seemed to call for the Report , which Argus standing up , delivered in this wise . Right Honourable Lords and Fathers Assembled in Parliament , SO it is , that it hath falne unto my Lot to report unto your Excellencies the Votes of the People , taken upon the third instant , in the first year of this Common-wealth , at the Halo ; the R t Honourable Phosphorus de Auge , in the Tribe of Eudia , Dolabella d' Enyo , in the Tribe of Turmae , and Linceus de Stella , in the Tribe of Nubia , Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal of Oceana , and Proposers pro temporibus — Together with my Brethren the Tribunes , and my Self being present . Wherefore these are to certifie unto your Fatherhoods , that the said Votes of the People were as followeth ; that is to say . Unto the first Proposition , Nomine Contradicante — Unto the second Nomine Contradictante — Unto the third , the like . Unto the fourth 211 above half . Unto the fifth 201 above half . Unto the sixth 150 above half , in the Affirmative . Unto the seaventh , Nomine again , and so forth — My Lords , it is a Language that is out of my Prayers , and if I be out at it , no harm — But as concerning my Lord Archon ( as I was saying ) these are to signifie unto you , the true-heartednesse , and good will which is in the People , seeing by joyning with you , as one Man , they confesse that all they have to give , is too little for his Highnesse . For truly ( Fathers ) if he who is able to doe harm , and doth none , may well be called honest . What shall we say unto my Lord Archon's Highnesse , who having had it in his power to have done us the greatest mischief that ever befell a poor Nation , so willing to trust such as they thought well of , hath done us so much good , as we should never have known how to doe our selves ? which was so sweetly delivered by my Lord Chancellor Phosophorus , unto the People , that I dare say there was never an one of them could forbear to doe as I doe — An 't please your Fatherhoods they be tears of Joy. Ah my Lord Archon shall walk the streets ( an it be for his ease I mean ) with a Switch , while the People run after him , and pray for him : he shall not wet his foot , they will strew flowers in his way : he shall sit higher in their hearts , and in the judgement of all good Men , then the Kings that goe up stairs unto their seats , and one of these had as good pull two or three of his Fellowes out of their great Chaires , as wrong him , or meddle with him ; he ha's two or three hundred thousand Men , that when you say the word , shall sell themselves unto their shirts for him , and dye at his foot . His Pillow is of Down , and his grave shall be as soft , over which they that are alive shall wring their hands . And to come unto your Fatherhoods , most truly so called , as being the loving Parents of the People ; truly you doe not know what a feeling they have of your Kindnesse , seeing you are so bound up , that if there come any harm , they may thank themselves : And ( alasse ! poor souls ) they see that they are given to be of so many minds , that though they always mean well , yet if there come any good , they may thank them that teach them better . Wherefore there was never such a thing as this invented , they doe verily believe that it is none other then the same which they always had in their very heads , if they could have but told how to bring it out : As now for a sample , My Lords the Proposers had no sooner said your minds , then they found it to be that which heart could wish . And your Fatherhoods may comfort your selves , that there is not a People in the world more willing to learn what is for their own goods , nor more apt to see it , when you have shew'd it them : Wherefore they doe love you as they doe their own selves , Honour you as Fathers , resolve to give you as it were Obedience forever ; and so thanking you for your most good and excellent Lawes , they doe pray for you as the very Worthies of the Land , Right Honourable Lords and Fathers assembled in Parliament . Argus came off beyond his own expectation , for thinking right , and speaking as he thought , it was apparent by the House , and the thanks they gave him , that they esteemed him to be absolutely of the best sort of Orators , upon which having a mind that till then misgave him , he became very Crounse , and much delighted with that which might goe down the next week in Print unto his Wife , and his Neighbours . Livy makes the Roman Tribunes to speak in the same stile with the Consuls , which could not be , and therefore for ought in him to the contrary , Volero & Canuleius might have spoken no otherwise forth their stile , then Argus . However they were not created the first year of the Common-wealth ; and the Tribunes of Oceana are since become better Orators then were needfull . But the Lawes being Enacted , had the Preamble annexed , and were delivered unto Bronchus , who loved nothing in the Earth so much as to goe staring and bellowing up and down the Town , like a Stagg in a Forrest , as he now did , with his Fraternity in their Coats of Arms , and I know not how many Trumpets , Proclaiming the Act of Parliament , when meeting my Lord Archon ( who from a retreat that was without Affectation , as being for Devotion only , and to implore a blessing by Prayer and Fasting , upon his labours , now newly Arrived in Town ) the Herault of the Tribe of Bestia , set up his throat , and having chaunted out his Lession , past as haughtily by him , as if his own had been the better Office ; which in this place was very well taken , though Bronchus for his high mind , happened afterwards upon some disasters ( too long to tell ) that spoyled much of his Embroidery . My Lord Archons arrivall being known , the Signory acompanyed by the Tribunes , repaired unto him , with the newes he had already heard by the Herrauld : to which my Lord Strategus added , That his Highnesse could not doubt upon the Demonstrations given , but the minds of men were firme in the opinion , that he could be no seeker of himselfe , in the way of earthly Pompe and Glory ; and that the Gratitude of the Senate , and the People , could not therefore be understood to have any such reflection upon him ; But so it was , that in regard of dangers abroad , and Parties at home , they durst not trust themselves , without a standing Army , nor a standing Army in any mans hands , but those of his Highnesse . The Archon made answer , that he ever expected this would be the sense of the Senate , and the People , and this being their Sence , he should have been sorry they had made choice of any other then himselfe for a standing Generall ; First , because it could not have been more unto their owne safety , and secondly , because so long as they should have need of a standing Army , his worke was not done . That he would not dispute against the Judgement of the Senate , and the People , nor ought that to be : Neverthelesse , he made little doubt , but experience would shew every Party their owne Interest in this Government , and that better improved , then they could expect from any other ; that mens animosityes should over ballance their Interest , for any time , was impossible , that humor could never be lasting , nor through the Constitution of the Govermment , of any effect at the first charge . For supposing the worst , and that the People had chosen none other into the Senate , and the Prerogative , then royalists , a matter of Fourteen hundred men must have taken their Oaths at their Election , with an intention to go quite contrary , not only to their Oaths so taken , but to their own Interest ; for being estated in the Soveraign Power , they must have decreed it from themselves , ( such an example as for which there was never any experience , nor can be any reason ) or holding it , it must have done in their hands as well every whit , as in any other . Furthermore , they must have removed the Government from a Foundation that apparantly would hold , to set it upon another which apparantly would not hold , which things if they could not come to passe , the Senate and the People , consisting wholly of Royallists , much lesse by a parcel of them elected . But if the feare of the Senate and of the People , derived from a party without such an one as would not be elected , nor engage themselves unto the Common-wealth by any oath : this againe must be so Large , as would go quite contrary to their owne Interest , they being as free and as fully estated in their liberty , as any other , or so narrow that they could do no hurt , while the People being in Arms , and at the beck of the Strategus , every Tribe would at any time make a better Army , then such a Party , and there being no parties at home , fears from abroad would vanish . But seeing it was otherwise determined by the Senate , and the People , the best course was to take that which they held the safest , in which with his humble thanks for their great bounty , he was resolved to serve them with all duty and obedience . A very short time after , the Royallists now equall Citizens , made good the Archons Judgement , there being no other that found any thing near so great a sweet in the Government . For he who hath not been acquainted with affliction ( saith Seneca ) knoweth but half the things of this world . Moreover they saw plainly , that to restore the ancient Government , they must cast up their Estates into the hands of three hundred men ; wherefore in case the Senate , and the Prerogative consisting of thirteen hundred men , had been all Royallists , there must of necessity have been , and be for ever , one thousand against this or any such Vote . But the Senate being informed by the Signory , that the Archon had accepted of his Dignity and Office , caused a third Chair to be set for his Highness , between those of the Strategus , and the Orator in the House , the like at every Council ; to which he repaired , not of necessity , but at his pleasure , being the best , and as Argus not vainly said , the greatest Prince in the World ; for in the Pomp of his Court he was not inferiour unto any , and in the Field he was followed with a force that was formidable unto all : Nor was there a cause in the Nature of this constitution , to put him unto the charge of Guards , spoyle his stomack or his sleep : Insomuch as being handsomely disputed by the wits of the Academy , whether my Lord Archon , if he had been ambitious , could have made himself so great , it was carried clear in the Negative ; not only for the Reasons drawn from the present ballance , which was Popular , but putting the case the ballance had been Monarchicall . For there be some Nations ( whereof this is one ) that will bear a Prince in a Common-wealth , far higher then it is possible for them to bear a Monarch . Spain looked upon the Prince of Aurange as her most formidable Enemy , but if ever there be a Monarch in that Country , he will be her best friend . For whereas a Prince in a Common-wealth , deriveth his greatnes from the root of the People , a Monarch deriveth his from one of those ballances which nip them in the root ; by which means the Low Countreyes under a Monarch , were poor and inconsiderable , but in bearing a Prince could grow unto a miraculous height , and give the glory of his actions by far the upper hand of the greatest King in Christendome . There are Kings in Europe , to whom a King of Oceana would be but a Petit Companion . But the Prince of this Common-wealth is the terror , and the Judge of them all . That which my Lord Archon now minded most , was the Agrarian , upon which debate he uncessantly thrust the Senate , and the Council of State , to the end it might be planted upon some firm root , as the main point and Basis of perpetuity unto the Common-wealth . And these are some of the most remarkable Passages that happened in the first year of this Government . About the latter end of the second , the Army was disbanded , but the Taxes continued at thirty thousand pounds a month , for three years and an half . By which means a piece of Artigliery was Planted , and a portion of Land to the value of 50. l. a year purchased for the maintenance of the Games , and of the Priz-arms for ever , in each Hundred . With the eleventh year of the Common-wealth , the terme of the Excise , allotted for the mayntenance of the Senate and the People , and for the raysing of a Publique Revenue , expired . By which time the Exchequer over and above the annuall Sallaryes , amounting unto three hundred thousand pounds , accumulating every year out of one Million income , Seaven hundred thousand pounds , in Bancho , brought it with the Product of the Summe , riseing to about eight Millions in the whole , whereby at several times they had purchased unto the Senate and the People , Foure hundred thousand pounds per annum , sollid Revenue : which besides the Lands holden in Panopea , together with the Perquisites of either Province , was held sufficient for a publique Revenue . Neverthelesse , Taxes being now wholly taken off , the Excize of no great burthen , and many specious Advantages not vainly proposed in the heightening of the Publique Revenue , the Excise was very chearfully established by the Senate and the People , for the terme of ten years longer : and the same course being taken , the Publique Revenue was found in the One and twentieth of the Common-wealth , to be worth one Million in good Land ; Whereupon the Excise was so abollished for the present ; as with all resolved to be the best , the most fruitfull and easie way of raising Taxes , according unto future Exigencies . But the Revenue now such , as was able to be a yearly Purchaser , gave a jealousie that by this means the ballance of the Common-wealth , consisting in private Fortunes , might be eaten out ; whence this yeare is famous for that Law whereby the Senate & the People forbidding any farther Purchase of Lands unto the Publique , within the Dominions of Oceana , and the adjacent Provinces , put the Agrarian upon the Common-wealth her self . These encreases are things which men , addicted unto Monarchy , deride as impossible , whereby they unwarily urge a strong Argument , against that which they would defend : For having their eyes fixed upon the Pomp and Expence , by which not only every Child of a King being a Prince , exhausteth his Fathers Coffers ; but favorites and servile spirits devoted unto the flattery of those Princes , grow insolent and profuse , returning a fit Gratitude unto their Masters , whom while they hold it honourable to deceive , they suck and keep eternally poor . It followes that they doe not see now it should be possible for a Common-wealth to cloath her self in Purple , and thrive so strangely upon that which would make a Prince's haire grow through his hood , and not afford him bread . As if it were a Miracle that a careless and Prodigall Man should bring ten thousand pounds a year to nothing , or that an industrious and frugall Man brings a little unto ten thousand pounds a year . But the fruit of a mans industry and frugality , can never be like that of a Common-wealth , first because the Greatnesse of the encrease , followes the greatnesse of the Stock or principall : and secondly , because a frugall Father is for the most part succeeded by a Lavish Son , whereas a Common-wealth is her owne Heire . This year a part was proposed by the Right Honourable Aureus de Woolsacke in the Tribe of Pecus , first Commissioner of the Treasury ; unto the Council of State , which soon after past the ballot of the Senate and the People : by which the Lands of the Publique Revenue amounting unto one Million , were equally divided into five thousand Lots , enter'd by their names and parcells into a Lot-booke preserved in the Exchequer : and if any Orphant being a Mayd should cast her Estate into the Exchequer for Fourteen hundred pounds , the Treasury was bound by the Law to pay her quarterly Two hundred pounds a yeare , free from Taxes for her Life , and to assigne her a Lot for her Security ; if she marryed , her Husband was neither to take out the Principall without her consent ( acknowledged by her selfe unto one of the Commissioners of the Treasury who accoridng as he found it to be free , or forced , was to allow or disallow of it ) nor any other way engage it , then to her propper use : But if the Principall were taken out , the Treasury was not bound to repay any more of it then One thousand pounds ; nor might be repay'd at any time , save within the first year of the Marriage : the like was to be done by a halfe or quarter Lot respectively . This was found to be a great Charity unto the weaker Sex , and as some say , who are more skilfull in like Affairs then my self , of good Profit to the Common-wealth . Now began the Native Spleen of Oceana to be much purged , and men not to affect sullennesse and Pedantisme . The Elders could remember that they had been Youth . Wit and Gallantry were so far from being thought Crimes in themselves , that care was taken to preserve their innocence . For which cause it was proposed unto the Council for Religion , by the Right Honourable Cadiscus de Clero , in the Tribe of Stamnum , first Censor , That such women as living in Gallantry and view about the Town , were of evil fame , and could not shew that they were maintained by their own Estates or Industry ; or such as having Estates of their own , were yet wastfull in their way of life , unto others , should be obnoxious unto the animadversion of the Council of Religion , or of the Censors : In which the proceeding should be after this manner . Notice should be first given of the scandall , unto the party offending , in private ; if there were no amendment within the space of six Months , she should be summoned and rebuked before the said Council or Censors : And if after other six Moneths it were found that neither this avayled , She should be Censured not to appear at any Publick Meetings , Games or Recreations , upon Penalty of being taken up by the Door-keepers , or Guards of the Senate , and by them to be detained , untill for every such offence , five pounds were duly paid for her enlargement . Furthermore , if any Common-Strumpet should be found , or any scurrility or prophanesse represented at either of the Theaters , the Prelates for every such offence should be fined Twenty pounds , by the said Council , and the Poet for every such offence on his part , should be whipt . This Law relates unto another , which also was enacted the same year upon this occasion . The Youth and Wits of the Academy having put the businesse so home in the defence of Comedies , that the Provosts had nothing but the Consequences provided against by the fore-going Law to object , prevailed so far , that two of the Provosts of the Council of State , joyn'd in a Proposition , which after much adoe came to a Law , whereby one hundred thousand pounds was alotted for the building of two Theaters , one on each side of the Piazza of the Halo , and two annuall Magistrates called Prelates , chosen out of the Knights , were added unto the Tropick , the one called the Prelate of the Buskin , for inspection of the Tragick Scene called Melpomene , and the other the Prelate of the Socke , for the Comick called Thalia , which Magistrates had each of them five hundred pounds a year , allowed out of the Profits of the Theaters , the rest ( except 800 a year to four Poets ) payable into the Exchequer . A Poet Laureate created in one of these Theaters , by the Strategus receives a wreath of five hundred Pounds in Gold , paid out of the said Profits . But no man is capable of this Creation , that had not two parts in three of the Suffrages at the Academy , assembled after six weeks warning , and upon that occasion . These things among us are sure enough to be censured , but by such only as doe not know the nature of a Common-wealth ; for to tell men that they are free , and yet to curb the genious of a People in a lawfull Recreation unto which they are naturally inclined , is to tell a tale of a Tub. I have heard the Protestant Ministers in France , by men that were wise , and of their own profession , much blamed in that they forbad Dancing , a Recreation to which the genious of that aire is so enclining , that they lost many who would not loose that ; nor doe they lesse then blame the former determination of rashnesse , who now gently connive at that which they had so roughly forbidden . These sports in Oceana are so Governed , that they are pleasing for private diversion , and profitable unto the Publique : For the Theaters soon defrayed their own Charge , and now bring in a good Revenue . All this so far from the Detriment of virtue , that it is to the improvement of it , seeing Women that heretofore made havock of their Honours , that they might have their pleasures , are now incapable of their pleasures , if they loose their Honours . About the one and fortieth year of the Common-wealth , the Censors according unto their Annuall Custome , reported the Pillar of Nilus , by which it was found that the People were encreased very near one third . Whereupon the Council of War was appointed by the Senate to bring in a State of War , and the Treasurers the State of the Treasury . The State of War , or Pay , and Charge of an Army , was soon after exhibited by the Council , in this Accompt . The Field Pay of a Parlamentary Army . The Lord Strategus , Marching 0010000 L. per ann . Polymarches . Generall of the Horse 0002000 L. per ann . Polymarches . Lievtenant-Generall 0002000 L. per ann . Polymarches . Generall of the Artigliery 0001000 L. per ann . Polymarches . Commissary-Generall 0001000 L. per ann . Polymarches . Major-Generall 0001000 L. per ann . Polymarches . Quarter-Master-Generall 0001000 L. per ann . Two Adjutants to the Major Generall 0001000 L. per ann . Forty Colonells 0040000 L. per ann . 100 Captaines of Horse , at 500. l. a man 0050000 L. per ann . 300 Captaines of Foot , at 300. l. a man 0090000 L. per ann . 100 Cornets , at 100. l. a man 0010000 L. per ann . 300 Ensignes , at 50. l. a man 0015000 L. per ann . 800 Quarter-Masters 0020000 L. per ann . 800 Serjants 0020000 L. per ann . 800 Trumpeters 0020000 L. per ann . 800 Drummers 0020000 L. per ann . 10000 Horse , at 2. s. 6. d. a day each 0470000 L. per ann . 30000 Foot , each at 1. s. the day 0500000 L. per ann . Chyrurgeons 0000400 L. per ann . Sum 1114400 L. per ann . 40000 Auxilaries , amounting unto ( within alittle as much 1100000 L. per ann . The Charge of mounting 20000 Horse 0300000 L. per ann . The Trayne of Artigliery , holding a 3d to the whole 0900000 L. per ann . Summa totalis 3414400 L. per ann . Armes and Ammunition are not reckoned , as those which are furnisht out of the Store or Arsenall of Emporium . Nor Waftage , as that which goes upon the Accompt of the Fleet , maintained by the Customes , which Customes through the Care of the Council for Trade , and growth of Traffique , were long since improved unto about a Million Revenue . The House being informed of a State of War , the Commissioners brought in The state of the Treasury this present year , being the One and fortieth of the Common-wealth . REceived from the one and twentieth of this Common-wealth , by 700000. l. a year in bank , with the Product of the sum rising L. 16000000 Expended from the one and twentieth of this Common-wealth . IMprimis , For the Addition of Arms for 100000 Men , unto the Arsenall , or Tower of Emporium L. 01000000 For the storing of the same with Artigliery L. 00300000 For the storing of the same with Ammunition L. 00200000 For beautifying the Cities , Parks , Gardens , Publick Walks , and Places for Recreation , of Emporium and Kiera , with Publick Buildings , Aquaduets , Statues , and Fountaines , &c. L. 01500000 Extraordinary Embassies L. 00150000 Sum L. 03150000 Remaining in the Treasury , the Salaries of the Exchequer being defaulked L. 12000000 By Comparison of which Accompts , if a War with an Army of 80000 Men were to be made by the penny , yet was the Common-wealth able to maintain such an one above three years , without levying a Tax . But it is against all experience , sense and reason , that such an Army should not be soon broken , or make a great Progresse ; in either of which Cases the Charge seaseth , or rather if a right course be taken in the latter , Profit comes in ; for the Romans had no other considerable way , but Victory , whereby to fill their Treasury , which neverthelesse was seldome empty . Alexander did not consult his Purse , upon his designe for Persia. It is observed by Machiavill , that Livy arguing what the event in reason must have been , had that King invaded Rome , and diligently measuring what on each side was necessary unto such a War , never speaks a word of Money . No man imagines , that the Gaules , Gothes , Vandalls , Huns , Lombards , Saxons , Normans , made their inroads or Conquests by the strength of the Purse ; and if it be thought enough according unto the Dialect of our age , to say in Answer unto these things , that those times are past and gone . What money did the late Gustavus , the most victorious of modern Princes , bring out of Sweden with him into Germany ? An Army that goes upon a golden Leg , will be as lame as if it were a wooden one ; but proper Horses have Nerves and Muscles in them , such for which having four or five Millions , a sum easie , with a Revenue like this of Oceana , to be had at any time in readinesse , you need never , or very rarely Charge the people with Taxes . What influence the Commonwealth by such Arms hath had , upon the world , I leave unto Historians , whose custome it hath been of old , to be as diligent Observers of Forraigne Actions , as carelesse of those Domestique Revolutions , which ( lesse pleasant it may be , as not partaking so much of the Romance ) are unto Statesmen of far greater profit ; and this fault if it be not mine , is so much more frequent with Modern Writers , as hath caused me to undertake this work , on which to give my own judgement , it is performed as much above the time I have been about it , as below the dignity of the matter . But I cannot depart out of this Country , till I have taken leave of my Lord Archon , a Prince of immense felicity , who having built as high with his Councels , as he digg'd deep with his Sword , had not seen fifty years measured with his own unerring Orbes . Timoleon , so great a hater of Tyrants , that not able to disswade his Brother Timophanes , to relinquish the Tyranny of Corinth , he slew him ; was afterwards Elected by the People , ( the Sicilians groaning unto them from under the like burden ) to be sent unto their relief : Whereupon Teleclides the Man at that time of most Authority in the Common-wealth of Corinth , stood up , and giving an Exhortation unto Tim●●eon , how he should behave himself in his Expedition , told him that if he restored the Sicilians unto Liberty , it would be acknowledged that he had destroyed a Tyrant ; if otherwise , he must expect to hear that he had murdered a King. Timoleon taking his leave , with a very small Provision for so great a design , pursued it with a Courage not inferior to , and a felicity beyond any that had been known unto that day in mortall flesh , having in the space of eight years utterly rooted out of all Sicely , those Weeds of Tyranny , through the destraction whereof Men fled in such abundance from their Native Country , that whole Cities were left desolate ; and brought it unto such a passe , that others through the fame of his Virtues , and the excellency of the soyle , flockt as fast from all Quarters unto it , as to the Garden of the World. While he being presented by the people of S●racusa , with his Town house , and his Country retreat , the sweetest Places in either , lived with his Wife and Children , a most quiet , happy , and holy life ; for he attributed no part of his successe unto himself , but all unto the blessing and providence of the Gods. As he past his time in this manner , admired and honoured by mankind , Laphystius an envious Demagog , going to summon him upon some pretence or other , to answer for himself before the Assembly , the people fell into such a Mutiny , as could not be appeased but by Timoleon , who understanding the matter , reproved them , by repeating the pains and travail which he had gone through , unto no other end then that every Man might have the free use of the Lawes . Wherefore when Demaenetus another Demagog , had brought the same design about again , and blamed him impertinently unto the people , for things which he did when he was Generall , Timoleon answered nothing , but raising up his hands , gave the Gods thanks for their return unto his frequent prayers , that he might but live to see the Syracusans so free that they might question on whom they pleased . Not long after being old , through some naturall imperfection , he fell blind ; but the Syracusans by their perpetuall visits held him , though he could not see , their greatest object ; if there arrived strangers , they brought them to see this sight . Whatever came in debate at the assembly , if it were of small consequence , they determined it themselves , but if of importance , they alwayes sent for Timoleon , who being brought by his Servants in a Chair , and set in the middle of the Theater , there ever follow'd a great shout , after which some time was allow'd for the Benedictions of the People ; and then the matter proposed when Tinolcon had spoken to it , was put to the Suffrage , which give● , his Servants bore him back in his Chair , accompanied by the People , clapping their hands , and making all expression of joy and applause , till leaving him at his House , they returned unto the dispatch of their businesse . And this was the life of Thimoleon , till he dyed of age , and dropped like a mature fruit , while the eyes of the people , were as the showres of Autumne . The Life and Death of my Lord Archon , save that he had his senses unto the last , and that his Character is not the Restorer , but the Founder of a Common-wealth , was greater , is so exactly the same again , that ( seeing by Men wholly ignorant of Antiquity , I am accused of writing Romance ) I shall repeat nothing ; but tell you that this year the whole Nation of Oceana , even unto the women and children , was in mourning , where so great or sad a pomp of Funerall , had never been seen or known . Sometime after the performance of the Exequies , a Colossus mounted upon a brazen Horse , of excellent Fabrick , was erected in the Piazza of the Pantheon , ingraved with this Inscription on the Eastern side of the Pedestall . HIS NAME IS AS Precious Oyntment . And on the Western , with this . Grata Patra Piae et perpetuae memoriae D. D. Olphaus Megaletor Lord Archon , and sole Legislator of OCEANA . Pater Patriae . Jnvincible in the Field . Jnviolable in his Faith. Vnfained in his Zeale . Jmmortall in his Fame . The Greatest of Captaines . The Best of Princes . The Happiest of Legislators . The Most Sincere of Christians . Who setting the Kingdomes of the Earth at Liberty , Tooke the Kingdome of the Heav'ns by Violence . Anno Aetat : suae : 116. Anno Hujus Reipub : 50. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45613-e13320 Plinie's Description of Oceana ▪ The Nature of the people : Essay 29. The Nature of the Marpesians . The nature of the Panopeans . Situation of the Common-wealth of Oceana . Notes for div A45613-e14160 Definitions of Government . Page 180. Page 377. Page 111. Division of Government ▪ Goods of the Mind and of Fortune . Empire and Authority . Empire . Division of Empire . Dominion . Domestick Empire . Ballance in Lands . Absolute Monarchy . Mixed Monarchy . Popular Government . Tyranny . Oligarchy . Anarchy . Ballance in money . Page 89. Arms and Contracts . Page 90. Page . 89. B. 5.3.3.9 . D. B. 1. C. 55. The right of the Militia stated . Ballance of forraign Empire . Authority . Eccl. 10.15 . Tacit. Grot. Page 110. Hooker . B. 1. Grot. The orders of popular Government in Nature . Deut. 1.13 . The People . The Magistracy . The Orders of a Common-wealth in experience , as that Of Israel . The People . The Senate . The Magistracy . Of Lacedemon . Of Carthage Of Rome . Of Venice . Of Switz & Holland . Page 170. Division of Common-Wealths . Equal Agrarian . Rotation . Prolongation of Magistracy . Ballot . Definition of an equall Common-wealth . Disc. B. 1. C. 55. Unequall Common-wealth . Deut. 1. De Legibus . Deut. 17. Deut. 18.10 . 2 Kings 1. 1 King. 18.19 . De Judiciis . The transition of Ancient into Modern Prudence . The Agrarian Lawes of the Romans . Sigonius de Ant. Ro. Military Colonies . The Ballance of the Roman Empire . Dion . Prince , cap. 19. Machiavil . The Gothick Ballance . Institution of Feudatory Principalities . For the proof of the ensuing discourse out of Records and Antiquities . See Selden's Titles of Honour , from page 593. to pag. 837. The Teuton Monarchy . Earles . Kings Thane Middle-Thane . Shiremoot . Halymoot . Weidenagamoots . 25 Edw. 3. Cap. 1. Monarchy of the Neustrians . Their Earls . 27 H. 8. Their Barons . Barons by their possessions . Cook. 11. Inst. pag. 596. Ballance of the Neustrian Monarchy . 4 Rich. 2. Num. 13. Administration of the Neustrian Monarchy during the raigne of the first kings Barons by Writ . 49 H. 3. Barons by Letters Patents . Dissolution of the late Monarchy of Oceana . The generation of the Common-wealth . What Prudence is . The Royalist . The Commonwealths man. Religious parties . Saints . Livy , 4.8 . * the Errors of the people are from their Governours . Lib. 8. The General . Des. B. 1. c 9. That a Legislator is to be one . That a Common-wealth is to be made at once . Suidas . Exo. 18.24 . Numb . 1.16 . Math. Crag . de Rep. Lac. Lib. 1. Cap. 6. Halicar . Sigonius . Institution of the Common-wealth . Divisions of the People . Into Freemen , and Servants . Into Youth and Elders . Into Horse and Foot. into Parishes , Hundreds , and Tribes . The use and method of the Surveyors . Institution of the Parishes of the Ballot and of the Deputies . Jos. 24.1 . Act. 14.23 . Definition of a Parish . Institution of the Hundred Definition of the Hundred Institution of the Tribe . of the Pavilion . The whole Charge of the Institution ▪ Institution of the Prime Magnitude . Functions of the Magistrates of the Prime Magnitude . Functions of the Phylarch . Institution of the Roll called the Pillar of Nilus . Institution of the Gallaxy . Definition of the Tribe . Constitution of the Common-wealth . Arist. Pol. 1.3 . c. 9. Pol. l. 5. c. 3. Liv. in praef . The face of the Senate . Constitution of the Senate . Tropick of the Magistrates : Of the Strategus . Of the Orator . Of the Censors . Of the Commissioners . of the Seal . Of the Commissioners of the Treasury . Of the Signory . Constitution of the Councils . Of the Council of State. Of the Council of Warr. Of the Council of Religion . Of the Council of Trade . Of the Provosts . Of the Councill of the Provosts : Constitution of the Biennial Election or Orbe of Embassadors in ordinary . Constitution of Election Extraordinary , or by the Scruteny . Instructions for the Councils as to their Subject Matter . For the Council of State. For the Council of War. For the Council of Religion . For the Council of Trade . For the Academy of the Provosts . For the Attendance of the Councils . For the Dictator . Livy . Instructions for the Councils as to their Manner of Proceeding . Livy . The Face of the Prerogative Tribe . The change , or Election of the Triennial Officers of the Prerogative . The Change , or Election of the Annual Magistrates of the Prerogative . Liv. l. 2. Mach. disc ▪ B. 1. C. 6. Arist. Pol. B. 2 ▪ Plutarch in the Life of Lycurgus . Val. Max. l. 4. Liv. The Constitution Function and Manner of Proceeding of the Praerogative . Constitution of the Provincial part of the Senate , and the People . Constitution of the Parliament . Prov. 31. The Government of Emporium . The City Tribes and Wards . Wardmot ▪ The Liveries . The Companies . Common-Halls . Election of Aldermen and of the Common Councill men . The Court of Aldermen . The Common-Councill . The Common-Hall . The Election of the Lord Maior and Sheriffs . Some conveniences in this alteration . The Government of Hiera . The Court. The High Steward . Cicero . Cicero . Acts 17..18 . Judg. 20.9 . Valerius . 1 Sam. 11.7 . Livy . Constitution of the Civill part of the Provinciall Orbe . Constitution of the Military part of the Provinciall Orbe . Deut. 20 2 Sam : 30.24 . Dis. B. 3. C. 22. B. 3 C. 29. Dis. B. 1. C. 18 Prov. 20.14 Disc. B. 2. C. 4. Cicero . * This by the pay of a Parliamentary Army , is demonstrated in the Corrollary . Epitome of the whole Common wealth . Trajno , a Boccalini , Centuria 1. Ragnal . 21. See the course of the Decemvirs in the promulgation of the first ten of their twelve Tables in Livy . Arist. Rhet. Notes for div A45613-e77940 * Hobb Plutarch in the Life of Timoleon . 
A45618	----	The Oceana of James Harrington and his other works, som [sic] wherof are now first publish'd from his own manuscripts : the whole collected, methodiz'd, and review'd, with an exact account of his life prefix'd / by John Toland. Harrington, James, 1611-1677. 1700 Approx. 2082 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 303 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45618 Wing H816 ESTC R9111 11807044 ocm 11807044 49467 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45618) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49467) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 533:19) The Oceana of James Harrington and his other works, som [sic] wherof are now first publish'd from his own manuscripts : the whole collected, methodiz'd, and review'd, with an exact account of his life prefix'd / by John Toland. Harrington, James, 1611-1677. Toland, John, 1670-1722. [2], xliv, 546 p. Printed and are to be sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster, London : 1700. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Utopias -- Early works to 1800. Utopias in literature. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-08 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE OCEANA OF James Harrington , AND HIS OTHER WORKS ; Som wherof are now first publish'd from his own MANUSCRIPTS . The whole Collected , Methodiz'd , and Review'd , WITH An Exact Account of his LIFE Prefix'd , By JOHN TOLAND . RESPUBLICA Res est Populi cum benè ac justè geritur , sive ab uno Rege , sive a paucis Optimatibus , sive ab universo Populo . Cum vero injustus est Rex ( quem Tyrannum voco ) aut injusti Optimates ( quorum Consensus Factio est ) aut injustus ipse Populus ( cui nomen usitatum nullum reperio , nisi ut ipsum Tyrannum appellem ) non jam vitiosa sed omnino nulla Respublica est , quoniam non RES est POPULI cum Tyrannus eam Factióve capessat ; nec ipse Populus jam Populus est si sit injustus , quoniam non est Multitudo Juris consensu & Utilitatis communione sociata . Fragmentum Ciceronis ex lib. 3. de Republica , apud Augustin . de Civ . Dei , l. 2. c. 21. LONDON , Printed , and are to be sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster . M. DCC . MOSES . SOLON . CONFUCIUS . LYCURGUS . NUMA . L. IVNIVS BRVTVS . GVLIELMVS . III. Commercio . Opificio . M. DCC . I. TOLANDVS . LIBERTATI . SACRAVIT . M. ●ander ●ucht . Scul : TO THE LORD MAYOR , ALDERMEN , SHERIFS , AND COMMON COUNCIL OF LONDON . IT is not better known to you , most worthy Magistrats , that Government is the preserving Cause of all Societys , than that every Society is in a languishing or flourishing condition , answerable to the particular Constitution of its Government : And if the Goodness of the Laws in any place be thus distinguishable by the Happiness of the People , so the Wisdom of the People is best discern'd by the Laws they have made , or by which they have chosen to be govern'd . The truth of these Observations is no where more conspicuous than in the present State of that most Antient and Famous Society you have the honor to rule , and which reciprocally injoys the chearful influence of your Administration . 'T is solely to its Government that London ows being universally acknowleg'd the largest , fairest , richest , and most populous City in the World ; all which glorious Attributes could have no Foundation in History or Nature , if it were not likewise the most free . 'T is confest indeed that it derives infinit Advantages above other places from its incomparable Situation , as being an inland City , seated in the middle of a Vale no less delicious than healthy , and on the Banks of a Noble River , in respect of which ( if we regard how many score miles it is navigable , the clearness and depth of its Channel , or its smooth and even Course ) the Seine is but a Brook , and the celebrated Tyber it self a Rivulet : Yet all this could never raise it to any considerable pitch without the inestimable Blessings of LIBERTY , which has chosen her peculiar Residence , and more eminently fixt her Throne in this place . LIBERTY is the true Spring of its prodigious Trade and Commerce with all the known parts of the Universe , and is the original Planter of its many fruitful Colonys in America , with its numberless Factorys in Europe , Asia , and Africa : hence it is that every Sea is cover'd with our Ships , that the very Air is scarce exemted from our Inventions , and that all the Productions of Art or Nature are imported to this common Storehouse of Mankind ; or rather as if the whole Variety of things wherwith the Earth is stockt had bin principally design'd for our profit or delight , and no more of 'em allow'd to the rest of Men , than what they must necessarily use as our Purveyors or Laborers . As LIBERTY has elevated the native Citizens of London to so high a degree of Riches and Politeness , that for their stately Houses , fine Equipages , and sumtuous Tables , they excede the Port of som Foren Princes ; so is it naturally becom every Man's Country , and the happy Refuge of those in all Nations , who prefer the secure injoyment of Life and Property to the glittering pomp and slavery , as well as to the arbitrary lust and rapine of their several Tyrants . To the same Cause is owing the Splendor and Magnificence of the public Structures , as Palaces , Temples , Halls , Colleges , Hospitals , Schools , Courts of Judicature , and a great many others of all kinds , which , tho singly excel'd where the Wealth or State of any Town cannot reach further than one Building , yet , taking them all together , they are to be equal'd no where besides . The delicat Country Seats , and the large Villages crouded on all hands around it , are manifest Indications how happily the Citizens live , and makes a Stranger apt to believe himself in the City before he approaches it by som miles . Nor is it to the felicity of the present times that London is only indebted : for in all Ages , and under all Changes , it ever shew'd a most passionat love of LIBERTY , which it has not more bravely preserv'd than wisely manag'd , infusing the same Genius into all quarters of the Land , which are influenc'd from hence as the several parts of the Animal Body are duly supply'd with Blood and Nourishment from the Heart . Whenever therfore the execrable design was hatcht to inslave the Inhabitants of this Country , the first Attemts were still made on the Government of the City , as there also the strongest and most succesful Efforts were first us'd to restore Freedom : for we may remember ( to name one instance for all ) when the late King was fled , and every thing in confusion , that then the chief Nobility and Gentry resorted to Guildhall for protection , and to concert proper methods for settling the Nation hereafter on a Basis of Liberty never to be shaken . But what greater Demonstration can the World require concerning the Excellency of our National Government , or the particular Power and Freedom of this City , than the BANK of England , which , like the Temple of SATURN among the Romans , is esteem'd so sacred a Repository , that even Foreners think their Treasure more safely lodg'd there than with themselves at home ; and this not only don by the Subjects of Absolute Princes , where there can be no room for any Public Credit , but likewise by the Inhabitants of those Commonwealths where alone such Banks were hitherto reputed secure . I am the more willing to make this Remark , because the Constitution of our Bank is both preferable to that of all others , and coms the nearest of any Government to HARRINGTON'S Model . In this respect a particular Commendation is due to the City which produc'd such Persons to whose Wisdom we ow so beneficial an Establishment : and therfore from my own small observation on Men or Things I fear not to prophesy , that , before the term of years be expir'd to which the Bank is now limited , the desires of all people will gladly concur to have it render'd perpetual . Neither is it one of the last things on which you ought to value your selves , most worthy Citizens , that there is scarce a way of honoring the Deity known any where , but is either already allow'd , or may be safely exercis'd among you ; Toleration being only deny'd to immoral Practices , and the Opinions of Men being left as free to them as their Possessions , excepting only POPERY , and such other Rites and Notions as directly tend to disturb or dissolve Society . Besides the political Advantages of Union , Wealth , and numbers of People , which are the certain Consequents of this impartial Liberty , 't is also highly congruous to the nature of true Religion ; and if any thing on Earth can be imagin'd to ingage the Interest of Heaven , it must be specially that which procures it the sincere and voluntary respect of Mankind . I might here display the Renown of the City for Military Glory , and recite those former valiant Atchievments which our Historians carefully record ; but I should never finish if I inlarg'd on those things which I only hint , or if I would mention the extraordinary Privileges which London now injoys , and may likely possess hereafter , for which she well deserves the name of a New Rome in the West , and , like the old one , to becom the Soverain Mistress of the Universe . THE Government of the City is so wisely and completely contriv'd , that HARRINGTON made very few Alterations in it , tho in all the other parts of our National Constitution he scarce left any thing as he found it . And without question it is a most excellent Model . The Lord Mayor , as to the Solemnity of his Election , the Magnificence of his State , or the Extent of his Authority , tho inferior to a Roman Consul ( to whom in many respects he may be fitly compar'd ) yet he far outshines the figure made by an Athenian Archon , or the grandeur of any Magistrat presiding over the best Citys now in the World. During a vacancy of the Throne he is the chief Person in the Nation , and is at all times vested with a very extraordinary Trust , which is the reason that this Dignity is not often confer'd on undeserving Persons ; of which we need not go further for an Instance than the Right Honorable Sir RICHARD LEVET , who now so worthily fills that eminent Post , into which he was not more freely chosen by the Suffrages of his Fellowcitizens , than he continues to discharge the Functions of it with approv'd Moderation and Justice . But of the great Caution generally us'd in the choice of Magistrats , we may give a true judgment by the present Worshipful Sherifs , Sir CHARLES DUNCOMB and Sir JEFFERY JEFFERIES , who are not the Creatures of petty Factions and Cabals , nor ( as in the late Reigns ) illegally obtruded on the City to serve a Turn for the Court , but unanimously elected for those good Qualitys which alone should be the proper Recommendations to Magistracy ; that as having the greatest Stakes to lose they will be the more concern ▪ d for securing the Property of others , so their willingness to serve their Country is known not to be inferior to their Zeal for King WILLIAM ; and while they are , for the Credit of the City , generously equalling the Expences of the Roman Praetors , such at the same time is their tender care of the Distrest , as if to be Overseers of the Poor were their sole and immediat Charge . As the Common Council is the Popular Representative , so the Court of Aldermen is the Aristocratical Senat of the City . To enter on the particular Merits of those Names who compose this Illustrious Assembly , as it must be own'd by all to be a labor no less arduous than extremely nice and invidious , yet to pass it quite over in such a manner as not to give at least a Specimen of so much Worth , would argue a pusillanimity inconsistent with LIBERTY , and a disrespect to those I wou'd be always understood to honor . In regard therfore that the eldest Alderman is the same at London with what the Prince of the Senat was at Rome , I shall only presume to mention the Honorable Sir ROBERT CLAYTON as well in that capacity , as by reason he universally passes for the perfect Pattern of a good Citizen . That this Character is not exaggerated will be evident to all those who consider him , either as raising a plentiful Fortune by his Industry and Merit , or as disposing his Estate with no less liberality and judgment than he got it with honesty and care : For as to his public and privat Donations , and the provision he has made for his Relations or Friends , I will not say that he is unequal'd by any , but that he deserves to be imitated by all . Yet these are small Commendations if compar'd to his st●ddy Conduct when he supply'd the highest Stations of this Great City . The danger of defending the Liberty of the Subject in those calamitous times is not better remember'd than the courage with which he acted , particularly in bringing in the Bill for excluding a Popish Successor from the Crown , his brave appearance on the behalf of your Charter , and the general applause with which he discharg'd his Trust in all other respects ; nor ought the Gratitude of the People be forgot , who on this occasion first stil'd him the Father of the City , as CICERO for the like reason was the first of all Romans call'd the Father of his Country . That he still assists in the Government of London as eldest Alderman , and in that of the whole Nation as a Member of the High Court of Parlament , is not so great an honor as that he deserves it ; while the Posterity of those Familys he supports , and the memory of his other laudable Actions , will be the living and eternal Monuments of his Virtue , when time has consum'd the most durable Brass or Marble . TO whom therfore shou'd I inscribe a Book containing the Rules of good Polity , but to a Society so admirably constituted , and producing such Great and Excellent Men ? That elswhere there may be found who understand Government better , distribute Justice wiser , or love Liberty more , I could never persuade my self to imagin : nor can the Person wish for a nobler Address , or the Subject be made happy in a more sutable Patronage than THE SENAT AND PEOPLE OF LONDON ; to whose uninterrupted increase of Wealth and Dignity , none can be a heartier Welwisher , than the greatest admirer of their Constitution , and their most humble Servant , JOHN TOLAND . THE PREFACE . HOW allowable it is for any man to write the History of another , without intitling himself to his Opinions , or becoming answerable for his Actions , I have expresly treated in the Life of JOHN MILTON , and in the just defence of the same under the Title of AMYNTOR . The Reasons there alleg'd are Excuse and Authority enough for the Task I have since impos'd on my self , which is , to transmit to Posterity the worthy Memory of JAMES HARRINGTON , a bright Ornament to useful Learning , a hearty Lover of his Native Country , and a generous Benefactor to the whole World ; a Person who obscur'd the false Lustre of our Modern Politicians , and that equal'd ( if not exceded ) all the Antient Legislators . BVT there are som People more formidable for their Noise than Number , and for their Number more considerable than their Power , who will not fail with open mouths to proclaim that this is a seditious Attemt against the very being of Monarchy , and that there 's a pernicious design on foot of speedily introducing a Republican Form of Government into the Britannic Islands ; in order to which the Person ( continue they ) whom we have for som time distinguisht as a zealous promoter of this Cause , has now publisht the Life and Works of HARRINGTON , who was the greatest Commonwealthsman in the World. This is the substance of what these roaring and hoarse Trumpeters of Detraction will sound ; for what 's likely to be said by men who talk all by rote , is as easy to guess as to answer , tho 't is commonly so silly as to deserve no Animadversion . Those who in the late Reigns were invidiously nicknam'd Commonwealthsmen , are by this time sufficiently clear'd of that Imputation by their Actions , a much better Apology than any Words : for they valiantly rescu'd our antient Government from the devouring Jaws of Arbitrary Power , and did not only unanimously concur to fix the Imperial Crown of England on the most deserving Head in the Vniverse , but also settl'd the Monarchy for the future , not as if they intended to bring it soon to a period , but under such wise Regulations as are most likely to continue it for ever , consisting of such excellent Laws as indeed set bounds to the Will of the King , but that render him therby the more safe , equally binding up his and the Subjects hands from unjustly seizing one anothers prescrib'd Rights or Privileges . 'T IS confest , that in every Society there will be always found som Persons prepar'd to enterprize any thing ( tho never so flagitious ) grown desperat by their Villanies , their Profuseness , their Ambition , or the more raging madness of Superstition ; and this Evil is not within the compass of Art or Nature to remedy . But that a whole People , or any considerable number of them , shou'd rebel against a King that well and wisely administers his Government , as it cannot be instanc'd out of any History , so it i● a thing in it self impossible . An infallible Expedient therfore to exclude a Commonwealth , is for the King to be the Man of his People , and , according to his present Majesty's glorious Example , to find out the Secret of so happily uniting too seemingly incompatible things , Principality and Liberty . 'T IS strange that men shou'd be cheated by mere Names ! yet how frequently are they seen to admire under one denomination , what going under another they wou'd undoubtedly detest ; which Observation made TACITUS lay down for a Maxim , That the secret of setting up a new State consists in retaining the Image of the old . Now if a Common-wealth be a Government of Laws enacted for the common Good of all the People , not without their own Consent or Approbation ; and that they are not wholly excluded , as in absolute Monarchy , which is a Government of Men who forcibly rule over others for their own privat Interest : Then it is undeniably manifest that the English Government is already a Commonwealth , the most free and best constituted in all the world . This was frankly acknowleg'd by King JAMES the First , who stil'd himself the Great Servant of the Commonwealth , It is the Language of our best Lawyers , and allow'd by our Author , who only makes it a less perfect and more inequal Form than that of his Oceana , wherin , he thinks , better provision is made against external Violence or internal Diseases . Nor dos it at all import by what names either Persons , or Places , or Things are call'd , since the Commonwealthsman finds he injoys Liberty under the security of equal Laws , and that the rest of the Subjects are fully satisfy'd they live under a Government which is a Monarchy in effect as well as in name . There 's not a man alive that excedes my affection to a mixt Form of Government , by the Antients counted the most perfect ; yet I am not so blinded with admiring the good Constitution of our own , but that every day I can discern in it many things deficient , som things redundant , and others that require emendation or change . And of this the supreme Legislative Powers are so sensible , that we see nothing more frequent with them than the enacting , abrogating , explaining , and altering of Laws , with regard to the very Form of the Administration . Nevertheless I hope the King and both Houses of Parlament will not be counted Republicans ; or , if they be , I am the readiest in the world to run the same good or bad Fortune with them in this as well as in all other respects . BVT , what HARRINGTON was oblig'd to say on the like occasion , I must now produce for my self . It was in the time of ALEXANDER , the greatest Prince and Commander of his Age , that ARISTOTLE ( with scarce inferior Applause , and equal Fame ) wrote that excellent piece of Prudence in his Closet which is call'd his Politics , going upon far other Principles than ALEXANDER's Government which it has long outliv'd . The like did LIVY without disturbance in the time of AUGUSTUS , Sir THOMAS MORE in that of HENRY the Eighth , and MACCHIAVEL when Italy was under Princes that afforded him not the ear . If these and many other celebrated Men wrote not only with honor and safety , but even of Commonwealths under Despotic or Tyrannical Princes , who can be so notoriously stupid as to wonder that in a free Government , and under a King that is both the restorer and supporter of the Liberty of Europe , I shou'd do justice to an Author who far outdos all that went before him in his exquisit knowlege of the Politics ? THIS Liberty of writing freely , fully , and impartially , is a part of those Rights which in the last Reigns were so barbarously invaded by such as had no inclination to hear of their own enormous violations of the Laws of God and Man ; nor is it undeserving Observation , that such as raise the loudest Clamors against it now , are the known Enemys of King WILLIAM's Title and Person , being sure that the Abdicated King JAMES can never be reinthron'd so long as the Press is open for brave and free Spirits to display the Mischiefs of Tyranny in their true Colors , and to shew the insinit Advantages of Liberty . But not to dismiss even such unreasonable People without perfect satisfaction , let 'em know that I don't recommend a Commonwealth , but write the History of a Commonwealthsman , fairly divulging the Principles and Pretences of that Party , and leaving every body to approve or dislike what he pleases , without imposing on his Judgment by the deluding Arts of Sophistry , Eloquence , or any other specious but unfair methods of persuasion . Men , to the best of their ability , ought to be ignorant of nothing ; and while they talk so much for and against a Commonwealth , 't is sit they shou'd at least understand the Subject of their Discourse , which is not every body's case . Now as HARRINGTON'S Oceana is , in my Opinion , the most perfect Form of Popular Government that ever was : so this , with his other Writings , contain the History , Reasons , Nature , and Effects of all sorts of Government , with so much Learning and Perspicuity , that nothing can be more preferably read on such occasions . LET not those therfore , who make no opposition to the reprinting or reading of PLATO's Heathen Commonwealth , ridiculously declaim against the better and Christian Model of HARRINGTON ; but peruse both of 'em with as little prejudice , passion , or concern , as they would a Book of Travels into the Indys for their improvement and diversion . Yet so contrary are the Tempers of many to this equitable disposition , that DIONYSIUS the Sicilian Tyrant , and such Beasts of Prey , are the worthy Examples they wou'd recommend to the imitation of our Governors , tho , if they cou'd be able to persuade 'em , they wou'd still miss of their foolish aim : for it is ever with all Books , as formerly with those of CREMUTIUS CORDUS , who was condemn'd by that Monster TIBERIUS for speaking honorably of the immortal Tyrannicides BRUTUS and CASSIUS . TACITUS records the last words of this Historian , and subjoins this judicious Remark : The Senat , says he , order'd his Books to be burnt by the Ediles ; but som Copys were conceal'd , and afterwards publish'd ; whence we may take occasion to laugh at the sottishness of those who imagin that their present Power can also abolish the memory of succeding time : for on the contrary , Authors acquire additional Reputation by their Punishment ; nor have Foren Kings ; and such others as have us'd the like severity , got any thing by it , except to themselves Disgrace , and Glory to the Writers . But the Works of HARRINGTON were neither supprest at their first publication under the Vsurper , nor ever since call'd in by lawful Authority , but as inestimable Treasures preserv'd by all that had the happiness to possess 'em intire ; so that what was a precious rarity before , is now becom a Public Good , with extraordinary advantages of Correctness , Paper , and Print . What I have perform'd in the History of his Life , I leave the Readers to judg for themselves ; but in that and all my other studys , I constantly aim'd as much at least at the benefit of Mankind , and especially of my fellow Citizens , as at my own particular Entertainment or Reputation . THE Politics , no less than Arms , are the proper study of a Gentleman , tho he shou'd consine himself to nothing , but carefully adorn his Mind and Body with all useful and becoming Accomplishments ; and not imitat the servil drudgery of those mean Spirits , who , for the sake of som one Science , neglect the knowlege of all other matters , and in the end are many times neither masters of what they profess , nor vers'd enough in any thing else to speak of it agreably or pertinently : which renders 'em untractable in Conversation , as in Dispute they are opinionative and passionat , envious of their Fame who eclipse their littleness , and the sworn Enemys of what they do not understand . BVT Heaven be duly prais'd , Learning begins to flourish again in its proper Soil among our Gentlemen , in imitation of the Roman Patricians , who did not love to walk in Leading strings , and to be guided blindfold , nor lazily to abandon the care of their proper Business to the management of Men having a distinct Profession and Interest : for the greatest part of their best Authors were Persons of Consular Dignity , the ablest Statesmen , and the most gallant Commanders . Wherfore the amplest satisfaction I can injoy of this sort will be , to find those delighted with reading this Work , for whose service it was intended by the Author ; and which with the study of other good Books , but especially a careful perusal of the Greec and Roman Historians , will make 'em in reality deserve the Title and Respect of Gentlemen , help 'em to make an advantageous Figure in their own time , and perpetuat their illustrious Names and solid Worth to be admir'd by future Generations . AS for my self , tho no imployment or condition of Life shall make me disrelish the lasting entertainment which Books afford ; yet I have resolv'd not to write the Life of any modern Person again , except that only of one Man still alive , and whom in the ordinary course of nature I am like to survive a long while , he being already far advanc'd in his declining time , and I but this present day beginning the thirtieth year of my Age. Canon near Bansted , Novemb. 30. 1699. THE LIFE OF James Harrington . 1. JAMES HARRINGTON ( who was born in January 1611 ) was descended of an Antient and Noble Family in Rutlandshire , being Great Grandson to Sir JAMES HARRINGTON ; of whom it is observ'd by the * Historian of that County , that there were sprung in his time eight Dukes , three Marquisses , seventy Earls , twenty seven Viscounts , and thirty six Barons ; of which number sixteen were Knights of the Garter : to confirm which Account , we shall annex a Copy of the Inscription on his Monument and that of his three Sons at Exton , with Notes on the same by an uncertain hand . As for our Author , he was the eldest Son of Sir SAPCOTES HARRINGTON , and JANE the Daughter of Sir WILLIAM SAMUEL of Vpton in Northamtonshire . His Father had Children besides him , WILLIAM a Merchant in London ; ELIZABETH marry'd to Sir RALPH ASHTON in Lancashire , Baronet ; ANN marry'd to ARTHUR EVELYN Esq . And by a second Wife he had JOHN kill'd at Sea ; EDWARD a Captain in the Army , yet living ; FRANCES marry'd to JOHN BAGSHAW of Culworth in Northamtonshire Esq and DOROTHY marry'd to ALLAN BELLINGHAM of Levens in Westmorland Esq . This Lady is still alive , and , when she understood my Design , was pleas'd to put me in possession of all the remaining Letters , and other Manuscript Papers of her Brother , with the Collections and Observations relating to him , made by his other Sister the Lady ASHTON , a Woman of very extraordinary Parts and Accomplishments . These , with the Account given of him by ANTHONY WOOD in the second Volum of his Athenae Oxonienses , and what I cou'd learn from the Mouths of his surviving Acquaintance , are the Materials wherof I compos'd this insuing History of his Life . 2. IN his very Childhood he gave sure hopes of his future Abilitys , as well by his Inclination and Capacity to learn whatever was propos'd to him , as by a kind of natural gravity ; whence his Parents and Masters were wont to say , That he rather kept them in aw , than needed their correction : yet when grown a Man , none could easily surpass him for quickness of Wit , and a most facetious Temper . He was enter'd a Gentleman Commoner of Trinity College in Oxford in the year 1629 , and became a Pupil to that great Master of Reason Dr. CHILLINGWORTH , who discovering the Errors , Impostures , and Tyranny of the Popish Church ( wherof he was for som time a Member ) attackt it with more proper and succes●ful Arms than all before , or perhaps any since have don . After considerably improving his Knowlege in the University , he was more particularly fitting himself for his intended Travels , by learning several Foren Languages , when his Father dy'd , leaving him under Age. Tho the Court of Wards was still in being , yet by the Soccage Tenure of his Estate he was at liberty to chuse his own Guardian ; and accordingly pitcht upon his Grandmother the Lady SAMUEL , a Woman eminent for her Wisdom and Virtue . Of her and the rest of his Governors , he soon obtain'd a permission to satisfy his eager desire of seeing som other parts of the World , where he cou'd make such Observations on Men and Manners , as might best fit him in due time to serve and adorn his Native Country . 3. HIS first step was into Holland , then the principal School of Martial Disciplin , and ( what toucht him more sensibly ) a place wonderfully flourishing under the influence of their Liberty which they had so lately asserted , by breaking the Yoke of a severe Master , the Spanish Tyrant . And here , no doubt , it was that he begun to make Government the Subject of his Meditations : for he was often heard to say , that , before he left England , he knew no more of Monarchy , Anarchy , Aristocracy , Democracy , Oligarchy , or the like , than as hard words wherof he learnt the signification in his Dictionary . For som months he listed himself in my Lord CRAVEN'S Regiment and Sir ROBERT STONE' 's ; during which time being much at the Hague , he had the opportunity of further accomplishing himself in two Courts , namely those of the Prince of Orange , and the Queen of Bohemia , the Daughter of our K. JAMES I. then a Fugitive in Holland , her Husband having bin abandon'd by his Father in Law , betray'd by the King of Spain , and stript of all his Territorys by the Emperor . This excellent Princess entertain'd him with extraordinary favor and civility on the account of his Uncle the Lord HARRINGTON , who had bin her Governor ; but particularly for the sake of his own Merit . The Prince Elector also courted him into his Service , ingag'd him to attend him in a Journy he made to the Court of Denmark , and , after his return from travelling , committed the chief management of all his Affairs in England to his care . Nor were the young Princesses less delighted with his Company , his Conversation being always extremely pleasant , as well as learn'd and polite ; to which good qualitys those unfortunat Ladys were far from being strangers , as appears by the Letters of the great Philosopher CARTESIUS , and by the other Writers of those times . 4. THO he found many Charms inviting his longer stay in this place , yet none were strong enough to keep him from pursuing his main design of travelling ; and therfore he went next thro Flanders into France , where having perfected himself in the Language , seen what deserv'd his curiosity , and made such Remarks on their Government as will best appear in his Works , he remov'd thence into Italy . It happen'd to be then ( as it is now ) the Year of Jubilee . He always us'd to admire the great dexterity wherwith the Popish Clergy could maintain their severe Government over so great a part of the World , and that Men otherwise reasonable enough should be inchanted out of their Senses , as well as cheated out of their Mony , by these ridiculous Tricks of Religious Pageantry . Except the small respect he shew'd to the Miracles they daily told him were perform'd in their Churches , he did in all other things behave himself very prudently and inoffensively . But going on a Candlemass day with several other Protestants , to see the Pope perform the Ceremony of consecrating Wax Lights ; and perceiving that none could obtain any of those Torches , except such as kist the Pope's To ( which he expos'd to 'em for that purpose ) tho he had a great mind to one of the Lights , yet he would not accept it on so hard a condition . The rest of his Companions were not so scrupulous , and after their return complain'd of his squeamishness to the King ; who telling him he might have don it only as a respect to a temporal Prince , he presently reply'd , that since he had the honor to kiss his Majesty's hand , he thought it beneath him to kiss any other Prince's foot . The King was pleas'd with his answer , and did afterwards admit him to be one of his Privy Chamber extraordinary , in which quality he attended him in his first Expedition against the Scots . 5. HE prefer'd Venice to all other places in Italy , as he did its Government to all those of the whole World , it being in his Opinion immutable by any external or internal Causes , and to finish only with Mankind ; of which Assertion you may find various proofs alleg'd in his Works . Here he furnish'd himself with a Collection of all the valuable Books in the Italian Language , especially treating of Politics , and contracted acquaintance with every one of whom he might receive any benefit by instruction or otherwise . 6. AFTER having thus seen Italy , France , the Low Countrys , Denmark , and som parts of Germany , he return'd home into England , to the great joy of all his Friends and Acquaintance . But he was in a special manner the Darling of his Relations , of whom he acknowleg'd to receive reciprocal satisfaction . His Brothers and Sisters were now pretty well grown , which made it his next care so to provide for each of 'em as might render 'em independent of others , and easy to themselves . His Brother WILLIAM he bred to be a Merchant , in which calling he became a considerable Man ; he was a good Architect , and was so much notic'd for his ingenious Contrivances , that he was receiv'd a Fellow of the Royal Society . How his other Brothers were dispos'd , we mention'd in the beginuing of this Discourse . He took all the care of a Parent in the education of his Sisters , and wou'd himself make large Discourses to 'em concerning the Reverence that was due to Almighty God ; the benevolence they were oblig'd to shew all mankind ; how they ought to furnish their minds with knowlege by reading of useful Books , and to shew the goodness of their disposition by a constant practice of Virtue : In a word , he taught 'em the true Rules of humanity and decency , always inculcating to 'em that good Manners did not so much consist in a fashionable carriage ( which ought not to be neglected ) as in becoming words and actions , an obliging address , and a modest behavior . He treated his Mother in Law as if she were his own , and made no distinction between her Children and the rest of his Brothers and Sisters ; which good Example had such effects on 'em all , that no Family has bin more remarkable for their mutual friendship . 7. HE was of a very liberal and compassionat nature , nor could he indure to see a Friend want any thing he might spare ; and when the Relief that was necessary exceded the bounds of his Estate , he persuaded his Sisters not only to contribute themselves , but likewise to go about to the rest of their Relations to complete what was wanting . And if at any time they alleg'd that this Bounty had bin thrown away on ungrateful Persons , he would answer with a smile that he saw they were mercenary , and that they plainly sold their Gifts since they expected so great a return as Gratitude . 8. HIS natural inclinations to study kept him from seeking after any publick Imployments . But in the year 1646 , attending out of curiosity the Commissioners appointed by Parlament to bring King CHARLES the First from Newcastle nearer to London , he was by som of 'em nam'd to wait on his Majesty , as a Person known to him before , and ingag'd to no Party or Faction . The King approv'd the Proposal , yet our Author would never presume to com into his presence except in public , till he was particularly commanded by the King ; and that he , with THOMAS HERBERT ( created a Baronet after the Restoration of the Monarchy ) were made Grooms of the Bedchamber at Holmby , together with JAMES MAXWELL and PATRICK MAULE ( afterwards Earl of Penmoore in Scotland ) which two only remain'd of his old Servants in that Station . 9. HE had the good luck to grow very acceptable to the King , who much convers'd with him about Books and Foren Countrys . In his Sisters Papers I find it exprest , that at the King's command he translated into English Dr. SANDERSONS Book concerning the Obligation of Oaths : but ANTHONY WOOD says it was the King's own doing , and that he shew'd it at different times to HARRINGTON , HERBERT , Dr. JUXON , Dr. HAMMOND , and Dr. SHELDON for their approbation . However that be , 't is certain he serv'd his Master with untainted fidelity , without doing any thing inconsistent with the Liberty of his Country ; and that he made use of his Interest with his Friends in Parlament to have Matters accommodated for the satisfaction of all Partys . During the Treaty in the I le of Wight , he frequently warn'd the Divines of his acquaintance to take heed how far they prest the King to insist upon any thing which , however it concern'd their Dignity , was no essential point of Religion ; and that such matters driven too far wou'd infallibly ruin all the indeavors us'd for a Peace , which Prophecy was prov'd too true by the Event . His Majesty lov'd his company , says ANTHONY WOOD , and , finding him to be an ingenious Man , chose rather to converse with him than with others of his Chamber : They had often discourses concerning Government ; but when they happen'd to talk of a Commonwealth , the King seem'd not to indure it . Here I know not which most to commend , the King for trusting a Man of Republican Principles , or HARRINGTON for owning his Principles while he serv'd a King. 10. AFTER the King was remov'd out of the I le of Wight to Hurstcastle in Hampshire , HARRINGTON was forcibly turn'd out of service , because he vindicated som of his Majesty's Arguments against the Parlament Commissioners at Newport , and thought his Concessions not so unsatisfactory as did som others . As they were taking the King to Windsor , he beg'd admittance to the Boot of the Coach that he might bid his Master farewel ; which being granted , and he preparing to kneel , the King took him by the hand , and pull'd him in to him . He was for three or four days permitted to stay ; but because he would not take an Oath against assisting or concealing the King's Escape , he was not only discharg'd from his Office , but also for som time detain'd in custody , till Major General IRETON obtain'd his Liberty . He afterwards found means to see the King at St. James's , and accompany'd him on the Scaffold , where , or a little before , he receiv'd a Token of his Majesty's Affection . 11. AFTER the King's Death he was observ'd to keep much in his Library , and more retir'd than usually , which was by his Friends a long time attributed to Melancholy or Discontent . At length when they weary'd him with their importunitys to change this sort of Life , he thought fit to shew 'em at the same time their mistake and a Copy of his Oceana , which he was privatly writing all that while : telling 'em withal , that ever since he began to examin things seriously , he had principally addicted himself to the study of Civil Government , as being of the highest importance to the Peace and Felicity of mankind ; and that he succeded at least to his own satisfaction , being now convinc'd that no Government is of so accidental or arbitrary an Institution as people are wont to imagin , there being in Societys natural causes producing their necessary effects , as well as in the Earth or the Air. Hence he frequently argu'd that the Troubles of his time were not to be wholly attributed to wilfulness or faction , neither to the misgovernment of the Prince , nor the stubborness of the People ; but to a change in the Balance of Property , which ever since HENRY the Seventh's time was daily falling into the Scale of the Commons from that of the King and the Lords , as in his Book he evidently demonstrats and explains . Not that hereby he approv'd either the Breaches which the King had made on the Laws , or excus'd the Severity which som of the Subjects exercis'd on the King ; but to shew that as long as the Causes of these Disorders remain'd , so long would the like Effects unavoidably follow : while on the one hand a King would be always indeavoring to govern according to the example of his Predecessors when the best part of the National Property was in their own hands , and consequently the greatest command of Mony and Men , as one of a thousand pounds a Year can entertain more Servants , or influence more Tenants , than another that has but one hundred , out of which he cannot allow one Valet ; and on the other hand he said , the People would be sure to struggle for preserving the Property wherof they were in possession , never failing to obtain more Privileges , and to inlarge the Basis of their Liberty , as often as they met with any success ( which they generally did ) in quarrels of this kind . His chief aim therfore was to find out a method of preventing such Distempers , or to apply the best Remedys when they happen'd to break out . But as long as the Balance remain'd in this unequal state , he affirm'd that no King whatsoever could keep himself easy , let him never so much indeavor to please his People ; and that tho a good King might manage Affairs tolerably well during his life , yet this did not prove the Government to be good , since under a less prudent Prince it would fall to pieces again , while the Orders of a well constituted State make wicked men virtuous , and fools to act wisely . 12. THAT Empire follows the Balance of Property , whether lodg'd in one , in a few , or in many hands , he was the first that ever made out ; and is a noble Discovery , wherof the Honor solely belongs to him , as much as those of the Circulation of the Blood , of Printing , of Guns , of the Compass , or of Optic Glasses , to their several Authors . 'T is incredible to think what gross and numberless Errors were committed by all the Writers before him , even by the best of them , for want of understanding this plain Truth , which is the foundation of all Politics . He no sooner discours'd publicly of this new Doctrin , being a man of universal acquaintance , but it ingag'd all sorts of people to busy themselves about it as they were variously affected . Som , because they understood him , despis'd it , alleging it was plain to every man's capacity , as if his highest merit did not consist in making it so . Others , and those in number the fewest , disputed with him about it , merely to be better inform'd ; with which he was well pleas'd , as reckoning a pertinent Objection of greater advantage to the discovery of Truth ( which was his aim ) than a complaisant applause or approbation . But a third sort , of which there never wants in all places a numerous company , did out of pure envy strive all they could to lessen or defame him ; and one of 'em ( since they could not find any precedent Writer out of whose Works they might make him a Plagiary ) did indeavor , after a very singular manner , to rob him of the Glory of this Invention : for our Author having friendly lent him a part of his Papers , he publish'd a small piece to the same purpose , intitl'd , A Letter from an Officer of the Army in Ireland , &c. Major WILDMAN was then reputed the Author by som , and HENRY NEVIL by others ; which latter , by reason of this thing , and his great intimacy with HARRINGTON , was by his detractors reported to be the Author of his Works , or that at least he had a principal hand in the composing of them . Notwithstanding which provocations , so true was he to the Friendship he profest to NEVIL and WILDMAM , that he avoided all harsh Expressions or public Censures on this occasion , contenting himself with the Justice which the World was soon oblig'd to yield to him by reason of his other Writings , where no such clubbing of Brains could be reasonably suspected . 13. BUT the publication of his Book met with greater difficultys from the opposition of the several Partys then set against one another , and all against him ; but none more than som of those who pretended to be for a Commonwealth , which was the specious name under which they cover'd the rankest Tyranny of OLIVER CROMWEL , while HARRINGTON , like PAUL at Athens , indeavor'd to make known to the People what they ignorantly ador'd . By shewing that a Commonwealth was a Government of Laws , and not of the Sword , he could not but detect the violent administration of the Protector by his Bashaws , Intendants , or Majors General , which created him no small danger : while the Cavaliers on the other side tax'd him with Ingratitude to the memory of the late King , and prefer'd the Monarchy even of a Usurper to the best order'd Commonwealth . To these he answer'd , that it was enough for him to forbear publishing his Sentiments during that King's life ; but the Monarchy being now quite dissolv'd , and the Nation in a state of Anarchy , or ( what was worse ) groaning under a horrid Usurpation , he was not only at liberty , but even oblig'd as a good Citizen to offer a helping hand to his Countrymen , and to shew 'em such a Model of Government as he thought most conducing to their Tranquillity , Wealth , and Power : That the Cavaliers ought of all People to be best pleas'd with him , since if his Model succeded , they were sure to injoy equal Privileges with others , and so be deliver'd from their present Oppression ; for in a well constituted Commonwealth there can be no distinction of Partys , the passage to Preferment is open to Merit in all persons , and no honest man can be uneasy : but that if the Prince should happen to be restor'd , his Doctrin of the Balance would be a light to shew him what and with whom he had to do , and so either to mend or avoid the Miscarriages of his Father ; since all that is said of this doctrin may as well be accommodated to a Monarchy regulated by Laws , as to a Democracy or more popular form of a Commonwealth . He us'd to add on such occasions another reason of writing this Model , which was , That if it should ever be the fate of this Nation to be , like Italy of old , overrun by any barbarous People , or to have its Government and Records destroy'd by the rage of som merciless Conqueror , they might not be then left to their own Invention in framing a new Government ; for few People can be expected to succede so happily as the Venetians have don in such a case . 14. IN the mean time it was known to som of the Courtiers , that the Book was a printing ; wherupon , after hunting it from one Press to another , they seiz'd their Prey at last , and convey'd it to Whitehall . All the sollicitations he could make were not able to retrieve his Papers , till he remember'd that OLIVER'S favorit Daughter , the Lady CLAYPOLE , acted the part of a Princess very naturally , obliging all persons with her civility , and frequently interceding for the unhappy . To this Lady , tho an absolute stranger to him , he thought fit to make his application ; and being led into her Antichamber , he sent in his Name , with his humble request that she would admit him to her presence . While he attended , som of her Women coming into the room were follow'd by her little Daughter about three years old , who staid behind them . He entertain'd the Child so divertingly , that she suffer'd him to take her up in his arms till her Mother came ; wherupon he stepping towards her , and setting the Child down at her feet , said , Madam , 't is well you are com at this nick of time , or I had certainly stollen this pretty little Lady : Stollen her , reply'd the Mother ! pray , what to do with her ? for she is yet too young to becom your Mistress . Madam , said he , tho her Charms assure her of a more considerable Conquest , yet I must confess it is not love but revenge that promted me to commit this theft . Lord , answer'd the Lady again , what injury have I don you that you should steal my Child ? None at all , reply'd he , but that you might be induc'd to prevail with your Father to do me justice , by restoring my Child that he has stollen . But she urging it was impossible , because her Father had Children enough of his own ; he told her at last it was the issue of his brain which was misrepresented to the Protector , and taken out of the Press by his order . She immediatly promis'd to procure it for him , if it contain'd nothing prejudicial to her Father's Government ; and he assur'd her it was only a kind of a Political Romance , so far from any Treason against her Father , that he hop'd she would acquaint him that he design'd to dedicat it to him , and promis'd that she her self should be presented with one of the first Copys . The Lady was so well pleas'd with his manner of Address , that he had his Book speedily restor'd to him ; and he did accordingly inscribe it to OLIVER CROMWEL , who , after the perusal of it , said , the Gentleman had like to trapan him out of his Power , but that what he got by the Sword he would not quit for a little paper Shot : adding in his usual cant , that he approv'd the Government of a single Person as little as any of 'em , but that he was forc'd to take upon him the Office of a High Constable , to preserve the Peace among the several Partys in the Nation , since he saw that being left to themselves , they would never agree to any certain form of Government , and would only spend their whole Power in defeating the Designs , or destroying the Persons of one another . 15. BUT nothing in the world could better discover CROMWEL'S Dissimulation than this Speech , since HARRINGTON had demonstrated in his Book , that no Commonwealth could be so easily or perfectly establish'd as one by a sole Legislator , it being in his power ( if he were a man of good Invention himself , or had a good Model propos'd to him by others ) to set up a Government in the whole piece at once , and in perfection ; but an Assembly , being of better Judgment than Invention , generally make patching work in forming a Government , and are whole Ages about that which is seldom or never brought by 'em to any perfection : but is commonly ruin'd by the way , leaving the noblest Attemts under reproach , and the Authors of 'em expos'd to the greatest dangers while they live , and to a certain infamy when dead . Wherfore the wisest Assemblys , in mending or making a Government , have pitch'd upon a sole Legislator , whose Model they could rightly approve , tho not so well digest ; as Musicians can play in consort , and judg of an Air that is laid before them , tho to invent a part of Music they could never agree , nor succede so happily as one Person . If CROMWEL therfore had meant as he spoke , no man had ever such an opportunity of reforming what was amiss in the old Government , or setting up one wholly new , either according to the Plan of Oceana , or any other . This would have made him indeed a Hero superior in lasting fame to SOLON , LYCURGUS , ZALEUCUS , and CHARONDAS ; and render his Glory far more resplendent , his Security greater , and his Renoun more durable than all the Pomp of his ill acquir'd Greatness could afford : wheras on the contrary he liv'd in continual fears of those he had inslav'd , dy'd abhor'd as a monstrous betrayer of those Libertys with which he was intrusted by his Country , and his Posterity not possessing a foot of what for their only sakes he was generally thought to usurp . But this last is a mistaken Notion , for som of the most notorious Tyrants liv'd and dy'd without any hopes of Children ; which is a good reason why no mortal ought to be trusted with too much Power on that score . LYCURGUS and ANDREW DORIA , who , when it was in their power to continue Princes , chose rather to be the founders of their Countrys Liberty , will be celebrated for their Virtue thro the course of all Ages , and their very Names convey the highest Ideas of Godlike Generosity ; while JULIUS CAESAR , OLIVER CROMWEL , and such others as at any time inslav'd their fellow Citizens , will be for ever remember'd with detestation , and cited as the most execrable Examples of the vilest Treachery and Ingratitude . It is only a refin'd and excellent Genius , a noble Soul ambitious of solid Praise , a sincere lover of Virtue and the good of all Mankind , that is capable of executing so glorious an Undertaking as making a People free . 'T is my fix'd opinion , that if the Protector 's mind had the least tincture of true greatness , he could not be proof against the incomparable Rewards propos'd by HARRINGTON in the Corollary of his Oceana ; as no Prince truly generous , whether with or without Heirs , is able to resist their Charms , provided he has an opportunity to advance the happiness of his People . 'T was this Disposition that brought the Prince of ORANGE to head us when we lately contended for our Liberty ; to this we ow those inestimable Laws we have obtain'd ▪ since out of a grateful confidence we made him our King ; and how great things , or after what manner , we may expect from him in time to com , is as hard to be truly conceiv'd as worthily express'd . 16. I SHALL , now give som account of the Book it self , intitl'd by the Author , The Commonwealth of Oceana , a name by which he design'd England , as being the noblest Iland of the Northern Ocean . But before I procede further , I must explain som other words occurring in this Book , which is written after the manner of a Romance , in imitation of PLATO'S Atlantic Story , and is a method ordinarily follow'd by Lawgivers . Adoxus — King JOHN . Convallium — Hamton Court. Coraunus — HENRY VIII . Dicotome — RICHARD II. Emporium — London . Halcionia — The Thames . Halo — Whitehall . Hiera — Westminster . Leviathan — HOBBES . Marpesia — Scotland . Morpheus — JAMES I. Mount Celia — Windsor . Neustrians — Normans . Olphaus Megaletor — OLIVER CROMWEL . Panopaea — Ireland . Pantheon — Westminster Hall. Panurgus — HENRY VII . Parthenia — Queen ELIZABETH . Scandians — Danes . Teutons — Saxons . Turbo — WILLIAM the Conqueror . Verulamius — Lord Chancellor BACON . 17. THE Book consists of Preliminarys divided into two parts , and a third Section call'd the Council of Legislators ; then follows the Model of the Commonwealth , or the body of the Book ; and lastly coms the Corollary or Conclusion . The Preliminary Discourses contain the Principles , Generation , and Effects of all Governments , whether Monarchical , Aristocratical , or Popular , and their several Corruptions , as Tyranny , Oligarchy , and Anarchy , with all the good or bad mixtures that naturally result from them . But the first part dos in a more particular manner treat of antient Prudence , or that genius of Government which most prevail'd in the world till the time of JULIUS CAESAR . None can consult a more certain Oracle that would conceive the nature of Foren or Domestic Empire ; the Balance of Land or Mony ; Arms or Contracts ; Magistracy and Judicatures ; Agrarian Laws ; Elections by the Ballot ; Rotation of Officers , with a great many such heads , especially the inconveniences and preeminences of each kind of Government , or the true comparison of 'em all together . These Subjects have bin generally treated distinctly , and every one of them seems to require a Volum ; yet I am of opinion that in this short Discourse there is a more full and clearer account of them , than can be easily found elswhere : at least I must own to have receiv'd greater satisfaction here than in all my reading before , and the same thing has bin frankly own'd to me by others . 18. THE second part of the Preliminarys treats of modern Prudence , or that genius of Government which has most obtain'd in the world since the expiration of the Roman Liberty , particularly the Gothic Constitution , beginning with the inundation of the barbarous Northern Nations over the Roman Empire . In this Discourse there is a very clear account of the English Government under the Romans , Saxons , Danes , and Normans , till the foundations of it were cunningly undermin'd by HENRY VII . terribly shaken by HENRY VIII . and utterly ruin'd under CHARLES I. Here he must read who in a little compass would completely understand the antient Feuds and Tenures , the original and degrees of our Nobility , with the inferior Orders of the rest of the People : under the Saxons , what was meant by Ealdorman , or Earls ; King 's Thane ; middle Thane or . Vavasors ; their Shiremoots , Sherifs , and Viscounts ; their Halymoots , Weidenagemoots , and such others . Here likewise one may learn to understand the Baronage of the Normans , as the Barons by their Possessions , by Writ , or by Letters Patent ; with many other particulars which give an insight into the ' springs and management of the Barons Wars , so frequent and famous in our Annals . The rest of this Discourse is spent in shewing the natural Causes of the dissolution of the Norman Monarchy under CHARLES the First , and the generation of the Commonwealth , or rather the Anarchy that succeded . 19. NEXT follows the Council of Legislators : for HARRINGTON being about to give the most perfect Model of Government , he made himself master of all the Antient and Modern Politicians , that he might as well imitat whatever was excellent or practicable in them , as his care was to avoid all things which were impracticable or inconvenient . These were the justest measures that could possibly be taken by any body , whether he design'd to be rightly inform'd , and sufficiently furnish'd with the best materials ; o● whether he would have his Model meet with an easy reception : for since his own Sentiments ( tho never so true ) were sure to be rejected as privat Speculations or impracticable Chimeras , this was the readiest way to make 'em pass currently , as both authoriz'd by the wisest men in all Nations , and as what in all times and places had bin practis'd with success . To this end therfore he introduces , under feign'd names , nine Legislators , who perfectly understood the several Governments they were appointed to represent . The Province of the first was the Common-wealth of Israel ; that of the second , Athens ; of the third , Sparta ; of the fourth , Carthage ; of the fifth , the Achaeans , Aetolians , and Lycians ; of the sixth , Rome ; of the seventh , Venice ; of the eighth , Switzerland ; and of the ninth , Holland . Out of the Excellencys of all these , supply'd with the Fruits of his own invention , he fram'd the Model of his Oceana ; and indeed he shews himself in that work so throly vers'd in their several Historys and Constitutions , that to any man who would rightly understand them , I could not easily recommend a more proper Teacher : for here they are dissected and laid open to all Capacitys , their Perfections applauded , their Inconveniencys expos'd , and parallels frequently made between 'em no less entertaining than useful . Nor are the Antient and Modern Eastern or European Monarchys forgot , but exhibited with all their Advantages and Corruptions , without the least dissimulation or partiality . 20. AS for the Model , I shall say nothing of it in particular , as well because I would not forestal the pleasure of the Reader , as by reason an Abridgment of it is once or twice made by himself , and inserted among his Works . The method he observes is to lay down his Orders or Laws in so many positive Propositions , to each of which he subjoins an explanatory Discourse ; and if there be occasion , adds a Speech suppos'd to be deliver'd by the Lord ARCHON , or som of the Legislators . These Speeches are extraordinary fine , contain a world of good Learning and Observation , and are perpetual Commentarys on his Laws . In the Corollary , which is the conclusion of the whole Work , he shews how the last hand was put to his Commonwealth ; which we must not imagin to treat only of the Form of the Senat and Assemblys of the People , or the manner of waging War and governing in Peace . It contains besides , the Disciplin of a National Religion , and the security of a Liberty of Conscience ; a Form of Government for Scotland , for Ireland , and the other Provinces of the Commonwealth ; Governments for London and Westminster , proportionably to which the other Corporations of the Nation are to be model'd ; Directions for the incouraging of Trade ; Laws for regulating Academys ; and most excellent Rules for the Education of our Youth , as well to the Wars or the Sea , to Manufactures or Husbandry , as to Law , Physic , or Divinity , and chiefly to the breeding and true figure of accomplish'd Gentlemen : There are admirable Orders for reforming the Stage ; the number , choice , and business of the Officers of State and the Revenue , with all sorts of Officers ; and an exact account both of their Salarys , and the ordinary yearly charge of the whole Commonwealth , which for two rarely consistent things , the grandeur of its State , and the frugal management of its Revenues , excedes all the Governments that ever were . I ought not to omit telling here , that this Model gives a full answer to those who imagin that there can be no Distinctions or Degrees , neither Nobility nor Gentry in a Democracy , being led into this mistake , because they ignorantly think all Commonwealths to be constituted alike ; when , if they were but never so little vers'd in History , they might know that no Order of men now in the world can com near the Figure that was made by the Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Roman State : nor in this respect dos the Commonwealth of Oceana com any thing behind them ; for , as HARRINGTON says very truly , an Army may as well consist of Soldiers without Officers , or of Officers without Soldiers , as a Commonwealth ( especially such a one as is capable of Greatness ) consist of a People without a Gentry , or of a Gentry without a People . So much may suffice for understanding the scope of this Book : I shall only add , that none ought to be offended with a few od terms in it , such as the Prime Magnitude , the Pillar of Nilus , the Galaxy , and the Tropic of Magistrats , since the Author explains what he means by 'em , and that any other may call 'em by what more significative names he pleases ; for the things themselves are absolutely necessary . 21. NO sooner did this Treatise appear in public , but it was greedily bought up , and becom the subject of all mens discourse . The first that made exceptions to it was Dr. HENRY FERNE , afterwards Bishop of Chester . The Lady ASHTON presented him with one of the Books , and desir'd his opinion of it , which he quickly sent in such a manner as shew'd he did not approve of the Doctrin , tho he treated the Person and his Learning with due respect . To this Letter a reply was made , and som Querys sent along with it by HARRINGTON , to every one of which a distinct Answer was return'd by the Doctor ; which being again confuted by HARRINGTON , he publish'd the whole in the year 1656 , under the title of Pian Piano , or an Intercourse between H. FERNE Doctor in Divinity , and JAMES HARRINGTON Esq upon occasion of the Doctor 's Censure of the Commonwealth of Oceana . 'T is a Treatise of little importance , and contains nothing but what he has much better discours'd in his answers to other Antagonists , which is the reason that I give the Reader no more trouble about it . 22. THE next that wrote against Oceana was MATTHEW WREN , eldest Son to the Bishop of Ely. His Book was intitl'd Considerations , and restrain'd only to the first part of the Preliminarys . To this our Author publish'd an answer in the first Book of his Prerogative of Popular Government , where he inlarges , explains , and vindicats his Assertions . How inequal this Combat was , and after what manner he treated his Adversary , I leave the Reader to judg ; only minding him that as WREN was one of the Virtuosi who met at Dr. WILKINS'S ( the Seminary of the now Royal Society ) HARRINGTON jokingly said , That they had an excellent faculty of magnifying a Louse , and diminishing a Commonwealth . But the Subjects he handles on this occasion are very curious , and reduc'd to the twelve following Questions . ( 1. ) WHETHER Prudence ( or the Politics ) be well distinguish'd into Antient and Modern ? ( 2. ) WHETHER a Commonwealth be rightly defin'd to be a Government of Laws and not of men ; and Monarchy to be a Government of som men or a few men , and not of Laws ? ( 3. ) WHETHER the Balance of Dominion in Land be the natural cause of Empire ? ( 4. ) WHETHER the Balance of Empire be well divided into National and Provincial ? and whether these two , or any Nations that are of a distinct Balance , coming to depend on one and the same head , such a mixture creates a new Balance ? ( 5. ) WHETHER there be any common Right or Interest of Mankind distinct from the Interest of the parts taken severally ? and how by the orders of a Commonwealth this may best be distinguish'd from privat Interest ? ( 6. ) WHETHER the Senatusconsulta , or Decrees of the Roman Senat , had the power of Laws ? ( 7. ) WHETHER the Ten Commandments , propos'd by God or MOSES , were voted and past into Laws by the People of Israel ? ( 8. ) WHETHER a Commonwealth , coming up to the perfection of the Kind , coms not up to the perfection of Government , and has no flaw in it ? that is , whether the best Commonwealth be not the best Government ? ( 9. ) WHETHER Monarchy , coming up to the perfection of the Kind , coms not short of the perfection of Government , and has not som flaw in it ? that is , whether the best Monarchy be not the worst Government ? Under this head are also explain'd the Balance of France , the Original of a Landed Clergy , Arms , and their several kinds . ( 10. ) WHETHER any Commonwealth , that was not first broken or divided by it self , was ever conquer'd by any Monarch ? where he shews that none ever were , and that the greatest Monarchys have bin broken by very small Commonwealths . ( 11. ) WHETHER there be not an Agrarian , or som Law or Laws to supply the defects of it , in every Commonwealth ? Whether the Agrarian , as it is stated in Oceana , be not equal and satisfactory to all Interests or Partys ? ( 12. ) WHETHER a Rotation , or Courses and Turns , be necessary to a welorder'd Commonwealth ? In which is contain'd the Parembole or Courses of Israel before the Captivity , together with an Epitome of the Commonwealth of Athens , as also another of the Common-wealth of Venice . 23. THE second Book of the Prerogative of Popular Government chiefly concerns Ordination in the Christian Church , and the Orders of the Commonwealth of Israel , against the opinions of Dr. HAMMOND , Dr. SEAMAN , and the Authors they follow . His Dispute with these learned Persons ( the one of the Episcopal , and the other of the Presbyterian Communion ) is comprehended in five Chapters . ( 1. ) THE first , explaining the words Chirotonia and Chirothesia , paraphrastically relates the Story of the Perambulation made by the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS thro the Citys of Lycaonia , Pisidia , &c. ( 2. ) THE second shews that those Citys , or most of 'em were at the time of this Perambulation under Popular Government ; in which is also contain'd the whole Administration of a Roman Province . ( 3. ) THE third shews the deduction of the Chirotonia , or holding up of hands , from Popular Government , and that the original of Ordination is from this custom : in which is also contain'd the Institution of the Sanhedrim or Senat of Israel by MOSES , and of that of Rome by ROMULUS . ( 4. ) THE fourth shews the deduction of the Chirothesia , or the laying on of hands , from Monarchical or Aristocratical Government , and so the second way of Ordination procedes from this custom : here is also declar'd how the Commonwealth of the Jews stood after the Captivity . ( 5. ) THE fifth debates whether the Chirotonia us'd in the Citys mention'd was ( as is pretended by Dr. HAMMOND , Dr. SEAMAN , and the Authors they follow ) the same with the Chirothesia , or a far different thing . In which are contain'd the divers kinds of Church Government introduc'd and exercis'd in the age of the Apostles . By these heads we may perceive that a great deal of useful Learning is contain'd in this Book ; and questionless he makes those Subjects more plain and intelligible than any Writer I ever yet consulted . 24. AGAINST Oceana chiefly did RICHARD BAXTER write his Holy Commonwealth , of which our Author made so slight that he vouchsaf'd no other answer to it but half a sheet of Cant and Ridicule . It dos not appear that he rail'd at all the Ministers as a parcel of Fools and Knaves . But the rest of BAXTER'S complaint seems better grounded , as that HARRINGTON maintain'd neither he nor any Ministers understood at all what Polity was , but prated against they knew not what , &c. This made him publish his Holy Commonwealth in answer to HARRINGTON 's Heathenish Commonwealth ; in which , adds he , I plead the Cause of Monarchy as better than Democracy or Aristocracy ; an odd way of modelling a Commonwealth . And yet the Royalists were so far from thinking his Book for their service , that in the year 1683 it was by a Decree of the University of Oxford condemn'd to be publicly burnt , which Sentence was accordingly executed upon it , in company with som of the Books of HOBBES , MILTON , and others ; wheras no censure past on HARRINGTON's Oceana , or the rest of his Works . As for Divines meddling with Politics , he has in the former part of the Preliminarys to Oceana deliver'd his Opinion , That there is somthing first in the making of a Commonwealth , then in the governing of it , and last of all in the leading of its Armys , which ( tho there be great Divines , great Lawyers , great Men in all Professions ) seems to be peculiar only to the genius of a Gentleman ; for it is plain in the universal series of story , that if any man founded a Commonwealth , he was first a Gentleman ; the truth of which Assertion he proves from MOSES downwards . 25. BEING much importun'd from all hands to publish an Abridgment of his Oceana , he consented at length ; and so , in the year 1659 , was printed his Art of Lawgiving ( or of Legislation ) in three Books . The first , which treats of the Foundations and Superstructures of all kinds of Government , is an abstract of his Preliminarys to the Oceana : and the third Book , shewing a Model of Popular Government fitted to the present State or Balance of this Nation , is an exact Epitome of his Oceana , with short Discourses explaining the Propositions . By the way , the Pamphlet called the Rota is nothing else but these Propositions without the Discourses , and therfore to avoid a needless repetition not printed among his Works . The second Book between these two , is a full Account of the Commonwealth of Israel , with all the variations it underwent . Without this Book it is plainly impossible to understand that admirable Government concerning which no Author wrote common sense before HARRINGTON , who was persuaded to complete this Treatise by such as observ'd his judicious Remarks on the same Subject in his other Writings . To the Art of Lawgiving is annex'd a small Dissertation , or a Word concerning a House of Peers , which to abridg were to transcribe . 26. IN the same year , 1659 , WREN coms out with another Book call'd Monarchy asserted , in vindication of his Considerations . If he could not press hard on our Author's Reasonings , he was resolv'd to overbear him with impertinence and calumny , treating him neither with the respect due to a Gentleman , nor the fair dealing becoming an ingenuous Adversary , but on the contrary with the utmost Chicanery and Insolence . The least thing to be admir'd is , that he would needs make the University a Party against him , and bring the heavy weight of the Church's displeasure on his sholders : for as corrupt Ministers stile themselves the Government , by which Artifice they oblige better men to suppress their Complaints , for fear of having their Loyalty suspected ; so every ignorant Pedant that affronts a Gentleman , is presently a Learned University ; or if he is but in Deacons Orders , he 's forthwith transform'd into the Catholic Church , and it becoms Sacrilege to touch him . But as great Bodys no less than privat Persons , grow wiser by Experience , and com to a clearer discernment of their true Interest : so I believe that neither the Church nor Universitys will be now so ready to espouse the Quarrels of those , who , under pretence of serving them , ingage in Disputes they no ways understand , wherby all the discredit redounds to their Patrons , themselves being too mean to suffer any diminution of Honor. HARRINGTON was not likewise less blamable in being provok'd to such a degree by this pitiful Libel , as made him forget his natural character of gravity and greatness of mind . Were not the best of men subject to their peculiar weaknesses , he had never written such a Farce as his Politicas●er , or Comical Discourse in answer to Mr. WREN . It relates little or nothing to the Argument , which was not so much amiss , considering the ignorance of his Antagonist : but it is of so very small merit , that I would not insert it among his other Works , as a piece not capable to instruct or please any man now alive . I have not omitted his Answer to Dr. STUBBE concerning a select Senat , as being so little worth ; but as being only a repetition of what he has much better and more amply treated in som of his other pieces . Now we must note that upon the first appearance of his Oceana this STUBBE was so great an admirer of him , that , in his Preface to the Good Old Cause , he says he would inlarge in his praise , did he not think himself too inconsiderable to add any thing to those Applauses which the understanding part of the World must bestow upon him , and which , tho Eloquence should turn Panegyrist , he not only merits but transcends . 27. OTHER Treatises of his , which are omitted for the same reason , are , 1. A Discourse upon this Saying : The Spirit of the Nation is not yet to be trusted with Liberty , lest it introduce Monarchy , or invade the Liberty of Conscience ; which Proposition he disapprov'd . 2. A Discourse shewing that the Spirit of Parlaments , with a Council in the intervals , is not to be trusted for a Settlement , lest it introduce Monarchy , and Persecution for Conscience . 3. A Parallel of the spirit of the People with the spirit of Mr. ROGERS , with an Appeal to the Reader whether the spirit of the People , or the spirit of men like Mr. ROGERS be the fitter to be trusted with the Government . This ROGERS was an Anabaptist , a seditious Enthusiast , or fifthmonarchy man. 4. Pour enclouer le canon , or the nailing of the Enemys Artillery . 5. The stumbling block of Disobedience and Rebellion , cunningly imputed by PETER HEYLIN to CALVIN , remov'd in a Letter to the said P. H. who wrote a long Answer to it in the third part of his Letter combat . 'T is obvious by the bare perusal of the Titles , that these are but Pamphlets solely calculated for that time ; and it certainly argues a mighty want of Judgment in those Editors who make no distinction between the elaborat Works which an Author intended for universal benefit , and his more slight or temporary Compositions , which were written to serve a present turn , and becom afterwards not only useless , but many times not intelligible . Of this nature are the Pieces I now mention'd : all their good things are much better treated in his other Books , and the personal Reflections are ( as I said before ) neither instructive nor diverting . On this occasion I must signify , that tho the History I wrote of MILTON'S Life be prefix'd to his Works , yet I had no hand in the Edition of those Volumes ; or otherwise his Logic , his Grammar , and the like , had not increas'd the bulk or price of his other useful Pieces . Our Author translated into English Verse som of Virgil's Eclogs , and about six Books of his Aeneids ; which , with his Epigrams , and other Poetical Conceits , are neither worthy of him nor the light . 28. SOM other small Books he wrote which are more deserving , and therfore transmitted to Posterity with his greater Works ; namely , 1. Valerius and Publicola , or , the true form of a Popular Commonwealth , a Dialog . 2. Political Aphorisms , in number 120. 3. Seven Models of a Commonwealth , Antient and Modern ; or brief Directions shewing how a fit and perfect Model of Popular Government may be made , found , or understood . These are all the Commonwealths in the World for their kinds , tho not for their number . 4. The Ways and means wherby an equal and lasting Commonwealth may be suddenly introduc'd , and perfectly founded , with the free consent and actual confirmation of the whole People of England . 5. There is added , The Petition of divers well affected Persons , drawn up by HARRINGTON , and containing the Abstract of his Oceana ; but presented to the House of Commons by HENRY NEVIL the 6 th of July 1659 , to which a satisfactory answer was return'd , but nothing don . 6. Besides all these , finding his Doctrin of Elections by Balloting not so well understood as could he desir'd , he publish'd on one side of a large sheet of Paper , his use and manner of the Ballot , with a copper Cut in the middle representing such an Election in the great Assembly of the Commonwealth : but 't is now inserted in its proper place in the body of Oceana . Most of these contain Abridgments of his Model , adapted to the various Circumstances and Occurrences of those times ; but containing likewise som Materials peculiar to themselves , and for that reason thought fit to be printed a second time . He did not write the Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy exemplify'd in the Scotish Line ( which Book is prefix'd to his Works ) but one JOHN HALL , born in the City of Durham , educated at Cambridg , and a Student of Grays Inn. Being commanded by the Council of State ( of whom he had a yearly Pension ) to attend OLIVER into Scotland , it occasion'd him to publish that Piece . He wrote several other things in Prose and Verse , and dy'd before he was full thirty , lamented as a Prodigy of his Age. 29. HARRINGTON having thus exhausted all that could be written on this Subject , he likewise indeavor'd to promote his Cause by public discourses at a nightly meeting of several curious Gentlemen in the New Palace Yard at Westminster . This Club was call'd the Rota , of which I shall give a short account from ANTHONY WOOD , who mortally hated all Republicans , and was as much prejudic'd in favor of the Royalists , tho , to his honor be it spoken , he never deny'd justice to either side . Their Discourses about Government , says he , and of ordering a Commonwealth , were the most ingenious and smart that ever were heard ; for the Arguments in the Parlament house were but flat to those . This Gang had a balloting Box , and balloted how things should be carry'd by way of Essay ; which not being us'd or known in England before on this account , the room was every evening very full . Besides our Author and H. NEVIL , who were the prime men of this Club , were CYRIAC SKINNER , Major WILDMAN , Major VENNER , CHARLES WOLSLEY afterwards knighted , ROGER COKE the Author of the Detection of the four last Reigns , WILLIAM POULTNEY afterwards made a Knight , JOHN AUBRY , MAXIMILIAN PETTY , and Dr. PETTY who was afterwards Sir WILLIAM , Sir JOHN HOSKYNS , and a great many others , som wherof are still living . — The Doctrin was very taking , and the more because , as to human foresight , there was no possibility of the King's return . The greatest of the Parlamentmen hated this Rotation and Balloting , as being against their Power . Eight or ten were for it , of which number H. NEVIL was one , who propos'd it to the House , and made it out to the Members , that , except they imbrac'd that sort of Government , they must be ruin'd . The Model of it was , that the third part of the Senat or House should rote out by Ballot every year ( not capable of being elected again for three years to com ) so that every ninth year the Senat would be wholly alter'd . No Magistrat was to continue above three years , and all to be chosen by the Ballot , than which nothing could be invented more fair and impartial , as 't was then thought , tho oppos'd by many for several reasons . This Club of Commonwealthsmen lasted till about the 21 st of Feb. 1659 , at which time the secluded Members being restor'd by General GEORGE MONK , all their Models vanish'd . 30. WHEN the whole matter is duly consider'd , it 's impossible a Commonwealth should have succeded in England at that time , since CROMWEL , who alone had the Power , yet wanted the Will to set it up . They were comparatively but very few that entertain'd such a Design from the beginning of the Troubles ; and , as it usually happens , a great part of these did afterwards desert their Principles , being seduc'd by the Honors and Preferments wherby they were retain'd in the Service of the reigning Powers . The body of the People were either exasperated on a religious account , only to obtain that Liberty which they afterwards mutually deny'd each other , or by the change of the Balance they grew weary of Monarchy , and did not know it . The Republicans indeed made an advantage of their Discontents to destroy the establish'd Government , without acquainting 'em with their real Designs ; and when this was effectually don , the People ( who had no settl'd Form in their view , and thought all things safe by the Victory they had gain'd over the King and the Church ) fell in with what was first offer'd by those in whom they confided , and would as well have accepted a better Government if they had bin manag'd by men of honest and public Designs . But the Multitude can seel , tho they cannot see . Instead of injoying their desir'd Liberty , they soon sound themselves under a most heavy Yoke , which they naturally labor'd to shake off ; and yet in all the changes then made , two things were remarkable , that every one of 'em would be stil'd a Commonwealth , and yet none of 'em would mend or take warning by the Errors of those that preceded , but still continu'd to abuse the Nation , and unnaturally to ingross the Government into a few hands . The People being all this while told they were under a Common-wealth , and not being able to see thro the deceit , begun to think themselves mistaken in the choice they had made , since their sufferings under these pretended Commonwealths were infinitly greater than what induc'd 'em to dissolve the former Monarchy . In this condition the several Partys might ( as HARRINGTON us'd to say ) be fitly compar'd to a company of Puppydogs in a bag , where finding themselves uneasy for want of room , every one of 'em bites the tail or foot of the next , supposing that to be the cause of his misery . By this means whatever was said against a Commonwealth obtain'd ready belief , as , that it is the most seditious sort of Government , and that instead of one Tyrant there are a great many who inrich themselves by laying intolerable Taxes on others . All this and much more the People in England then experienc'd , and therfore detesting their new Commonwealth , they restor'd the old Monarchy . But to do all Governments the Justice due from an impartial Historian , they never had a Common-wealth , but were interchangeably under Anarchy , Tyranny , and Oligarchy , to which Commonwealths have ever bin the greatest enemys , and have frequently lent their voluntary assistance to deliver other Nations from the like oppressions . Thus the People of England came to hate the name of a Commonwealth , without loving their Liberty the less . 31. BUT to return whence we digress'd : Our Author , not concern'd in the excessive fears and hopes of those that favor'd or oppos'd the Restoration of CHARLES the Second , continu'd to live in a peaceable manner at his one house , demeaning himself as became a person blindly ingag'd to no Party or Factions . But tho his Life was retir'd , it was not solitary , being frequented with people of all sorts , som with a malicious design to fish somthing to his prejudice ; and others to gain advantage to themselves by his learned Conversation , or to put him upon somthing towards the better settlement of the Kingdom . Among these there was an eminent Royalist who prevail'd with him to draw up som Instructions for the King's service , wherby he might be inabl'd to govern with satisfaction to the People and safety to himself : which being perform'd and sign'd with his one hand , his Friend after shewing it to several of the Courtiers , found they did not approve a Scheme that was not likely to further their selfish Designs . At last he put his Paper into the hands of a great Minister about the King ; and how well our Author was rewarded for his good Intentions , we are now going to relate . About this time he was busy in reducing his Politics into short and easy Aphorisms , yet methodically digested in their natural order , and suted to the most vulgar capacitys . Of this he made no secret , and freely communicated his Papers to all that visited him . While he was putting the last hand to this System , and as an innocent man apprehensive of no danger , he was by an Order from the King , on the 28 th of December 1661 , seiz'd by Sir WILLIAM POULTNEY and others , and committed to the Tower of London for treasonable Designs and Practices . He had the written sheets of his Aphorisms then lying loose on the table before him , and understanding they intended to carry 'em to the Council , he beg'd the favor that he might stitch 'em together ; which was granted , and so remov'd with som other Papers to Whitehall . I have that Manuscript now in my hands , and another Copy of the same which was given me by one of his acquaintance , from both which I have printed it among the rest of his Works . It is a complete System of Politics , and discovers the true Springs of the rise , temper , and dissolution of all sorts of Governments , in a very brief and perspicuous manner . 32. HE had no time given him to take leave of any body , but was straight convey'd to the Tower , where none were allow'd to com to his sight or speech . His Sisters were inconsolable , and the more so , the less they knew what was laid to their Brother's charge . One of them , who on another occasion had experienc'd the King's favor , threw her self now at his feet , and petition'd him to have compassion on her Brother , who thro a great mistake was fallen under his Majesty's displeasure : for as she was sure that none of his Subjects exceded his Loyalty , so his Majesty might see he was not the man they design'd , since the Warrant was for Sir JAMES HARRINGTON , wheras her Brother was never honor'd with such a Title by his Majesty's Ancestors , and he would not have accepted it from OLIVER . To this the King made answer , that tho they might be mistaken in his Title , he doubted he might be found more guilty of the Crimes alleg'd against him , than he wish'd any Brother of hers to be . Then she press'd he might be examin'd before his Majesty , or be brought to a speedy trial . Shortly after my Lord LAUDERDALE , Sir GEORGE CARTERET , and Sir EDWARD WALKER were sent to the Tower to question him about a Plot which , they said , he had contriv'd against his Majesty's Person and Government . At this he was extraordinarily reviv'd , not being able to divine before the cause of his Confinement , and knowing himself wholly innocent of this Charge . He found means to transmit a Copy of his Examination to his Sisters , giving 'em leave to publish it , which was never hitherto don , and is as follows . 33. THE Examination of JAMES HARRINGTON , taken in the Tower of London by the Earl of LAUDERDALE , Sir GEORGE CARTERET , and Sir EDWARD WALKER . LORD LAUDERDALE . Sir , I have heretofore accounted it an honor to be your Kinsman , but am now sorry to see you upon this occasion ; very sorry I assure you . HARRINGTON . My Lord , seeing this is an occasion . I am glad to see you upon this occasion . Which said , the Commissioners sat down ; and Mr. HARRINGTON standing before my Lord , he began in this manner : Lord. SIR , the King thinks it strange that you , who have so eminently appear'd in Principles contrary to his Majesty's Government , and the Laws of this Nation , should ever since he came over live so quiet and unmolested , and yet should be so ungrateful . Were you disturb'd ? were you so much as affronted , that you should enter into such desperat practices ? Har. MY Lord , when I know why this is said , I shall know what to say . Lord. WELL then , without any longer preamble , will you answer me ingenuously , and as you are a Gentleman , to what I have to propose ? Har. MY Lord , I value the asseveration ( as I am a Gentleman ) as high as any man , but think it an asseveration too low upon this occasion ; wherfore , with your leave , I shall make use of som greater asseveration . Lord. FOR that do as you see good : do you know Mr. WILDMAN ? Har. MY Lord , I have som acquaintance with him . Lord. WHEN did you see him ? Har. MY Lord , he and I have not bin in one house together these two years . Lord. WILL you say so ? Har. YES , my Lord. Lord. WHERE did you see him last ? Har. ABOUT a year ago I met him in a street that gos to Drury-lane . Lord. DID you go into no house ? Har. NO , my Lord. Sir G. Carteret . THAT 's strange ! Lord. COM , this will do you no good : Had not you , in March last , meetings with him in Bowstreet in Coventgarden ? where there were about twenty more of you ; where you made a Speech about half an hour long , that they should lay by distinguishing Names , and betake themselves together into one Work , which was to dissolve this Parlament , and bring in a new one , or the old one again . Was not this meeting adjourn'd from thence to the Mill Bank ? were not you there also ? Har. MY Lord , you may think , if these things be true , I have no refuge but to the mercy of God and of the King. Lord. TRUE . Har. WELL then , my Lord , solemnly and deliberatly , with my eys to Heaven , I renounce the mercy of God and the King , if any of this be true , or if ever I thought or heard of this till now that you tell it me . Sir G. C. THIS is strange ! Lord. DO you know BAREBONES ? Har. YES , my Lord. Lord. WHEN did you see him ? Har. I THINK that I have call'd at his house or shop thrice in my life . Lord. HAD you never any meetings with him since the King came over ? Har. NO , my Lord. Sir G. C. THIS is strange ! Lord. DO you know Mr. NEVIL ? Har. VERY well , my Lord. Lord. WHEN did you see him ? Har. MY Lord , I seldom us'd to visit him ; but when he was in Town , he us'd to see me at my house every evening , as duly almost as the day went over his head . Lord. WERE you not with him at som public meeting ? Har. MY Lord , the publickest meeting I have bin with him at , was at dinner at his own lodging , where I met Sir BERNARD GASCOIN , and I think Col. LEG . Sir Edw. Walker . THEY were good safe company . Lord. WHAT time was it ? Har. IN Venison time I am sure , for we had a good Venison pasty . Lord. DO you know one PORTMAN ? Har. NO , my Lord , I never heard of his name before . Sir G. C. THIS is strange ! Lord. COM , deal ingenuously , you had better confess the things . Har. MY Lord , you do not look upon me ( for I saw he did not firmly ) I pray look upon me . Do you not know an innocent face from a guilty one ? com , you do , my Lord , every one dos : My Lord , you are great Men , you com from the King , you are the Messengers of Death . Lord. IS that a small matter ? ( at which my Lord gave a shrug . ) Har. IF I be a Malefactor , I am no old Malefactor : why am not I pale ? why do not I tremble ? why dos not my tongue falter ? why have you not taken me tripping ? My Lord , these are unavoidable symtoms of guilt . Do you find any such thing in me ? Lord. NO ( which he spoke with a kind of amazement ) and then added , I have said all that I think I have to say . Har. MY Lord , but I have not . Lord. COM then . Har. THIS plainly is a practice , a wicked practice , a practice for innocent Blood ; and as weak a one as it is wicked . Ah , my Lord , if you had taken half the pains to examin the Guilty that you have don to examin the Innocent , you had found it ; it could not have escap'd you . Now , my Lord , consider if this be a practice , what kind of persons you are that are thus far made instrumental in the hands of wicked men . Nay , whither will wickedness go ? Is not the King's Authority ( which should be sacred ) made instrumental ? My Lord , for your own sake , the King's sake , for the Lord's sake , let such Villanys be found out and punish'd . At this my Lord LAUDERDALE , as was thought somwhat out of countenance , rose up ; and fumbling with his hand upon the Table , said : Lord. WHY if it be as you say , they deserve punishment enough , but otherwise look it will com severely upon you . Har. MY Lord , I accepted of that condition before . Lord. COM , Mr. Vice-Chamberlain , it is late . Har. MY Lord , now if I might I could answer the Preamble . Lord. COM , say ; and so he sat down again . Har. MY Lord , in the Preamble you charge me with being eminent in Principles contrary to the King's Government , and the Laws of this Nation . Som , my Lord , have aggravated this , saying , that I being a privat man have bin so mad as to meddle with Politics : what had a privat man to do with Government ? My Lord , there is not any public Person , not any Magistrat , that has written in the Politics worth a button . All they that have bin excellent in this way , have bin privat men , as privat men , my Lord , as my self . There is PLATO , there is ARISTOTLE , there is LIVY , there is MACCHIAVEL . My Lord , I can sum up ARISTOTLE'S Politics in a very few words ; he says there is the barbarous Monarchy ( such a one where the People have no Votes in making the Laws ) he says there is the Heroic Monarchy ( such a one where the People have their Votes in making the Laws ) and then he says there is Democracy ; and affirms that a man cannot be said to have Liberty , but in a Democracy only . MY Lord LAUDERDALE , who thus far had bin very attentive , at this shew'd som impatience . Har. I SAY , ARISTOTLE says so ; I have not said so much . And under what Prince was it ? Was it not under ALEXANDER , the greatest Prince then in the World ? I beseech you , my Lord , did ALEXANDER hang up ARISTOTLE , did he molest him ? LIVY for a Commonwealth is one of the fullest Authors ; did not he write under AUGUSTUS CAESAR ? did CAESAR hang up LIVY , did he molest him ? MACCHIAVEL what a Commonwealthsman was he ? but he wrote under the Medici when they were Princes in Florence ; did they hang up MACCHIAVEL , or did they molest him ? I have don no otherwise than as the greatest Politicians , the King will do no otherwise than as the greatest Princes . But , my Lord , these Authors had not that to say for themselves that I have ; I did not write under a Prince , I wrote under a Usurper , OLIVER . He having started up into the Throne , his Officers ( as pretending to be for a Commonwealth ) kept a murmuring , at which he told them that he knew not what they meant , nor themselves ; but let any of them shew him what they meant by a Commonwealth ( or that there was any such thing ) they should see that he sought not himself : the Lord knew he sought not himself , but to make good the Cause . Upon this som sober men came to me and told me , if any man in England could shew what a Commonwealth was , it was my self . Upon this persuasion I wrote ; and after I had written , OLIVER never answer'd his Officers as he had don before , therfore I wrote not against the King's Government . And for the Law , if the Law could have punish'd me , OLIVER had don it ; therfore my Writing was not obnoxious to the Law. After OLIVER the Parlament said they were a Commonwealth ; I said they were not , and prov'd it : insomuch that the Parlament accounted me a Cavalier , and one that had no other design in my writing , than to bring in the King ; and now the King first of any man makes me a Roundhead . Lord. THESE things are out of doors ; if you be no Plotter , the King dos not reflect upon your Writings . AND so rising up , they went out : my Lord being at the head of the stairs , I said to him , My Lord , there is one thing more ; you tax me with Ingratitude to the King , who had suffer'd me to live undisturb'd : truly , my Lord , had I bin taken right by the King , it had ( by this Example already given ) bin no more than my due . But I know well enough I have bin mistaken by the King ; the King therfore taking me for no Friend , and yet using me not as an Enemy , is such a thing as I have mention'd to all I have convers'd with , as a high Character of Ingenuity and Honor in the King's Nature . Lord. I AM glad you have had a sense of it ; and so went down . Har. MY Lord , it is my duty to wait on you no farther . 34. NOTWITHSTANDING the apparent Innocence of our Author , he was still detain'd a close Prisoner ; and Chancellor HIDE , at a Conference of the Lords and Commons , charg'd him with being concern'd in a Plot , wherof one and thirty persons were the chief m●nagers after this manner : That they met in Bowstreet Coventgarden , in St. M●rtins le grand , at the Mill Bank , and in other places ; and that they were of seven different Partys or Interests , as three for the Commonwealth , three for the Long Parlament , three for the City , three for the Purchasers , three for the Disbanded Army , three for the Independents , and three for the Fifthmonarchy men . That their first Consideration was how to agree on the choice of Parlamentmen against the insuing Session ; and that a special care ought to be had about Members for the City of London , as a precedent for the rest of the Kingdom to follow , wherupon they nominated the four Members after chosen , and now sitting in Parlament : but three of these , being then present , stood up , and clear'd themselves of this Aspersion . Their next care was to frame a Petition to the Parlament for a preaching Ministry , and Liberty of Conscience . Then they were to divide and subdivide themselves into several Councils and Committees , for the better carrying on their business by themselves or their Agents and Accomplices all over the Kingdom . In these Meetings HARRINGTON was said to be often in the Chair ; that they had taken an Oath of Secrecy , and concerted measures for levying Men and Mony. 35. THE Chancellor added , that tho he had certain Information of the times and places of their meetings , and particularly those of HARRINGTON and WILDMAN , they were nevertheless so fixt in their nefarious design , that none of those they had taken would confess any thing , not so much as that they had seen or spoken to one another at those times or places ; which obstinacy , he thought , must needs procede from a faithfulness to their Oath . But a Committee of Lords and Commons , after several sittings , could make nothing of this imaginary Plot , and did not ever name our Author in all their Reports . 36. HIS Sisters in the mean time being impatient to see him , and to know his Condition , after several fruitless Petitions , obtain'd an order of Council at last to be admitted into the Tower , where they found him barbarously treated by the Lieutenant , whom they soften'd into more humanity with a present of fifty pounds under the notion of Fees. By them he deliver'd a Petition to the King , importing that in the late times he was no public Person , nor acted to any man's detriment in his Life , Body , or Estate , but on the contrary had don his indeavors to help all persons in distress ; that he had oppos'd the Usurper in such a manner as was judg'd even by the Royalists themselves to be very much to his disadvantage ; and that it was not probable that he , who had liv'd so peaceably before , would attemt any Novelty after his Majesty's Restoration : wherfore he beg'd the favor of a public Trial , or a more easy confinement . But tho he had bin now a prisoner during the space of five months , neither he nor any on his behalf could receive an Answer to their Petitions ; which made him somwhat impatient , not so much to injoy his Liberty , as to vindicat himself from the base Aspersions of his Enemys . He therfore continually urg'd his sister ASHTON to procure him a Trial , which she not being able to effect , he petition'd the Parlament , shewing that he had lain a close Prisoner in the Tower for five months upon a bare suspicion of som disaffection to the Government , which in all his Examinations did not in the least appear ; and that he hop'd e'er that time so to have clear'd his innocence by a public Trial , as to deserve his Liberty . But because he understood these matters were in som measure represented to their House , he would not presume , without first making his application to them , to sue for his freedom by other legal means . May it therfore please this honorable House , says he , to take tender consideration of the sufferings of an Englishman hitherto innocent ; and that the long continuance of him in prison without trial may be hereafter the case of others , and a precedent for the like case : and that this honorable House would please to move his Majesty that your Petitioner may be proceded against by a legal way of Trial , or that he may have his freedom ; that so he may no longer languish in Prison to the ruin of his Health and Estate . These are not the words of a man conscious of Guilt , or afraid of Power . 37. HIS Sister could get no Member to deliver this Petition , or to give her any incouragement ; som alleging that she was more likely to destroy than serve her Brother , and others that by unseasonable pressing she might precipitat his danger ; wheras if he would be patient under his sufferings , he might be safe in his restraint . Then he advis'd her to move for his habeas Corpus ; which at first was flatly deny'd , but afterwards when it was granted and duly serv'd , his Warder came one day to his Sisters at Westminster , and acquainted them that between one and two a clock that morning their Brother was put on board a Ship to be transported he knew not whither , without any time given him either to see his Friends , or to make provision of Mony , Linen , or other necessarys . Nor could his Relations for a whole fortnight , either at the Tower or in the Secretarys Office , learn what was becom of him , till they receiv'd a note from himself on board one of the King's Ships then lying under Hurst Castle , informing them that he believ'd he was bound for Plymouth . About a month after he sent 'em word by another letter that he was landed on a kind of Rock opposit to Plymouth , call'd St. Nicholas's Island , whence he afterwards had frequent opportunitys of writing to 'em many pious and moral Admonitions , as well as Letters of business and entertainment . 38. BUT his close restraint to this small spot of Earth , where there was no fresh Water , and scarce any room to move his Body , quickly chang'd the state of his Health ; this occasion'd him to petition he might be remov'd to Plymouth , which was granted , his Brother WILLIAM , and his Uncle ANTHONY SAMUEL , obliging themselves in a Bond of 5000 l. for his safe Imprisonment . Here he had not only the liberty of walking on the Hoe , but was also us'd with extraordinary Respect by the Deputy Governor of the Fort Sir JOHN SKELTON , who frequently invited him to his Table , and much lov'd his Conversation . Among the other Acquaintance he made at Plymouth , one was Dr. DUNSTAN , who advis'd him to take a preparation of Guaiacum in Coffee , as a certain cure for the Scurvy , with which he was then troubl'd . He drank of this Liquor in great quantitys , every morning and evening . But after using it for som time , his Sisters , to their no small amazement , receiv'd no more Answers to their Letters . At length Advice was brought 'em from his Landlady , that his Fancy was much disorder'd , and desiring som body might com to look after him . Immediatly one of them address'd her self to the Earl of Bath , then chief Governor of Plymouth , and inform'd him of his Prisoner's sad condition . This noble Lord , who laid many Obligations on him before , and gave frequent orders for his good Usage , went hereupon to intercede for him with the King , representing the danger of his Life if he were not remov'd from that unwholsom place to London , where he might have the Advice of able Physicians : and the King was accordingly pleas'd to grant a Warrant for his Release , since nothing appear'd against him supported by good Proof or probable Presumtions . 39. THE next day the Lady ASHTON , with another of his Sisters , took their Journy towards Plymouth , where they found their poor Brother so transform'd in Body and Mind , that they scarce could persuade themselves it was the same person . He was reduc'd to a Skeleton , not able to walk alone , slept very little , his imagination disturb'd , often fainted when he took his drink , and yet so fond of it that he would by no means be advis'd to forbear it . Dr. PRUJEAN , and other eminent Physicians , greatly blam'd Dr. DUNSTAN'S prescriptions , giving their Opinion under their hands that Guaiacum and the other drying things , which he administer'd to his Patient in Coffee , were enough of themselves to beget Melancholy or Phrenzy , where there was no previous disposition to it . A rumor at Plymouth , that HARRINGTON had taken som drink which would make any man mad in a month ; the surliness of his Doctor , and somthing blab'd by a Maid that was put against his will to attend him , made his Sister suspect he had soul play lest he should write any more Oceanas . 'T is certain , that ( tho his Recovery was never perfect ) he mended finely as soon as he was persuaded to abstain from this Liquor . In less than a month he was able to bear the Journy to London in a Coach , where he was no sooner arriv'd but Sir JOHN SKELTON , who was then in Town , paid him a visit . My Lady ASHTON complaining to him that she had not timely notice of her Brother's Distemper , he protested he would have sent her word of it , had not his Doctor assur'd him that he only counterfeited ; and yet at the same time he made him take strong Doses of Hellebor , and God knows what besides . 40. HE past som time at Ashted in Surrey to drink the Epsomwaters , by which he found no benefit . At London he was put wholly under the care of Doctor PRUJEAN , who with all his Art could afford little help to the weakness of his Body , and none at all to the disorder of his Mind , to his dying day . He was allow'd to discourse of most other things as rationally as any man , except his own Distemper , fancying strange things in the operation of his animal Spirits , which he thought to transpire from him in the shape of Birds , of Flys , of Bees , or the like . And those about him reported that he talk'd much of good and evil Spirits , which made them have frightful apprehensions . But he us'd , they said , somtimes to argue so strenuously that this was no deprav'd imagination , that his Doctor was often put to his shifts for an Answer . He would on such occasions compare himself to DEMOCRITUS , who for his admirable discoverys in Anatomy was reckon'd distracted by his fellow Citizens , till HIPPOCRATES cur'd 'em of their mistake . I confess I did not know at first what to make of these things from the informations of his Acquaintance , till I met with a Letter of Dr. BURTHOGGE to his Sister , wherin are contain'd certain Querys propos'd to him by HARRINGTON , with a state of his Case written by the Doctor , who was his intimat Friend , and a very good judg , whether consider'd as a Physician or a Philosopher , as appears by his late Treatise of the Soul of the World , &c. and as I have particular reason to affirm from his Letters to my Lady ASHTON , which are all now before me . Among other things the Doctor says , that he ever exprest the highest satisfaction in thinking of what he had at any time written , as the best Service he was capable to do his Country , and sincerely intended by him to the glory of God , which he thought in som measure to be the good of mankind : so far was he from being under any remorse of Conscience on that score , as his ill wishers maliciously reported . Now , tho I was somwhat stagger'd concerning the nature of his Distemper by Dr. BURTHOGGE'S Letter , I grew perfectly amaz'd when I found among his Papers the beginning of a little Treatise written by himself , wherin ( without raillery ) he proves 'em to be all mad that thought him so with respect to what he discours'd of Nature , which he maintain'd to work mechanically or mathematically , as BELLINI , BORELLI , Dr. PITCAIRNS , and other eminent men have since evidently shewn . It appears there that his pretended Visions of Angels and Devils were nothing else but good or bad animal Spirits , and that his Flys and Bees were only Similitudes wherby he us'd to express the various figures and forms of those Particles . I own that he might probably enough be much decay'd in his understanding , by reason of his great and long weakness of body ; but I shall never be convinc'd that he was delirious in that only instance which they allege : and to satisfy the Learned in this point ( which , in my opinion , is a memorable Story that concerns 'em all ) I shall subjoin his own discourse to this History . 41. WERE he really out of order , it had bin his misfortune , not his fault , and was the case of som of the best men that ever liv'd . An action that will better persuade the world he was not truly himself , was his marrying in this condition . The Lady was a very agreable woman , whose Person and Conversation he always admir'd ; she was the Daughter of Sir MARMADUKE DORREL of Buckinghamshire , fam'd for wit more than became her pretensions to good sense , had long liv'd among his Relations with the respect of a Friend and a Sister ; but now would needs change the office of a voluntary Attendant for the name of a Wife . It soon appear'd that this match was not so much disinterested as she would pretend , which occasion'd som difference between 'em ; but they were quickly reconcil'd , and she was always treated by him afterwards with the highest Generosity , tho she did not use him so handsomly when they were both young and healthy , and might have made a more seasonable match than at this time . Towards his latter end he was subject to the Gout , and injoy'd little ease , but languishing and drooping a good while , he fell at last into a Palsy , and departed this Life at Westminster , the 11 th of September , in the Year 1677 ( leaving his Estate to his Brother's Children ) and lys bury'd there in S. Margaret's Church , on the South side of the Altar , next to the Grave of Sir WALTER RALEIGH , with this Inscription over him : Hic jacet JACOBUS HARRINGTON Armiger ( silius maximus natu SAPCOTIS HARRINGTON de Rand , in Com. Linc. Equitis aurati , & JANAE uxoris ejus , siliae GULIELMI SAMUEL de Vpton in Com. Northamton . Militis ) qui obiit septimo die Septembris , aetatis suae sexagesimo sexto , anno Dom. 1677. Nec virtus , nec animi dotes ( arrha licet ●terni in animam amoris Dei ) corruptione eximere queant corpus . 42. THUS dy'd JAMES HARRINGTON , whose Name is sure to live so long as Learning and Liberty bear any Reputation in England . But tho he did not think so highly of himself , yet he was strongly persuaded that his Oceana was the Model of an equal Commonwealth , or a Government wherin no Party can be at variance with or gaining ground upon another , and never to be conquer'd by any foren Power ; whence he concluded it must needs be likewise immortal : for as the People , who are the materials , never dy ; so the Form , which is the Motion , must ( without som opposition ) be endless . The Immortality of a Commonwealth is such a new and curious Problem , that I could not assure my self of the Reader 's pardon , without giving him som brief account of the Arguments for it , and they run much after this manner . The perfection of Government is such a Libration in the frame of it , that no Man or Men under it can have the interest , or ( having the interest ) can have the power to disturb it with Sedition . This will be granted at first sight , and HARRINGTON appeals to all Mankind , whether his Oceana ( examin'd by this principle ) be not such an equal Government , completely and intirely fram'd in all its necessary Orders or fundamental Laws , without any contradiction to it self , to Reason , or Truth . If this be so ( as the contrary dos not yet appear ) then it has no internal cause of Dissolution , and consequently such a Government can never be ruin'd any way ; for he further shews ( what all History cannot contradict ) that a Commonwealth , if not first broken or divided by Factions at home , was never conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch from the beginning of the World to this day : but the Commonwealth of Oceana having no Factions within , and so not to be conquer'd from without , is therfore an equal , perfect , and immortal Government . For want of this equality in the frame he clearly demonstrats how the Common-wealths of Rome , Athens , and others , came to be destroy'd by their contending and ove●topping partys ; wheras that of Venice can never change or finish . He proves that this Equality is yet more wanting in Monarchys ; for in absolute Monarchy ( as that of the Turk , for example ) the Janizarys have frequent interest , and perpetual power to raise Sedition to the ruin of the Emperor , and , when they please , of the Empire : This cannot be said of the Armys of Oceana , and therfore an absolute Monarchy is no perfect Government . In what they improperly call a mix'd Monarchy the Nobility are somtimes putting Chains on the King , at other times domineering over the People ; the King is either oppressing the People without control , or contending with the Nobility as their Protectors ; and the People are frequently in arms against both King and Nobility , till at last one of the three Estates becoms master of the other two , or till they so mutually weaken one another that either they fall a prey to som more potent Government , or naturally grow into a Commonwealth : therfore mixt Monarchy is not a perfect Government ; and if no such Partys or Contentions can possibly exist in Oceana , then on the contrary is it a most equal , perfect , and immortal Commonwealth , Quod erat demonstrandum . 43. IT will not be objected to the disparagement of this Model , that it was no better receiv'd by OLIVER CROMWEL ; nor is it fair to judg of things at any time by their Success . If it should be said , that , after the expiration of his Tyranny , the People did not think fit to establish it ; I shall only answer , that all the Attemts which have bin us'd for introducing Arbitrary Power have prov'd as unfortunat , wherby it appears at least that the character which TACITUS gave the Romans of his time , may as well agree to the People of England : and it is , that They are able to bear neither absolute Liberty , nor absolute Slavery . CONCLVSION . I AM dispos'd to believe that my Lady ASHTON'S memory fail'd her , when she said that her Brother was at Rome during the Jubilee ; for as Chronology seems to contradict it , so she might easily mistake the Jubilee for the Ceremony of consecrating Candles , or any other solemnity ; his remarks being equally applicable to all those of the Popish Church . But as to the whole of this History , tho it be manag'd with due moderation , and contains nothing but bare matters of fact , or such observations as they naturally suggest ; yet I was sensible before I wrote it , that I could not escape the displeasure of three sorts of persons : such as have resolv'd to be angry at whatever I do ; such as neither rightly understand what is written by me nor any body else ; and those who , without any particular spite against an Author , yet to get a penny will pretend to answer any book that makes a considerable figure . Therfore I find my self oblig'd beforehand to disclaim all explanations made of my meaning , beyond what is warranted by the express words of my Book ; having constantly indeavor'd not only to write intelligibly , but so as that none can possibly misunderstand me . I renounce all the designs that may be imputed to me by such as are so far from being admitted into my secret , that they were never in my company ; but I specially disown whatever is said by those who first presume to divine my thoughts , and then to vent their own rash conjectures as my undoubted opinions . I slight their artifice who , when unable to object against the point in question , labor to ingage their Adversary in matters wholly besides the purpose ; and when their Evasions have no better fortune than their Attacks , fall to railing against his Person , because they cannot confute his Arguments . I am as much above the malice of som , as they are below my resentments ; and I wou'd at any time chuse to be rather the object of their Envy than of their Favor : but as I am far from thinking my self exemt from all the indiscretions of Youth , or the frailtys of human Nature ; so I am not conscious of entertaining higher thoughts of my own performances than are becoming , or meaner of other mens than they deserve . I know that to enterprize any thing out of the common road is to undergo undoubted envy or peril ; and that he , who is not beforehand resolv'd to bear opposition , will never do any great or beneficial exploit : yet 't is no small incouragement to me , that from the beginning of the world to this time not a single instance can be produc'd of one who either was or would be eminent , but he met with Enemys to his person and fame . Notwithstanding this consideration be just , yet if I write any thing hereafter ( either as oblig'd by Duty , or to amuze idle time ) I have determin'd it shall not concern personal disputes , or the narrow interests of jarring Factions , but somthing of universal benefit , and which all sides may indifferently read . Without such provocations as no man ought to indure , this is my fix'd resolution ; and I particularly desire that none may blame me for acting otherwise , who force me to do so themselves . I shall never be wanting to my own defence , when either the Cause or the Aggressor deserves it : for as to those Authors who conceal their names , if they write matters of fact 't is a sign they cannot make them good ; and all men are agreed to reject their Testimony , except such as resolve to deny others common justice : but the ill opinion of these prejudic'd persons can no more injure any man , than their good opinion will do him honor . Besides other reasons of mentioning my suppos'd designs , one is to disabuse several people who ( as I am told ) are made to believe that in the History of SOCRATES I draw a Parallel between that Philosopher and JESUS CHRIST . This is a most scandalous and unchristian calumny , as will more fully appear to the world whenever the Book it self is publish'd : for that I have bin som time about it , I freely avow ; yet not in the manner those officious Informers report , but as becoms a disinterested Historian , and a friend to all mankind . The Inscription on the Monument of Sir JAMES HARRINGTON and his three Sons , at Exton in Rutlandshire . HERE lieth Sir James Harrington of Exton Kt. with a Lucy his Wife , Daughter to Sir William Sidney Kt. by whom he had 18 Children , wherof three Sons and 8 Daughters marry'd as follows . THE eldest Son , Sir b John , marry'd the Heiress of Robert Keylwoy Surveyor of the Court of Wards and Liverys . The 2 d Son , Sir c Henry , took to Wife one of the Coheirs of Francis Agar , one of his Majesty's Privy Council in Ireland . the 3 d Son , James . d Harrington Esq had to Wife one of the Coheirs of Robert Sapcotes Esq . The eldest Daughter , Elizabeth , was married to Sir Edward e Montague Kt. The 2 d , Frances , to Sir William f Lee Kt. The 3 d , Margaret , to Don g Bonitto de Sisnores of Spain , of the Family of the Dukes of Frantasquo . The 4 th , Katherine , to Sir Edward h Dimmock Kt. The 5 th , Mary , to Sir Edward i Wing●ield Kt. The 6 th , Maball , to Sir Andrew k ●oell Kt. The 7 th , Surah , was marry'd to the Lord Hastings , Heir to the Earl of Huntingdon . The 8 th , Theodosia , l to the Lord Dudley of Dudley Castle . THE same Sir James and Lucy were marry'd fifty years : She died first , in the 72 d year of her Age ; he shortly after yielded to Nature , being 80 years old , in the year of our Lord 1591 , and of Queen Elizabeth's Reign 34. their Son James being made sole Executor to them both ; who , that he might as well perform to his Parents their Rites , as leave a Testimony of his own Piety to Posterity , hath erected and dedicated this Monument to their eternal Memory . The Mechanics of Nature : OR An Imperfect Treatise written by JAMES HARRINGTON during his sickness , to prove against his Doctors that the Notions he had of his own Distemper were not , as they alleg'd , Hypocondriac Whimsys or Delirious Fancys . The PREFACE . HAVING bin about nine months , som say in a Disease , I in a Cure , I have bin the wonder of Physicians , and they mine ; not but that we might have bin reconcil'd , for Books ( I grant ) if they keep close to Nature must be good ones , but I deny that Nature is bound to Books . I am no study'd Naturalist , having long since given over that Philosophy as inscrutable and incertain : for thus I thought with my self ; Nature , to whom it is given to work as it were under her Veil or behind the Curtain , is the Art of God : now if there be Arts of Men who have wrought openly enough to the understanding ( for example that of TITIAN ) nevertheless whose excellency I shall never reach ; How shall I thus , sticking in the Bark at the Arts of Men , be able to look thence to the Roots , or dive into the Abyss of things in the Art of God ? And nevertheless , Si placidum caput undis extulerit , should Nature afford me a sight of her , I do not think so meanly of my self but that I would know her as soon as another , tho more learn'd man. Laying therfore Arts wholly , and Books almost all aside , I shall truly deliver to the world how I felt and saw Nature ; that is , how she came first into my senses , and by the senses into my understanding . Yet for the sake of my Readers , and also for my own , I must invert the order of my Discourse ; For theirs , because , till I can speak to men that have had the same Sensations with my self , I must speak to such as have a like understanding with others : For my own , because , being like in this Discourse to be the Monky that play'd at Chess with his Master , I have need of som Cushion on my head , that being in all I have spoken hitherto more laid at than my Reason . My Discourse then is to consist of two parts : the first , in which I appeal to his understanding who will use his Reason , is a Platform of Nature drawn out in certain Aphorisms ; and the second , in which I shall appeal to his senses who in a Disease very common will make further trial , is a Narrative of my Case . A Platform or Scheme of Nature . 1. NATURE is the Fiat , the Breath , and in the whole Sphere of her activity the very Word of God. 2. SHE is a Spirit , that same Spirit of God which in the beginning mov'd upon the Waters , his plastic Virtue , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. SHE is the Providence of God in his Government of the things of this world , even that Providence of which it is said , that without it a Sparrow cannot fall to the ground , Mat. 10. 29. 4. SHE is the Anima Mundi , or Soul of the World ; Principio Coelum , ac Terras , camposque liquentes , Lucentemque globum Lunae , Titaniaque astra SPIRITUS intus alit , totamque effusa per artus Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . Indehominum pecudumque genus , vitaeque volantum , Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus . Igneus est ollis vigor , & coelestis Origo Seminibus , quantum non noxia corpora tardant , Terrenique hebetant artus , moribundaque membra . Hinc metuunt , cupiuntque , dolent , g●udentque , neque auras Dispiciunt clausae tenebris & carcere caeco . Virgil. Aen. l. 6. 5. SHE is infallible : for the Law of an infallible Lawgiver must needs be infallible , and Nature is the Law as well as the Art of God. 6. THO Nature be not fallible , yet she is limited , and can do nothing above her matter ; therfore no Miracles are to be expected from her . 7. AS Defects , Redundancys , or such other rude qualitys of matter , ought not to be attributed to the Artificer or his Art ; so neither is Nature , or the Art of God , to be charg'd with Monsters or imperfections , the things so reputed being the regular Effects both of the Matter and the Art that forms it . 8. NATURE is not only a Spirit , but is furnish'd , or rather furnishes her self with innumerable ministerial Spirits , by which she operats on her whole matter , as the Universe ; or on the separat parts , as man's Body . 9. THESE ministerial Spirits are certain Aethereal Particles invisibly mix'd with elementary Matter ; they work ordinarily unseen or unfelt , and may be call'd Animal Spirits . 10. AS in sound Bodys there must needs be GOOD SPIRITS managing the Oeconomy of Health ; so in unsound Bodies , as in chronical Diseases , there must needs be EVIL SPIRITS managing the Oeconomy of Distempers . 11. ANIMAL Spirits , whether in the Universe , or in man's Body , are good or evil Spirits , according to the Matter wherin and wherof they are generated . 12. WHAT is a good Spirit to one Creature , is evil to another , as the food of som Beasts is poison to man ; whence the gentleness of the Dove , and the fierceness of the Hauk . 13. BETWEEN the Animal Spirits of the whole or Universe , and of the parts , as of man's Body , there is an intercourse or cooperation which preserves the common order of Nature unseen ; and in som things often foretels or discovers it , which is what we call Prefages , Signs , and Prodigys . 14. THE work of good Spirits , as Health for example , is felicitous , and as it were Angelical ; and that of evil Spirits , as in Diseases , is noxious , and as it were diabolical , a sort of fascination or witchcraft . 15. ALL Fermentation is caus'd by unlocking , unbinding , or letting loose of Spirits ; as all Attenuation is occasion'd by stirring , working , or provoking of Spirits ; and all Transpiration by the emission or sending abroad of Spirits . 16. NOTHING in Nature is annihilated or lost , and therfore whatever is transpir'd , is receiv'd and put to som use by the Spirits of the Universe . 17. SCARCE any man but at som time or other has felt such a motion as Country people call the Lifeblood ; if in his Ey , perhaps there has flown out somthing like a dusky cloud , which is a transpiration or emission of Spirits ; perhaps as it were a flash of Fire , which also was an emission of Spirits , but differenc'd according to the matter wherin and wherof they were wrought , as Choler , &c. 18. ANIMAL Spirits are ordinarily emitted streaking themselves into various figures , answerable to little arms or hands , by which they work out the matter by Transpiration , no otherwise than they unlock'd it , and wrought it up in the body by attenuation , that is , by manufacture : for these operations are perfectly mechanical , and downright handywork as any in our shops or workhouses . 19. IF we find Nature in her operations not only using hands , but likewise somthing analogous to any Art , Tool , Engin , or Instrument which we have or use , it cannot be said that Nature had these things of men , because we know that men must have these things of Nature . 20. IN Attenuation and Transpiration , where the matter of the Disease is not only copious but inveterat , the Work will not as I may say be inarticulat , as in the trembling call'd the Lifeblood ; but articulat , and obviously so to the sense of the Patient by immediat strokes of the Humor upon his Organs , which somtimes may be strong enough ( tho not ordinarily ) to reach anothers . 21. NATURE can work no otherwise than as God taught her , nor any man than as she taught him . 22. WHEN I see a curious piece from the hands of an Apprentice , I cannot imagin that his Master was a bungler , or that he wrought not after the same manner as his Servant learn'd of him ; which I apply to God and Nature . 23. PHYSICIANS somtimes take the PRUDENCE of Nature for the PHRENSY of the Patient . 24. IF any man can shew why these things are not thus , or that they may be otherwise , then I have don , and there is said in this part already more than enough ; but if they can neither shew that these things are not thus , nor know how they should be otherwise , then so far I stand my ground , and am now arm'd for my Narrative Cap a pè . 'T IS a thousand pitys that we have not this Narrative , to which no doubt he apply'd these Principles , and thence form'd the state of his Distemper . But the Manuscript containing no more , we may however evidently conclude that the Writer of it was not so greatly disorder'd in his thoughts , which are for the most part very just , and all as close and coherent as any man's . ERRATA . Preface . Page 8. line 2. for too , read two . Life . P. 21. To the other words there explain'd add Hemisua the River Trent , and Alma the Palace of St. James . Works . P. 5. l. 32. r. opac . P. 35. l. 11. f. Assertors , r. Assertress . P. 48. l. 5. r. than to . P. 54. l. 11. r. Lycians . P. 106. l. 17. r. Tarentum . P. 107. l. 28. f. My Lords , other , r. My Lord 's other . P. 110. l. 19. r. Brokage . P. 267. l. 37. f. poisoning , r. poising . THE Grounds and Reasons OF MONARCHY Consider'd : And Exemplify'd in the Scotish Line , out of their own best Authors and Records . THE PREFACE . THERE is nothing that has more confounded Knowledge among men , than the reciprocal violences of the Vnderstanding and the Will ; or , to speak plainly , the Passion of the one and Blindness of the other : Since som by chance or interest take up Principles which they force the Vnderstanding by strain'd Arguments to maintain ; others by the habit of som Opinion so bewitch the Will into confederacy , that they can never quit it , even after confutation . To remedy this Disorder , since I had resolv'd with my self to say somthing to this Point ( which tho it be but as a small Wyre , yet the great weight of civil Felicity lys upon it ) I knew no better Method than to take the Scales from the Eys of the Vnderstanding , and to shew the Will how better to bring about her great Design of Good. And in the prosecution of this , I would not skirmish with every Argument , which had bin a thing of immense slavery , and not for every Ey ; but I chose rather to strike at the Foundations , that the Vnderstanding might lose its Passion , and more freely consider upon what Quicksands they lay . And in this I needed not to be positive , because I undertake a Task in which most Men are commonly succesful , that is , to support Error rather than to assert Truth . Hence I consider Kingship simply , not troubling my self to maintain any other Form , or to consider Oaths , Ends , Changes of Government , or the particular Necessity or Reasons of Safety : they being distinct Considerations and Subjects by themselves . Now if this negative Method satisfys not , I see no such great cause to be discourag'd ; for , I confess , I do not perceive it so easy a thing to discover an Error ; and I had rather tell a Man he was out of the way , than by endeavoring to bring him to the end of his Journy , lead him further about . And it is my opinion , that as Scepticism is not only useless , but dangerous ; if in setting our Thoughts in a posture of Defence , it makes us absolutely wavering and incredulous : yet had I rather be sceptical in my Opinion , than maintain it upon grounds taken upon trust , and not demonstrated . THE Second Part is merely an instance accommodated to the Arguments of the First , wherin I would not be understood to be a Writer of an Epitome ( for I have other Imployments for my Time and Thoughts , and those nobler too ) but to set down a true Series by way of Example ; and therfore I was only to note Accesses to Government , and Recesses from it , with the Effects proceding from the Persons of Governors . And here as I needed not much trouble Chronology : So lest it might be a bare Sceleton , I sprinkled som Observations that came to hand , and seem to afford either Pleasure or Vse . Thus much , lest I might be misunderstood , I thought necessary to premise . THE Grounds and Reasons OF MONARCHY . The First Part. I HAVE often thought it strange , that among all the Governments , either past or present , the Monarchical should so far in Extent and Number excede the Popular , as that they could never yet com into comparison . I could never be persuaded but it was more happy for a People to be dispos'd of by a number of Persons jointly interested and concern'd with them , than to be number'd as the Herd and Inheritance of One , to whose Lust and Madness they were absolutely subject ; and that any Man of the weakest Reason and Generosity would not rather chuse for his Habitation that spot of Earth where there was access to Honor by Virtue , and no Worth could be excluded , rather than that where all Advancement should procede from the Will of one scarcely hearing and seeing with his own Organs , and gain'd for the most part by means leud and indirect : and all this in the end to amount to nothing else but a more splendid and dangerous Slavery . To clear this Point , I consider'd how inscrutably Providence carrys on the turns and stops of all Governments , so that most People rather found than made them . The Constitutions of Men , som not fit to be Masters of their Liberty , som not capable , som not willing ; the Ambition of settled Tyrants , who breaking their own Bonds have brought in violent Alterations ; and lastly , civil Discord , have either corrupted or alter'd better Settlements . BUT these are Observations rather than Arguments , and relate to Fact rather than Reason . That which astonish'd me most was to see those of this Heroic and Learn'd Age , not only not rising to Thoughts of Liberty , but instead therof foolishly turning their Wits and Swords against themselves in the maintenance of them whose Slaves they are : and indeed they can be no weak Causes that produce so long and settled a Distemper ; tho som of those I mention'd , if not most of them , are the true ones . HE knows nothing that knows not how superstitiously the generality of Mankind is given to retain Traditions , and how pertinacious they are in the maintenance of their first Prejudices , insomuch that a Discovery or more refin'd Reason is as insupportable to them , as the Sun is to an Ey newly brought out of Darkness . Hence Opiniativeness ( which is commonly proportion'd to their Ignorance ) and a generous Obstinacy somtimes to Death and Ruin. So that it is no wonder if we see many Gentlemen , whose Education inabled them only to use their Senses and first Thoughts , so dazled with the Splendor of a Court , prepossest with the Affection of a Prince , or bewitch'd with som subdolous Favor , that they chuse rather any hazard than the Inchantment should be dissolv'd . Others , perhaps a degree above these , yet in respect of som Title stuck upon the Family ( which has bin as fortunat a Mystery of Kingcraft as any other ) or in reverence to som glorious former Atchievements ( minding not that in all these cases the People are the only effective means , and the King only imaginary ) think they should degenerat from Bravery in bringing on a Change. Others are witheld by Sloth and Timorousness , either not daring , or unwilling to be happy ; som looking no further than their privat Welfare , indifferent at the multiplication of public Evils ; others ( and these the worst of all ) out of a pravity of Nature sacrificing to their Ambition and Avarice , and in order to that , following any Power , concurring with any Machinations , and supporting their Authors : while Princes themselves ( train'd up in these Arts , or receiving them by Tradition ) know how to wind all their humors to their own advantage , now foisting the Divinity of their Titles into Pulpits , now amuzing the People with Pomp and Shews , now diverting their hot Spirits to som unprofitable foren War ( making way to their accurs'd ends of Revenge or Glory , with the effusion of that Blood which should be as dear to them as their own ) now stroking the People with som feeble but inforc'd Law , for which notwithstanding they will be paid ( and 't is observ'd , the most notorious Tyrants have taken this Course ) now giving up the eminentest of their Ministers ( which they part with as indifferently as their Robes ) to the Rage and Fury of the People ; so that they are commanded and condemn'd by the same Mouth , and the credulous and ignorant , believing their King divinely set over them , sit still , and by degrees grow into Quiet and Admiration , especially if lul'd asleep with som small continuance of Peace ( be it never so injust , unsound , or dangerous ) as if the Body Politic could not languish of an internal Disease , tho its Complexion be fresh and chearful . THOSE are the Reasons which ( if I conceive aright ) have stupify'd the less knowing part of Mankind . Now , how the more searching part have soodly miscarry'd , will fall under consideration . FIRST then , we need not take the pains to demonstrat how easy a thing it is for men of Acuteness , not conversant in Civil Affairs , not only to miscarry in the Apprehension , but even in their Judgment of them : for they , instead of bringing the Series and Reason of things into Rule and Method , use on the contrary to measure them by their own presuppos'd Speculation ; and by that means becom incapable of weighing rightly the various Incidences and Circumstances of Business . For it is to be observ'd , that the Theorems of no Art or Profession are either more easily found , or of more difficult practice than those of Policy ; so that it is no wonder if Men merely contemplative , fail so oft in the very laying of Grounds , as we shall anon ▪ instance . Now how fruitful Daintys Error and Absurdity are , we all know . But more especially the Contentions of contemplative Men are most numerous , various , and endless ; for wrangling is with them an Art , and they are indu'd with that ungenerous Shame , never to acknowlege their Mistakes . Moreover , their Principles are most times ill-grounded , and it is to be fear'd that in their Superstructures they as often call in their Imaginations as their Judgment to frame Arguments . Besides , these men fighting only with Pen , Ink and Paper , seldom arrive at a means to decide the Quarrel , by which he that gains the last word is suppos'd Conqueror ; or the other leaves almost as inglorious a Conquest to the Victor , as if he had bin overthrown . THAT which I would infer from all this , is , that the Generality of speculative Men , for the most part guiding their Understandings by those Notions which they find in Books , fall not seldom by this means into considerable Errors . For all Books , those I mean that are human , and fall directly under our Consideration , either lay down practical Things and Observations of Kingship , or som general and universal Notions , or else controversially assert Monarchy against som Opposers . Now in the two latter there are generally found two grand and insupportable Fallacys , the first wherof is , that they fraudulently converse in Generals , and ( to borrow the School-terms ) speak of that in the Abstract which they should do in the Concrete : As for example , where they should assert the particular Right of this or that Prince , they cunningly or ignorantly lay out most of their Discourse about Monarchy in general , and often weary and amaze the Dispute before they com to the true ground and stating of the Quarrel , wherby the Readers ( diverted by such Prepossession , and intangled by general Notions of Authority , Power and Government ) seldom descend into the consideration of Particulars , where the great Scruple and Difficulty for the most part lys . So that any King ( be his Access to the Government never so fraudulent and unjustifiable ) coms to be look'd on as sacred , authoritative , and by degrees begins not to blush at the Attributes of Sacred Majesty , Grace , and Highness , or any other Terms that the servil Flattery and witty Barbarity of Courtiers can give to them : nay , som even of the wickedest of the Roman Emperors could be content to be saluted with Perennitys and Divinitys ; wheras if Men would call their Reason into counsel , they might find that these blazing Stars were opace Bodys , and did shine only by Reflection : These Men having no more Luster than either the Cabal of their own state and distance , or the wretched Imposition upon the People , casts on them . For did Men devest the Authority from the Person , they would then commonly find it inconsiderable , if not positively evil . And again , consider Authority in it self as a thing fixt , real , immutable , and ( when justly administer'd ) sacred , they might find , that granting a Prince to be the most regular , just Person in all the world , yet many Men as good join'd with him , intrusted , and concurring to the same end , might do much more good ; and that to deny this , were to be as irrational as to deny that one Person could do any good at all . But however , this I take to be certain and demonstrable out of their own Principles , that Kings being only to be consider'd in respect of the Trust and Power lodg'd in them , a number of Men by as just means ( not to say better ) invested with the same Trust and Power , are every jot as sacred , and of as much Divine Right as any Monarch is , the Power being essentially the same , united or divided , as if a Commission be to one or three . It will follow then , that Republics may be as just and authoritative as Kingships ; and then their radical Argument of the Jure Divino of Kingship is wholly enervated , and the other render'd equally as Soverain . And I am to note ( but this is only transiently ) the Poorness , or , to say better , the Blasphemy of that Argument which flourishes out Kings as the Types of Divinity , and vainly lavishes som Metaphysics , to prove that all things have a natural tendency to Oneness ; nay , the itch of som merry Wits has carry'd them to run over most of the Divine Attributes ( as som English Lawyers have talk'd of the legal , I must say phantastical Ubiquity and Omniscience of our Kings , tho we see the contrary ; and som Civilians have said as much about the Emperor before them ) wheras they should consider , that the immense Simplicity of God flows out in its several Operations with ineffable variety , God being every where and the same , or , as the Platonists say , a Center in every part of its Circle , a Spirit without Quantity , Distance , and Comprehension ; wheras Man is a determinat narrow Being , who doing one thing , ceases to do another , and thinking of one thing is forc'd to quit his former thought . Now how sit he is to be a Shadow of this Archetype , let any judg , unless he could be refin'd from his Corporeity , and inlarg'd into a proportionable Immensity . Besides , I know not whether it be safe to think or no , That as God , who , for the most part , indues Men with Gifts sutable to the places to which he calls them , would in som measure pour out his Spirit proportionat to these Men , wheras most commonly we find them , notwithstanding their extraordinary advantages of Society , Education , and Business , as weak Men as any other : and good Princes being sway'd by the Advice of Men , good and wise , and the bad seduc'd by Men of their own Inclinations , what are all Monarchys but in reality Optimacys ? for a few only essentially govern under the name of one , who is utterly as unable as the meanest of those over whom he claims Superiority . THE second Fallacy is this , That Men , while they labor thus to support Monarchy , tell us not what kind of Monarchy it is , and consequently gain nothing , tho we should grant them the former Proposition to be true . For what dos it avail to tell me of the Title of such a Prince , if I know not by what Title he holds ? Grant it were visible to me that such a Man was mark'd out by Providence to be my Governor , yet if I cannot tell what kind of one , whether absolute , mixt , limited , merely executive , or only first in order , how shall I know to direct my Obedience ? If he be absolute , my very natural Liberty is taken away from me ; nor do I know any Power that can make any Man such , the Scripture setting just limitations and restrictions to all Governors . If mixt and limited , I must know the due Temper and Bounds wherby he is to rule , or else he may usurp or be mistaken , and I opprest or injur'd . If executive , the Power fundamentally resides not in him , but in the Great Council , or them intrusted by the People ; then I adore only a Shadow . Now if any Prince of Europe can really clear up these Mists , and shew the Lines of his Government drawn fairly , and his Charter whole and authentic , like that of Venice and antient Rome , for my part , I 'll be the first man shall swear him Allegiance , and the last that will preserve him . But you will find that they will tell you in general about their Office , and in particular of their Claims of Succession , Inheritance , and Ancestors ; when look but three or four Storys back , and you will meet either som savage unnatural Intrusion , disguiz'd under som forc'd Title or chimerical Cognation , or else som violent Alteration , or possibly som slender Oath or Articles , hardly extorted and imperfectly kept . Now if any man that will but run over these Rules , and apply them to any History whatever ( as we shall exemplify in that of Scotland , upon which for the present we have pitcht ) and not find most Titles ambiguous , the Effects of former Monarchys ( for where , in a Catalogue of forty Kings , can you almost shew me three good ones , but things merely strugling to maintain their Titles and domestic Interest ? ) ruinous to the People , who for the most part consider them no otherwise than as to be rescu'd from violent Confusion , not as they conduce to the positive Happiness of a civil Life ; I say , all this will be found to be true , or my small Conversation in Books is extremely false . And truly I conceive reading of History to be the most rational Course to set any Judgment right , because it instructs by Experience and Effects , and grounds the Judgment upon material Observations , and not blindly gropes after Notions and Causes , which to him are tantum non inscrutabile ; but of that anon . A main Mistake under this Topic has bin an erroneous comparison and application of matters Civil and Military ; for Men observing that mixt Councils about Generals , Plurality , Equality of Commands , frequent and sudden Military Alterations , have brought no small Distempers and Dangers to several Governments and Attemts ; therefore they presently conclude , that in Civils also it is the safest to continue a Command in one hand for preventing the like Disturbances . But here they are deceiv'd ; Civil matters consist in long debate , great consideration , patient expectation , and wary foresight , which is better to be found in a number of choice experienc'd Heads , than in one single Person , whose Youth and Vigor of Spirit inables him rather to Action , and fills him with that noble Temerity which is commonly so happy in Martial Affairs ; that must be guided always to improve Occasions , which are seldom to be found again , and , which mistaken , are to be scarcely amended . Besides , the Ferocity of daring Spirits can hardly be bounded while they stand level ; so that it is no wonder if they extinguish all Emulations by putting the Power into the hands of one , wheras in a Commonwealth it is quite otherwise : and Factions ( unless they be cruelly exorbitant ) do but poise and balance one another ; and many times , like the discord of Humors upon the natural Body , produce real good to the Government . That slender conceit , that Nature seems to dress out a Principality in most of her works , as among Birds , Bees , &c. is so slender indeed ( in regard they are no more Chiefs than what they fancy them , but all their Prepotency is merely predatory or oppressive ; and even Lions , Elephants , Crocodils and Eagles , have small inconsiderable Enemys , of which they stand in fear , and by which they are often ruin'd ) that the Recital confutes it ; and if it were so , yet unless they could prove their One Man to be as much more excellent than the rest as those are , and that solely too , I see not what it would advantage them , since to comply with the design of Nature in one , they would contradict it in others , where she is equally concern'd . But these Philological and Rhetorical Arguments have not a little hinder'd the severer Disquisition of Reason , and prepossess'd the more easy Minds with Notions so much harder to be laid aside , as they are more erroneous and pleasing . THESE are the fundamental Errors that have misled the Judgment ; now those which have misguided the Conscience , have principally proceded from the Misinterpretation of Scripture ; and therfore seeming Sacred , have bin less examin'd and doubted , as carrying the most Authority . Thus in the Old Testament , there being such frequent mention of Kings , which notwithstanding were given in Wrath , they superstitiously maintain not only the necessity , but even the impunity of Kings ; wheras we know not their Powers and Limitations , and it is inconsequent to argue , That because Judea was so govern'd , we should follow the same Pattern , when we find neither Precept , Consequence , nor Necessity convincing us . And it is madness to think that while the Divine Spirit so freely and vehemently exclaims against the Iniquity of men , God would authorize it so far as to leave it in them only unpunishable who should exterminat and reform it . As for the Antiquity from ADAM , it is true , before his Fall his Dominion was large and wide , but it was over the Beasts that after his Fall learn'd to rebel against him ; and oeconomically , not despotically , over his Wife and Children . But what is this to Civil Government ? In the New Testament ( for I the bries●ier pass over this head , in regard it has bin so copiously treated upon by those under whose Profession it falls , and that it dos not immediatly conduce to my Design ) the principal Argument has bin the meekness of CHRIST and his compliance with Civil Powers , which certainly , if he had bin dispos'd to have resisted , say they , he could as easily have overthrown , as with a few Cords whip the Buyers and Sellers out of the Temple . But he , that was the Wisdom of his Father , rather thought fit to build up his Kingdom ( which is not earthly , nor known of earthly men ) in Meekness and Obedience to Civil Powers , which are perpetually chang'd and hurry'd at the Will of the first Mover , otherwise he would never have concern'd himself so much in giving Dues to CAESAR , and to God what is Gods ; intimating the distinct Obedience owing by all men , as Christians , and Citizens . When , granting Monarchy the most and only lawful Government , yet every one knows , that knows any thing of the Roman Story , that AUGUSTUS had no more Title to that Government , than to any of those over whom he usurp'd , and that his Access to the Government was as fraudulent and violent as could be . Another Error is the mistaking of the word * Powers , when it 's clear the Scripture speaks of it in a Latitude , as extending it to all sorts of establish'd Governments . Now men have falsly pretended , that those Powers were only meant of Kings ; and what by an indiscrete collation of the places of the Old , and violent wrestings of others of the New Testament , they perfected the other grand Mistake ; which since it has bin already clear'd up , and as we said is but collateral with us for the present , we shall no further mention it . AS for the alleg'd Examples and Speeches of the Primitive Times , I see not much in them considerable : for tho Insurrections against Princes cannot be produc'd , or rather much is said against them , yet we are to consider , that the Gospel of CHRIST ( which was at that time not much defil'd by the World ) engages not to any Domination , but ( wholly taken up with its own Extasys , spiritual Delights and Expectations ) neglects all other Affairs as strange and dangerous . And moreover ( tho I know what has bin said to the contrary ) I cannot find , after well considering those Ages , any probable ground how , if they would have rebel'd , they could have made any Head. They were indeed numerous , but then they had Legionarys among them ; and who knows not what an ineffectual thing a People is ( be it never so desirous ) when overaw'd by the Soldiery ? And they were a People ( as Greatness to God and Man is different ) not considerable for their worldly Power ( for how few eminent Commanders were converted in the first Ages ? ) but out of his own mere choice , so that it was not strange if they could not do much . For God , as he chose the weakest means in planting the Gospel , even Fishermen ; so , in the primitive Propagation he call'd the weaker Men , tho Christianity afterwards grew ample and august , and Kings were proud to give their Names to it . AS for the Fathers ( supposing them free of their many Adulterations , Interpolations , and all those Errors and Incertaintys which the process of time and fraud of men has foisted into them ) they are to be accepted only as Witnesses , not as Judges : that is to say , they may prove matter of Fact , but none of their words matter of Right ; especially if we consider their Writings , either Homilys , Commentarys , or Controversys , which are ever directed to another end than this is , and they themselves ( men secluded from Business ) are so much more unable to judg and resolve civil Controversys , in regard the unhappiness of the latter times has produc'd many Controversys not known or thought of in their days , which not falling directly under their Profession , cannot receive any Light or Authority from them . HAVING thus consider'd Kingship , and how well it has appear'd thro the false Lights of the Understanding , we shall now consider , whether , taking it by it self , its Foundations be laid upon a Cylinder or upon a Cube : and this , I think , we are the likeliest to do , if we consider them in their Rights and Uses , or , to speak plainer , in their Legality and Policy ; so that if we find that none of the ways of retaining their Crowns can be authentic except one , and that one makes against them , we shall see we have no just causes of blind Adoration or implicit Obligation to truckle under any of their Commands . And if again we discover that sort of Government it self is not so profitable to the end of civil Happiness , but rather diametrically opposit to it ; we may suppose that men are either strangly obstinat , or else they might eradicat an Error which not only offers so many Prejudices to their Understanding , but that has such an evil Influence upon their external Welbeing . WE have then to consider , that for One man to rule over Many , there must necessarily be pretended some Right , tho it be but colorable ; for either he must be chosen by the People as their Arbitrator and supreme Judg , or else he must by force of Arms invade them , and bring them to Obedience , which he by force preserving for his Sons or Successors , makes way for a third Claim , which is Inheritance . A fourth some have invented , tho were it real , it is but a difference of the last , and I therfore shall mention it under that Head. But to the Consideration . FIRST therfore Election , supposing the People , either finding themselves unable to weild their own Happiness , or for preventing of Disorder , make choice of one Man to be set over them , it here instantly follows , that the Authority is in the People , and flowing from them ; for Choice argues a Power , and being elected a Subordination to it ; in the end , I mean , tho not in every act . Now there is none chosen but for som End , or for som Intentions reciprocal betwixt both Partys ; for otherwise such a choice were but Dotage , and consequently invalid : Wherefore thus it will follow , that those who pretend to King it upon this Topic , must either shew a formal Election ( which I think many Kings are not able to do ) or if he can shew one , produce also the Conditions and Ends for which he was chosen . Now all parts being either implicit or explain'd , let him exhibit the Covenant , that it may be known whether he governs according to it or not ; for if he transgresses , he forfeits , and the others are absolv'd from their promis'd Obedience . If the Agreement be unwritten or intentional , either Party is relatively ty'd ; and then if he dos any thing against the welfare of the People ( that Soverain Law and end of all Governments ) the People may not only justly suppose the former Capitulation broken , but even endeavor , by what possible means they can , to restore themselves to their former Rights : for why should the making of a Compact prejudice any when it is once broken ? And here comes in another Fallacy , with which the Assertors of Royalty have so flourish'd , that an Agreement between a People and one Man should descend to his Posterity ; wheras it is to be consider'd , that the People chusing one man is commonly in consideration of his Person and personal Merit ; which not being the same in his Son ( as commonly Familys in the Horizon are in the Meridian , the Founders being braver than any that follow after them ) that very intent is frustrated and ceases ; and the People providing for the Happiness of a few years , which are determinable with incertainty of the latter part of the Life of one man , run themselves and their Posterity into an eternal Inconvenience ( for any thing they know ) of bad Governors . And if the People would never so formally agree with him , that in regard of his Merits or felicity of Actions , his Son should be receiv'd in that place , yet would they not stand to it , that very Pact expiring with the life of either . For my Father may leave me notionally a Slave in a Tenure ( a thing frequent with our Ancestors ) or as Civilians term it , a Feodary , with which I am content , in respect of the Advantage it brings me , or because my own Estate is too little to be independent , and therfore I think it good prudence to be shelter'd under the protection of the greater ; but my natural Liberty , that is to say , to make my Life as justly happy and advantageous to me as I may , he can no more give away from me than my Understanding or Eysight : for these are Privileges with which God and Nature have indu'd me , and these I cannot be deny'd but by him that will also deny me a Being . But to go on , Suppose a second Generation should accept the Son , and a third a Grandson , yet this confirms not a fourth ; and the People very impoliticly strengthen and confirm the Power by continuance , and in a manner with their own hands lay the Foundation of Absoluteness ; their Governors themselves growing in Interests , increasing in Alliances and Forces : so it is very improbable but that within a little they grow too big and formidable , and leave nothing of Liberty except the Name , and ( if they be less cunning ) not that . A pertinent Example of this , and so near us that I cannot pass it , we see in young ORANGE and the Low Countrys at this day , who continuing his Progenitors for their signal Services , and him for theirs , are now punish'd for their generous and indiscrete rewarding of Virtue , that their Liberty was lately almost blown up before they well perceiv'd it to be undermin'd , and they are now at charge to maintain their own Oppression . As for that formal Election and Stipulation , who sees not what a vain and ridiculous cheat it is , they coming with Swords in their hands to demand the Scepter of a weak and stupid multitude that appears only to gaze upon the Ceremonys , and whose refusal were ineffectual ? but it is a gracious piece of the Cabal of Tyranny to deceive the People with Shadows , Fantasms , and names of Liberty . AS for those that intrude by Force , they cannot certainly have the Forehead to infer any Right , they being but , as the Pirat said to ALEXANDER , public and more magnificent Robbers . Certainly these are the NIMRODS , the great Hunters , Gods Scourges , and the Burdens of the Earth ; and whether they be Founders of Empires , or great Captains ( as BOCCALIN distinguishes them ) they ought rather to be remember'd with horror and detestation , than have that undue Reverence with which they commonly meet . YET these are they that lay the Foundations of Succession , and from these do the Successors claim , and enjoy with he less reluctance , because the regret of the Violences , and hate of the first daily wears out ; whether it be by the continuance of Peace that charms men into a love of ease , or that the continuance of Slavery enfeebles their Minds , that they rather chuse to look at their present Enjoyment than real Happiness ; so that it is not strange if the Person of their Oppressor becomes in time adorable , and he himself thinks that confirm'd and justify'd to him in process of time , to which in the beginning he had no right . But if we consider the business a little higher , we might find that since neither the People ( as we have prov'd before ) have power to make themselves Vassals , and the Intruders themselves cannot pretend any just Title ; their Domination is merely illegal , and apt to be shaken off with the first conveniency , it being every whit as equitable , that these men should be judg'd Enemys of Mankind , and condemn'd to die the death of Parricids for usurping a Power , as NERO for abusing it . But I would fain ask the Regious Defenders , by what Law they can maintain Governments to be inherent in one , and to be transmitted to his Ofspring ? If they say by the Law of God , I would demand again how they can make this Law appear to me ? If they say that the Scripture contains the Right and sacredness of Kings , I ask them again , How they know that God extends that Privilege and Authority to this King ? If they say , that he is involv'd in the general Right , they do but run into a Circle ; unless they can show me , that all his Approches to the Government were regular , and such as God was pleas'd with , or else God had by som Sign and Wonder declar'd his approbation of him ; for without these two , they must make God the Author of Evil , which is impious , and pretend his Commission for an unlawful Act ; and by the same right , any other ( as a Tyrant , for example ) may pretend it to an Action never so unjust , it being no inusual thing to borrow the face of Divinity , even upon som foul Impostures , as ( to forbear further Instances ) NUMA'S Conference with AEGERIA , SCIPIO'S Retirement into the Capitol , and SERTORIUS'S white Hart. Now if they pretend the Law of Nature , they must demonstrat to us , both that she endow'd men with inequal Freedom , and that she shap'd out such a Man to rule ; whereas it appears on the contrary , that all Men naturally are equal : for tho Nature with a noble Variety has made different the Features and Lineaments of Men , yet as to Freedom , till it be lost by som external means , she has made every one alike , and given them the same Desires . But suppose she had intended such a Family for Government , and had given them som illustrious Marks , as we read of som that had , whether by the imagination of their Mothers , or by Deceit ; yet then would Nature fall into a double Irregularity , first in deserting her Method of making all free , and secondly in making her general Work merely subservient , and secondary to her particular ; which how contrary it is to that beautiful Harmony of hers , I need not much insist . Now if they say , they are Fathers of the People , and for that reason they call themselves the Heads , inferring the People to be no more than a Trunk , it 's only metaphorical , and proves nothing : for they must remember , that since Father has a relation upon which it depends , and upon whose removal it vanishes , they themselves cannot bring any such ; for by physical procreation they will not offer it ; and for metaphorical Dependence , it will com to nothing , we seeing People languish when their Princes are fullest , and , like Leeches , rather willing to burst than to fall of ; and on the contrary , the People upon the removal of a Prince cheerful and reliev'd . Now if there were so strict a Union between these two , such a Contrariety and Antipathy could never appear ; for certainly when any two Persons endeavour to gain ground one upon another , there is an Enmity , whatever is pretended . Besides , if these men would be Fathers , it were then their duty to do like Fathers , which is to provide for , defend and cherish ; wheras on the contrary , it is they themselves that eat the bread out of the mouths of their Children , and thro the groans of the Poor . And wheras Flattery has said , that what they draw up in Vapors they send down in Showers , yet are we sure that such rains are for the most part unfruitful , if not ominous and infectious . If they pretend the Law of Nations , it were well they would declare to us first what this Law is , and whether generally agreed on or no by Nations . If they say , yes , they must resolve whether explicitly or implicitly : if they say the former , let them produce them ; if the latter , they must demonstrat , that all Nations are agreed in such and such Notions , and all men of these Nations , since every one must be of equal capacity : When on the contrary , tho the Understandings of most men , whom we know or have convers'd with , seem to agree in som general maxims , but unpolish'd , unnumbred , and unmethodiz'd , yet we see many Nations differing from us in many things , which we think clearly , fundamentally , and naturally true ; neither do Climats and Education only so diversify the Minds of men , but even their Understandings , and the different ways of thinking so distinguish even those of one Country , that tho we may please our selves in thinking that all mens thoughts follow the fantastical method of ours , yet we might find , if we were perfectly conversant with all men of the World , and well read in their Authors ( as we are not with half of them , no , nor any one man with the twentieth part ) that there are scarce four or five Axioms , excepting as they make a part of the Law of nature , would be universally receiv'd . Now ( for I have bin the longer by reason that this imaginary Law has bin so held up by the Civilians , and made the subterfuge of so many considerable Disputes ) if it be so weak as that we can scarce tell whether it has a being or no , for even that which we account the most sacred piece of it , the violation of public Messengers , the Tartar and Muscovite , unless restrain'd by fear , break it every day . What then are the Arguments deduc'd from it ? or if there were such a Law , what would it avail such a particular man ? for why should other Nations impose a Governor where they are not concern'd ? And if they pretend this Law as to the preservation and impunity of their Persons , the same Answer will serve again , with this addition , That they make an Offender incapable of punishment , which is but to give them a Commission to offend . Now if they run upon that distinction of suspending only , and not punishing ( as if forsooth this kind of People must be preserv'd , tho by the ruin of Mankind , to immediat Vengeance ) then I say , That Suspension is really a Punishment ; and if his Demerits can deserve that , I see not but that upon a proportionable Increase , they may deserve Dethronization or Death , as clearly as two and two make four , and four more make eight . If they allege positive or municipal Laws , and number Homages , they are not much the nearer , since that all such Laws are but Rivulets and Branches of them we before examin'd ; and since we found that those speak so little in their favor , that which these do cannot signify much , especially since Princes , who are ever watchful to improve all occasions of this nature , can either by terror or artifice draw Assemblys , or the major part of them , to their own Lure ; nay , even the worst of them have not forgot to be solicitous in this case . But it must be remark'd , That whatever positive Laws are repugnant to those general ones , they are injurious , and ought to be repeal'd . And truly it is a sad Observation , that as Monarchs grow , either out of the weakness of Government , and ( as I may say ) its Pupilage , as ROMULUS and THESEUS did at Rome and Athens , or else out of the disease or depravation of it , as CAESAR again invaded Rome : so have the People bin never more fond of them , than when Manners were at the highest corruption , which ever gave access of strength to them ; nor have they more distasted them , than when their Spirits and Disciplin were the most brave and healthful : so fatally disagreeing are true Liberty , which is the very source of Virtue and Generosity , and the impotent Domination of a single Tyrant , who commonly reigns by no other means than the Discords of braver Citizens , who can neither indure Equality or Superiority among themselves , and rather admit a general Vassalage , than just Equality ; or by the Vices of the baser sort , which naturally reconcile them and Kings , and concern them both in a bad Example . But suppose Succession a thing sacred and inviolable , yet once break and interrupt it , it is little worth , either the Usurper being to be acknowleg'd regular , or the whole Series dash'd out of order . Nay , we see Aspirers themselves either so blinded with their Pretences , or with Animosity , and so crying up their own Titles , that it is almost impossible for any privat Judgment to do right in this case , themselves thwarting one another ; and it cannot be in the power of Nature that both should be right . But who can instance one Monarch whose Crown is come to him by untainted Succession ? and what History will not confirm the Example I shall anon bring ? Certainly tho Succession were a thing that had not so little reason or reality , yet I see not why men should with such a strange pertinacy defend it . Matters of Government ought to be manag'd by Prudence ; but Succession puts them into the hands of Fortune , when a Child incapable or infirm , under the regiment of a Nurse , must ( possibly ) be Supreme Governor , and those whom either their Abilitys or Virtues fit for it , subordinat or laid aside . But what if the Person whom necessity has set at the stern be incapable , lunatic , weak , or vitious , is not this a good way to prevent Controversys ? yet this plainly enervats all good Counsil , when a King should have need of Tutors , and that a multitude of People should be commanded by one who commands not himself ; and , when we scarce obey even excellent Princes , to adore Shadows and weak ones . AS for BOXHORNIUS'S distinction of Succession , wherin the next Heir must necessarily succede by the original Right of the former , I would ask him , whether the Predecessor were a Possessor or Usufructuary ? If the first , all our former Arguments fall on him ; if the latter , it makes not for his Successor , the People being Owners : and besides , the distinction is one of his own coining , never pretended before ; upon the first controversy it is invalid , altho the first Founder had a Right , as we have prov'd the contrary . HAVING , with what brevity I could , brought to an end my first Intention , I shall now fall upon the second , which is the intrinsic value and expediency of this Government , and som little comparison with others ; but herein we shall be short , and only so far as concerns this . And indeed it is a business so ticklish , that even Mr. HOBS in his piece de Cive , tho he assur'd himself that the rest of his Book ( which is principally calculated for the assertion of Monarchy ) is demonstrated , yet he douts whether the Arguments which he brings to this business be so firm or not ; and MALVEZZI contrarily remonstrats ( in his Discourses upon TACITUS ) that Optimacys are clearly better than Monarchys , as to all advantages . And indeed if we look on the Arguments for Monarchy , they are either Flourishes , or merely Notions ; such are the reference and perfection of Unity , which , say they , must needs work better and more naturally , as one simple cause ( besides that it stills and restrains all other claims ) than many coordinat : wheras they never consider that tho among many joint Causes there may be some jarring , yet like cross Wheels in an Engin , they tend to the regulation of the whole . What violent Mischiefs are brought in by the Contentions of Pretenders in Monarchys , the Ambiguitys of Titles , and lawless Ambition of Aspirers ? wheras in a settled Republic all this is clear and unperplex'd ; and in case any particular man aspires , they know against whom to join , and punish as a common Enemy . As for that reason which alleges the advantage of Secresy in business , it carries not much with it , in regard that under that even most pernicious designs may be carried on ; and for wholsom Councils ( bating som more nice Transactions ) it matters not how much they be tost among those who are so much intrusted and concern'd in them , all bad designs being never in probability so feeble and ineffectual , as when there are many eyes to overlook them , and voices to decry them . As for that expedition in which they say Monarchs are so happy , it may as well further a bad intention , as give effect to a just Council , it depending on the Judgment of a single man , to whose will and ends all must refer ; wheras a select number of intrusted Persons may hasten every opportunity with a just slowness as well as they , tho indeed ( unless it be in som Military critical Minutes ) I see not such an Excellency in the swiftness of heady Dispatch , precipitation in Counsils being so dangerous and ominous . As for what concerns privat Suitors , they may as speedily and effectually ( if not more ) be answer'd in staid Republics , as in the Court of a King , where Bribery and unworthy Favorits do not what is just , but what is desir'd . WITH these and many others as considerable ( which partly willingly , and partly in this penury of Books , forgettingly I pass ) do they intend to strengthen this fantastical and airy Building ; but as sly Controverters many times leave out the principal Text or Argument , because should it be produc'd , it could not be so easily answer'd : so these men tell us all the Advantages of Monarchy , supposing them still well settled , and under virtuous men ; but you shall never hear them talk of it in its corrupt state under leud Kings and unsettled Laws ; they never let fall a word of the dangers of Interreigns , the Minoritys and Vices of Princes , Misgovernments , evil Councils , Ambitions , Ambiguitys of Titles , and the Animositys and Calamities that follow them , the necessary Injustices and Oppressions by which Monarchs ( using the Peoples Wealth and Blood against themselves ) hold them fast in their Seats , and , by som suspension of Divine Justice , dy not violently . WHEREAS other Governments , establish'd against all these Evils , being ever of Vigor and just Age , settled in their own Right , freed from pretences , serv'd by experienc'd and engag'd Councils , and ( as nothing under the Moon is perfect ) somtimes gaining and advantag'd in their Controversys , which have not seldom ( as we may see in Old Rome ) brought forth good Laws and Augmentations of Freedom ; whereas once declining from their Purity and Vigor , and ( which is the effect of that ) ravish'd by an Invader , they languish in a brutish Servitude , ( Monarchy being truly a Disease of Government ) and like Slaves , stupid with harshness and continuance of the lash , wax old under it , till they either arrive at that Period which God prescribes to all People and Governments , or else better Stars and Posterity awaken them out of that Lethargy , and restore them to their pristin Liberty , and its daughter Happiness . BUT this is but to converse in Notions , wandring , and ill abstracted from things ; let us now descend to practical Observation , and clearly manifest out the whole Series of Time and Actions , what Circumstances and Events have either usher'd or follow'd one Race of Kings , That if there were all the Justice in the World that the Government of a Nation should be intail'd upon one Family , yet certainly we could not grant it to such a one whose criminal Lives and formidable Deaths have bin Evidences of God's Wrath upon it for so many Generations . AND since no Country that I know yields such an illustrious Example of this as Scotland dos , and it may be charity to bring into the way such as are misled , I have pitch'd upon the Scotish History , wherin as I have only consulted their own Authors , as my fittest Witnesses in this case ; so have I ( not as a just History , but as far as concerns this purpose ) faithfully , and as much as the thing would permit , without glosses represented it : so that any calm Understanding may conclude that the Vengeance which now is level'd against that Nation , is but an attendent of this new introduc'd Person ; and that he himself , tho for the present he seems a Log among his Frogs , and suffers them to play about him , yet God will suffer him ( if the English Army prevents not ) to turn Stork and devour them , while their Crys shall not he heard , as those that ( in spite of the warning of Providence , and the light of their own Reasons , for their own corrupt Interest and greedy Ambition ) brought these Miserys upon themselves . An Instance of the preceding REASONS out of the SCOTISH HISTORY . The Second Part. AND now we com to our main business , which is the review of Story , wherin we may find such a direct and uninterrupted Series , such mutual Endearments between Prince and People , and so many of them crown'd with happy Reigns and quiet Deaths ( two successively scarce dying naturally ) that we may conclude , they have not only the most reason , but a great deal of excellent Interest who espouse the Person and Quarrel of the hopeful Descendent of such a Family : nor shall we be so injurious to the Glory of a Nation , proud with a Catalogue of Names and Kings , as to expunge a great part of their number ; tho som , who have don it , affirm there can be no probability that they had any other being than what HECTOR BOYES , and the black book of Pasley ( out of which BUCHANAN had most of his Materials ) are pleas'd to bestow on them , there being no mention of the name of Scot in any Authentic Writer , till four hundred years after CHRIST . No , we shall no more envy these old Heroes to them , than their placing the Red Lion in the dexter Point of their Escucheon . But tho we might in justice reject them as fabulous and monkish , yet since they themselves acknowlege them , and they equally make against them , we shall run them over like genuin History . The first of this blessed Race was FERGUS ; first General , and afterward got himself made King : but no sooner cast away on the Coast of Ireland , but a Contention arises about the validity of their Oath to him , and Uncles are appointed to succede , which argues it Elective : so FERITHARIS Brother to FERGUS is King , but his Nephew forms a Conspiracy against him , forces him to resign and fly to the Iles , where he dy'd . FERITHARIS dying soon after , was suspected to be poison'd . After him coms in MAIN ( FERGUS'S second Son ) who with his Son DORNADILLA , reign'd quietly fifty seven years . But REUTHER his Son not being of age , the People make his Uncle NOTHAT take the Government ; but he misruling , REUTHER , by the help of one DOUAL , rais'd a Party against him , and beheads him , makes himself King with the indignation of the People that he was not elected : so that by the Kindred of NOTHAT he is fought , taken , and displac'd ; but afterwards makes a Party , and regain● . His Son THEREUS was too young , so that his Brother RHEUTHA succeeded , but after seventeen years was glad to resign . Well , THEREUS reigns , but after six years declines to such Leudness that they force him to fly , and govern by a Prorex . After his Death JOSINA his Brother , and his Son FINAN are Kings , and quietly dy so . BUT then coms DURST , one who slays all the Nobility at a Banquet , and is by the People slain . After his Death the validity of the Oath to FERGUS is call'd in question , and the elective Power vindicated ; but at length EVEN his Brother is admitted , who tho he rul'd valiantly and well , yet he had GILLUS a Bastard Son , Vafer & Regni cupidus . The next of the Line are Twins , DOCHAM and DORGAL , Sons of DURST : they while they disputed about priority of Age , are , by the artifice of GILLUS , slain in a Tumult ; who makes a strong Party , and seizing of a Hold , says he was made Supervisor by his Father , and so becoms King , cuts off all the Race of DURST : but is after forc'd out of the Kingdom , and taken by EVEN the Second his Successor ( who was chosen by the People ) and by him put to death in Ireland . After EVEN coms EDER : after EDER his Son EVEN the Third , who for making a Law , that the Nobility should have the enjoyment of all new marry'd Women before they were touch'd by their Husbands , was doom'd to Prison during his Life , and there strangl'd . His Successor was his Kinsman METELLAN : after whom was elected CARATAC , whom his Brother CORBRET succeded . But then came DARDAN ( whom the Lords made to take on him the Government , by reason of the Nonage of CORBRET'S Son ) who for his Leudness was taken by the People , and beheaded . AFTER him CORBRET the Second , whose Son LUCTAC for his Leudness was by the People put to death ; then was elected MOGALD , who following his vitious Predecessors steps , found his Death like theirs violent . HIS Son CONAR , one of the Conspirators against him , succeded , but misgoverning , was clapt in Prison , and there dy'd . ETHODIUS his Sister's Son succeded , who was slain in the night in his Chamber by his Piper . HIS Son being a Minor , SATRAEL his Brother was accepted , who seeking to place the Succession in his own Line , grew so hateful to the People , that , not daring to com abroad , he was strangl'd in the night by his own Servants , which made way for the youngest Brother DONALD , who outdid the others Vices by contrary Virtues , and had a happy Reign of one and twenty years . ETHODIUS the Second , Son of the first of that name , was next , a dull inactive Prince , Familiarium tumultu occisus . HIS Son ATHIRCO promis'd fair , but deceiv'd their expectations with most horrid Leudness , and at length vitiated the Daughters of NATHALOCK a Nobleman , and caus'd them to be whipt before his eys ; but seeing himself surrounded by Conspirators , eluded their Fury with his own Sword ; his Brother and Children being forc'd to fly to the Picts . NATHALOCK , turning his Injury into Ambition , made himself King , and govern'd answerably ; for he made most of the Nobility to be strangl'd , under pretence of calling them to Council , and was after slain by his own Servants . AFTER his Death ATHIRCO'S Children were call'd back , and FINDOC his Son , being of excellent hopes , accepted , who made good what his Youth promis'd : he beat in sundry Battels DONALD the Ilander ; who seeing he could not prevail by force , sent two as Renegados to the King , who ( being not accepted ) conspire with his Brother , by whose means one of them slew him with a Spear when he was hunting . HIS Brother DONALD succedes ( the youngest of the three ) who , about to revenge his Brother's Death , hears the Ilander is enter'd Marray ; whom he incountring with inequal Forces , is taken Prisoner with thirty of the Nobility , and whether of Grief , or his Wounds , dy's in Prison . THE Ilander that had before usurp'd the Name , now assum'd the Power ( the Nobles , by reason of their kindred Prisoners , being over-aw'd ) This man wanting nothing of an exquisit Tyrant , was , aster twelve years Butcherys , slain by CRATHLINTH Son of FINDOC , who under a disguise found Address and Opportunity . The brave Tyrannicid was universally accepted , and gave no cause of Repentance ; his Reign is famous for a War begun between the Scots and Picts about a Dog ( as that between the Trojans and Italians for a white Hart ) and the defection of CARAUSIUS from DIOCLESIAN , which happen'd in his time . HIS Kinsman FINCORMAC succeded , worthy of memory for little but the Piety of the Culdys ( an Order of religious Men of that time overborn by others succeding ) He being dead , three Sons of his three Brothers contended for the Crown : ROMACH as the eldest , strengthen'd by his Alliance with the Picts , with their assistance seiz'd on it , forcing others to fly ; but proving cruel , the Nobility conspir'd and slew him . ANGUSIAN , another Pretender , succedes , who being assail'd by NECTHAM King of the Picts , who came to revenge ROMACH , routed his Army in a pitcht Battel ; but NECTHAM coming again , he was routed , and both he and NECTHAM slain . FETHELMAC , the third Pretender , came next , who beating the Picts , and wasting their Fields , HERGUST , when he saw there could be no advantage by the Sword , suborn'd two Picts to murder him , who drawing to conspiracy the Piper that lay in his Chamber ( as the manner was then ) he at the appointed time admitted them , and there slew him . THE next was EVGEN Son of FINCORMAC , who was slain in a Battel with the Picts , to the almost extirpation and banishment of the Scots ; but at last the Picts , taking distast at the Romans , enter'd into a secret League with the Scots , and agreed that FERGUS ( whose Uncle the last King was ) being then in banishment , and of a military breeding and inclination , should be chosen King. With him the Danes maintain'd a long War against the Romans , and pul'd down the Picts wall : at last he and the King of Picts were in one day slain in a Battel against them . This Man's access to Government was strange , ignotus Rex ab ignoto populo accersitus , and may be thought temerarious ; he having no Land for his People , and the Roman Name inimical ; yet founded he a Monarchy , there having been Kings ever since ; and we are to note , this is the first man that the sounder Writers will allow to be real and not fabulous . Him succeded his Son EUGENIUS ( whose Grandfather GRAHAM had all the power ) a warlike Prince , whom some say slain , some dead of a disease . After him his Brother DONGARD , who after the spending of five superstitious years , left the Crown ( as they call it ) to his youngest Brother CONSTANTIN ; who from a good privat Man turn'd a leud Prince , and was slain by a Nobleman , whose Daughter he had ravish'd . He was succeded by CONGAL , CONSTANTIN'S Son , who came a tolerable good Prince to a loose People ; and having spent som two and twenty years in slight excursions against the Saxons , left the rule to his Brother GORAN , who notwithstanding he made a good League against the Britans , which much conduc'd to his and the Peoples settlement , yet in requital , after thirty four years , they made away with him ; which brought in EUGENIUS , the Third of that name , the Son of CONGAL , who was strongly suspected to have a hand in his Death , insomuch that GORAN'S Widow was forc'd to fly into Ireland with her Children . This man in thirty three years time did nothing but reign , and make short Incursions upon the Borders ; he left the Rule to his Brother CONGAL , a monastical , superstitious , and inactive Prince , who reign'd ten years . KINNATEL his Brother was design'd for Successor ; yet AIDAN the Son of GORAN laid his claim , but was content to suspend , in respect of the Age and Diseases of KINNATEL , which after fourteen Months took him out of the World , and clear'd the controversy , and AIDAN by the consent of COLUMBA ( a Priest that govern'd all in those days ) came to be King ; a Man that , after thirty four years turbulently spent , being beaten by the Saxons , and struck with the Death of COLUMBA , dy'd of Grief . AFTER him was chosen KENNETH , who has left nothing behind him but his Name . Then came EUGENIUS the Fourth , the Son of AIDAN ( so irregular is the Scots Succession , that we see it inverted by Usurpation or cross Elections in every two or three Generations ) This man left an ambiguous Fame ; for HECTOR BOETIUS says he was peaceable ; the Manuscript , implacably severe : He reign'd sixteen years , and left his Son FERCHARD Successor , who , endeavoring to heighten the Prerogative by the Dissensions of the Nobility , was on the contrary impeach'd by them , and call'd to an account , which he denying , was clapt in Prison , where he himself sav'd the Executioner a labor . So that his Brother DONALD succeded , who being taken up with the Piety of those days , left nothing memorable , except that he in person interpreted Scots Sermons to the Saxons . He was follow'd by his Nephew FERCHARD , Son to the first of that Name , a Thing like a King in nothing but his Exorbitancys , who in hunting was wounded by a Wolf , which cast him into a Fever , wherin he not observing the impos'd Temperance , brought on himself the lousy Disease ; upon which discomforted , he was by the persuasion of COLMAN ( a religious man ) brought out in his Bed cover'd with Hair-cloth , where he made a public Acknowlegement to the People , and soon after dy'd . MALDWIN , DONALD'S Son , follow'd , who after twenty years ignoble Reign was strangled by his Wife . EUGENIUS the Fifth succeded , Son ( they say ) of King DONGARD , tho Chronology seems to refute it . This man spent five years in slight Incursions , and was succeded by EUGENIUS the Sixth , Son of FERCHARD . This man is famous for a little Learning , as the times went , and the Prodigy of raining Blood seven days , all Milkmeats turning into blood . AMBERKELLETH , Nephew to EUGENIUS the Fifth , who succeded this rude Prince , while he was discharging the burden of Nature , was slain by an Arrow from an unknown hand . EUGENIUS the Seventh follow'd , who being attemted by Conspirators , had his new marry'd Wife slain in bed beside him ; for which he being accus'd , produc'd the Murderers before his Trial , and was acquitted , and so ended the rest of his 17 years in Peace , recommending to the People MORDAC , Son of AMBERKELLETH , who continuing a blank Reign , or it may be a happy one , in regard it was peaceable , left it to ETFYN Son of EUGENIUS the Seventh : the first part of his Reign was peaceable ; but Age obliging him to put the Government into the hands of four of his Servants , it happen'd to him , as it dos to other Princes , whose Fortunes decay commonly with their Strength , that it was very unhappy and turbulent : Which Miserys EUGENIUS the Eighth , Son of MORDAC , restrain'd . But he , it seems , having a Nature fitter to appease Tumults than to enjoy Rest , at the first enjoyment of Peace broke into such Leudness , that the Nobility at a meeting stab'd him , and made way for FERGUS ▪ the Son of ETFYN , one like his Predecessor in manner , death , and continuance of Reign , which was three years ; the only dissimilitude was , that the latters Wife brought his Death ; for which others being impeach'd , she stept in and confest it ; and to avoid punishment , punish'd her self with a knife . SOLUATH , Son of EUGENIUS the Eighth , follow'd him , who tho his Gout made him of less Action , yet it made his Prudence more visible , and himself not illaudable : His Death brought in ACHAIUS the Son of ETFYN , whose Reign was innobled with an Irish War , and many learned Men ; besides the Assistance lent HUNGUS to fight against the Northumbrians , whom he beat in a famous Battel , which ( if I may mention the matter ) was presignify'd to HUNGUS in a Dream , St. Andrew appearing to him , and assuring him of it ; and in the time of Battel a white Cross ( that which the Heralds call a Saltier , and we see commonly in the Scots Banners ) appear'd in the Sky ; and this I think to have bin the occasion of that bearing , and an Order of Knights of St. Andrew , somtimes in reputation in Scotland , but extinguish'd , for ought I can perceive , before the time of JAMES the Sixth , tho the Collar and Pendant of it are at this day worn about the Scots Arms. To this man CONGAL his Cousin succeded , who left nothing behind him but five years to stretch out the account of time . DONGAL the Son of SOLUATH came next , who being of a Nature fierce and insupportable , there was an endeavor to set up ALPIN Son of ACHAIUS , which Design by ALPIN himself was frustated , which made the King willinger to assist ALPIN in his pretension to the Kingdom of Picts ; in which Attemt he was drown'd , and left to ALPIN that which he before had so nobly refus'd , who making use of the former , rais'd an Army , beat the Picts in many signal Victorys ; but at last was slain by them , leaving his name to the place of his Death , and the Kingdom to his Son KENNETH . This man seeing the People broken with the late War , and unwilling to fight , drew them on by this Subtilty ; he invites the Nobility to dinner , and after plying them with Drink till midnight , leaves them sleeping on the floor ( as the manner was ) and then hanging Fishskins about the Walls of the Chamber , and making one speak thro a Tube , and call them to war ; they waking , and half asleep , suppos'd somthing of Divinity to be in it , aud the next morning not only consented to War , but ( so strange is deluded imagination ) with unspeakable Courage fell upon the Enemy and put them to the rout ; which being confirm'd by other great Victorys , utterly ruin'd the Pictish Name . This man may be added to the two FERGUSES , and truly may be said to be the Founder of the Scots Empire , not only in making that the middle of his Dominion , which was once the bounds , but in confirming his Acquisitions with good Laws , having the opportunity of a long Peace , which was sixteen years , his whole time of Government being twenty . This was he that plac'd that Stone , famous for that illusory Prophecy , Ni fallat fatum , &c. ( which first was brought out of Spain into Ireland , and from thence into Argyle ) at Scoon ; where he put it in a Chair , in which all his Successors ( till EDWARD the First brought it away ) were crown'd , and since that all the Kings of England , till the happiness of our Commonwealth made it useless . His Brother DONALD was his Successor , a man made up of extremitys of Virtues and Vices ; no man had more bravery in the Field , nor more Vice at home , which increasing with his yeras , the Nobility put him in prison , where either for fear or scorn he put an end to his days , leaving behind him his Brother CONSTANTIN , a Man wanting nothing of him but his Vices , who strugling with a potent Enemy ( for the Picts had call'd in the Danes ) and driving them much into despair ( a Bravery that has not seldom rain'd many excellent Captains ) was taken by them , put into a little Cave , and there slain . He was succeded by ETHUS his Brother , who had all his eldest Brother's Vices , and none of his second 's Virtues ; Nature , it seems , making two extremes and a middle in the three Brethren . This man voluptuous and cowardly , was forc'd to resign ; or , as others say , dy'd of Wounds receiv'd in a Duel from his Successor , who was GREGORY Son of DONGAL , who was not only an excellent Man , but an excellent Prince , that both recover'd what the others had lost , and victoriously travers'd the Northern Countys of England , and a great part of Ireland ; of whose King a Minor , and in his power , he generously made no advantage , but settled his Country , and provided faithful and able Guardians for him . These things justly yield him the name of Great . DONALD Son of CONSTANTIN the Second , by his recommendation , succeded in his Power and Virtues , notwithstanding some say he was remov'd by Poison . Next was CONSTANTIN the the Third , Son of ETHUS , an unstable person , who assisted the Danes , which none of his Predecessors would do ; and after they had deserted him basely , yet yielded them Succors , consisting of the chief of the Scots Nobility , which with the whole Danish Army were routed by the Saxons . This struck him so , that he retir'd among the Culdys ( which were as the Greec Caloyers , or Romish Monks at this day ) and there bury'd himself alive . After him was MILCOM , Son of DONALD the Third , who tho a good Prince , and well skil'd in the Arts of Peace , was slain by a Conspiracy of those to whom his Virtue was burdensom . His Successor was INDULF ( by what Title I find not ) who fighting with the Danes that with a Navy unexpectedly came into the Frith , was slain . DUF his Son succedes , famous for an Accident , which if it be true , seems nearly distant from a Fable . He was suddenly afflicted by a sweating Disease , by which he painfully languish'd , yet no body could find the cause , till at last a Girl , that had scatter'd som words , after torments , confest that her Mother and som other women had made an Image of Wax , which , as it wasted , the King should wast , by sweating much : the place being diligently search'd , it was found accordingly ; so the Image being broke , he instantly recover'd . That which disturb'd his five years Reign was the turbulency of the Northern People , whom , when he had reduc'd and taken , with intent to make exemplary Punishment , DONALD the Commander of the Castle of Forres , where he then lay , interceded for som of them ; but being repuls'd , and exasperated by his Wife , after he had made all his Servants drunk , slew him in his Bed , and bury'd him under a little Bridg ( lest the cutting of Turfs might discover a Grave ) near Kilros Abby ; tho others say , he turn'd aside a River , and after he had bury'd him , suffer'd it to take its former Chanel . CULEN the Son of INDULF , by the Election of Parlament , or Convention of the People , succeded , good only in this one Action , of inquiring and punishing his Predecessor's Death ; but after , by the neglect of Discipline , and the exquisiteness of his Vices , became a Monster , and so continued three years , till being weakned and exhausted in his Body , and vext with perpetual Diseases , he was summon'd by the Parlament , and in the way was slain by a Thane ( so they then call'd Lieutenants of Counties ) whose Daughter he had ravish'd . THEN came KENETH , Brother to DUF ( tho the forepart of his Reign was totally unlike his ) who being invaded by the Danes , beat them in that famous Battle , which was won by the three HAYS , Husbandmen ( from whom all the HAYS now give three Shields Gules ) who with their Sythes reinforc'd the lost Battle ; but in his latter time he lost this reputation , by poisoning MILCOLM Son of DUF , to preserve the Crown for a Son of his Name , tho of less merit ( for says BUCHANAN , They use to chuse the fittest , not the nearest ) which being don , he got ordain'd in a Parlament , that the Succession should be lineal , the Son should inherit , and be call'd Prince of Scots ; and if he were a Minor , be govern'd by som wise Man ( here coms the pretence of Succession , wheras before it was clearly Elective ) and at fifteen he should chuse his Guardian himself . But the Divine Vengeance , which seldom , even in this life , passes by Murder , overtook him ; for he was ensnar'd by a Lady , whose Son he had caus'd to be executed , and slain by an Arrow out of an Ambush she had laid . CONSTANTIN the Son of CULEN , notwithstanding all the Artifice of KENNETH , by his reasoning against the Act , perswaded most of the Nobility to make him King , so that MILCOLM the Son of KENNETH and he made up two Factions , which tore the Kingdom ; till at length MILCOLMS Bastard Brother ( himself being in England assisting the Danes ) fought him , routed his Army , and with the loss of his own Life took away his , they dying of mutual Wounds . GRIME , of whose Birth they do not certainly agree , was chosen by the Constantinians , who made a good Party ; but at the Intercession of FORARD ( an accounted Rabbi of the times ) they at last agreed , GRIME being to enjoy the Kingdom for his Life , after which MILCOLUMB should succede , his Father's Law standing in force . But he , after declining into Leudness , Cruelty and Spoil ( as Princes drunk with Greatness and Prosperity use to do ) the People call'd back MILCOLUMB , who rather receiving Battle than giving it ( for it was upon Ascension-day , his principal Holy-day ) routed his Forces , wounded himself , took him , pull'd out his Eyes , which altogether made an end of his Life , all Factions and Humors being reconcil'd . MILCOLUMB , who with various Fortune fought many signal Battles with the Danes , that under their King SUENO had invaded Scotland , in his latter time grew to such Covetousness and Oppression , that all Authors agree he was murder'd , tho they disagree about the manner ; som say by Con●ederacy with his Servants ; som by his Kinsmen and Competitors ; som by the Friends of a Maid whom he had ravish'd . DONALD his Grandchild succeded , a good-natur'd and inactive Prince , who with a Stratagem of sleepy Drink destroy'd a Danish Army that had invaded and distrest him ; but at last being insnar'd by his Kinsman MACKBETH ( who was prick'd forward by Ambition , and a former Vision of three Women of a sour human shape , whereof one saluted him Thane of Angus , another Earl of Murray , the third King ) he was beheaded . THE Severity and Cruelty of MACKBETH was so known , that both the Sons of the murder'd King were forc'd to retire , and yeild to the times , while he courted the Nobility with Largesses . The first ten years he spent virtuously , but the remainder was so savage and tyrannical , that MACDUF Thane of Fife fled into England to MILCOLM Son of DONALD , who by his persuasions , and the assistance of the King of England , enter'd Scotland , where he found such great accessions to his Party , that MACKBETH was forc'd to fly ; his Death is hid in such a mist of Fables , that it is not certainly known . MILCOLUMB , the third of that name , now being quietly seated , was the first that brought in those gay inventions and distinctions of Honors , as Dukes , Marquesses ( that now are become so airy , that som carry them from places to which they have as little relation as to any Iland in America , and others from Cottages and Dovecotes ) His first trouble was FORFAR , MACKBETH'S Son , who claim'd the Crown , but was soon after cut of . Som War he had with that WILLIAM whom we call falsly the Conqueror , som with his own People , which by the intercession of the Bishops were ended . At length quarrelling with our WILLIAM the Second , he laid siege to Alnwick Castle , which being forc'd to extremity , a Knight came out with the Keys on a Spear , as if it were to present them to him , and and to yield the Castle ; but he , not with due heed receiving them , was run through the Ey and slain . Som from hence derive the name of PIERCY ( how truly I know not ) His Son and Successor EDWARD following his Revenge too hotly , receiv'd som Wounds , of which within a few days he dy'd . DONALD BANE ( that is in Irish , White ) who had fled into the Iles for fear of MACKBETH , promis'd them to the King of Norway , if he would procure him to be King , which was don with ease , as the times then stood ; but this Usurper being hated by the People , who generally lov'd the memory of MILCOLM , they se● DUNCAN , MILCOLM'S Bastard , against him , who forc'd him to retire to his Iles. DUNCAN a military Man shew'd himself unfit for Civil Government ; so that DONALD , waiting all advantages , caus'd him to be beheaded , and restor'd himself : But his Reign was so turbulent , the Ilanders and English invading on both sides , that they call'd in EDGAR Son of MILCOLM , then in England , who with small Assistances possest himself ▪ all Men deserting DONALD , who being taken and brought to the King , dy'd in Prison . EDGAR secure by his good Qualitys , and strengthen'd by the English Alliance , spent nine years virtuously and peaceably ; and gave the People leave to breathe and rest , after so much trouble and bloodshed . His Brother ALEXANDER , sirnam'd ACER , or the Fierce , succeded ; the beginning of whose Reign being disturb'd by a Rebellion , he speedily met them at the Spey , which being a swift River , and the Enemy on the other side , he offer'd himself to ford it on Horseback : but ALEXANDER CAR taking the Imployment from him , forded the River with such Courage , that the Enemy fled , and were quiet the rest of his Reign . Som say he had the name of ACER , because som Conspirators being by the fraud of the Chamberlain admitted into his Chamber , he casually waking , first slew the Chamberlain , and after him six of the Conspirators , not ceasing to pursue the rest , till he had slain most of them with his own hands : this with the building of som Abbys , and seventeen years Reign , is all we know of him . HIS Brother DAVID succeded , one whose profuse Prodigality upon the Abbys brought the Revenue of the Crown ( so prevalent was the Superstition of those days ) almost to nothing . He had many Battels with our STEPHEN about the Title of MAUD the Empress ; and having lost his excellent Wife and hopeful Son in the flower of their days , he left the Kingdom to his Grandchildren , the eldest wherof was MILCOLUMB a simple King , baffl'd and led up and down into France by our HENRY the Second ; which brought him to such contemt , that he was vex'd by frequent Insurrections , especially them of Murray , whom he almost extirpated . The latter part of his Reign was spent in building Monasterys ; he himself ty'd by a Vow of Chastity , would never marry , but left for his Successor his Brother WILLIAM , who expostulating for the Earldom of Northumberland , gave occasion for a War , in which he was surpriz'd and taken , but afterwards releas'd upon his doing Homage for the Kingdom of Scotland to King HENRY , of whom he acknowledg'd to hold it , and putting in caution the Castles of Roxboro ( once strong , now nothing but Ruins ) Barwic , Edinburg , Sterling , all which notwithstanding was after releas'd by RICHARD Coeur de Lyon , who was then upon an Expedition to the Holy War ; from whence returning , both he and DAVID Earl of Huntingdon , Brother to the King of Scots , were taken Prisoners . The rest of his Reign ( except the rebuilding of St. Johnston , which had bin destroy'd by Waters , wherby he lost his eldest Son , and som Treatys with our King JOHN ) was little worth memory ; only you will wonder that a Scotish King could reign forty nine years , and yet die in peace . ALEXANDER his Son succeded , famous for little , except som Expeditions against our King JOHN , som Insurrections , and a Reign two years longer than his Father's . His Son was the third of that name , a Boy of eight years old , whose Minority was infested with the turbulent CUMMINS ; who when he was of age , being call'd to account , not only refus'd to appear , but surpriz'd him at Sterling , governing him at their pleasure . But soon after he was awak'd by a furious Invasion of ACHO King of Norway ( under the pretence of som Islands given him by MACBETH ) whom he forc'd to accept a Peace , and spent the latter part amidst the Turbulencys of the Priests ( drunk at that time with their Wealth and Ease ) and at last having seen the continu'd Funerals of his Sons DAVID , ALEXANDER , his Wife , and his Daughter , he himself with a fall from Horse broke his neck , leaving of all his Race only a Grandchild by his Daughter , which dy'd soon after . THIS Man's Family being extinguish'd , they were forc'd to run to another Line , which , that we may see how happy an expedient immediat Succession is for the Peace of the Kingdom , and what Miseries it prevents , I shall , as briefly and as pertinently as I can , set down . DAVID , Brother to K. WILLIAM , had three Daughters , MARGARET married to ALLAN Lord of Galloway , ISABEL married to ROBERT BRUCE Lord of Annandale and Cleveland , ADA married to HENRY HASTINGS Earl of Huntingdon . Now ALLAN begot on his Wife DORNADILLA , married to JOHN BALIOL afterwards King of Scotland , and two other Daughters . BRUCE on his Wife got ROBERT BRUCE Earl of Carick , having married the Heretrix therof . As for HUNTINGDON he desisted his claim . The question is , whether BALIOL in right of the eldest Daughter , or BRUCE being com of the second ( but a Man ) should have the Crown , he being in the same degree , and of the more worthy Sex. The Controversy being tost up and down , at last was refer'd to EDWARD , the First of that name , King of England . He thinking to fish in these troubled waters , stirs up eight other Competitors , the more to entangle the business , and with twenty four Counsellors , half English , half Scots , and abundance of Lawyers fit enough to perplex the matter , so handled the business , after cunning delays , that at length he secretly tampers with BRUCE ( who was then conceiv'd to have the better right of the business ) that if he would acknowlege the Crown of him , he would adjudg it for him ; but he generously answering , that he valu'd a Crown at a less rate , than for it to put his Country under a foren Yoke : He made the same motion to BALIOL , who accepted it ; and so we have a King again , by what Right we all see ; but it is good reason to think that Kings , com they by their Power never so unjustly , may justly keep it . BALIOL having thus got a Crown , as unhappily kept it ; for no sooner was he crown'd , and had don homage to EDWARD , but the ABERNETHYS having slain MACDUF Earl of Fife , he not only pardon'd them , but gave them a piece of Land in controversy : wherupon MACDUF'S Brother complains against him to EDWARD , who makes him rise from his Seat in Parlament , and go to the Bar : He hereupon enrag'd , denies EDWARD assistance against the French , and renounces his Homage . EDWARD immediatly coms to Berwi● , takes and kills seven thousand , most of the Nobility of Fife and Lowthian , and afterwards gave them a great Defeat at Dunbar , whose Castle instantly surrender'd . After this he march'd to Montrose , where BALIOL resign'd himself and Crown , all the Nobility giving homage to EDWARD . BALIOL is sent Prisoner to London , and from thence , after a years detention , into France . While EDWARD was possest of all Scotland , one WILLIAM WALLACE arose , who being a privat man , bestir'd himself in the Calamity of his Country , and gave the English several notable foils . EDWARD coming again with an Army , beat him that was already overcom with Envy and Emulation as well as Power ; upon which he laid by his Command , and never acted more , but only in slight Incursions . But the English being beaten at Roslin , EDWARD coms in again , takes Sterling , and makes them all render Homage ; but at length BRUCE seeing all his Promises nothing but smoke , enters into League with CUMMIN to get the Kingdom : but being betray'd by him to EDWARD , he stab'd CUMMIN at Drumfreis , and made himself King. This man , tho he came with disadvantage , yet wanted neither Patience , Courage , nor Conduct ; so that after he had miserably lurk'd in the Mountains , he came down , and gathering together som Force , gave our EDWARD the Second such a defeat near Sterling , as Scotland never gave the like to our Nation : and continu'd the War with various fortune with the Third , till at last Age and Leprosy brought him to his Grave . His Son DAVID , a Boy of eight years , inherited that which he with so much danger obtain'd , and wisdom kept . In his Minority he was govern'd by THOMAS RANDOLF Earl of Murray , whose severity in punishing was no less dreaded than his Valor had bin honor'd . But he soon after dying of poison ; and EDWARD BALIOL , Son of JOHN , coming with a Fleet , and st●engthn'd with the assistance of the English , and som Robbers , the Governor the Earl of Mar was routed , so that BALIOL makes himself King , and DAVID was glad to retire into France . Amidst these Parties ( EDWARD the Third backing BALIOL ) was Scotland miserably torn , and the BRUCES in a manner extinguish'd , till ROBERT ( after King ) with them of Argile and his own Family and Friends , began to renew the claim , and bring it into a War again ; which was carried on by ANDREW MURRAY the Governor , and afterwards by himself : So that DAVID , after nine years banishment , durst return , where making frequent Incursions , he at length in the fourth year of his return march'd into England , and in the Bishoprick of Durham was routed , and fled to an obscure Bridg , shew'd to this day by the Inhabitants . There he was by JOHN COPLAND taken prisoner , where he continu'd nine years , and in the thirty ninth year of his Reign he dy'd . ROBERT his Sisters Son , whom he had intended to put by , succedes , and first brought the STUARTS ( which at this day are a plague to the Nation ) into play . This man after he was King , whether it were Age or Sloth , did little ; but his Lieutenants and the English were perpetually in action . He left his Kingdom to JOHN his Bastard Son by the Lady MORE his Concubin , whom he marry'd , either to legitimat the three Children ( as the manner was then ) he had by her , or else for old Acquaintance , his Wife and her Husband dying much about time . This JOHN would be crown'd by the name of ROBERT ( his own , they say , being unhappy for Kings ) a wretched inactive Prince , lame , and only govern'd by his brother WALTER , who having DAVID the Prince upon complaint of som Exorbitancys deliver'd to his care , caus'd him to be starv'd ; upon which the King intending to send his Son JAMES into France , the Boy was taken at Flamburg , and kept by our HENRY the Fourth : upon the hearing of which his Father swounded , and soon after dy'd . His Reign was memorable for nothing but his breaking with GEORGE Earl of March ( to whose Daughter , upon the payment of a great part of her Portion which he never would repay , he had promis'd his Son DAVID for a Husband ) to take the Daughter of DOUGLAS who had a greater ; which occasion'd the Earl of March to make many inrodes with our HENRY HOTSPUR ; and a famous Duel of three hundred men apiece , wherof on the one side ten remain'd , and on the other one , which was the only way to appease the deadly Feuds of these two Familys . The Interreign was govern'd by ROBERT , who enjoying the Power he had too much coveted , little minded the Liberty of his Nephew , only he sent som Auxiliarys into France , who , they say , behav'd themselves worthily ; and his slothful Son MORDAC , who making his Sons so bold with Indulgence , that one of them kil'd a Falcon on his fist , which he deny'd to give him : he in revenge procur'd the Parlament to ransom the King , who had bin eighteen years a Prisoner . This JAMES was the First of that name , and tho he was an excellent Prince , yet had a troublesom Reign ; first , in regard of a great Pension rais'd for his Ransom ; next , for domestic Commotions ; and lastly , for raising of Mony ; which , tho the Revenue was exhausted , was call'd Covetousness . This having offended ROBERT GRAHAM , he conspir'd with the Earl of Athol , slew him in his Chamber , his Wife receiving two wounds , endeavoring to defend him . THIS JAMES left the Second , a Boy of six years , whose Infancy , by the misguidance of the Governor , made a miserable People , and betray'd the Earl DOUGLAS to death , and almost all that great Family to ruin ; but being supplanted by another Earl DOUGLAS , the King in his just age suffer'd Minority under him , who upon displeasure rebel'd , and was kil'd by the King 's own hand . Afterwards having his middle years perpetually molested with civil Broils , yet going to assist the Duke of York against HENRY the Sixth , he was diverted by an English Gentleman that counterfeited himself a Nuncio ( which I mention out of a Manuscript , because I do not remember it in our Storys ) and broke up his Army . Soon after besieging Roxburg , he was slain by the bursting of a Cannon in the twenty ninth year of his Age. JAMES the Second left a Boy of seven Years , govern'd by his Mother , and afterwards by the BOYDS ; thro the persuasions of Astrologers and Witches , to whom he was strongly addicted , he declin'd to Cruelty ; which so inrag'd the Nobility , that , headed by his Son , they conspir'd against him , routing his Forces near Sterling , where he flying to a Mill , and asking for a Confessor , a Priest came , who told him , that tho he was no good Priest , yet he was a good Leech , and with that stab'd him to the heart . A Parlament approv'd his death , and order'd Indemnitys to all that had fought against him . JAMES the Fourth , a Boy of fifteen Years , is made King , govern'd by the Murderers of his Father ; a prodigal , vainglorious Prince , slain at Floddon Field , or , as som suppose , at Kelsy by the HUMES , which ( as the Manuscript alleges ) seems more probable , in regard that the Iron Belt ( to which he added a Ring every Year ) which he wore in repentance for the death of his Father , was never found , and there were many , the day of Battle , habited like him . His Successor was his Son JAMES , the Fifth of that name , a Boy of not above two years of age ; under whose Minority , what by the misgovernment of Tutors , and what by the Factions of the Nobility , Scotland was wasted almost into Famin and Solitude : however in his just Age he prov'd an industrious Prince , yet could not so satisfy the Nobility , but that he and they continued in a mutual hate , till that barbarous execution of young HAMILTON so fil'd him with Remorse , that he dream'd he came and cut of his two Arms , and threaten'd after to cut of his Head. And he displeas'd the People so much , that he could not make his Army fight with the English then in Scotland ; wherupon he dy'd of grief , having first heard the death of his two Sons , who dy'd at the instant of his Dream , and leaving a Daughter of five days old , whom he never saw . THIS was that MARY under whose Minority ( by the weakness of the Governor , and ambition of the Cardinal ) the Kingdom felt all those Woes that are threaten'd to them whose King is a Child ; till at length the prevalency of the English Arms ( awak'd for her cause ) brought the great design of sending her into France to perfection : So at five Years old she was transported , and at fifteen marry'd to the Dolphin FRANCIS , after King ; while her Mother , a Daughter of the GUISE , in her Regency , exercis'd all Rage against the Professors of the pure Religion then in the dawn . FRANCIS after two Years left her a childless Widow , so that at eighteen she return'd into Scotland to succede her Mother ( then newly dead ) in her Exorbitancys . I HAD almost forgot to tell , that this young Couple in the transport of their nuptial Solemnitys took the Arms and Title of England ; which indiscrete Ambition we may suppose first quicken'd the jealousy of ELIZABETH against her , which after kindl'd so great a flame . IN Scotland she shew'd what a strange influence loose Education has upon Youth , and the weaker Sex. All the French Effeminacys came over with her , and the Court lost that little Severity which was left . DAVID RIZIO , an Italian Fidler , was the only Favorit , and it is too much fear'd , had those enjoyments which no Woman can give but she that gives away her Honor and Chastity . BUT a little after , HENRY Lord Darnly coming with MATTHEW Earl of Lenox , his Father , into Scotland , she cast an ey upon him , and marry'd him . Whether it were to strengthen her pretension to England , he being com of HENRY the Seventh's Daughter , as we shall tell anon , or to color her Adulterys , and hide the shame of an Impregnation ( tho som have whisper'd , that she never conceiv'd , and that the Son was supposititious ) or som Phrenzy of Affection drew her that way ; certain it is she soon declin'd her Affection to her Husband , and increas'd it to DAVID ( he being her perpetual Companion at board , and managing all Affairs , while the King with a contemtible Train was sent away ) insomuch that som of the Nobility that could not digest this , enter'd a Conspiracy , which the King headed , and slew him in her Chamber . THIS turn'd all her neglect of the King into rage , so that her chiefest business was to appease her Favorits Ghost with the slaughter of her Husband ; poison was first attemted , but it being ( it seems ) too weak , or his Youth overcoming it , that expectation fail'd . But the Devil and BOTHWEL furnish'd her with another that succeded ; she so intices him , being so sick that they were forc'd to bring him in a Horslitter to Edinburg , where she cherish'd him extremely , till the credulous young man began to lay aside suspicion , and to hope better : So she puts him into a ruinous house near the Palace , from whence no news can be had , brings in her own bed , and lys in the house with him ; and at length when the design was ripe , causes him one Sunday night , with his Servant , to be strangl'd , thrown out of the Window , and the house to be blown up with Gunpowder , her own rich Bed having bin before secretly convey'd away . This and other performances made her favor upon BOTHWEL so hot , that she must marry him ; the only obstacle was , he had a Wife already ; but she was compel'd to sue for a Divorce , which ( so great Persons being concern'd ) it was a wonder it should be granting so long as ten days . Well , she marrys ; but the more honest Nobility amaz'd at those Exorbitancys , assemble together , and with Arms in their hands begin to expostulat . The newmarry'd Couple are forc'd to make back Southwards ; where finding but slender assistance , and the Queen foolishly coming from Dunbar to Leith , was glad at last to delay a parly till her Dear was escap'd ; and then ( clad in an old tatter'd coat ) to yield her self a Prisoner . BEING brought to Edinburg , and us'd rather with hate of her former Enormitys , than pity of her present Fortune , she receiv'd a Message , that she must either resign the Crown to her Son JAMES ( that was born in the time of her marriage with DARNLY ) or else they would procede to another Election , and was forc'd to obey . So the Child then in his Cradle was acknowleg'd JAMES the Sixth , better known afterwards by the Title of Great Britain . THE wretched Mother flying after into England , was entertain'd ( tho with a Guard ) by Queen ELIZABETH ; but after that being suborn'd by the Papists , and exasperated by the GUIZES , she enter'd into Plots and Machinations , so inconsistent with the Safety of England , that by an Act of Parlament she was condemn'd to death , which she receiv'd by a Hatchet at Fotheringay Castle . THE Infancy of her Son was attended with those domestic Evils that accompany the Minority of Kings . In his Youth he took to Wife the Daughter of Denmark ( a Woman I hear little of , saving the Character SALUST gives SEMPRONIA , that she could dance better than became a virtuous Woman ) with whom he supposing the Earl GOWRY too much in League , caus'd him and his Brother to be slain at their own house whither he was invited ; he giving out , that they had an intent to murder him ; and that by miracle and the assistance of som men ( whom he had instructed for that purpose , and taught their tale ) he escap'd . For this Deliverance ( or to say better , Assassination ) he blasphem'd God with a solemn Thanksgiving once a Year all the remainder of his Life . WELL had it bin for us , if our Forefathers had laid hold of that happy opportunity of ELIZABETH'S Death ( in which the TEUTHORS took a period ) to have perform'd that which , perhaps in due punishment , has cost us so much blood and sweat ; and not have bow'd under the sway of a Stranger , disdain'd by the most generous and wise at that time , and only supported by the Faction of som , and the Sloth of others ; who brought but a slender Title , and ( however the flattery of the times cry'd him up for a SOLOMON ) weak Commendations for such an advancement . HIS Title stood thus , MARGARET , eldest Daughter to HENRY the Seventh , was marry'd to JAMES the Fourth , whose Son JAMES the Fifth had MARY the Mother of JAMES the Sixth . MARGARET after her first Husband's death , marrys ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS Earl of Angus , who upon her begot MARGARET Wife of MATTHEW Earl of Lenox , and Mother of that HENRY DARNLY , whose tragical End we just now mention'd . Now upon this slender Title , and our internal Dissensions ( for the Cecilians and Essexians , for several ends , made perpetual Applications ) got JAMMY from a Revenue of 30000 l. to one of almost two Millions , tho there were others that had as fair pretences ( and what else can any of them make ? ) the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. expresly excluding Foreners from the Crown : and so the Children of CHARLES BRANDON by MARY the second Daughter , Dowager of France , being next to com in . And the Lady ARABELLA being sprung from a third Husband ( the Lord STUART ) of the said MARGARET , and by a Male Line , carry'd surely so formidable a pretension ( it should seem ) that even that Iniquity which was personally inherent to her , made her days very unhappy , and for most part captive , and her death ( 't is thought ) somwhat too early ; so cruel are the Persecutions of cowardly minds , even against the weakest and most unprotected Innocence . AND indeed his Right to the Crown was so unsatisfactory even to the most judicious of those days , that TOBY MATTHEWS having suit about som Privileges which he claim'd to his Bishoprick ( which was then Durham ) wherin the King oppos'd him ; and having one day stated the Case before som of his Friends , who seem'd to approve of it ; yes , says he , I could wish he had but half so good a Title to the Crown . And 't is known that some Speeches of Sir WALTER RAWLEY , too generous and English for the times , was that which brought him to Trial and Condemnation for a seign'd Crime ; and afterwards so facilitated that barbarous Design of GUNDAMAR , to cut of his Head for a Crime , for which he was condemn'd fourteen years before , and which by the Commissions he after receiv'd ( according to the opinion of the then Lord Chancellor , and the greatest Lawyers ) was in Law pardon'd . THIS may appear besides our purpose ; but we could not sever this consideration , unless we would draw him with a half face , and leave as much in umbrage as we exprest . That which most solemniz'd his Person was , first the consideration of his adhering to the Protestant Religion ; wheras we are to consider that those slight Velitations he had with BELLARMIN and the Romanists , tended rather to make his own Authority more intrinsically intense and venerable , than to confute any thing they said : for he had before shak'd them of as to foren Jurisdiction ; and for matter of Popery , it appear'd in his latter time that he was no such enemy to it , both by his own compliances with the Spanish Embassadors , the design of the Spanish Match ( in which his Son was personally imbarkt ) and the slow assistances sent to his Daughter , in whose safety and protection Protestantism was at that time so much concern'd . FOR his Knowlege , he had some glancings and niblings , which the Severity of the excellent BUCHANAN forc'd into him in his younger time , and after conversation somwhat polish'd . But tho I bear not so great a contemt to his other Works , as BEN JOHNSON did to his Poetry , yet if they among many others were going to the fire , they would not be one of the first I should rescue , as possibly expecting a more severe and refin'd Judgment in many others ; and knowing that he that had so many able Wits at command , might easily give their Oracles thro his Mouth . But suppose the things generous and fit to live ( as I am not yet convinc'd ) yet what commendation is this to a King , who should have other business than spinning and weaving fine Theorys , and engaging in School Chiquaneries ? which was well understood by HENRY the Fourth , who hearing som men celebrat him with these Attributes ; yes ( answer'd he , very tartly ) He is a fine King , and writes little Books . 'T IS true , he was a good Drol , and possibly after Greec Wine somwhat factious : But of his substantial and heroic Wisdom I have not heard any great Instances . He himself us'd to brag of his King-craft , which was not to render his People happy , and to prosecute the ends of a good King , but to scrue up the Prerogative , divert Parlaments from the due disquisition and prosecution of their Freedoms , and to break them up at pleasure ; and indeed his parting with the Cautionary Towns of the Low Countrys , and that for so small a Sum , shew'd him a Person not so quicksighted , or unfit to be overreach'd . FOR his peaceable Reign , honorable and just Quarrels he wanted not ; but sloth and cowardice witheld him : and indeed the ease and luxury of those times fomented and nourish'd those lurking and pestilent humors , which afterwards so dangerously broke out in his Son's Reign . WE shall not trouble his Ashes with the mention of his personal Faults ; only , if we may compare God's Judgments with apparent Sins , we may find the latter end of his Life neither fortunat nor comfortable to him . His Wife distasted by him , and som say , languishing of a soul Disease ; his eldest Son dying with too violent symtoms of Poison , and that , as is fear'd , by a hand too much ally'd ; his second ( against whom he ever had a secret antipathy ) scarce return'd from a mad and dangerous Voyage ; his Daughter ( all that was left of that Sex ) banish'd , with her numerous Issue , out of her Husband's Dominion , and living in miserable Exile ; and lastly , himself dying of a violent death by poison , in which his Son was more than suspected to have a hand , as may be infer'd from BUCKINGHAM'S Plea , that he did it by the Command of the Prince , and CHARLES'S dissolution of the Parlament that took in hand to examin it ; and lastly , his indifferency at Buckingham's death ( tho he pretended all love to him alive ) as glad to be rid of so dangerous and so considerable a Partner of his Guilt . Yet the miter'd Parasits of those times could say , that one went to Heaven in Noah's Ark , the other in Elisha's Chariot , he dying of a pretended Fever , she ( as they said ) of a Dropsy . CHARLES having now obtain'd his Brother's Inheritance , carry'd himself in managing of it like one that gain'd it as he did . The first of his Acts was that glorious attemt upon the I le of Rhee . The next , that Noble and Christian betraying of Rochel , and consequently in a manner the whole Protestant Interest in France . The middle of the Reign was heightening of Prerogative and Prelacy , and conforming our Churches to the pattern of Rome ; till at last just Indignation brought his Subjects of Scotland into England , and so forc'd him to call a Parlament : which tho he shamelesly says in the first line of the Book , call'd his , was out of his own inclination to Parlaments , yet how well he lik'd them , may appear by his first tampering with his own Army in the North , to surprize and dissolve them ; then with the Scots , who at that time were Court proof ; then raising up the Irish Rebellion , which has wasted millions of Lives ; and lastly , his open secession from Westminster , and hostility against the two Houses , which maintain'd a first and second sharp War , that had almost ruin'd the Nation , had not Providence in a manner immediatly interpos'd and rescu'd us to Liberty , and made us such signal Instruments of his Vengeance , that all wicked Kings may tremble at the example . IN a word , never was Man so resolute and obstinat in a Tyranny ; never People more strangely besotted with it . To paint the Image of DAVID with his face , and blasphemously to parallel him with CHRIST , would make one at first thought think him a Saint : But to compare his Protestations and Actions ; his Actions of the Day , his Actions of the Night ; his Protestant Religion , and his courting of the Pope ; and obedience to his Wife ; we may justly say , he was one of the most consummat in the Arts of Tyranny that ever was . And it could be no other than God's hand that arrested him in the height of his Designs and Greatness , and cut off him and his Family , making good his own Imprecations on his own Head. OUR Scene is again in Scotland , which has accepted his Son , whom for distinction sake we will be content to call CHARLES the Second . Certainly these People were strangely blind as to God's Judgment perpetually pour'd out upon a Family ; or else wonderfully addicted to their own Interest , to admit the spray of such a stock ; one that has so little to commend him , and so great improbability to further their Designs and Happiness ; a Popish Education if not Religion too , however for the present he may seem to dissemble it ; France , the Jesuits , and his Mother , good means of such an improvement ; the dangerous Maxims of his Father , besides the Revenge he ows his Death , of which he will never totally acquit the Scots ; his Hate to the whole Nation ; his Sense of MONTROSE'S Death ; his backwardness to com to them till all other means fail'd ( both his foren beg'd Assistances , his Propositions to the Pope , and Commissions to MONTROSE ) and lastly , his late running away to his old Friends in the North : so that any man may see his present compliance to be but histrionical and forc'd , and that as soon as he has led them into the Snare , and got power into his own hands , so as that he may appear once more bare-fac'd , he will be a scourge upon them for their gross Hypocrisy , and leave them a sad Instance to all Nations , how dangerous it is to espouse such an Interest , against which God with so visible and severe a hand dos fight , carry'd on by and for the support of a tyrannizing Nobility and Clergy , and wherin the poor People are blindly led on by those afrighting ( but false and ungrounded ) pretensions of Perfidy and Perjury , and made instrumental with their own Estates and Blood towards inslaving and ruining themselves . THE Commonwealth OF OCEANA . To his HIGHNESS The Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland . — Quid rides ? mutato nomine , de te Fabula narratur . — Horat. The Introduction , or Order of the Work. OCEANA is saluted by the Panegyrist after this manner ; O the most blest and fortunat of all Countrys , OCEANA ▪ How deservedly has Nature with the bountys of Heaven and Earth indu'd thee ? Thy ever-fruitful Womb not clos'd with Ice , nor dissolv'd by the raging Star ; where CERES and BACCHUS are perpetual Twins . Thy Woods are not the harbor of devouring Beasts , nor thy continual Verdure the ambush of Serpents , but the food of innumerable Herds and Flocks presenting thee their Shepherdess with distended Dugs , or golden Fleeces . The wings of thy Night involve thee not in the horror of darkness , but have still som white feather ; and thy Day is ( that for which we esteem Life ) the longest . But this Extasy of PLINY ( as is observ'd by BERTIUS ) seems to allude as well to Marpesia and Panopea , now Provinces of this Commonwealth , as to Oceana it self . TO speak of the People in each of these Countrys , this of Oceana , for so soft a one , is the most martial in the whole World. Let States that aim at Greatness ( says VERULAMIUS ) take heed how their Nobility and Gentlemen multiply too fast , for that makes the common Subject grow to be a Peasant and base Swain driven out of heart , and in effect but a Gentleman's Laborer ; just as you may see in Coppice Woods , if you leave the Staddels too thick , you shall never have clean Vnderwood , but Shrubs and Bushes : So in Countrys , if the Gentlemen be too many , the Commons will be base ; and you will bring it to that at last , that not the hundredth Poll will be sit for a Helmet , specially as to the Infantry , which is the nerve of an Army , and so there will be great Population and little Strength . This of which I speak has bin no where better seen than by comparing of Oceana and France , wherof Oceana , tho far less in Territory and Population , has bin nevertheless an overmatch , in regard the middle People of Oceana make good Soldiers , which the Peasants in France do not In which words VERULAMIUS ( as MACHIAVEL has don before him ) harps much upon a string which he has not perfectly tun'd , and that is the balance of Dominion or Property : as it follows more plainly in his praise of the profound and admirable device of PANURGUS King of Oceana , in making Farms and Houses of Husbandry of a Standard ; that is , maintain'd with such a proportion of Land to them , as may breed a Subject to live in convenient plenty , and no servil condition , and to keep the Plow in the hand of the owners , and not mere hirelings . And thus indeed ( says he ) you shall attain to VIRGIL'S Character * which he gives of antient Italy . BUT the Tillage bringing up a good Soldiery , brings up a good Commonwealth ; which the Author in the praise of PANURGUS did not mind , nor PANURGUS in deserving that praise : for where the owner of the Plow coms to have the Sword too , he will use it in defence of his own ; whence it has happen'd that the People of Oceana in proportion to their property have bin always free . And the Genius of this Nation has ever had som resemblance with that of antient Italy , which was wholly addicted to Commonwealths , and where Rome came to make the greatest account of her rustic Tribes , and to call her Consuls from the Plow ; for in the way of Parlaments , which was the Government of this Realm , men of Country-lives have bin still intrusted with the greatest Affairs , and the People have constantly had an aversion to the ways of the Court. Ambition loving to be gay , and to fawn , has bin a Gallantry look'd upon as having somthing in it of the Livery ; and Husbandry , or the country way of Life , tho of a grosser spinning , as the best stuf of a Commonwealth , according to ARISTOTLE , such a one being the most obstinat Assertors of her Liberty , and the least subject to Innovation or Turbulency . Wherfore till the Foundations ( as will be hereafter shew'd ) were remov'd , this People was observ'd to be the least subject to Shakings and Turbulency of any : Wheras Commonwealths , upon which the City Life has had the stronger influence , as Athens , have seldom or never bin quiet ; but at the best are found to have injur'd their own business by over-doing it . Whence the Urban Tribes of Rome , consisting of the Turba forensis , and Libertins that had receiv'd their Freedom by manumission , were of no reputation in comparison of the Rustics . It is true , that with Venice it may seem to be otherwise , in regard the Gentlemen ( for so are all such call'd as have a right to that Government ) are wholly addicted to the City Life : but then the Turba forensis , the Secretarys , Cittadini , with the rest of the Populace , are wholly excluded . Otherwise a Commonwealth , consisting but of one City , would doubtless be stormy , in regard that Ambition would be every man's trade : but where it consists of a Country , the Plow in the hands of the owner finds him a better calling , and produces the most innocent and steddy Genius of a Commonwealth , such as is that of Oceana . MARPESIA , being the Northern part of the same Iland , is the dry Nurse of a populous and hardy Nation , but where the Staddels have bin formerly too thick : whence their Courage answer'd not their hardiness , except in the Nobility , who govern'd that Country much after the manner of Poland ; but that the King was not elective till the People receiv'd their Liberty , the yoke of the Nobility being broke by the Commonwealth of Oceana , which in grateful return is therby provided with an inexhaustible Magazin of Auxiliarys . PANOPEA , the soft Mother of a slothful and pusillanimous People , is a neighbor Iland , antiently subjected by the Arms of Oceana ; since almost depopulated for shaking the Yoke , and at length replanted with a new Race . But ( thro what virtues of the Soil , or vice of the Air soever it be ) they com still to degenerat . Wherfore seeing it is neither likely to yield men fit for Arms , nor necessary it should ; it had bin the Interest of Oceana so to have dispos'd of this Province , being both rich in the nature of the Soil , and full of commodious Ports for Trade , that it might have bin order'd for the best in relation to her Purse : which in my opinion ( if it had bin thought upon in time ) might have bin best don by planting it with Jews , ●llowing them their own Rites and Laws ; for that would have brought them suddenly from all parts of the World , and in sufficient numbers . And tho the Jews be now altogether for Merchandize , yet in the Land of Canaan ( except since their exile from whence they have not bin Landlords ) they were altogether for Agriculture ; and there is no cause why a man should doubt , but having a fruitful Country , and excellent Ports too , they would be good at both . Panopea well peopled , would be worth a matter of four millions dry rents ; that is , besides the advantage of the Agriculture and Trade , which , with a Nation of that Industry , coms at least to as much more . Wherfore Panopea being farm'd out to the Jews and their Heirs for ever , for the pay of a provincial Army to protect them during the term of seven years , and for two Millions annual Revenue from that time forward , besides the Customs which would pay the provincial Army , would have bin a bargain of such advantage both to them and this Commonwealth , as is not to be found otherwise by either . To receive the Jews after any other manner into a Commonwealth , were to maim it : for they of all Nations never incorporat , but taking up the room of a Limb , are of no use or office to the body , while they suck the nourishment which would sustain a natural and useful Member . IF Panopea had bin so dispos'd of , that Knapsack , with the Marpesian Auxiliary , had bin an inestimable Treasure ; the Situation of these Countrys being Ilands ( as appears by Venice how advantageous such a one is to the like Government ) seems to have bin design'd by God for a Commonwealth . And yet that , thro the streitness of the place and defect of proper Arms , can be no more than a Commonwealth for Preservation : wheras this , reduc'd to the like Government , is a Commonwealth for increase , and upon the mightiest foundation that any has bin laid from the beginning of the World to this day . Illam arctâ capiens Neptunus compede stringit : Hanc autem glaucis captus complectitur ulnis . THE Sea gives law to the growth of Venice , but the growth of Oceana gives law to the Sea. THESE Countrys having bin antiently distinct and hostil Kingdoms , came by MORPHEUS the Marpesian ( who succeded by hereditary right to the Crown of Oceana ) not only to be join'd under one head ; but to be cast , as it were by a charm , into that profound sleep , which , broken at length by the Trumpet of Civil War , has produc'd those effects , that have given occasion to the insuing Discourse , divided into four parts . 1. The Preliminarys , shewing the Principles of Government . 2. The Council of Legislators , shewing the Art of making a Commonwealth . 3. The Model of the Commonwealth of Oceana , shewing the effect of such an Art. 4. The Corollary , shewing som Consequences of such a Government . The Preliminarys , shewing the Principles of Government . JANOTTI , the most excellent Describer of the Commonwealth of Venice , divides the whole Series of Government into two Times or Periods . The one ending with the Liberty of Rome , which was the Course of Empire , as I may call it , of Antient Prudence , first discover'd to mankind by GOD himself in the Fabric of the Commonwealth of Israel , and afterwards pick'd out of his Footsteps in Nature , and unanimously follow'd by the Greecs and Romans . The other beginning with the Arms of CAESAR , which , extinguishing Liberty , were the Transition of Antient into Modern Prudence , introduc'd by those Inundations of Huns , Goths , Vandals , Lombards , Saxons , which , breaking the Roman Empire , deform'd the whole face of the World with those ill features of Government , which at this time are becom far worse in these western parts , except Venice , which escaping the hands of the Barbarians , by virtue of its impregnable Situation , has had its ey fix'd upon antient Prudence , and is attain'd to a perfection even beyond the Copy . RELATION being had to these two times , Government ( to define it de jure , or according to antient Prudence ) is an Art wherby a Civil Society of Men is instituted and preserv'd upon the Foundation of common Right or Interest ; or ( to follow ARISTOTLE and LIVY ) It is the Empire of Laws , and not of Men. AND Government ( to define it de facto , or according to modern Prudence ) is an Art wherby som man , or som few men , subject a City or a Nation , and rule it according to his or their privat Interest : which , because the Laws in such cases are made according to the interest of a man , or of som few Familys , may be said to be the Empire of Men , and not of Laws . THE former kind is that which MACHIAVEL ( whose Books are neglected ) is the only Politician that has gon about to retrieve ; and that LEVIATHAN ( who would have his Book impos'd upon the Universitys ) gos about to destroy . For , It is ( says he ) another Error of ARISTOTLE'S Politics , that in a well-order'd Commonwealth not Men should govern , but the Laws . What man that has his natural senses , tho he can neither write nor read , dos not find himself govern'd by them he fears , and believes can kill or hurt him when he obeys not ? Or , who believes that the Law can hurt him , which is but Words and Paper , without the Hands and Swords of men ? I confess , that * the Magistrat upon his Bench is that to the Law , which a Gunner upon his Platform is to his Cannon . Nevertheless , I should not dare to argue with a man of any Ingenuity after this manner . A whole Army , tho they can neither write nor read , are not afraid of a Platform , which they know is but Earth or Stone ; nor of a Cannon , which without a hand to give fire to it , is but cold Iron ; therfore a whole Army is afraid of one man. But of this kind is the Ratiocination of LEVIATHAN ( as I shall shew in divers places that com in my way ) throout his whole Politics , or worse ; as where he says of ARISTOTLE and of CICERO , of the Greecs , and of the Romans , who liv'd under popular States , that they deriv'd those Rights not from the Principles of Nature , but transcrib'd them into their Books , out of the practice of their own Commonwealths , as Grammarians describe the Rules of Language out of Poets . Which is as if a man should tell famous HERVY , that he transcrib'd his Circulation of the Blood not out of the Principles of Nature , but out of the Anatomy of this or that Body . TO go on therfore with this preliminary Discourse , I shall divide it ( according to the two definitions of Government relating to JANOTTI'S two times ) into two parts . The First treating of the Principles of Government in general , and according to the Antients : The Second treating of the late Governments of Oceana in particular , and in that of modern Prudence . GOVERNMENT , according to the Antients , and their learn'd Disciple MACHIAVEL , the only Politician of later Ages , is of three kinds ; The Government of One Man , or of the Better sort , or of the whole People : which by their more learn'd names are call'd Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy . These they hold , thro their proneness to degenerat , to be all evil . For wheras they that govern should govern according to Reason , if they govern according to Passion , they do that which they should not do . Wherfore as Reason and Passion are two things , so Government by Reason is one thing , and the corruption of Government by Passion is another thing , but not always another Government : as a Body that is alive is one thing , and a Body that is dead is another thing , but not always another Creature , tho the Corruption of one coms at length to be the Generation of another . The Corruption then of Monarchy is call'd Tyranny ; that of Aristocracy , Oligarchy ; and that of Democracy , Anarchy . But Legislators having found these three Governments at the best to be naught , have invented another consisting of a mixture of them all , which only is good . This is the Doctrin of the Antients . BUT LEVIATHAN is positive , that they are all deceiv'd , and that there is no other Government in Nature than one of the three ; as also that the Flesh of them cannot stink , the names of their Corruptions being but the names of mens Phansies , which will be understood when we are shown which of them was Senatus Populusque Romanus . TO go my own way , and yet to follow the Antients , the Principles of Government are twofold ; Internal , or the goods of the Mind ; and External , or the goods of Fortune . The goods of the Mind are natural or acquir'd Virtues , as Wisdom , Prudence , and Courage , &c. The goods of Fortune are Riches . There be goods also of the Body , as Health , Beauty , Strength ; but these are not to be brought into account , upon this score , because if a Man or an Army acquires Victory or Empire , it is more from their Disciplin , Arms , and Courage , than from their natural Health , Beauty , or Strength , in regard that a People conquer'd may have more of natural Strength , Beauty and Health , and yet find little remedy . The Principles of Government then are in the goods of the Mind , or in the goods of Fortune . To the goods of the Mind answers Authority ; to the goods of Fortune , Power or Empire . Wherfore LEVIATHAN , tho he be right where he says that Riches are Power , is mistaken where he says that Prudence , or the reputation of Prudence , is Power : for the Learning or Prudence of a Man is no more Power than the Learning or Prudence of a Book or Author , which is properly Authority . A learned Writer may have Authority tho he has no Power ; and a foolish Magistrat may have Power , tho he has otherwise no Esteem or Authority . The difference of these two is observ'd by LIVY in EVANDER , of whom he says , * that he govern'd rather by the Authority of others , than by his own Power . TO begin with Riches , in regard that Men are hung upon these , not of choice as upon the other , but of necessity and by the teeth : for as much as he who wants Bread is his Servant that will seed him ; if a Man thus seeds a whole People , they are under his Empire . EMPIRE is of two kinds , Domestic and National , or Foren and Provincial . DOMESTIC Empire is founded upon Dominion . DOMINION is Property real or personal , that is to say , in Lands , or in Mony and Goods . LANDS , or the parts and parcels of a Territory , are held by the Proprietor or Proprietors , Lord or Lords of it , in som proportion ; and such ( except it be in a City that has little or no Land , and whose Revenue is in Trade ) as is the proportion or balance of Dominion or Property in Land , such is the nature of the Empire . IF one Man be sole Landlord of a Territory , or overbalance the People , for example three parts in four , he is Grand Signior : for so the Turk is call'd from his Property ; and his Empire is absolute Monarchy . IF the Few or a Nobility , or a Nobility with the Clergy be Landlords , or overbalance the People to the like proportion , it makes the Gothic balance ( to be shewn at large in the second part of this Discourse ) and the Empire is mix'd Monarchy , as that of Spain , Poland , and late of Oceana . AND if the whole People be Landlords , or hold the Lands so divided among them , that no one Man , or number of Men , within the compass of the Few or Aristocracy , overbalance them , the Empire ( without the interposition of Force ) is a Commonwealth . IF Force be interpos'd in any of these three cases , it must either frame the Government to the Foundation , or the Foundation to the Government ; or holding the Government not according to the balance , it is not natural , but violent : and therfore if it be at the devotion of a Prince , it is Tyranny ; if at the devotion of the Few , Oligarchy ; or if in the power of the People , Anarchy . Each of which Confusions , the balance standing otherwise , is but of short continuance , because against the nature of the balance , which , not destroy'd , destroys that which opposes it . BUT there be certain other Confusions , which , being rooted in the balance , are of longer continuance , and of worse consequence ; as first , where a Nobility holds half the Property , or about that proportion , and the People the other half ; in which case , without altering the balance , there is no remedy but the one must eat out the other : as the People did the Nobility in Athens , and the Nobility the People in Rome . Secondly , when a Prince holds about half the Dominion , and the People the other half ( which was the case of the Roman Emperors , planted partly upon their military Colonies , and partly upon the Senat and the People ) the Government becoms a very shambles both of the Princes and the People . Somwhat of this nature are certain Governments at this day , which are said to subsist by confusion . In this case , to fix the balance , is to entail misery : but in the three former , not to fix it , is to lose the Government . Wherfore it being unlawful in Turky , that any should possess Land but the Grand Signior , the balance is fix'd by the Law , and that Empire firm . Nor , tho the Kings often fell , was the Throne of Oceana known to shake , until the Statute of Alienations broke the Pillars , by giving way to the Nobility to sell their Estates . * While Lacedemon held to the division of Land made by LYCURGUS , it was immovable , but , breaking that , could stand no longer . This kind of Law fixing the balance in Lands is call'd Agrarian , and was first introduc'd by God himself , who divided the Land of Canaan to his People by Lots , and is of such virtue , that wherever it has held , that Government has not alter'd , except by consent ; as in that unparallel'd example of the People of Israel , when being in liberty they would needs chuse a King. But without an Agrarian , Government , whether Monarchical , Aristocratical , or Popular , has no long Lease . AS for Dominion personal or in Mony , it may now and then stir up a MELIUS or a MANLIUS , which , if the Commonwealth be not provided with som kind of Dictatorian Power , may be dangerous , tho it has bin seldom or never successful : because to Property producing Empire , it is requir'd that it should have som certain root or foothold , which , except in Land , it cannot have , being otherwise as it were upon the Wing . NEVERTHELESS , in such Cities as subsist mostly by Trade , and have little or no Land , as Holland and Genoa , the balance of Treasure may be equal to that of Land in the cases mention'd . BUT LEVIATHAN , tho he seems to scew at Antiquity , following his furious Master CARNEADES , has caught hold of the public Sword , to which he reduces all manner and matter of Government ; as , where he affirms this opinion [ that any Monarch receives his Power by Covenant , that is to say , upon conditions ] to procede from the not understanding this easy truth , That Covenants being but Words and Breath , have no power to oblige , contain , constrain , or protect any Man , but what they have from the public Sword. But as he said of the Law , that without this Sword it is but Paper ; so he might have thought of this Sword , that without a Hand it is but cold Iron . The Hand which holds this Sword is the Militia of a Nation ; and the Militia of a Nation is either an Army in the field , or ready for the field upon occasion . But an Army is a Beast that has a great belly , and must be fed ; wherfore this will com to what Pastures you have , and what Pastures you have will com to the balance of Property , without which the public Sword is but a name or mere spitfrog . Wherfore to set that which LEVIATHAN says of Arms and of Contracts a little streighter ; he that can graze this Beast with the great belly , as the Turk dos his Timariots , may well deride him that imagins he receiv'd his Power by Covenant , or is oblig'd to any such toy : it being in this case only that Covenants are but Words and Breath . But if the Property of the Nobility , stock'd with their Tenants and Retainers , be the pasture of that Beast , the Ox knows his Master's Crib ; and it is impossible for a King in such a Constitution to reign otherwise than by Covenant ; or if he breaks it , it is words that com to blows . BUT says he , when an Assembly of Men is made Soverain , then no Man imagins any such Covenant to have past in the Institution . But what was that by PUBLICOLA of appeal to the People , or that wherby the People had their Tribuns ? ●y , says he , no body is so dull as to say , that the People of Rome made a Covenant with the Romans , to hold the Soverainty on such or such conditions ; which not perform'd , the Romans might depose the Roman People . In which there be several remarkable things ; for he holds the Commonwealth of Rome to have consisted of one Assembly , wheras it consisted of the Senat and the People ; That they were not upon Covenant , wheras every Law enacted by them was a Covenant between them ; That the one Assembly was made Soverain , wheras the People who only were Soverain , were such from the beginning , as appears by the antient stile of their Covenants or Laws , * The Senat has resolv'd , the People have decreed ; That a Council being made Soverain , cannot be made such upon conditions , wheras the Decemvirs being a Council that was made Soverain , was made such upon conditions ; That all Conditions or Covenants making a Soverain , the Soverain being made , are void ; whence it must follow that , the Decemviri being made , were ever after the lawful Government of Rome , and that it was unlawful for the Commonwealth of Rome to depose the Decemvirs ; as also that CICERO , if he wrote otherwise out of his Commonwealth , did not write out of Nature . But to com to others that see more of this balance . YOU have ARISTOTLE full of it in divers places , especially where he says , that immoderat Wealth , as where One Man or the Few have greater Possessions than the Equality or the Frame of the Commonwealth will bear , is an occasion of Sedition , which ends for the greater part in Monarchy ; and that for this cause the Ostracism has bin receiv'd in divers places , as in Argos and Athens . But that it were better to prevent the growth in the beginning , than , when it has got head , to seek the remedy of such an evil . MACCHIAVEL has miss'd it very narrowly and more dangerously ; for not fully perceiving that if a Commonwealth be gall'd by the Gentry , it is by their overbalance , he speaks of the Gentry as hostil to popular Governments , and of popular Governments as hostil to the Gentry ; and makes us believe that the People in such are so inrag'd against them , that where they meet a Gentleman they kill him : which can never be prov'd by any one example , unless in civil War ; seeing that even in Switzerland the Gentry are not only safe , but in honor . But the Balance , as I have laid it down , tho unseen by MACCHIAVEL , is that which interprets him , and that which he confirms by his Judgment in many others as well as in this place , where he concludes , That he who will go about to make a Commonwealth where there be many Gentlemen , unless he first destroys them , undertakes an Impossibility . And that he who goes about to introduce Monarchy where the condition of the People is equal , shall never bring it to pass , unless he cull out such of them as are the most turbulent and ambitious , and make them Gentlemen or Noblemen , not in name but in effect ; that is , by inriching them with Lands , Castles , and Treasures , that may gain them Power among the rest , and bring in the rest to dependence upon themselves , to the end that they maintaining their Ambition by the Prince , the Prince may maintain his Power by them . WHERFORE as in this place I agree with MACCHIAVEL , that a Nobility or Gentry , overbalancing a popular Government , is the utter bane and destruction of it ; so I shall shew in another , that a Nobility or Gentry , in a popular Government not overbalancing it , is the very life and soul of it . BY what has bin said , it should seem that we may lay aside further disputes of the public Sword , or of the right of the Militia ; which , be the Government what it will , or let it change how it can , is inseparable from the overbalance in Dominion : nor , if otherwise stated by the ●aw or Custom ( as in the Commonwealth of Rome , * where the People having the Sword , the Nobility came to have the overbalance ) avails it to any other end than destruction . For as a Building swaying from the Foundation must fall , so it fares with the Law swaying from Reason , and the Militia from the balance of Dominion . And thus much for the balance of National or Domestic Empire , which is in Dominion . THE balance of Foren or Provincial Empire is of a contrary nature . A man may as well say , that it is unlawful for him who has made a fair and honest purchase to have Tenants , as for a Government that has made a just progress , and inlargement of it self , to have Provinces . But how a Province may be justly acquir'd , appertains to another place . In this I am to shew no more than how or upon what kind of balance it is to be held ; in order wherto I shall first shew upon what kind of balance it is not to be held . It has bin said , that national or independent Empire , of what kind soever , is to be exercis'd by them that have the proper balance of Dominion in the Nation ; wherfore provincial or dependent Empire is not to be exercis'd by them that have the balance of Dominion in the Province , because that would bring the Government from Provincial and Dependent , to National and Independent . Absolute Monarchy , as that of the Turks , neither plants its People at home nor abroad , otherwise than as Tenants for life or at will ; wherfore its National and Provincial Government is all one . But in Governments that admit the Citizen or Subject to Dominion in Lands , the richest are they that share most of the Power at home ; wheras the richest among the Provincials , tho native Subjects , or Citizens that have bin transplanted , are least admitted to the Government abroad : for men , like slowers or roots being transplanted , take after the soil wherin they grow . Wherfore the Commonwealth of Rome , by planting Colonys of its Citizens within the bounds of Italy , took the best way of propagating it self , and naturalizing the Country ; wheras if it had planted such Colonys without the bounds of Italy , it would have alienated the Citizens , and given a root to Liberty abroad that might have sprung up foren , or savage , and hostil to her : wherfore it never made any such dispersion of it self and its strength , till it was under the yoke of the Emperors , who disburdening themselves of the People , as having less apprehension of what they could do abroad than at home , took a contrary course . THE Mamalucs ( which till any man shew me the contrary , I shall presume to have bin a Commonwealth consisting of an Army , wherof the common Soldier was the People , the Commission Officer the Senat , and the General the Prince ) were Foreners , and by Nation Circassians , that govern'd Aegypt ; wherfore these never durst plant themselves upon Dominion , which growing naturally up into the National Interest , must have dissolv'd the foren yoke in that Province . THE like in som sort may be said of Venice , the Government wherof is usually mistaken : for Venice , tho it dos not take in the People , never excluded them . This Commonwealth , the Orders wherof are the most Democratical or Popular of all others , in regard of the exquisit Rotation of the Senat , at the first institution took in the whole People ; they that now live under the Government without participation of it , are such as have since either voluntarily chosen so to do , or were subdu'd by Arms. Wherfore the Subject of Venice is govern'd by Provinces ; and the balance of Dominion not standing , as has bin said , with Provincial Government : As the Mamalucs durst not cast their Government upon this balance in their Provinces , lest the National Interest should have rooted out the Foren ; so neither dare the Venetians take in their Subjects upon this balance , lest the foren Interest should root out the National ( which is that of the 3000 now governing ) and by diffusing the Commonwealth throout her Territorys , lose the advantage of her Situation , by which in great part it subsists . And such also is the Government of the Spaniard in the Indies , to which he deputes Natives of his own Country , not admitting the Creolios to the Government of those Provinces , tho descended from Spaniards . BUT if a Prince or a Commonwealth may hold a Territory that is foren in this , it may be ask'd , why he may not hold one that is native in the like manner ? To which I answer , because he can hold a foren by a native Territory , but not a native by a foren ▪ and as hitherto I have shewn what is not the provincial Balance , so by this answer it may appear what it is , namely the Overbalance of a native Territory to a foren ; for as one Country balances it self by the distribution of Property according to the proportion of the same , so one Country overbalances another by advantage of divers kinds . For example , the Commonwealth of Rome overbalanc'd her Provinces by the vigor of a more excellent Government oppos'd to a crazier , or by a more exquisit Militia oppos'd to one inferior in Courage or Disciplin . The like was that of the Mamalucs , being a hardy People , to the Aegyptians that were a soft one . And the balance of Situation is in this kind of wonderful effect ; seeing the King of Denmark , being none of the most potent Princes , is able at the Sound to take Toll of the greatest : and as this King by the advantage of the Land can make the Sea tributary ; so Venice , by the advantage of the Sea , in whose arms she is impregnable , can make the Land to feed her Gulf. For the Colonys in the Indies , they are yet Babes that cannot live without sucking the breasts of their Mother Citys , but such as I mistake if when they com of age they do not wean themselves : which causes me to wonder at Princes that delight to be exhausted in that way . And so much for the principles of Power , whether National or Provincial , Domestic or Foren ; being such as are external , and founded in the goods of Fortune . I COM to the principles of Authority , which are internal , and founded upon the goods of the Mind . These the Legislator that can unite in his Government with those of Fortune , coms nearest to the work of God , whose Government consists of Heaven and Earth : which was said by PLATO , tho in different words , as , when Princes should be Philosophers , or Philosophers Princes , the World would be happy . And says SOLOMON , There is an evil which I have seen under the Sun , which procedes from the Ruler ( enimvero neque nobilem , neque ingenuum , nec libertinum quidem armis praeponere , regia utilitas est ) Folly is set in great dignity , and the Rich ( either in Virtue and Wisdom , in the goods of the Mind , or those of Fortune upon that balance which gives them a sense of the National Interest ) sit in low places . I have seen Servants upon horses , and Princes walking as Servants upon the earth . Sad complaints , that the principles of Power and of Authority , the goods of the Mind and of Fortune , do not meet and twine in the Wreath or Crown of Empire ! Wherfore , if we have any thing of Piety or of Prudence , let us raise our selves out of the mire of privat Interest to the contemplation of Virtue , and put a hand to the removal of this evil from under the Sun ; this evil against which no Government that is not secur'd , can be good ; this evil from which the Government that is secure must be perfect . SOLOMON tels us , that the cause of it is from the Ruler , from those principles of power , which , balanc'd upon earthly trash , exclude the heavenly treasures of Virtue , and that influence of it upon Government , which is Authority . We have wander'd the Earth to find out the balance of power : but to find out that of Authority , we must ascend , as I said , nearer Heaven , or to the Image of God , which is the Soul of Man. THE Soul of Man ( whose life or motion is perpetual Contemplation or Thought ) is the Mistress of two potent Rivals , the one Reason , the other Passion , that are in continual suit ; and , according as she gives up her will to these or either of them , is the felicity or misery which Man partakes in this mortal life . FOR as whatever was Passion in the contemplation of a man , being brought forth by his will into action , is Vice and the bondage of Sin ; so whatever was Reason in the contemplation of a man , being brought forth by his will into action , is virtue and the freedom of Soul. AGAIN , as those actions of a man that were Sin acquire to himself Repentance or Shame , and affect others with Scorn or Pity ; so those actions of a man that are Virtue acquire to himself Honor , and upon others Authority . NOW Government is no other than the Soul of a Nation or City : wherfore that which was Reason in the debate of a Commonwealth being brought forth by the result , must be Virtue ; and forasmuch as the Soul of a City or Nation is the Soverain Power , her Virtue must be Law. But the Government whose Law is Virtue , and whose Virtue is Law , is the same whose Empire is Authority , and whose Authority is Empire . AGAIN , If the Liberty of a man consists in the Empire of his Reason , the absence wherof would betray him to the bondage of his Passions ; then the Liberty of a Commonwealth consists in the Empire of her Laws , the absence wherof would betray her to the Lust of Tyrants . And these I conceive to be the Principles upon which ARISTOTLE and LIVY ( injuriously accus'd by LEVIATHAN for not writing out of nature ) have grounded their Assertion , That a Commonwealth is an Empire of Laws , and not of Men. But they must not ●arry it so . For , says he , the Liberty , wherof there is so frequent and honorable mention in the Historys and Philosophy of the antient Greecs and Romans , and the Writings and Discourses of those that from them have receiv'd all their Learning in the Politics , is not the Liberty of particular Men , but the Liberty of the Commonwealth . He might as well have said , that the Estates of particular Men in a Commonwealth are not the Riches of particular Men , but the Riches of the Commonwealth ; for equality of Estates causes equality of Power , and equality of Power is the Liberty not only of the Commonwealth , but of every Man. But sure a Man would never be thus irreverent with the greatest Authors , and positive against all Antiquity , without som certain demonstration of Truth : and , what is it ? Why , there is written on the Turrets of the City of Lucca in great Characters at this day the word LIBERTAS ; yet no Man can thence infer , that a particular Man has more Liberty or Immunity from the Service of the Commonwealth there , than in Constantinople . Whether a Commonwealth be Monarchical or Popular , the Freedom is the same . The Mountain has brought forth , and we have a little Equivocation ! For to say , that a Luchese has no more Liberty or Immunity from the Laws of Luca , than a Turk has from those of Constantinople ; and to say that a Lucchese has no more Liberty or Immunity by the Laws of Lucca , than a Turk has by those of Constantinople , are pretty different Speeches . The first may be said of all Governments alike ; the second scarce of any two ; much less of these , seeing it is known , that wheras the greatest Basha is a Tenant , as well of his Head as of his Estate , at the Will of his Lord , the meanest Lucchese that has Land , is a Freeholder of both , and not to be control'd but by the Law , and that fram'd by every privat Man to no other end ( or they may thank themselves ) than to protect the Liberty of every privat Man , which by that means coms to be the Liberty of the Commonwealth . BUT seeing they that make the Laws in Commonwealths are but Men , the main Question seems to be , how a Commonwealth coms to be an Empire of Laws , and not of Men ? or how the Debate or Result of a Commonwealth is so sure to be according to Reason ; seeing they who debate , and they who resolve , be but Men ? And as often as Reason is against a Man , so often will a Man be against Reason . THIS is thought to be a shrewd saying , but will do no harm ; for be it so that Reason is nothing but Interest , there be divers Interests , and so divers Reasons . AS first , there is privat Reason , which is the Interest of a privat Man. SECONDLY , There is Reason of State , which is the Interest ( or Error , as was said by SOLOMON ) of the Ruler or Rulers , that is to say , of the Prince , of the Nobility , or of the People . THIRDLY , There is that Reason , which is the Interest of Mankind , or of the whole . Now if we see even in those natural Agents that want sense , that as in themselves they have a Law which directs them in the means wherby they tend to their own perfection , so likewise that another Law there is , which touches them as they are sociable parts united into one Body , a Law which binds them each to serve to others good , and all to prefer the good of the whole , before whatsoever their own particular ; as when stones , or heavy things forsake their ordinary wont or center , and fly upwards , as if they heard themselves commanded to let go the good they privatly wish , and to relieve the present distress of Nature in common . There is a common Right , Law of Nature , or Interest of the whole ; which is more excellent , and so acknowleg'd to be by the Agents themselves , than the Right or Interest of the Parts only . Wherfore tho it may be truly said that the Creatures are naturally carry'd forth to their proper utility or prosit , that ought not to be taken in too general a sense ; seeing divers of them abs●ain from their own prosit , either in regard of those of the same kind , or at least of their young MANKIND then must either be less just than the Creature , or acknowlege also his common Interest to be common Right . And if Reason be nothi●g else but Interest , and the Interest o● Mankind be the right Interest , then the Reason of Mankind must be right Reason . Now compute well ; for if the Interest of popular Government com the nearest to the Interest of Mankind , then the Reason of popular Government must com the nearest to right Reason . BUT it may be said , that the di●ficulty remains yet ; for be the Interest of popular Government right Reason , a Man dos not look upon Reason as it is right or wrong in it self , but as it makes for him or against him . Wherfore unless you can shew such Orders of a Government , as , like those of God in Nature , shall be able to constrain this or that Creature to shake off that Inclination which is more peculiar to it , and take up that which regards the common Good or Interest ; all this is to no more end , than to persuade every man in a popular Government not to carve himself of that which he desires most , but to be mannerly at the public Table , and give the best from himself to Decency and the common Interest . But that such Orders may be establish'd , as may , nay must give the upper hand in all cases to common Right or Interest , notwithstanding the nearness of that which sticks to every man in privat , and this in a way of equal certainty and facility , is known even to Girls , being no other than those that are of common practice with them in divers cases . For example , two of them have a Cake yet undivided , which was given between them : that each of them therfore may have that which is due , Divide , says one to the other , and I will chuse ; or let me divide , and you shall chuse . If this be but once agreed upon , it is enough : for the divident , dividing unequally , loses , in regard that the other takes the better half ; wherfore she divides equally , and so both have right . O the depth of the Wisdom of God! and yet by the mouths of Babes and Sucklings has he set forth his strength ; that which great Philosophers are disputing upon in vain , is brought to light by two harmless Girls , even the whole Mystery of a Commonwealth , which lys only in dividing and chusing . Nor has God ( if his Works in Nature be understood ) left so much to Mankind to dispute upon , as who shall divide , and who chuse , but distributed them for ever into two Orders , wherof the one has the natural right of dividing , and the other of chusing . For Example : A COMMONWEALTH is but a civil Society of Men : let us take any number of Men ( as twenty ) and immediatly make a Commonwealth . Twenty Men ( if they be not all Idiots , perhaps if they be ) can never com so together , but there will be such a difference in them , that about a third will be wiser , or at least less foolish than all the rest ; these upon acquaintance , tho it be but small , will be discover'd , and ( as Stags that have the largest heads ) lead the herd : for while the six discoursing and arguing one with another , shew the eminence of their parts , the fourteen discover things that they never thought on ; or are clear'd in divers Truths which had formerly perplex'd them . Wherfore in matter of common concernment , difficulty , or danger , they hang upon their lips as Children upon their Fathers ; and the influence thus acquir'd by the six , the eminence of whose parts is found to be a stay and comfort to the fourteen , is * the Authority of the Fathers . Wherfore this can be no other than a natural Aristocracy diffus'd by God throout the whole Body of Mankind to this end and purpose ; and therfore such as the People have not only a natural , but a positive Obligation to make use of as their Guides ; as where the People of Israel are commanded to take wise men , and understanding , and known among their Tribes , to be made Rulers over them . The six then approv'd of , as in the present case , are the Senat , not by hereditary Right , or in regard of the greatness of their Estates only ( which would tend to such Power as might force or draw the People ) but by election for their excellent Parts , which tends to the advancement of the influence of their Virtue or Authority that leads the People . Wherfore the Office of the Senat is not to be Commanders , but Counsellors of the People ; and that which is proper to Counsellors is first to debate , and afterward to give advice in the business wherupon they have debated ; whence the Decrees of the Senat are never Laws , nor so † call'd : and these being maturely fram'd , it is their duty ‖ to propose in the case to the People . Wherfore the Senat is no more than the debate of the Commonwealth . But to debate , is to discern or put a difference between things that , being alike , are not the same ; or it is separating and weighing this reason against that , and that reason against this , which is dividing . THE Senat then having divided , who shall chuse ? Ask the Girls : for is she that divided must have chosen also , it had bin little worse for the other in case she had not divided at all , but kept the whole Cake to her self , in regard that being to chuse too , she divided accordingly . Wherfore if the Senat have any farther power thanto divide , the Commonwealth can never be equal . But in a Commonwealth consisting of a single Council , there is no other to chuse than that which divided ; whence it is , that such a Council sails not to scramble , that is , to be factious , there being no other dividing of the Cake in that case but among themselves . NOR is there any remedy but to have another Council to chuse . The Wisdom of the Few may be the Light of Mankind ; but the Interest of the Few is not the Profit of Mankind , nor of a Common-wealth . Wherfore seeing we have granted Interest to be Reason , they must not chuse , lest it put out their Light. But as the Council dividing consists of the Wisdom of the Commonwealth , so the Assembly or Council chusing should consist of the Interest of the Common-wealth : as the Wisdom of the Commonwealth is in the Aristocracy , so the Interest of the Commonwealth is in the whole body of the People . And wheras this , in case the Commonwealth consist of a whole Nation , is too unweildy a body to be assembled , this Council is to consist of such a Representative as may be equal , and so constituted , as can never contract any other Interest than that of the whole People ; the manner wherof , being such as is best shewn by Exemplification , I remit to the Model . But in the present case , the six dividing , and the fourteen chusing , must of necessity take in the whole interest of the twenty . DIVIDING and chusing in the language of a Commonwealth is debating and resolving ; and whatsoever upon debate of the Senat is propos'd to the People , and resolv'd by them , is enacted * by the authority of the Fathers , and by the power of the People , which concurring , make a Law. BUT the Law being made , says LEVIATHAN , is but Words and Paper without the Hands and Swords of Men ; wherfore as those two Orders of a Commonwealth , namely the Senat and the People , are Legislative , so of necessity there must be a third to be executive of the Laws made , and this is the Magistracy ; in which order , with the rest being wrought up by art , the Commonwealth consists of the Senat proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing : wherby partaking of the Aristocracy as in the Senat , of the Democracy as in the People , and of Monarchy as in the Magistracy , it is complete . Now there being no other Commonwealth but this in Art or Nature , it is no wonder if MACCHIAVEL has shew'd us that the Antients held this only to be good ; but it seems strange to me , that they should hold that there could be any other : for if there be such a thing as pure Monarchy , yet that there should be such a one as pure Aristocracy , or pure Democracy , is not in my understanding . But the Magistracy both in number and function is different in different Commonwealths . Nevertheless there is one condition of it that must be the same in every one , or it dissolves the Commonwealth where it is wanting . And this is no less than that as the hand of the Magistrat is the executive Power of the Law , so the head of the Magistrat is answerable to the People that his execution be according to the Law ; by which LEVIATHAN may see that the hand or sword that executes the Law is in it , and not above it . NOW whether I have rightly transcrib'd these Principles of a Commonwealth out of Nature , I shall appeal to God and to the World. To God in the Fabric of the Commonwealth of Israel : and to the World in the universal Series of ant●ent Prudence . But in regard the same Commonwealths will be open'd at large in the Council of Legislators , I shall touch them for the present but slightly , beginning with that of Israel . THE Commonwealth of Israel consisted of the Senat , the People , and the Magistracy . THE People by their first division , which was genealogical , were contain'd under their thirteen Tribes , Houses , or Familys ; wherof the firstborn in each was Prince of his Tribe , and had the leading of it : the Tribe of LEVI only being set apart to serve at the Altar , had no other Prince but the High Priest . In their second division they were divided locally by their Agrarian , or the distribution of the Land of Canaan to them by lot , the Tithe of all remaining to LEVI ; whence according to their local division , the Tribes are reckon'd but twelve . THE Assemblys of the People thus divided were methodically gather'd by Trumpets to the Congregation ; which was , it should seem , of two sorts . For if it were call'd by one Trumpet only , the Princes of the Tribes and the Elders only assembl'd ; but if it were call'd with two , the whole People gather'd themselves to the Congregation , for so it is render'd by the English : but in the Greec it is call'd Ecclesia , or the Church of God , and by the Talmudist , the great Synagog . The word Ecclesia was also antiently and properly us'd for the Civil Congregations or Assemblys of the People in Athens , Lacedemon , and Ephesus , where it is so call'd in Scripture , tho it be otherwise render'd by the Translators , not much as I conceive to their commendation , seeing by that means they have lost us a good lesson , the Apostles borrowing that name for their spiritual Congregations , to the end that we might see they intended the Government of the Church to be Democratical or Popular , as is also plain in the rest of their Constitutions . THE Church or Congregation of the People of Israel assembl'd in a military manner , and had the result of the Commonwealth , or the power of confirming all their Laws , tho propos'd even by God himself ; as where they make him King ; and where they reject or depose him as Civil Magistrat , and elect Saul . It is manifest that he gives no such example to a Legislator in a popular Government as to deny or evade the power of the People , which were a contradiction : but tho he deservedly blames the ingratitude of the People in that action , he commands SAMUEL , being next under himself Supreme Magistrat , to hearken to their Voice ( for where the suffrage of the People gos for nothing , it is no Commonwealth ) and comforts him , saying , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them . But to reject him that he should not reign over them , was as Civil Magistrat to depose him . The Power therfore which the People had to depose even God himself as he was Civil Magistrat , leaves little doubt but that they had power to have rejected any of those Laws confirm'd by them throout the Scripture , which ( to omit the several parcels ) are generally contain'd under two heads , those that were made by Covenant with the People in the Land of Moab , and those which were made by Covenant with the People in Horeb : which two , I think , amount to the whole body of the Israelitish Laws . But if all and every one of the Laws of Israel being propos'd by God , were no otherwise enacted than by Covenant with the People , then that only which was resolv'd by the People of Israel was their Law ; and so the result of that Commonwealth was in the People . Nor had the People the result only in matter of Law , but the Power in som cases of Judicature ; as also the right of levying War ; cognizance in matter of Religion ; and the election of their Magistrats , as the Judg or Dictator , the King , the Prince : which functions were exercis'd by the Synagoga magna or Congregation of Israel , not always in one manner ; for somtimes they were perform'd by the suffrage of the People , vivâ voce ; somtimes by the Lot only ; and at others by the Ballot , or by a mixture of the Lot with the Suffrage , as in the case of ELDAD and MEDAD , which I shall open with the Senat. THE Senat of Israel , call'd in the Old Testament the seventy Elders , and in the New the Sanhedrim ( which word is usually translated the Council ) was appointed by God , and consisted of Seventy Elders besides MOSES , which were at first elected by the People ; but in what manner is rather intimated than shewn . Nevertheless , because I cannot otherwise understand the passage concerning ELDAD and MEDAD , of whom it is said , that they were of them that were written , but went not up to the Tabernacle , then with the Talmudists , I conceive that ELDAD and MEDAD had the suffrage of the Tribes , and so were written as Competitors for Magistracy ; but coming afterwards to the lot , fail'd of it , and therfore went not up to the Tabernacle , or place of Confirmation by God , or to the Sessionhouse of the Senat with the Seventy upon whom the lot fell to be Senators : for the Sessionhouse of the Sanhedrim was first in the Court of the Tabernacle , and afterwards in that of the Temple , where it came to be call'd the stone Chamber or Pavement . If this were the Ballot of Israel , that of Venice is the same transpos'd : for in Venice the Competitor is chosen as it were by the lot , in regard that the Electors are so made , and the Magistrat is chosen by the Suffrage of the great Council or Assembly of the People . But the Sanhedrim of Israel being thus constituted , MOSES for his time , and after him his Successor , sat in the midst of it as Prince or Archon , and at his left hand the Orator or Father of the Senat ; the rest of the bench coming round with either horn like a Crescent , had a Scribe attending upon the tip of it . THIS Senat , in regard the Legislator of Israel vvas infallible , and the Laws given by God such as were not fit to be alter'd by men , is much different in the exercise of their Power from all other Senats , except that of the Areopagits in Athens , which also was little more than a Supreme Judicatory ; for it will hardly , as I conceive , be found that the Sanhedrim propos'd to the People till the return of the Children of Israel out of Captivity under Esdras , at which time there was a new Law made , namely , for a kind of Excommunication , or rather Banishment , which had never bin before in Israel . Nevertheless it is not to be thought that the Sanhedrim had not always that right , which from the time of Esdras it more frequently exercis'd , of proposing to the People , but that they forbore it in regard of the fulness and infallibility of the Law already made , wherby it was needless . Wherfore the function of this Council , which is very rare in a Senat , was executive , and consisted in the administration of the Law made ; and wheras the Council it self is often understood in Scripture by the Priest and the Levit , there is no more in that save only that the Priests and the Levits , who otherwise had no Power at all , being in the younger years of this Commonwealth , those that were best study'd in the Laws were the most frequently elected into the Sanhedrim . For the Courts consisting of three and twenty Elders sitting in the Gates of every City , and the Triumvirats of Judges constituted almost in every Village , which were parts of the executive Magistracy subordinat to the Sanhedrim , I shall take them at better leisure , and in the larger Discourse ; but these being that part of this Commonwealth which was instituted by MOSES upon the advice of JETHRO the Priest of Midian ( as I conceive a Heathen ) are to me a sufficient warrant even from God himself who confirm'd them , to make farther use of human Prudence , wherever I find it bearing a Testimony to it self , whether in Heathen Commonwealths or others : And the rather , because so it is , that we who have the holy Scriptures , and in them the Original of a Commonwealth , made by the same hand that made the World , are either altogether blind or negligent of it ; while the Heathens have all written theirs , as if they had had no other Copy : As , to be more brief in the present account of that which you shall have more at large hereafter ; ATHENS consisted of the Senat of the Bean proposing , of the Church or Assembly of the People resolving , and too often debating , which was the ruin of it ; as also of the Senat of the Aropagits , the nine Archons , with divers other Magistrats executing . LACEDEMON consisted of the Senat proposing ; of the Church or Congregation of the People resolving only and never debating , which was the long life of it ; and of the two Kings , the Court of the Ephors , with divers other Magistrats executing . CARTHAGE consisted of the Senat proposing and somtimes resolving too ; of the People resolving and somtimes debating too , for which fault she was reprehended by ARISTOTLE ; and she had her Suffetes , and her hundred Men , with other Magistrats executing . ROME consisted of the Senat proposing , the Concio or People resolving , and too often debating , which caus'd her storms ; as also of the Consuls , Censors , Aedils , Tribuns , Pretors , Questors , and other Magistrats executing . VENICE consists of the Senat or Pregati proposing , and somtimes resolving too ; of the great Council or Assembly of the People , in whom the result is constitutively ; as also of the Doge , the Signory , the Censors , the Dieci , the Quazancies , and other Magistrats executing . THE proceding of the Commonwealths of Switzerland and Holland is of a like nature , tho after a more obscure manner : for the Soveraintys , whether Cantons , Provinces , or Citys , which are the People , send their Deputys commission'd and instructed by themselves ( wherin they reserve the Result in their own power ) to the Provincial or general Convention , or Senat , where the Deputies debate , but have no other power of Result than what was confer'd upon them by the People , or is farther confer'd by the same upon farther occasion . And for the executive part they have Magistrats or Judges in every Canton , Province or City , besides those which are more public , and relate to the League , as for adjusting Controversies between one Canton , Province or City , and another ; or the like between such persons as are not of the same Canton , Province or City . BUT that we may observe a little farther how the Heathen Politicians have written , not only out of Nature , but as it were out of Scripture : As in the Commonwealth of Israel God is said to have bin King ; so the Commonwealth where the Law is King , is said by ARISTOTLE to be the Kingdom of God. And where by the Lusts or Passions of Men a Power is set above that of the Law deriving from Reason , which is the dictat of God , God in that sense is rejected or depos'd that he should not reign over them , as he was in Israel . And yet LEVIATHAN will have it , that by reading of these Greec and Latin ( he might as well in this sense have said Hebrew ) Authors , young Men , and all others that are unprovided of the antidot of solid Reason , receiving a strong and delightful impression of the great Exploits of War , atchiev'd by the Conductors of their Armys , receive withal a pleasing Idea of all they have don besides ; and imagin their great prosperity not to have proceded from the emulation of particular Men , but from the virtue of their popular form of Government , not considering the frequent Seditions and Civil Wars produc'd by the imperfection of their Polity . Where , first , the blame he lays to the Heathen Authors is in his sense laid to the Scripture ; and wheras he holds them to be young Men , or Men of no antidot that are of like opinions , it should seem that MACCHIAVEL , the sole retriever of this antient Prudence , is to his solid Reason a beardless Boy that has newly read LIVY . And how solid his Reason is , may appear , where he grants the great prosperity of antient Commonwealths , which is to give up the Controversy . For such an effect must have som adequat cause ; which to evade he insinuats that it was nothing else but the emulation of particular Men : as if so great an Emulation could have bin generated without as great Virtue ; so great Virtue without the best Education ; the best Education without the best Laws ; or the best Laws any otherwise than by the excellency of their Polity . BUT if som of these Commonwealths , as being less perfect in their Polity than others , have bin more seditious , it is not more an argument of the infirmity of this or that Commonwealth in particular , than of the excellency of that kind of Polity in general ; which if they , that have not altogether reach'd , have nevertheless had greater prosperity , what would befal them that should reach ? IN answer to which Question let me invite LEVIATHAN , who of all other Governments gives the advantage to Monarchy for perfection , to a better disquisition of it by these three assertions . THE first , That the perfection of Government lys upon such a libration in the frame of it , that no Man or Men in or under it can have the interest ; or having the interest , can have the power to disturb it with Sedition . THE second , That Monarchy , reaching the perfection of the kind , reaches not to the perfection of Government ; but must have som dangerous flaw in it . THE third , That popular Government , reaching the perfection of the kind , reaches the perfection of Government , and has no flaw in it . THE first assertion requires no proof . FOR the proof of the second ; Monarchy , as has bin shewn , is of two kinds , the one by Arms , the other by a Nobility , and there is no other kind in Art or Nature : for if there have bin antiently som Governments call'd Kingdoms , as one of the Goths in Spain , and another of the Vandals in Africa , where the King rul'd without a Nobility , and by a Council of the People only ; it is expresly said by the Authors that mention them , that the Kings were but the Captains , and that the People not only gave them Laws , but depos'd them as often as they pleas'd . Nor is it possible in reason that it should be otherwise in like cases ; wherfore these were either no Monarchys , or had greater slaws in them than any other . BUT for a Monarchy by Arms , as that of the Ture ( which of all models that ever were coms up to the perfection of the kind ) it is not in the wit or power of Man to cure it of this dangerous flaw , That the Janizarys have frequent interest and perpetual power to raise Sedition , and to tear the Magistrat , even the Prince himself , in pieces . Therfore the Monarchy of Turky is no perfect Government . AND for a Monarchy by a Nobility , as of late in Oceana ( which of all other models before the declination of it came up to the perfection in that kind ) it was not in the power or wit of Man to cure it of that dangerous flaw , That the Nobility had frequent interest and perpetual power by their Retainers and Tenants to raise Sedition ; and ( wheras the Janizarys occasion this kind of Calamity no sooner than they make an end of it ) to levy a lasting War , to the vast effusion of Blood , and that even upon occasions wherin the People , but for their dependence upon their Lords , had no concernment , as in the feud of the Red and White . The like has bin frequent in Spain , France , Germany , and other Monarchys of this kind ; wherfore Monarchy by a Nobility is no perfect Government . FOR the proof of the third assertion ; LEVIATHAN yields it to me , that there is no other Commonwealth but Monarchical or Popular : wherfore if no Monarchy be a perfect Government , then either there is no perfect Government , or it must be popular ; for which kind of Constitution I have somthing more to say , than LEVIATHAN has said or ever will be able to say for Monarchy . As , FIRST , That it is the Government that was never conquer'd by any Monarch , from the beginning of the World to this day : for if the Commonwealths of Greece came under the yoke of the Kings of Macedon , they were first broken by themselves . SECONDLY , That it is the Government that has frequently led mighty Monarchs in Triumph . THIRDLY , That it is the Government , which , if it has bin seditious , it has not bin so from any imperfection in the kind , but in the particular Constitution ; which , wherever the like has happen'd , must have bin inequal . FOURTHLY , That it is the Government , which , if it has bin any thing near equal , was never seditious ; or let him shew me what Sedition has happen'd in Lacedemon or Venice . FIFTHLY , That it is the Government , which , attaining to perfect equality , has such a libration in the frame of it , that no Man living can shew which way any Man or Men , in or under it , can contract any such Interest or Power as should be able to disturb the Commonwealth with Sedition ; wherfore an equal Commonwealth is that only which is without flaw , and contains in it the full perfection of Government . But to return . BY what has bin shewn in Reason and Experience it may appear , that tho Commonwealths in general be Governments of the Senat proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing ; yet som are not so good at these Orders as others , thro som impediment or defect in the frame , balance , or capacity of them , according to which they are of divers kinds . THE first division of them is into such as are single , as Israel , Athens , Lacedemon , &c. and such as are by Leagues , as those of the Acheans , Etolians , Lyceans , Switz , and Hollanders . THE second ( being MACCHIAVEL'S ) is into such as are for preservation , as Lacedemon and Venice , and such as are for increase , as Athens and Rome ; in which I can see no more than that the former takes in no more Citizens than are necessary for defence , and the latter so many as are capable of increase . THE third division ( unseen hitherto ) is into equal and inequal , and this is the main point , especially as to domestic Peace and Tranquillity ; for to make a Commonwealth inequal , is to divide it into partys , which sets them at perpetual variance , the one party endeavoring to preserve their Eminence and Inequality , and the other to attain to Equality : whence the People of Rome deriv'd their perpetual strife with the Nobility or Senat. But in an equal Commonwealth there can be no more strife than there can be overbalance in equal weights ; wherfore the Commonwealth of Venice , being that which of all others is the most equal in the Constitution , is that wherin there never happen'd any strife between the Senat and the People . AN equal Commonwealth is such a one as is equal both in the balance or foundation , and in the superstructure ; that is to say , in her Agrarian Law , and in her Rotation . AN equal Agrarian is a perpetual Law establishing and preserving the balance of Dominion by such a distribution , that no one Man or number of Men , within the compass of the Few or Aristocracy , can com to overpower the whole People by their possessions in Lands . AS the Agrarian answers to the Foundation , so dos Rotation to the Superstructures . EQUAL Rotation is equal vicissitude in Government , or succession to Magistracy confer'd for such convenient terms , enjoying equal vacations , as take in the whole body by parts , succeding others , thro the free election or suffrage of the People . THE contrary wherunto is prolongation of Magistracy , which , trashing the wheel of Rotation , destroys the life or natural motion of a Commonwealth . THE election or suffrage of the People is most free , where it is made or given in such a manner , that it can neither oblige * nor disoblige another ; nor thro fear of an Enemy , or bashfulness towards a Friend , impair a Man's liberty . WHERFORE , says CICERO , † the Tablet or Ballot of the People of Rome ( who gave their Votes by throwing Tablets or little pieces of Wood secretly into Urns mark'd for the negative or affirmative ) was a welcom Constitution to the People , as that which , not impairing the assurance of their brows , increas'd the freedom of their Judgment . I have not stood upon a more particular description of this Ballot , because that of Venice exemplify'd in the Model is of all others the most perfect . AN equal Commonwealth ( by that which has bin said ) is a Government establish'd upon an equal Agrarian , arising into the Superstructures or three Orders , the Senat debating and proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing by an equal Rotation thro the suffrage of the People given by the Ballot . For tho Rotation may be without the Ballot , and the Ballot without Rotation , yet the Ballot not only as to the insuing Model includes both , but is by far the most equal way ; for which cause under the name of the Ballot I shall hereafter understand both that and Rotation too . NOW having reason'd the Principles of an equal Commonwealth , I should com to give an instance of such a one in experience , if I could find it ; but if this work be of any value , it lys in that it is the first example of a Commonwealth that is perfectly equal . For Venice , tho it coms the nearest , yet is a Commonwealth for preservation ; and such a one , considering the paucity of Citizens taken in , and the number not taken in , is externally unequal : and tho every Commonwealth that holds Provinces must in that regard be such , yet not to that degree . Nevertheless Venice internally , and for her capacity , is by far the most equal , tho it has not in my judgment arriv'd at the full perfection of equality ; both because her Laws supplying the defect of an Agrarian , are not so clear nor effectual at the Foundation , nor her Superstructures by the virtue of her Ballot or Rotation exactly librated ; in regard that thro the paucity of her Citizens , her greater Magistracys are continually wheel'd thro a few hands , as is consest by JANOTTI where he says , that if a Gentleman coms once to be Savio di terra ferma , it seldom happens that he fails from thenceforward to be adorn'd with som one of the greater Magistracys , as Savi di mare , Savi di terra ferma , Savi Grandi , Counsellors , those of the Decemvirat or Dictatorian Council , the Aurogatori or Censors which require no vacation or interval . Wherfore if this in Venice , or that in Lacedemon , where the Kings were hereditary , and the Senators ( tho elected by the People ) for life , cause no inequality ( which is hard to be conceiv'd ) in a Commonwealth for preservation , or such a one as consists of a few Citizens ; yet is it manifest , that it would cause a very great one in a Commonwealth for increase , or consisting of the Many , which by ingrossing the Magistracys in a few hands , would be obstructed in their Rotation . BUT there be who say ( and think it a strong Objection ) that let a Commonwealth be as equal as you can imagin , two or three Men when all is don will govern it ; and there is that in it , which , notwithstanding the pretended sufficiency of a popular State , amounts to a plain confession of the imbecillity of that Policy , and of the Prerogative of Monarchy : for as much as popular Governments in difficult cases have had recourse to Dictatorian Power , as in Rome . TO which I answer , That as Truth is a spark to which Objections are like bellows , so in this respect our Commonwealth shines ; for the Eminence acquir'd by suffrage of the People in a Commonwealth , especially if it be popular and equal , can be ascended by no other steps than the universal acknowlegement of Virtue : and where men excel in Virtue , the Commonwealth is stupid and injust , if accordingly they do not excel in Authority . Wherfore this is both the advantage of Virtue , which has her due incouragement , and of the Commonwealth which has her due services . These are the Philosophers which PLATO would have to be Princes , the Princes which SOLOMON would have to be mounted , and their Steeds are those of Authority , not Empire ; or , if they be buckl'd to the Chariot of Empire , as that of the Dictatorian Power , like the Chariot of the Sun , it is glorious for terms and vacations , or intervals . And as a Commonwealth is a Government of Laws and not of Men , so is this the Principality of Virtue , and not of Man ; if that fail or set in one , it rises in another * who is created his immediat Successor . And this takes away that vanity from under the Sun , which is an Error proceding more or less from all other Rulers under Heaven but an equal Commonwealth . THESE things consider'd , it will be convenient in this place to speak a word to such as go about to insinuat to the Nobility or Gentry a fear of the People , or to the People a fear of the Nobility or Gentry , as if their interests were destructive to each other ; when indeed an Army may as well consist of Soldiers without Officers , or of Officers without Soldiers , as a Commonwealth ( especially such a one as is capable of Greatness ) of a People without a Gentry , or of a Gentry without a People . Wherfore this ( tho not always so intended , as may appear by MACCHIAVEL , who else would be guilty ) is a pernicious error . There is somthing first in the making of a Commonwealth , then in the governing of it , and last of all in the leading of its Armys ; which ( tho there be great Divines , great Lawyers , great men in all professions ) seems to be peculiar only to the Genius of a Gentleman . For so it is in the universal series of Story , that if any man has founded a Commonwealth , he was first a Gentleman MOSES had his Education by the Daughter of PHARAOH ; THESEUS and SOLON , of noble Birth , were held by the Athenians worthy to be Kings ; LYCURGUS was of the Royal Blood ; ROMULUS and NUMA Princes ; BRUTUS and PUBLICOLA Patricians ; the GRACCHI , that lost their lives for the People of Rome and the restitution of that Commonwealth , were the Sons of a Father adorn'd with two Triumphs , and of CORNELIA the Daughter of SCIPIO , who being demanded in marriage by King PTOLOMY , disdain'd to becom the Queen of Egypt . And the most renown'd OLPHAUS MEGALETOR , sole Legislator ( as you will see anon ) of the Commonwealth of Oceana , was deriv'd from a noble Family : nor will it be any occasion of scruple in this case , that LEVIATHAN affirms the Politics to be no antienter than his Book de Cive . Such also as have got any fame in the Civil Government of a Commonwealth , or by the leading of its Armys , have bin Gentlemen ; for so in all other respects were those plebeian Magistrats elected by the People of Rome , being of known Descents , and of equal Virtues , except only that they were excluded from the name by the Usurpation of the Patricians . Holland , thro this defect at home , has borrow'd Princes for Generals , and Gentlemen of divers Nations for Commanders : And the Switzers , if they have any defect in this kind , rather lend their People to the Colors of other Princes , than make that noble use of them at home , which should assert the Liberty of Mankind . For where there is not a Nobility to hearten the People , they are slothful , regardless of the World , and of the public interest of Liberty , as even those of Rome had bin without their Gentry : wherfore let the People embrace the Gentry in peace , as the light of their eys ; and in war , as the trophy of their arms . And if CORNELIA disdain'd to be Queen of Egypt , if a Roman Consul look'd down from his Tribunal upon the greatest King ; let the Nobility love and cherish the People that afford them a Throne so much higher in a Commonwealth , in the acknowledgement of their Virtue , than the Crowns of Monarchs . BUT if the equality of a Commonwealth consist in the equality first of the Agrarian , and next of the Rotation , then the inequality of a Commonwealth must consist in the absence or inequality of the Agrarian , or of the Rotation , or of both . ISRAEL and Lacedemon , which Commonwealths ( as the People of this , in JOSEPHUS , claims kindred of that ) have great resemblance , were each of them equal in their Agrarian , and inequal in their Rotation ; especially Israel , where the Sanhedrim or Senat , first elected by the People , as appears by the words of MOSES , took upon them ever after , without any precept of God , to substitute their Successors by Ordination ; which having bin there of civil use , as Excommunication , Community of Goods , and other Customs of the Esseans , who were many of them converted , came afterward to be introduc'd into the Christian Church . And the election of the Judg , Suffes or Dictator , was irregular , both for the occasion , the term , and the vacation of that Magistracy ; as you find in the Book of Judges , where it is often repeated , That in those days there was no King in Israel , that is , no Judg : and in the first of SAMUEL , where ELY judg'd Israel forty years , and SAMUEL all his life . In Lacedemon the election of the Senat being by suffrage of the People , tho for life , was not altogether so inequal ; yet the hereditary Right of Kings , were it not for the Agrarian , had ruin'd her . ATHENS and Rome were inequal as to their Agrarian , that of Athens being infirm , and this of Rome none at all ; for if it were more antiently carry'd , it was never observ'd . Whence by the time of TIBERIUS GRACCHUS the Nobility had almost eaten the People quite out o their Lands , which they held in the occupation of Tenants and Servants : Wherupon , the remedy being too late , and too vehemently apply'd , that Commonwealth was ruin'd . THESE also were inequal in their Rotation , but in a contrary manner . Athens , in regard that the Senat ( chosen at once by lot , not by suffrage , and chang'd every year , not in part , but in the whole ) consisted not of the natural Aristocracy ; nor sitting long enough to understand , or to be perfect in their office , had no sufficient Authority to restrain the People from that perpetual Turbulence in the end , which was their ruin , notwithstanding the efforts of NICIAS , who did all a man could do to help it . But as Athens by the headiness of the People , so Rome fell by the Ambition of the Nobility , thro the want of an equal Rotation ; which , if the People had got into the Senat , and timely into the Magistracys ( wherof the former was always usurp'd by the Patricians , and the latter for the most part ) they had both carry'd and held their Agrarian , and that had render'd that Common-wealth immovable . BUT let a Commonwealth be equal or inequal , it must consist , as has bin shewn by Reason and all Experience , of the three general Orders ; that is to say , of the Senat debating and proposing , of the People resolving , and of the Magistracy executing . Wherfore I can never wonder enough at LEVIATHAN , who , without any reason or example , will have it , that a Commonwealth consists of a single Person , or of a single Assembly ; nor can I sufficiently pity those thousand Gentlemen , whose Minds , which otherwise would have waver'd , he has fram'd ( as is affirm'd by himself ) into a conscientious obedience ( for so he is pleas'd to call it ) of such a Government . BUT to finish this part of the Discourse , which I intend for as complete an Epitome of antient Prudence , and in that of the whole Art of Politics , as I am able to frame in so short a time ; THE two first Orders , that is to say , the Senat and the People , are Legislative , wherunto answers that part of this Science which by Politicians is intitl'd * of Laws ; and the third Order is executive , to which answers that part of the same Science which is stil'd † of the Frame and Course of Courts or Judicatorys . A word to each of these will be necessary . AND first for Laws , they are either Ecclesiastical or Civil , such as concern Religion or Government . LAWS Ecclesiastical , or such as concern Religion , according to the universal course of antient Prudence , are in the power of the Magistrat ; but according to the common practice of modern Prudence , since the Papacy , torn out of his hands . BUT , as a Government pretending to Liberty , and yet suppressing Liberty of Conscience ( which , because Religion not according to a man's Conscience can to him be none at all , is the main ) must be a contradiction ; so , a man that , pleading for the Liberty of privat Conscience , refuses Liberty to the National Conscience , must be absurd . A COMMONWEALTH is nothing else but the National Conscience . And if the conviction of a mans privat Conscience produces his privat Religion , the conviction of the national Conscience must produce a national Religion . Whether this be well reason'd , as also whether these two may stand together , will best be shewn by the examples of the antient Commonwealths taken in their order . IN that of Israel the Government of the National Religion appertain'd not to the Priests and Levits , otherwise than as they happen'd to be of the Sanhedrim or Senat , to which they had no right at all but by election . It is in this capacity therfore that the People are commanded under pain of death to hearken to them , and to do according to the sentence of the Law which they should teach ; but in Israel the Law Ecclesiastical and Civil was the same , therfore the Sanhedrim having the power of one , had the power of both . But as the National Religion appertain'd to the Jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim , so the Liberty of Conscience appertain'd , from the same date , and by the same right , to the Prophets and their Disciples ; as where it is said , I will raise up a Prophet — and whoever will not hearken to my words which he shall speak in my name , I will require it of him . The words relate to prophetic Right , which was above all the Orders of this Commonwealth ; whence ELIJAH not only refus'd to obey the King , but destroy'd his Messengers with fire . And wheras it was not lawful by the National Religion to sacrifice in any other place than the Temple , a Prophet was his own Temple , and might sacrifice where he would , as ELIJAH did in Mount Carmel . By this right JOHN the Baptist and our Savior , to whom it more particularly related , had their Disciples , and taught the People ; whence is deriv'd our present right of GATHER'D CONGREGATIONS : Wherfore the Christian Religion grew up according to the Orders of the Commonwealth of Israel , and not against them . Nor was Liberty of Conscience infring'd by this Government , till the civil Liberty of the same was lost , as under HEROD , PILAT , and TIBERIUS , a threepil'd Tyranny . TO procede , Athens preserv'd her Religion , by the testimony of PAUL , with great Superstition : If ALCIBIADES , that Atheistical fellow , had not shew'd them a pair of heels , they had shaven off his head for shaving their MERCURYS , and making their Gods look ridiculously upon them without beards . Nevertheless , if PAUL reason'd with them , they lov'd news , for which he was the more welcom ; and if he converted DIONYSIUS the Areopagit , that is , one of the Senators , there follow'd neither any hurt to him , nor loss of honor to DIONYSIUS . And for Rome , if CICERO , in his most excellent Book de natura Deorum , overthrew the National Religion of that Commonwealth , he was never the farther from being Consul . But there is a meanness and poorness in modern Prudence , not only to the damage of Civil Government , but of Religion it self : for to make a man in matter of Religion , which admits not of sensible demonstration ( jurare in verba Magistri ) engage to believe no otherwise than is believ'd by my Lord Bishop , or Goodman Presbyter , is a Pedantism , that has made the Sword to be a Rod in the hands of Schoolmasters ; by which means , wheras the Christian Religion is the farthest of any from countenancing War , there never was a War of Religion but since Christianity : For which we are beholden to the Pope ; for the Pope not giving liberty of Conscience to Princes and Commonwealths , they cannot give that to their Subjects which they have not themselves : whence both Princes and Subjects either thro his instigation , or their own disputes , have introduc'd that execrable custom , never known in the world before , of sighting for Religion , and denying the Magistrat to have any jurisdiction concerning it ; wheras the Magistrats losing the power of Religion loses the Liberty of Conscience , which in that case has nothing to protect it . But if the People be otherwise taught , it concerns them to look about them , and to distinguish between the shrieking of the Lapwing , and the voice of the Turtle . TO com to Civil Laws , if they stand one way and the balance another , it is the case of a Government which of necessity must be new model'd ; wherfore your Lawyers advising you upon the like occasions to fit your Government to their Laws , are no more to be regarded , than your Taylor if he should desire you to fit your body to his doublet . There is also danger in the plausible pretence of reforming the Law , except the Government be first good , in which case it is a good Tree , and ( trouble not your selves overmuch ) brings not forth evil fruit ; otherwise , if the Tree be evil , you can never reform the fruit : or if a Root that is naught bring forth fruit of this kind that seems to be good , take the more heed , for it is the ranker poison . It was nowise probable , if AUGUSTUS had not made excellent Laws , that the bowels of Rome could have com to be so miserably eaten out by the Tyranny of TIBERIUS and his Successors . The best Rule as to your Laws in general is , that they be few . Rome by the testimony of CICERO was best govern'd under those of the twelve Tables ; and by that of TACITUS , Plurimae leges , corruptissima respublica . You will be told , That where the Laws be few , they leave much to Arbitrary Power ; but where they be many , they leave more : The Laws in this case , according to JUSTINIAN and the best Lawyers , being as litigious as the Suitors . SOLON made few ; LYCURGUS fewer Laws : and Commonwealths have the fewest at this day of all other Governments . NOW to conclude this part with a word de Judiciis , or of the Constitution or Course of Courts ; it is a Discourse not otherwise capable of being well manag'd but by particular examples , both the Constitution and Course of Courts being divers in different Governments , but best beyond compare in Venice , where they regard not so much the Arbitrary Power of their Courts , as the Constitution of them ; wherby that Arbitrary Power being altogether unable to retard or do hurt to business , produces and must produce the quickest dispatch , and the most righteous dictats of Justice that are perhaps in human nature . The manner I shall not stand in this place to describe , because it is exemplify'd at large in the Judicature of the People of Oceana . And thus much of antient Prudence , and the first branch of this preliminary Discourse . The Second Part of the Preliminarys . IN the second Part I shall endeavor to shew the Rise , Progress , and Declination of modern Prudence . THE date of this kind of Policy is to be computed , as was shewn , from those Inundations of Goths , Vandals , Huns , and Lombards , that overwhelm'd the Roman Empire . But as there is no appearance in the Bulk or Constitution of modern Prudence , that it should ever have bin able to com up and grapple with the Antient , so somthing of necessity must have interpos'd , wherby this came to be enervated , and that to receive strength and incouragement . And this was the execrable Reign of the Roman Emperors taking rise from ( that foelix scelus ) the Arms of CAESAR , in which storm the Ship of the Roman Commonwealth was forc'd to disburden it self of that precious Fraight , which never since could emerge or raise its head but in the Gulf of Venice . IT is said in Scripture , Thy evil is of thy self , O Israel ! To which answers that of the Moralists , * None is hurt but by himself , as also the whole matter of the Politics ; at present this Example of the Romans , who , thro a negligence committed in their Agrarian Laws , let in the sink of Luxury , and forfeited the inestimable Treasure of Liberty for themselves and their Posterity . THEIR Agrarian Laws were such , wherby their Lands ought to have bin divided among the People , either without mention of a Colony , in which case they were not oblig'd to change their abode ; or with mention and upon condition of a Colony , in which case they were to change their abode ; and leaving the City , to plant themselves upon the Lands so assign'd . The Lands assign'd , or that ought to have bin assign'd in either of these ways , were of three kinds : Such as were taken from the Enemy and distributed to the People ; or such as were taken from the Enemy , and under color of being reserv'd to the Public use , were thro stealth possest by the Nobility ; or such as were bought with the Public Mony to be distributed . Of the Laws offer'd in these cases , those which divided the Lands taken from the Enemy , or purchas'd with the Public Mony , never occasion'd any dispute ; but such as drove at dispossessing the Nobility of their Usurpations , and dividing the common purchase of the Sword among the People , were never touch'd but they caus'd Earthquakes , nor could they ever be obtain'd by the People ; or being obtain'd , be observ'd by the Nobility , who not only preserv'd their prey , but growing vastly rich upon it , bought the People by degrees quite out of those Shares that had been confer'd upon them . This the GRACCHI coming too late to perceive , found the Balance of the Commonwealth to be lost ; but putting the People ( when they had least force ) by forcible means upon the recovery of it , did ill , seeing it neither could nor did tend to any more than to shew them by worse effects , that what the Wisdom of their Leaders had discover'd was true . For ( quite contrary to what has happen'd in Oceana , where , the Balance falling to the People , they have overthrown the Nobility ) that Nobility of Rome , under the conduct of SYLLA , overthrew the People and the Common-wealth : seeing SYLLA first introduc'd that new Balance , which was the Foundation of the succeding Monarchy , in the plantation of Military Colonys , instituted by his distribution of the conquer'd Lands , not now of Enemys , but of Citizens , to forty seven Legions of his Soldiers ; so that how he came to be PERPETUAL DICTATOR , or other Magistrats to succede him in like Power , is no Miracle . THESE Military Colonys ( in which manner succeding Emperors continu'd , as AUGUSTUS by the distribution of the Veterans , wherby he had overcom BRUTUS and CASSIUS , to plant their Soldiery ) consisted of such as I conceive were they that are call'd Milites beneficiarii ; in regard that the Tenure of their Lands was by way of Benefices , that is for Life , and upon condition of Duty or Service in the War upon their own Charge . These Benefices ALEXANDER SEVERUS granted to the Heirs of the Incumbents , but upon the same conditions . And such was the Dominion by which the Roman Emperors gave their Balance . But to the Beneficiarys , as was no less than necessary for the safety of the Prince , a matter of eight thousand by the Example of AUGUSTUS were added , which departed not from his sides , but were his perpetual Guard , call'd Pretorian Bands ; tho these , according to the incurable flaw already observ'd in this kind of Government , became the most frequent Butchers of their Lords that are to be found in Story . Thus far the Roman Monarchy is much the same with that at this day in Turky , consisting of a Camp , and a Horsequarter ; a Camp in regard of the Spahys and Janizarys , the perpetual Guard of the Prince , except they also chance to be liquorish after his Blood ; and a Horsequarter in regard of the distribution of his whole Land to Tenants for Life , upon condition of continual Service , or as often as they shall be commanded at their own charge by Timars , being a word which they say signifys Benefices , that it shall save me a labor of opening the Government . BUT the Fame of MAHOMET and his Prudence , is especially founded in this , That wheras the Roman Monarchy , except that of Israel , was the most imperfect , the Turkish is the most perfect that ever was . Which happen'd in that the Roman ( as the Israelitish of the Sanhedrim and the Congregation ) had a mixture of the Senat and the People ; and the Turkish is pure . And that this was pure , and the other mix'd , happen'd not thro the Wisdom of the Legislators , but the different Genius of the Nations ; the People of the Eastern Parts , except the Israelits , which is to be attributed to their Agrarian , having bin such as scarce ever knew any other Condition than that of Slavery ; and these of the Western having ever had such a relish of Liberty , as thro what despair soever could never be brought to stand still while the Yoke was putting on their Necks , but by being sed with som hopes of reserving to themselves som part of their Freedom . WHERFORE JULIUS CAESAR ( saith * SUETONIUS ) contented himself in naming half the Magistrats , to leave the rest to the suffrage of the People . And MAECENAS , tho he would not have AUGUSTUS to give the People their Liberty , would not have him take it quite away † . Whence this Empire being neither Hawk nor Buzzard , made a flight accordingly ; and the Prince being perpetually tost ( having the Avarice of the Soldiery on this hand to satisfy upon the People , and the Senat and the People on the other to be defended from the Soldiery ) seldom dy'd any other death than by one Horn of this Dilemma , as is noted more at large by MACCHIAVEL . But the Pretorian Bands , those bestial executioners of their Captain 's Tyranny upon others , and of their own upon him , having continued from the time of AUGUSTUS , were by CONSTANTIN the Great ( incens'd against them for taking part with his Adversary MAXENTIUS ) remov'd from their strong Garison which they held in Rome , and distributed into divers Provinces . The Benefices of the Soldiers that were hitherto held for Life and upon Duty , were by this Prince made Hereditary : so that the whole Foundation wherupon this Empire was first built being now remov'd , shews plainly , that the Emperors must long before this have found out som other way of support ; and this was by stipendiating the Goths , a People that , deriving their Roots from the Northern parts of Germany , or out of Sweden , had ( thro their Victorys obtain'd against DOMITIAN ) long since spred their Branches to so near a Neighborhood with the Roman Territorys , that they began to overshadow them . For the Emperors making use of them in their Armys ( as the French do at this day of the Switz ) gave them that under the notion of a Stipend , which they receiv'd as Tribute , coming ( if there were any default in the payment ) so often to distrein for it , that in the time of HONORIUS they sack'd Rome , and possest themselves of Italy . And such was the transition of antient into modern Prudence ; or that breach which being follow'd in every part of the Roman Empire with Inundations of Vandals , Huns , Lombards , Franks , Saxons , overwhelm'd antient Languages , Learning , Prudence , Manners , Citys , changing the names of Rivers , Countrys , Seas , Mountains , and Men ; CAMILLUS , CAESAR and POMPEY , being com to EDMUND , RICHARD , and GEOFFREY . TO open the Groundwork or Balance of these new Politicians : Feudum , says CALVIN the Lawyer , is a Gothic word of divers significations ; for it is taken either for War , or for a possession of conquer'd Lands , distributed by the Victor to such of his Captains and Soldiers as had merited in his Wars , upon condition to acknowlege him to be their perpetual Lord , and themselves to be his Subjects . OF these there were three Kinds or Orders : The first of Nobility , distinguish'd by the Titles of Dukes , Marquisses , Earls ; and these being gratified with the Citys , Castles , and Villages of the conquer'd Italians , their Feuds participated of Royal Dignity , and were call'd Regalia , by which they had right to coin Mony , create Magistrats , take Toll , Customs , Confiscations , and the like . FEUDS of the second Order were such as , with the consent of the King , were bestow'd by these Feudatory Princes upon men of inferior Quality , call'd their Barons , on condition that next to the King they should defend the Dignitys and Fortunes of their Lords in Arms. THE lowest Order of Feuds were such as being confer'd by those of the second Order upon privat men , whether Noble or not Noble , oblig'd them in the like Duty to their Superiors ; these were call'd Vavasors . And this is the Gothic Balance , by which all the Kingdoms this day in Christendom were at first erected ; for which cause , if I had time , I should open in this place the Empire of Germany , and the Kingdoms of France , Spain , and Poland : But so much as has bin said being sufficient for the discovery of the Principles of modern Prudence in general , I shall divide the remainder of my Discourse , which is more particular , into three parts . THE first shewing the Constitution of the late Monarchy of Oceana . THE second , the Dissolution of the same . And THE third , the Generation of the present Commonwealth . THE Constitution of the late Monarchy of Oceana is to be consider'd in relation to the different Nations by whom it has bin successively subdu'd and govern'd . The first of these were the Romans , the second the Teutons , the third the Scandians , and the fourth the Neustrians . THE Government of the Romans , who held it as a Province , I shall omit , because I am to speak of their Provincial Government in another place ; only it is to be remember'd here , that if we have given over running up and down naked , and with dappl'd hides , learn'd to write and read , and to be instructed with good Arts , for all these we are beholden to the Romans , either immediatly , or mediatly by the Teutons : for that the Teutons had the Arts from no other hand , is plain enough by their Language , which has yet no word to signify either writing or reading , but what is deriv'd from the Latin. Furthermore , by the help of these Arts so learn'd , we have bin capable of that Religion which we have long since receiv'd ; wherfore it seems to me , that we ought not to detract from the memory of the Romans , by whose means we are , as it were , of Beasts becom Men , and by whose means we might yet of obscure and ignorant Men ( if we thought not too well of our selves ) becom a wise and a great People . THE Romans having govern'd Oceana provincially , the Teutons were the first that introduc'd the Form of the late Monarchy . To these succeded the Scandians , of whom ( because their Reign was short , as also because they made little alteration in the Government as to the Form ) I shall take no notice . But the Teutons , going to work upon the Gothic Balance , divided the whole Nation into three sorts of Feuds , that of Ealdorman , that of Kings Thane , and that of Middle Thane . WHEN the Kingdom was first divided into Precincts will be as hard to shew , as when it began first to be govern'd ; it being impossible that there should be any Government without som Division . The Division that was in use with the Teutons , was by Countys , and every County had either its Ealdorman , or High Reeve . The title of Ealdorman came in time to Eorl , or Erl , and that of High Reeve to High Sheriff . EARL of the Shire or County denoted the Kings Thane , or Tehant by Grand Serjeantry or Knights Service , in chief or in capite ; his Possessions were somtimes the whole Territory from whence he had his denomination , that is , the whole County , somtimes more than one County , and somtimes less , the remaining part being in the Crown . He had also somtimes a third , or som other customary part of the profits of certain Citys , Boroughs , or other places within his Earldom . For an example of the possessions of Earls in antient times , ETHELRED had to him and his Heirs the whole Kingdom of Mercia , containing three or four Countys ; and there were others that had little less . KINGS Thane was also an honorary Title , to which he was qualify'd that had five Hides of Land held immediatly of the King by service of personal attendance ; insomuch that if a Churl or Countryman had thriven to this proportion , having a Church , a Kitchin , a Belhouse ( that is , a Hall with a Bell in it to call his Family to dinner ) a Boroughgate with a seat ( that is , a Porch ) of his own , and any distinct Office in the Kings Court , then was he the Kings Thane . But the proportion of a Hide Land , otherwise call'd Caruca , or a Plow Land , is difficult to be understood , because it was not certain ; nevertheless it is generally conceiv'd to be so much as may be manag'd with one Plow , and would yield the maintenance of the same , with the appurtenances in all kinds . THE Middle Thane was feudal , but not honorary ; he was also call'd a Vavasor , and his Lands a Vavasory , which held of som Mesn Lord , and not immediatly of the King. POSSESSIONS and their Tenures , being of this nature , shew the Balance of the Teuton Monarchy ; wherin the Riches of Earls were so vast , that to arise from the Balance of their Dominion to their Power , they were not only call'd Reguli or little Kings , but were such indeed ; their Jurisdiction being of two sorts , either that which was exercis'd by them in the Court of their Countys , or in the High Court of the Kingdom . IN the Territory denominating an Earl , if it were all his own , the Courts held , and the Profits of that Jurisdiction were to his own use and benefit . But if he had but som part of his County , then his Jurisdiction and Courts ( saving perhaps in those possessions that were his own ) were held by him to the King's use and benefit ; that is , he commonly supply'd the Office which the Sheriffs regularly executed in Countys that had no Earls , and whence they came to be call'd Viscounts . The Court of the County that had an Earl was held by the Earl and the Bishop of the Diocess , after the manner of the Sheriffs Turns to this day ; by which means both the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Laws were given in charge together to the Country . The Causes of Vavasors or Vavasorys appertain'd to the cognizance of this Court , where Wills were prov'd , Judgment and Execution given , Cases criminal and civil determin'd . THE Kings Thanes had the like Jurisdiction in their Thane Lands , as Lords in their Manors , where they also kept Courts . BESIDES these in particular , both the Earls and Kings Thanes , together with the Bishops , Abbots , and Vavasors , or Middle Thanes , had in the High Court or Parlament of the Kingdom , a more public Jurisdiction , consisting First of deliberative Power for advising upon , and assenting to new Laws : Secondly , of giving counsil in matters of State : and Thirdly , of Judicature upon Suits and Complaints . I shall not omit to inlighten the obscurity of these times ( in which there is little to be found of a methodical Constitution of this High Court ) by the addition of an Argument , which I conceive to bear a strong testimony to it self , tho taken out of a late Writing that conceals the Author . It is well known , says he , that in every quarter of the Realm a great many Boroughs do yet send Burgesses to the Parlament , which nevertheless be so antiently and so long since decay'd and gon to nought , that they cannot be shew'd to have bin of any Reputation since the Conquest , much less to have obtain'd any such Privilege by the grant of any succeding King : wherfore these must have had this right by more antient usage , and before the Conquest , they being inable now to shew whence they deriv'd it . THIS Argument ( tho there be more ) I shall pitch upon as sufficient to prove ; First , that the lower sort of the People had right to Session in Parlament during the time of the Teutons . Secondly , that they were qualify'd to the same by election in their Boroughs , and , if Knights of the Shire ( as no doubt they are ) be as antient in the Countrys . Thirdly , If it be a good Argument to say , that the Commons during the reign of the Teutons were elected into Parlament , because they are so now , and no man can shew when this custom began ; I see not which way it should be an ill one to say , that the Commons during the reign of the Teutons constituted also a distinct House , because they do so now ; unless any man can shew that they did ever sit in the same House with the Lords . Wherfore to conclude this part , I conceive for these , and other reasons to be mention'd hereafter , that the Parlament of the Teutons consisted of the King , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons of the Nation , notwithstanding the stile of divers Acts of Parliament , which runs as that of Magna Charta in the Kings name only , seeing the same was nevertheless enacted by the King , Peers , and Commons of the Land , as is testify'd in those words by a subsequent Act. THE Monarchy of the Teutons had stood in this posture about two hundred and twenty years ; when TURBO Duke of Neustria making his claim to the Crown of one of their Kings that dy'd childless , follow'd it with successful Arms ; and being possest of the Kingdom , us'd it as conquer'd , distributing the Earldoms , Thane Lands , Bishoprics and Prelacys of the whole Realm among his Neustrians . From this time the Earl came to be call'd Comes , Consul , and Dux ( tho Consul and Dux grew afterward out of use ) the Kings Thanes came to be call'd Barons , and their Lands Baronys ; the Middle Thane holding still of a mean Lord , retain'd the name of Vavasor . THE Earl or Comes continu'd to have the third part of the Pleas of the County paid to him by the Sheriff or Vice-comes , now a distinct Officer in every County depending upon the King ; saving that such Earls as had their Countys to their own use , were now Counts Palatin , and had under the King Regal Jurisdiction : insomuch that they constituted their own Sheriffs , granted Pardons , and issu'd Writs in their own names ; nor did the Kings Writ of ordinary Justice run in their Dominions till a late Statute , wherby much of this privilege was taken away . FOR Barons , they came from henceforth to be in different times of three kinds ; Barons by their Estates and Tenures , Barons by Writ , and Barons created by Letters Patents . From TURBO the first to ADOXUS the seventh King from the Conquest , Barons had their denomination from their Possessions and Tenures . And these were either Spiritual or Temporal ; for not only the Thane Lands , but the possessions of Bishops , as also of som twenty six Abbats , and two Priors , were now erected into Baronys , whence the Lords Spiritual that had suffrage in the Teuton Parlament as Spiritual Lords , came to have it in the Neustrian Parlament as Barons , and were made subject ( which they had not formerly bin ) to Knights service in chief . Barony coming henceforth to signify all honorary possessions as well of Earls as Barons , and Baronage to denote all kinds of Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal having right to sit in Parlament , the Baronys in this sense were somtimes more , and somtimes fewer , but commonly about 200 or 250 , containing in them a matter of sixty thousand feuda militum , or Knights Fees , wherof som twenty eight thousand were in the Clergy . It is ill luck that no man can tell what the Land of a Knights Fee ( reckon'd in som Writs at 40 l. a year , and in others at 10 ) was certainly worth ; for by such a help we might have exactly demonstrated the Balance of this Government . But says COOK , it contain'd twelve Plow Lands , and that was thought to be the most certain account . But this again is extremely uncertain ; for one Plow out of som Land that was fruitful , might work more than ten out of som other that was barren . Nevertheless , seeing it appears by BRACTON , that of Earldoms and Baronys it was wont to be said , that the whole Kingdom was compos'd ; as also , that these consisting of 60000 Knights Fees , furnish'd 60000 men for the King's service , being the whole Militia of this Monarchy , it cannot be imagin'd , that the Vavasorys or Freeholds in the People amounted to any considerable proportion . Wherfore the Balance and Foundation of this Government was in the 60000 Knights Fees , and these being possest by the 250 Lords , it was a Government of the Few , or of the Nobility ; wherin the People might also assemble , but could have no more than a mere name . And the Clergy holding a third to the whole Nation , as is plain by the Parlament Roll ; it is an absurdity ( seeing the Clergy of France came first thro their Riches to be a State of that Kingdom ) to acknowlege the People to have bin a State of this Realm , and not to allow it to the Clergy , who were so much more weighty in the Balance , which is that of all other whence a State or Order in a Government is denominated . Wherfore this Monarchy consisted of the King , and of the three ( ordines Regni , or ) Estates , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons : It consisted of these I say as to the balance , tho during the Reign of som of these Kings , not as to the administration . FOR the ambition of TURBO , and som of those that more immediatly succeded him , to be absolute Princes , strove against the nature of their Foundation , and , inasmuch as he had divided almost the whole Realm among his Neustrians , with som incouragement for a while . But the Neustrians while they were but foren Plants , having no security against the Natives , but in growing up by their Princes sides , were no sooner well rooted in their vast Dominions , than they came up according to the infallible consequence of the Balance domestic , and , contracting the National interest of the Baronage , grew as fierce in the vindication of the antient Rights and Liberties of the same , as if they had bin always Natives : Whence , the Kings being as obstinat on the one side for their absolute Power , as these on the other for their Immunitys , grew certain Wars which took their denomination from the Barons . THIS fire about the middle of the Reign of ADOXUS began to break out . And wheras the Predecessors of this King had divers times bin forc'd to summon Councils resembling those of the Teutons , to which the Lords only that were Barons by Dominion and Tenure had hitherto repair'd , ADOXUS seeing the effects of such Dominion , began first not to call such as were Barons by Writ ( for that was according to the practice of antient times ) but to call such by Writs as were otherwise no Barons ; by which means striving to avoid the consequence of the Balance , in coming unwillingly to set the Government streight , he was the first that set it awry . For the Barons in his Reign , and his Successors , having vindicated their antient Authority , restor'd the Parlament with all the Rights and Privileges of the same , saving that from thenceforth the Kings had found out a way wherby to help themselves against the mighty , by Creatures of their own , and such as had no other support but by their favor . By which means this Government , being indeed the Masterpiece of modern Prudence , has bin cry'd up to the Skys , as the only invention wherby at once to maintain the Soverainty of a Prince , and the Liberty of the People . Wheras indeed it has bin no other than a wrestling match , wherin the Nobility , as they have bin stronger , have thrown the King ; or the King , if he has bin stronger , has thrown the Nobility ; or the King , where he has had a Nobility , and could bring them to his party , has thrown the People , as in France and Spain ; or the People where they have had no Nobility , or could get them to be of their party , have thrown the King , as in Holland , and of later times in Oceana . But they came not to this strength but by such approaches and degrees , as remain to be further open'd . For wheras the Barons by Writ ( as the sixty four Abbats , and thirty six Priors that were so call'd ) were but pro tempore , DICOTOME being the twelfth King from the Conquest , began to make Barons by Letters Patents , with the addition of honorary Pensions for the maintenance of their Dignitys to them and their Heirs ; so that they were hands in the King's Purse , and had no shoulders for his Throne . Of these when the House of Peers came once to be full , as will be seen hereafter , there was nothing more emty . But for the present , the Throne having other supports , they did not hurt that so much as they did the King : For the old Barons taking DICOTOME'S Prodigality to such Creatures so ill , that they depos'd him , got the trick of it , and never gave over setting up and pulling down their Kings according to their various interests , and that faction of the White and Red , into which they had bin thenceforth divided , till PANURGUS the eighteenth King from the Conquest , was more by their Favor than his Right advanc'd to the Crown . This King thro his natural subtilty reflecting at once upon the greatness of their Power , and the inconstancy of their favor , began to find another Flaw in this kind of Government , which is also noted by MACCHIAVEL , namely that a Throne supported by a Nobility , is not so hard to be ascended , as kept warm . Wherfore his secret Jealousy , lest the dissension of the Nobility , as it brought him in , might throw him out , made him travel in ways undiscover'd by them , to ends as little foreseen by himself : while to establish his own safety , he by mixing Water with their Wine , first began to open those Sluces that have since overwhelm'd not the King only , but the Throne . For wheras a Nobility strikes not at the Throne without which they cannot subsist , but at som King that they do not like ; popular Power strikes thro the King at the Throne , as that which is incompatible with it . Now that PANURGUS in abating the Power of the Nobility , was the cause whence it came to fall into the hands of the People , appears by those several Statutes that were made in his Reign , as that for Population , those against Retainers , and that for Alienations . BY the Statute of Population , all houses of Husbandry that were us'd with twenty Acres of Ground and upwards , were to be maintain'd , and kept up for ever with a competent proportion of Land laid to them , and in no wise , as appears by a subsequent Statute , to be sever'd . By which means the houses being kept up , did of necessity inforce Dwellers ; and the proportion of Land to be till'd being kept up , did of necessity inforce the Dweller not to be a Begger or Cottager , but a Man of som substance , that might keep Hinds and Servants , and set the Plow a going . This did mightily concern ( says the Historian of that Prince ) the might and manhood of the Kingdom , and in effect amortize a great part of the Lands to the hold and possession of the Yeomanry or middle People , who living not in a servil or indigent fashion , were much unlink'd from dependence upon their Lords , and living in a free and plentiful manner , became a more excellent Infantry ; but such a one upon which the Lords had so little Power , that from henceforth they may be computed to have bin disarm'd . AND as they lost their Infantry after this manner , so their Cavalry and Commanders were cut off by the Statute of Retainers : for wheras it was the custom of the Nobility to have younger Brothers of good houses , metal'd fellows , and such as were knowing in the feats of Arms about them ; they who were longer follow'd with so dangerous a train , escap'd not such Punishments , as made them take up . HENCEFORTH the Country-lives , and great Tables of the Nobility , which no longer nourish'd veins that would bleed for them , were fruitless and loathsom till they chang'd the Air , and of Princes became Courtiers ; where their Revenues , never to have bin exhausted by Beef and Mutton , were found narrow , whence follow'd racking of Rents , and at length sale of Lands : the riddance thro the Statute of Alienations being render'd far more quick and facil than formerly it had bin thro the new invention of Intails . TO this it happen'd , that CORAUNUS the Successor of that King dissolving the Abbys , brought with the declining state of the Nobility so vast a prey to the Industry of the People , that the Balance of the Commonwealth was too apparently in the popular Party , to be unseen by the wise Council of Queen PARTHENIA , who converting her reign thro the perpetual Lovetricks that past between her and her People into a kind of Romance , wholly neglected the Nobility . And by these degrees came the House of Commons to raise that head , which since has bin so high and formidable to their Princes , that they have look'd pale upon those Assemblys . Nor was there any thing now wanting to the destruction of the Throne , but that the People , not apt to see their own strength , should be put to feel it ; when a Prince , as stiff in disputes as the nerve of Monarchy was grown slack , receiv'd that unhappy incouragement from his Clergy which became his utter ruin , while trusting more to their Logic than the rough Philosophy of his Parlament , it came to an irreparable breach ; for the House of Peers , which alone had stood in this gap , now sinking down between the King and the Commons , shew'd that CRASSUS was dead , and the Isthmus broken . But a Monarchy devested of its Nobility , has no refuge under Heaven but an Army . Wherfore the dissolution of this Government caus'd the War , not the War the dissolution of this Government . OF the King's success with his Arms it is not necessary to give any further account , than that they prov'd as ineffectual as his Nobility ; but without a Nobility or an Army ( as has bin shew'd ) there can be no Monarchy . Wherfore what is there in nature that can arise out of these Ashes , but a popular Government , or a new Monarchy to be erected by the victorious Army ? TO erect a Monarchy , be it never so new , unless like LEVIATHAN you can hang it , as the Country-fellow speaks , by Geometry ( for what else is it to say , that every other Man must give up his will to the will of this one Man without any other foundation ? ) it must stand upon old Principles , that is , upon a Nobility or an Army planted on a due balance of Dominion . Aut viam inveniam aut faciam , was an Adage of CAESAR ; and there is no standing for a Monarchy unless it finds this Balance , or makes it . If it finds it , the work 's don to its hand : for , where there is inequality of Estates , there must be inequality of Power ; and where there is inequality of Power , there can be no Commonwealth . To make it , the Sword must extirpat out of Dominion all other roots of Power , and plant an Army upon that ground . An Army may be planted Nationally or Provincially . To plant it Nationally , it must be in one of the four ways mention'd , that is , either Monarchically in part , as the Roman Benesiciarii ; or Monarchically in the whole , as the Turkish Timariots ; Aristocratically , that is , by Earls and Barons , as the Neustrians were planted by TURBO ; or Democratically , that is , by equal lots , as the Israelitish Army in the Land of Canaan by JOSHUA . In every one of these ways there must not only be Confiscations , but Confiscations to such a proportion as may answer to the work intended . CONFISCATION of a People that never sought against you , but whose Arms you have born , and in which you have bin victorious , and this upon premeditation , and in cold blood , I should have thought to be against any example in human Nature , but for those alleg'd by MACCHIAVEL of AGATHOCLES , and OLIVERETTO di Fermo : the former wherof being Captain General of the Syracusans , upon a day assembl'd the Senat and the People , as if he had somthing to communicat with them , when at a sign given he cut the Senators in pieces to a man , and all the richest of the People , by which means he came to be King. The procedings of OLIVERETTO in making himself Prince of Fermo , were somwhat different in circumstances , but of the same nature . Nevertheless CATILIN , who had a spirit equal to anv of these in his intended mischief , could never bring the like to pass in Rome . The head of a small Commonwealth , such a one as was that of Syracusa or Fermo , is easily brought to the block ; but that a populous Nation , such as Rome , had not such a one , was the grief of NERO. If SYLLA or CAESAR attain'd to be Princes , it was by Civil War , and such Civil War as yielded rich spoils , there being a vast Nobility to be confiscated ; which also was the case in Oceana , when it yielded earth by Earldoms and Baronys to the Neustrian , for the plantation of his new Potentats . Where a Conqueror finds the Riches of a Land in the hands of the Few , the Forseitures are easy , and amount to vast advantage ; but where the People have equal shares , the Confiscation of many coms to little , and is not only dangerous , but fruitless . THE Romans in one of their defeats of the Volsci found among the Captives certain Tusculans , who , upon examination , confest that the Arms they bore were by command of their State ; wherupon information being given to the Senat by the General CAMILLUS , he was forthwith commanded to march against Tusculum ; which doing accordingly , he found the Tusculan Fields full of Husbandmen , that stir'd not otherwise from the Plow , than to furnish his Army with all kind of Accommodations and Victuals : drawing near to the City , he saw the Gates wide open , the Magistrats coming out in their Gowns to salute and bid him welcom : entring , the Shops were all at work , and open ; the Streets sounded with the noise of Schoolboys at their Books ; there was no face of War. Wherupon CAMILLUS causing the Senat to assemble , told them , That tho the Art was understood , yet had they at length found out the true Arms wherby the Romans were most undoubtedly to be conquer'd , for which cause he would not anticipat the Senat , to which he desir'd them forthwith to send , which they did accordingly ; and their Dictator with the rest of their Embassadors being found by the Roman Senators as they went into the house standing sadly at the door , were sent for in as Friends , and not as Enemys : Where the Dictator having said , If we have offended , the fault was not so great as is our Penitence and your Virtue ; the Senat gave them peace forthwith , and soon after made the Tusculans Citizens of Rome . BUT putting the case , of which the World is not able to shew an example , That the forfeiture of a populous Nation , not conquer'd , but Friends , and in cool blood , might be taken ; your Army must be planted in one of the ways mention'd . To plant it in the way of absolute Monarchy , that is , upon feuds for life , such as the Timars , a Country as large and fruitful as that of Greece , would afford you but sixteen thousand Timariots , for that is the most the Turc ( being the best husband that ever was of this kind ) makes of it at this day : and if Oceana , which is less in fruitfulness by one half , and in extent by three parts , should have no greater a force , whoever breaks her in one battel , may be sure she shall never rise ; for such ( as was noted by MACCHIAVEL ) is the nature of the Turkish Monarchy , if you break it in two battels , you have destroy'd its whole Militia ; and the rest being all slaves , you hold it without any further resistance . Wherfore the erection of an absolute Monarchy in Oceana , or in any other Country that is no larger , without making it a certain prey to the first Invader , is altogether impossible . TO plant by halves , as the Roman Emperors did their Beneficiarys , or military Colonys , it must be either for life ; and this an Army of Oceaners in their own Country ( especially having Estates of Inheritance ) will never bear ; because such an Army so planted is as well confiscated as the People ; nor had the Mamalucs bin contented with such usage in Egypt , but that they were Foreners , and daring not to mix with the Natives , it was of absolute necessity to their being . OR planting them upon Inheritance , whether Aristocratically as the Neustrians , or Democratically as the Israelits , they grow up by certain consequence into the national Interest : and this , if they be planted popularly , coms to a Commonwealth ; if by way of Nobility , to a mix'd Monarchy , which of all other will be found to be the only kind of Monarchy , wherof this Nation , or any other that is of no greater extent , has bin or can be capable : for if the Israelits ( tho their Democratical Balance , being fix'd by their Agrarian , stood firm ) be yet found to have elected Kings , it was because , their Territory lying open , they were perpetually invaded , and being perpetually invaded , turn'd themselves to any thing which thro the want of experience they thought might be a remedy ; whence their mistake in election of their Kings ( under whom they gain'd nothing , but on the contrary lost all they had acquir'd by their Commonwealth , both Estates and Libertys ) is not only apparent , but without parallel . And if there have bin ( as was shewn ) a Kingdom of the Goths in Spain , and of the Vandals in Asia , consisting of a single Person and a Parlament ( taking a Parlament to be a Council of the People only , without a Nobility ) it is expresly said of those Councils , that they depos'd their Kings as often as they pleas'd : nor can there be any other consequence of such a Government , seeing where there is a Council of the People , they do never receive Laws , but give them ; and a Council giving Laws to a single Person , he has no means in the World wherby to be any more than a subordinat Magistrat , but force : in which case he is not a single Person and a Parlament , but a single Person and an Army , which Army again must be planted as has bin shewn , or can be of no long continuance . IT is true , that the Provincial Balance being in nature quite contrary to the National , you are no way to plant a Provincial Army upon Dominion . But then you must have a native Territory in Strength , Situation , or Government , able to overbalance the foren , or you can never hold it . That an Army should in any other case be long supported by a mere Tax , is a mere phansy as void of all reason and experience , as if a Man should think to maintain such a one by robbing of Orchards : for a mere Tax is but pulling of Plumtrees , the roots wherof are in other Mens grounds , who suffering perpetual Violence , com to hate the Author of it : And it is a Maxim , that no Prince that is hated by his People can be safe . Arms planted upon Dominion extirpat Enemys , and make Friends ; but maintain'd by a mere Tax , have Enemys that have roots , and Friends that have none . TO conclude , Oceana , or any other Nation of no greater extent , must have a competent Nobility , or is altogether incapable of Monarchy : for where there is equality of Estates , there must be equality of Power ; and where there is equality of Power , there can be no Monarchy . TO com then to the generation of the Commonwealth ; it has bin shewn how thro the ways and means us'd by PANURGUS to abase the Nobility , and so to mend that flaw which we have asserted to be incurable in this kind of Constitution , he suffer'd the Balance to fall into the power of the People , and so broke the Government : but the Balance being in the People , the Commonwealth ( tho they do not see it ) is already in the nature of * them . There wants nothing else but Time ( which is slow and dangerous ) or Art ( which would be more quick and secure ) for the bringing those native Arms ( wherwithal they are found already ) to resist they know not how every thing that opposes them , to such maturity as may fix them upon their own strength and bottom . BUT wheras this Art is Prudence ; and that part of Prudence which regards the present Work , is nothing else but the skill of raising such Superstructures of Government , as are natural to the known Foundations : they never mind the Foundation , but thro certain animosities ( wherwith by striving one against another they are infected ) or thro freaks , by which , not regarding the course of things , nor how they conduce to their purpose , they are given to building in the Air , com to be divided and subdivided into endless Partys and Factions , both Civil and Ecclesiastical : which briefly to open , I shall first speak of the People in general , and then of their Divisions . A PEOPLE ( says MACCHIAVEL ) that is corrupt , is not capable of a Commonwealth . But in shewing what a corrupt People is , he has either involv'd himself or me ; nor can I otherwise com out of the Labyrinth , than by saying , that the Balance altering a People , as to the foregoing Government , must of necessity be corrupt : but Corruption in this sense signifys no more than that the Corruption of one Government ( as in natural Bodys ) is the Generation of another . Wherfore if the Balance alters from Monarchy , the Corruption of the People in this case is that which makes them capable of a Commonwealth . But wheras I am not ignorant , that the Corruption which he means is in Manners , this also is from the Balance . For the Balance leading from Monarchical into Popular , abates the Luxury of the Nobility , and , inriching the People , brings the Government from a more privat to a more public Interest ; which coming nearer , as has bin shewn , to Justice and right Reason , the People upon a like alteration is so far from such a Corruption of Manners , as should render them incapable of a Commonwealth , that of necessity they must therby contract such a Reformation of Manners as will bear no other kind of Government . On the other side , where the Balance changes from Popular to Oligarchical or Monarchical , the public Interest , with the Reason and Justice included in the same , becoms more privat ; Luxury is introduc'd in the room of Temperance , and Servitude in that of Freedom ; which causes such a corruption of Manners both in the Nobility and People , as , by the Example of Rome in the time of the Triumvirs , is more at large discover'd by the Author to have bin altogether incapable of a Commonwealth . BUT the Balance of Oceana changing quite contrary to that of Rome , the Manners of the People were not therby corrupted , but on the contrary adapted to a Commonwealth . For differences of Opinion in a People not rightly inform'd of their Balance , or a division into Partys ( while there is not any common Ligament of Power sufficient to reconcile or hold them ) is no sufficient proof of Corruption . Nevertheless , seeing this must needs be matter of scandal and danger , it will not be amiss , in shewing what were the Partys , to shew what were their Errors . THE Partys into which this Nation was divided , were Temporal , or Spiritual : and the Temporal Partys were especially two , the one Royalists , the other Republicans : each of which asserted their different Causes , either out of Prudence or Ignorance , out of Interest or Conscience . FOR Prudence , either that of the Antients is inferior to the Modern ( which we have hitherto bin setting face to face , that any one may judg ) or that of the Royalist must be inferior to that of the Commonwealthsman . And for Interest , taking the Commonwealths-man to have really intended the Public ( for otherwise he is a Hypocrit and the worst of Men ) that of the Royalist must of necessity have bin more p●ivat . Wherfore the whole dispute will com upon matter of Conscience ; and this , whether it be urg'd by the Right of Kings , the Obligation of former Laws , or of the Oath of Allegiance , is absolv'd by the Balance . FOR if the Right of Kings were as immediatly deriv'd from the Breath of God as the Life of Man , yet this excludes not Death and Dissolution . But , that the dissolution of the late Monarchy was as natural as the Death of a Man , has bin already shewn . Wherfore it remains with the Royalists to discover by what Reason or Experience it is possible for a Monarchy to stand upon a popular Balance ; or , the Balance being popular , as well the Oath of Allegiance , as all other Monarchical Laws imply an impossibility , and are therfore void . TO the Commonwealthsman I have no more to say , but that if he excludes any Party , he is not truly such ; nor shall ever found a Commonwealth upon the natural Principle of the same , which is Justice . And the Royalist for having oppos'd a Commonwealth in Oceana ( where the Laws were so ambiguous that they might be eternally disputed , and never reconcil'd ) can neither be justly for that cause excluded from his full and equal share in the Government ; nor prudently , for this reason , that a Commonwealth consisting of a Party will be in perpetual labor of her own destruction : Whence it was that the Romans having conquer'd the Albans , incorporated them with equal Right into the Commonwealth . And if the Royalists be flesh of your flesh , and nearer of Blood than were the Albans to the Romans , you being also both Christians , the Argument's the stronger . Nevertheless there is no reason that a Commonwealth should any more favor a Party remaining in fix'd opposition against it , than BRUTUS did his own Sons . But if it sixes them upon that opposition , it is its own fault , not theirs ; and this is don by excluding them . Men that have equal Possessions , and the same security for their Estates and their Libertys that you have , have the same cause with you to defend both : But if you will be trampling , they fight for Liberty , tho for Monarchy ; and you for Tyranny , tho under the name of a Common-wealth : The nature of Orders in a Government rightly instituted being void of all jealousy , because , let the Partys which it imbraces bo what they will , its Orders are such as they neither would resist if they could , nor could if they would , as has bin partly already shewn ; and will appear more at large by the following Model . THE Partys that are Spiritual are of more kinds than I need mention ; som for a National Religion , and others for Liberty of Conscience , with such animosity on both sides , as if these two could not consist together , and of which I have already sufficiently spoken , to shew , that indeed the one cannot well subsist without the other . But they of all the rest are the most dangerous , who , holding that the Saints must govern , go about to reduce the Commonwealth to a Party , as well for the Reasons already shewn , as that their Pretences are against Scripture , where the Saints are commanded to submit to the Higher Powers , and to be subject to the Ordinance of Man. And that men , pretending under the notion of Saints or Religion to Civil Power , have hitherto never fail'd to dishonor that Profession , the World is full of Examples , wherof I shall confine my self at present only to a couple , the one of Old , the other of New Rome . IN Old Rome the Patricians or Nobility pretending to be the godly Party , were question'd by the People for ingrossing all the Magistracys of that Commonwealth , and had nothing to say why they did so , but * that Magistracy requir'd a kind of Holiness which was not in the People : † at which the People were fill'd with such Indignation as had com to cutting of Throats , if the Nobility had not immediatly laid by the Insolency of that Plea ; which nevertheless when they had don , the People for a long time after continu'd to elect no other but Patrician Magistrats . THE Example of New Rome in the rise and practice of the Hierarchy ( too well known to require any further illustration ) is far more immodest . THIS has bin the course of Nature : and when it has pleas'd , or shall please God to introduce any thing that is above the course of Nature , he will , as he has always don , confirm it by Miracle ; for so in his Prophecy of the Reign of CHRIST upon Earth , he expresly promises : seeing that the Souls of them that were beheaded for JESUS , shall be seen to live and reign with him ; which will be an object of Sense , the rather , because the rest of the Dead are not to live again till the Thousand Years be finish'd . And it is not lawful for men to persuade us that a thing already is , tho there be no such object of our Sense , which God has told us shall not be till it be an object of our Sense . THE Saintship of a People as to Government , consists in the election of Magistrats fearing God , and hating Covetousness , and not in their confining themselves , or being confin'd to men of this or that Party or Profession . It consists in making the most prudent and religious choice they can ; yet not in trusting to Men , but , next God , to their own Orders . Give us good Men , and they will make us good Laws , is the Maxim of a Demagog , and is ( thro the alteration which is commonly perceivable in men , when they have power to work their own Wills ) exceding fallible . But give us good Orders , and they will make us good Men , is the Maxim of a Legislator , and the most infallible in the Politics . BUT these Divisions ( however there be som good Men that look sadly on them ) are trivial things ; first as to the Civil concern , because the Government , wherof this Nation is capable , being once seen , takes in all Interests . And , secondly , as to the Spiritual ; because as the pretence of Religion has always bin turbulent in broken Governments , so where the Government has bin sound and steddy , Religion has never shew'd it self with any other face than that of the natural Sweetness , and Tranquillity : nor is there any reason why it should ; wherfore the Errors of the People are occasion'd by their Governors . If they be doubtful of the way , or wander from it , it is because their Guides misled them ; and the Guides of the People are never so well qualify'd for leading by any Virtue of their own , as by that of the Government . THE Government of Oceana ( as it stood at the time wherof we discourse , consisting of one single Council of the People , exclusively of the King and the Lords ) was call'd a Parlament : Nevertheless the Parlaments of the Teutons and of the Neustrians consisted , as has bin shewn , of the King , Lords and Commons ; wherfore this under an old Name was a new thing : A Parlament consisting of a single Assembly elected by the People , and invested with the whole Power of the Government , without any Covenants , Conditions , or Orders whatsoever . So new a thing , that neither antient nor modern Prudence can shew any avow'd Example of the like . And there is scarce any thing that seems to me so strange as that ( wheras there was nothing more familiar with these Counsillors , than to bring the Scripture to the House ) there should not be a Man of them that so much as offer'd to bring the House to the Scripture , wherin , as has bin shewn , is contain'd that Original , wherof all the rest of the Commonwealths seem to be Copys . Certainly if LEVIATHAN ( who is surer of nothing than that a popular Commonwealth consists but of one Council ) transcrib'd his Doctrin out of this Assembly , for him to except against ARISTOTLE and CICERO for writing out of their own Commonwealths , was not so fair play ; or if the Parlament transcrib'd out of him , it had bin an honor better due to MOSES . But where one of them should have an Example but from the other , I cannot imagin , there being nothing of this kind that I can find in story , but the Oligarchy of Athens , the thirty Tyrants of the same , and the Roman Decemvirs . FOR the Oligarchy , THUCYDIDES tells us , that it was a Senat or Council of Four hundred , pretending to a Balancing Council of the People consisting of Five thousand , but not producing them ; wherin you have the definition of an Oligarchy , which is a single Council both debating and resolving , dividing and chusing ; and what that must com to , was shewn by the Example of the Girls , and is apparent by the experience of all times : wherfore the Thirty set up by the Lacedemonians ( when they had conquer'd Athens ) are call'd Tyrants by all Authors , LEVIATHAN only excepted , who will have them against all the World to have bin an Aristocracy ; but for what reason I cannot imagin , these also , as void of any Balance , having bin void of that which is essential to every Commonwealth , whether Aristocratical or Popular ; except he be pleas'd with them , because that , according to the Testimony of XENOPHON , they kill'd more men in eight months , than the Lacedemonians had don in ten years ; oppressing the People ( to use Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S words ) with all base and intolerable Slavery . THE usurp'd Government of the Decemvirs in Rome was of the same kind . Wherfore in the fear of God let Christian Legislators ( setting the Pattern given in the Mount on the one side , and these execrable Examples on the other ) know the right hand from the left ; and so much the rather , because those things which do not conduce to the good of the Govern'd , are fallacious , if they appear to be good for the Governors . God in chastising a People , is accustom'd to burn his Rod. The Empire of these Oligarchys was not so violent as short , nor did they fall upon the People , but in their own immediat ruin . A Council without a Balance is not a Commonwealth , but an Oligarchy ; and every Oligarchy , except it be put to the defence of its Wickedness or Power against som outward danger , is factious . Wherfore the Errors of the People being from their Governors ( which Maxim in the Politics bearing a sufficient testimony to it self , is also prov'd by MACCHIAVEL ) if the People of Oceana have bin factious , the Cause is apparent : But what Remedy ? IN answer to this Question , I com now to the Army ; of which the most victorious Captain , and incomparable Patriot OLPHAUS MEGALETOR was now General : who being a much greater master of that Art , wherof I have made a rough draught in these Preliminarys , had such sad reflections upon the ways and procedings of the Parlament , as cast him upon Books , and all other means of diversion , among which he happen'd on this place of MACCHIAVEL : Thrice happy is that People which chances to have a Man able to give them such a Government at once , as without alteration may secure them of their Libertys ; seeing it is certain that Lacedemon , in observing the Laws of LYCURGUS , continu'd about eight hundred years without any dangerous Tumult or Corruption . My Lord General ( as it is said of THEMISTOCLES , that he could not sleep for the Glory obtain'd by MILTIADES at the Battel of Maratho ) took so new and deep an Impression at these words of the much greater Glory of LYCURGUS , that , being on this side assaulted with the emulation of his illustrious Object , and on the other with the Misery of the Nation , which seem'd ( as it were ruin'd by his Victory ) to cast it self at his feet , he was almost wholly depriv'd of his natural rest , till the debate he had within himself came to a firm resolution , that the greatest Advantages of a Commonwealth are , first , that the Legislator should be one Man : And , secondly , that the Government should be made altogether , or at once . For the first , It is certain , says MACCHIAVEL , that a Commonwealth is seldom or never well turn'd or constituted , except it has bin the Work of one Man ; for which cause a wise Legislator , and one whose mind is firmly set , not upon privat but the public Interest , not upon his Posterity but upon his Country , may justly endeavor to get the soverain Power into his own hands : nor shall any man that is Master of Reason blame such extraordinary means as in that case will be necessary , the end proving no other than the Constitution of a well-order'd Commonwealth . The reason of this is demonstrable : for the ordinary means not failing , the Commonwealth has no need of a Legislator ; but the ordinary means failing , there is no recourse to be had but to such as are extraordinary . And , wheras a Book or a Building has not bin known to attain to its perfection , if it has not had a sole Author or Architect ; a Common-wealth , as to the Fabric of it , is of the like nature . And thus it may be made at once ; in which there be great advantages : for a Commonwealth made at once , takes Security at the same time it lends its Mony ; and trusts not it self to the Faith of Men , but lanches immediatly forth into the Empire of Laws : and being set streight , brings the Manners of its Citizens to its rule ; whence follow'd that uprightness which was in Lacedemon . But Manners that are rooted in men , bow the tenderness of a Commonwealth coming up by twigs to their bent ; whence follow'd the obliquity that was in Rome , and those perpetual Repairs by the Consuls Axes , and Tribuns Hammers , which could never finish that Commonwealth but in destruction . MY Lord General being clear in these Points , and of the necessity of som other course than would be thought upon by the Parlament , appointed a meeting of the Army , where he spoke his sense agreable to these Preliminarys with such success to the Soldiery , that the Parlament was soon after depos'd ; and he himself ( in the great Hall of the Pantheon or Palace of Justice , situated in Emporium the capital City ) was created by the universal Suffrage of the Army , Lord ARCHON , or sole Legislator of Oceana : upon which Theatre you have , to conclude this piece , a Person introduc'd , whose fame shall never draw its Curtain . THE Lord ARCHON being created , fifty select Persons to assist him ( by laboring in the Mines of antient Prudence , and bringing its hidden Treasures to new light ) were added , with the stile also of Legislators , and sat as a Council , wherof he was the sole Director and President . The Council of Legislators . OF this piece , being the greater half of the whole work , I shall be able at this time to give no farther account , than very briefly to shew at what it aims . MY Lord ARCHON in opening the Council of Legislators , made it appear how unsafe a thing it is to follow Phansy in the Fabric of a Commonwealth ; and how necessary that the Archives of antient Prudence should be ransack'd before any Counsillor should presume to offer any other matter in order to the work in hand , or towards the consideration to be had by the Council upon a Model of Government . Wherfore he caus'd an Urn to be brought , and every one of the Counsillors to draw a Lot. By the Lots as they were drawn , The Commonwealth of ISRAEL fell to PHOSPHORUS DE AUGE . ATHENS NAVARCHUS DE PARALO . LACEDEMON LACO DE SCYTALE . CARTHAGE MAGO DE SYRTIBUS . the ACHEANS , AETOLIANS , and LYCIANS ARATUS DE ISTHMO . the SWITZ ALPESTER DE FULMINE . HOLLAND , and theVNITED PROVINCES GLAUCUS DE ULNA . ROME DOLABELLA DE ENYO . VENICE LYNCEUS DE STELLA . THESE contain'd in them all those Excellencys wherof a Common-wealth is capable ; so that to have added more , had bin to no purpose . Upon time given to the Counsillors , by their own Studys and those of their Friends , to prepare themselves , they were open'd in the Order , and by the Persons mention'd at the Council of Legislators ; and afterwards by order of the same were repeated at the Council of the Prytans to the People : for in drawing of the Lots , there were about a dozen of them inscrib'd with the letter P. wherby the Counsillors that drew them became Prytans . THE Prytans were a Committee or Council sitting in the great Hall of Pantheon , to whom it was lawful for any man to offer any thing in order to the Fabric of the Commonwealth : for which cause , that they might not be opprest by the throng , there was a Rail about the Table where they sat , and on each side of the same a Pulpit ; that on the right hand for any man that would propose any thing , and that on the left for any other that would oppose him . And all Partys ( being indemnify'd by Proclamation of the ARCHON ) were invited to dispute their own Interests , or propose whatever they thought fit ( in order to the future Government ) to the Council of the Prytans , who ( having a Guard of about two or three hundred men , lest the heat of dispute might break the peace ) had the Right of Moderators , and were to report from time to time such Propositions or Occurrences as they thought fit , to the Council of Legislators sitting more privatly in the Palace call'd Alma . THIS was that which made the People ( who were neither safely to be admitted , nor conveniently to be excluded in the framing of the Commonwealth ) verily believe when it came forth , that it was no other than that wherof they themselves had bin the makers . MOREOVER , this Council sat divers months after the publishing , and during the promulgation of the Model to the People ; by which means there is scarce any thing was said or written for or against the said Model , but you shall have it with the next impression of this work by way of Oration addrest to , and moderated by the Prytans . BY this means the Council of Legislators had their necessary Solitude and due aim in their greater work , as being acquainted from time to time with the pulse of the People , and yet without any manner of interruption or disturbance . WHERFORE every Commonwealth in its place having bin open'd by due Method ; that is , First , by the People ; Secondly , by the Senat ; And , Thirdly , by the Magistracy : The Council upon mature debate took such results or orders out of each , and out os every part of each of them , as upon opening the same they thought fit ; which being put from time to time in writing by the Clere or Secretary , there remain'd no more in the conclusion , than putting the Orders so taken together , to view and examin them with a diligent ey , that it might be clearly discover'd whether they did interfere , or could any wise com to interfere or jostle one with the other . For as such Orders jostling , or coming to jostle one another , are the certain dissolution of the Commonwealth ; so taken upon the proof of like experience , and neither jostling , nor shewing which way they can possibly com to jostle one another , they make a perfect , and ( for ought that in human Prudence can be foreseen ) an immortal Commonwealth . AND such was the Art wherby my Lord ARCHON ( taking Counsil of the Commonwealth of Israel , as of MOSES ; and of the rest of the Commonwealths , as of JETHRO ) fram'd the Model of the Commonwealth of Oceana . THE MODEL OF THE Commonwealth of OCEANA . WHERAS my Lord ARCHON being from MOSES and LYCURGUS the first Legislator that hitherto is found in History to have introduc'd or erected an intire Common-wealth at once , happen'd , like them also , to be more intent upon putting the same into execution or action , than into writing ; by which means the Model came to be promulgated or publish'd with more brevity and less illustration than is necessary for their understanding who have not bin acquainted with the whole Procedings of the Council of Legislators , and of the Prytans , where it was asserted and clear'd from all objections and doubts : To the end that I may supply what was wanting in the promulgated Epitome to a more full and perfect Narrative of the whole , I shall rather take the Commonwealth practically , and as it has now given an account of it self in som years Revolutions ( as DICEARCHUS is said to have don that of Lacedemon , first transcrib'd by his hand som three or four hundred years after the Institution ) yet not omitting to add for proof to every Order such Debates and Speeches of the Legislators in their Council , or at least such parts of them as may best discover the reason of the Government ; nor such ways and means as were us'd in the institution or rise of the Building , not to be so well conceiv'd , without som knowlege given of the Engins wherwithal the mighty Weight was mov'd . But thro the intire omission of the Council of Legislators or Workmen that squar'd every stone to this Structure in the Quarrys of antient Prudence , the proof of the first part of this Discourse will be lame , except I insert , as well for illustration , as to avoid frequent repetition , three remarkable Testimonys in this place . THE first is taken out of the Commonwealth of Israel : So MOSES hearken'd to the voice of ( JETHRO ) his Father in law , and did all that he had said . And MOSES chose able men out of all Israel , and made them heads over the People ; Tribuns , as it is in the vulgar Latin ; or Phylarchs , that is , Princes of the Tribes , sitting upon twelve * Thrones , and judging the twelve Tribes of Israel : and next to these he chose Rulers of Thousands , Rulers of Hundreds , Rulers of Fiftys , and Rulers of Tens , which were the steps or rise of this Commonwealth from its foundation or root to its proper elevation or accomplishment in the Sanhedrim , and the Congregation , already open'd in the Preliminarys . THE Second is taken out of Lacedemon , as LYCURGUS ( for the greater impression of his Institutions upon the minds of his Citizens ) pretended to have receiv'd the Model of that Commonwealth from the Oracle of APOLLO at Delphos , the words wherof are thus recorded by PLUTARCH in the Life of that famous Legislator : When thou shalt have divided the People into Tribes ( which were six ) and Obas ( which were five in every Tribe ) thou shalt constitute the Senat , consisting , with the two Kings , of thirty Counsillors , who , according as occasion requires , shall cause the Congregation to be assembled between the Bridg and the River Gnacion , where the Senat shall propose to the People , and dismiss them without suffering them to debate . The Ob● were Linages into which every Tribe was divided , and in each Tribe there was another Division containing all those of the same that were of military Age ; which being call'd the Mora , was subdivided into Troops and Companys that were held in perpetual Disciplin under the Command of a Magistrat call'd the Polemarch . THE Third is taken out of the Commonwealth of Rome , or those parts of it which are compriz'd in the first and second Books of LIVY , where the People , according to the institution by ROMULUS , are first divided into thirty Curias or Parishes , wherof he elected ( by three out of each Curia ) the Senat , which from his Reign to that of SERVIUS TULLUS propos'd to the Parishes or Parochial Congregations ; and these being call'd the Comitia Curiata , had the election of the * Kings , the Confirmation of their † Laws , and the last appeal in matters of Judicature , as appears in the case of HORATIUS that kil'd his Sister ; till in the Reign of SERVIUS ( for the other Kings kept not to the institution of ROMULUS ) the People being grown somwhat , the Power of the Curiata was for the greater part translated to the Centuriata Comitia instituted by this King , which distributed the People according to the cense or valuation of their Estates into six Classes , every one containing about forty Centurys , divided into Youth and Elders ; the Youth for field-service , the Elders for the defence of their Territory , all arm'd and under continual Disciplin , in which they assembl'd both upon military and civil occasions . But when the Senat propos'd to the People , the Horse only , wherof there were twelve Centurys consisting of the richest sort over and above those of the Foot enumerated , were call'd with the first Classis of the Foot to the suffrage ; or if these accorded not , then the second Classis was call'd to them , but seldom or never any of the rest . Wherfore the People after the expulsion of the Kings , growing impatient of this inequality , rested not till they had reduc'd the suffrage as it had bin in the Comitia Curiata to the whole People again : But in another way , that is to say , by the Comitia Tributa , which therupon were instituted , being a Council where the People in exigencys made Laws without the Senat ; which Laws were call'd Plebiscita . This Council is that in regard wherof CICERO and other great Wits so frequently inveigh against the People , and somtimes even LIVY , as at the first ‖ institution of it . To say the truth , it was a kind of Anarchy , wherof the People could not be excusable , if there had not , thro the Courses taken by the Senat , bin otherwise a necessity that they must have seen the Common-wealth run into Oligarchy . THE manner how the Comitia Curiata , Centuriata or Tributa were call'd , during the time of the Commonwealth , to the suffrage , was by lot : the Curia , Century , or Tribe , wheron the first lot fell , being stil'd Principium , or the Prerogative ; and the other Curiae , Centurys , or Tribes , wheron the second , third , and fourth Lots , &c. fell , the Jure vocatae : From henceforth not the first Classis , as in the times of SERVIUS , but the Prerogative , whether Curia , Century , or Tribe , came first to the Suffrage , whose Vote was call'd Omen Praerogativum , and seldom fail'd to be leading to the rest of the Tribes . The Jure vocatae in the order of their Lots came next : the manner of giving suffrage was , by casting wooden Tablets , mark'd for the Affirmative or the Negative , into certain Urns standing upon a Scaffold , as they march'd over it in files ; which for the resemblance it bore , was call'd the Bridg. The Candidat or Competitor , who had most Suffrages in a Curia , Century , or Tribe , was said to have that Curia , Century , or Tribe ; and he who had most of the Curiae , Centurys , or Tribes , carry'd the Magistracy . THESE three places being premis'd , as such upon which there will be frequent reflection , I com to the Narrative , divided into two parts , the first containing the Institution , the second the Constitution of the Commonwealth ; in each wherof I shall distinguish the Orders , as those which contain the whole Model , from the rest of the Discourse , which tends only to the explanation or proof of them . IN the institution or building of a Commonwealth , the first work ( as that of Builders ) can be no other than fitting and distributing the Materials . THE Materials of a Commonwealth are the People ; and the People of Oceana were distributed by casting them into certain Divisions , regarding their Quality , their Age , their Wealth , and the places of their residence or habitation , which was don by the insuing Orders . THE first ORDER distributes the People into Freemen or Citizens , and Servants , while such ; for if they attain to Liberty , that is , to live of themselves , they are Freemen or Citizens . THIS Order needs no proof , in regard of the nature of Servitude , which is inconsistent with Freedom or participation of Government in a Commonwealth . THE second ORDER distributes Citizens into Youth and Elders ( such as are from 18 years of age to 30 , being accounted Youth ; and such as are of 30 and upwards , Elders ) and establishes that the Youth shall be the marching Armys , and the Elders the standing Garisons of this Nation . A COMMONWEALTH whose Arms are in the hands of her Servants , had need be situated ( as is elegantly said of Venice by * CONTARINI ) out of the reach of their clutches ; witness the danger run by that of Carthage in the Rebellion of SPENDIUS and MATHO . But tho a City ( if one Swallow makes a Summer ) may thus chance to be safe , yet shall it never be great ; for if Carthage or Venice acquir'd any Fame in their Arms , it is known to have happen'd thro the mere virtue of their Captains , and not of their Orders : wherfore Israel , Lacedemon , and Rome intail'd their Arms upon the prime of their Citizens , divided ( at least in Lacedemon and Rome ) into Youth and Elders ; the Youth for the Field , and the Elders for defence of the Territory . THE third ORDER distributes the Citizens into Horse and Foot by the cense or valuation of their Estates ; they who have above one hundred Pounds a year in Lands , Goods , or Monys , being oblig'd to be of the Horse ; and they who have under that Sum , to be of the Foot. But if a man has prodigally wasted and spent his Patrimony , he is neither capable of Magistracy , Office , or Suffrage in the Commonwealth . CITIZENS are not only to defend the Commonwealth , but according to their abilitys , as the Romans under SERVIUS TULLUS ( regard had to their Estates ) were som inrol'd in the Horse Centurys , and others of the Foot , with Arms injoin'd accordingly ; nor could it be otherwise in the rest of the Commonwealths , tho out of Historical Remains , that are so much darker , it be not so clearly provable . And the necessary Prerogative to be given by a Commonwealth to Estates , is in som measure in the nature of Industry , and the use of it to the Public . * The Roman People , says JULIUS EXUPERANTIUS , were divided into Classes , and tax'd according to the value of their Estates . All that were worth the Sums appointed were imploy'd in the Wars ; for they most eagerly contend for the Victory , who fight for Liberty in defence of their Country and Possessions . But the poorer sort were pol'd only for their Heads ( which was all they had ) and kept in Garison at home in time of War : For these might betray the Armys for Bread , by reason of their Poverty ; which is the reason that MARIUS , to whom the care of the Government ought not to have bin committed , was the first that led 'em into the field ; and his Success was accordingly . There is a mean in things ; as exorbitant Riches overthrow the Balance of a Commonwealth , so extreme Poverty cannot hold it , nor is by any means to be trusted with it . The Clause in the Order concerning the Prodigal is Athenian , and a very laudable one ; for he that could not live upon his Patrimony , if he coms to touch the public Mony , makes a Commonwealth Bankrupt . THE fourth ORDER distributes the People according to the places their Habitation , into Parishes , Hundreds , and Tribes . FOR except the People be methodically distributed , they cannot be methodically collected ; but the being of a Commonwealth consists in the methodical Collection of the People : wherfore you have the Israelitish Divisions into Rulers of Thousands , of Hundreds , of Fiftys , and of Tens ; and of the whole Commonwealth into Tribes : The Laconic into Obas , Moras , and Tribes ; the Roman into Tribes , Centurys , and Classes : and somthing there must of necessity be in every Government of the like nature ; as that in the late Monarchy , by Countys . But this being the only Institution in Oceana ( except that of the Agrarian ) which requir'd any charge , or included any difficulty , ingages me to a more particular Description of the manner how it was perform'd , as follows . A THOUSAND Surveyors commissionated and instructed by the Lord ARCHON and the Council , being divided into two equal numbers , each under the inspection of two Surveyors General , were distributed into the Northern and Southern parts of the Territory , divided by the River Hemisua , the whole wherof contains about ten thousand Parishes , som ten of those being assign'd to each Surveyor : For as to this matter there needed no great exactness , it tending only ( by shewing whither every one was to repair , and wherabout to begin ) to the more orderly carrying on of the work ; the nature of their Instructions otherwise regarding rather the number of the Inhabitants , than of the Parishes . The Surveyors therfore being every one furnish'd with a convenient proportion of Urns , Balls and balloting Boxes ( in the use wherof they had bin formerly exercis'd ) and now arriving each at his respective Parishes , began with the People , by teaching them their first lesson , which was the Ballot ; and tho they found them in the beginning somthing froward as at toys , with which ( while they were in expectation of greater matters from a Council of Legislators ) they conceiv'd themselves to be abus'd , they came within a little while to think them pretty sport , and at length such as might very soberly be us'd in good earnest : wherupon the Surveyors began the Institution included in THE fifth ORDER , requiring , That upon the first Monday next insuing the last of December , the bigger Bell in every Parish throout the Nation be rung at eight of the Clock in the morning , and continue ringing for the space of one hour ; and that all the Elders of the Parish respectively repair to the Church , before the Bell has don ringing ; where dividing themselves into two equal Numbers , or as near equal as may be , they shall take their places according to their Dignitys ( if they be of divers qualitys ) and according to their Seniority ( if they be of the same ) the one half on the one side , and the other half on the other , in the body of the Church : which don , they shall make Oath to the Overseers of the Parish for the time being ( instead of these the Surveyors were to officiat at the Institution or first Assembly ) by holding up their hands , to make a fair Election according to the Laws of the Ballot , as they are hereafter explain'd , of such Persons , amounting to a fifth part of their whole number , to be their Deputys , and to exercise their Power in manner hereafter explain'd , as they shall think in their Consciences to be fittest for that trust , and will acquit themselves of it to the best advantage of the Commonwealth . And Oath being thus made , they shall procede to Election , if the Elders of the Parish amount to one thousand by the Ballot of the Tribe ( as it is in due place explain'd ) and if the Elders of the Parish amount to fifty or upwards , but within the number of one thousand , by the Ballot of the hundred ( as it is in due place explain'd ) . But if the Elders amount not to fifty , then they shall procede to the Ballot of the Parish , as it is in this place and after this manner explain'd . The two Overseers for the time being shall seat themselves at the upper end of the middle Ally , with a Table before them , their faces being towards the Congregation : And the Constable for the time being shall set an Vrn before the Table , into which he shall put so many Balls as there be Elders present , wherof there shall be one that is gilded , the rest being white ; and when the Constable has shaken the Vrn sufficiently to mix the Balls , the Overseers shall call the Elders to the Vrn , who from each side of the Church shall com up the middle Ally in two files , every man passing by the Vrn , and drawing out one Ball ; which if it be Silver , he shall cast into a Bowl standing at the foot of the Vrn , and return by the outward Ally on his side to his place . But he who draws the golden Ball is the Proposer , and shall be seated between the Overseers , where he shall begin in what order he pleases , and name such as ( upon his Oath already taken ) he conceives fittest to be chosen , one by one , to the Elders ; and the Party nam'd shall withdraw while the Congregation is balloting his name by the double Box or Boxes appointed and mark'd on the outward part , to shew which side is Affirmative and which Negative , being carry'd by a Boy or Boys appointed by the Overseers , to every one of the Elders , who shall hold up a pellet made of linen Rags , between his Finger and his Thumb , and put it after such a manner into the Box , as tho no man can see into which side he puts it , yet any man may see that he puts in but one pellet or suffrage . And the suffrage of the Congregation being thus given , shall be return'd with the Box or Boxes to the Overseers , who opening the same , shall pour the affirmative Balls into a white Bowl standing upon the Table on the right hand , to be number'd by the first Overseer ; and the Negative into a green Bowl standing on the left hand , to be number'd by the second Overseer : and the suffrages being number'd , he who has the major part in the Affirmative is one of the Deputys of the Parish : and when so many Deputys are chosen as amount to a full fifth part of the whole number of the Elders , the Ballot for that time shall cease . The Deputys being chosen are to be listed by the Overseers in order as they were chosen , except only that such as are Horse must be listed in the first place with the rest , proportionable to the number of the Congregation , after this manner : Anno Dom. The List of the first Mover . A. A. Ord. Eq. 1 Dep. of the Parish of — in the Hundred of — and the Tribe of — which Parish at the present Election contains 20 Elders , wherof one is of the Horse or Equestrian Order . B. B. 2 Dep. C. C. 3 Dep. D. D. 4 Dep. E. E. 5 Dep. The first and second in the List are Overseers by consequence : the third is the Constable , and the fourth and fifth are Churchwardens ; the Persons so chosen are Deputys of the Parish for the space of one year from their Election , and no longer ; nor may they be elected two years together . This List being the Primum Mobile , or first Mover of the Commonwealth , is to be register'd in a Book diligently kept and preserv'd by the Overseers , who are responsible in their places for these and other Dutys to be hereafter mention'd , to the Censors of the Tribe : and the Congregation is to observe the present Order , as they will answer the contrary to the Phylarch , or Prerogative Troop of the Tribe ; which , in case of failure in the whole or any part of it , have power to sine them or any of them at discretion , but under an Appeal to the Parlament . FOR proof of this Order ; First , in Reason : It is with all Politicians past dispute , that paternal Power is in the right of Nature ; and this is no other than the derivation of Power from Fathers of Familys , as the natural root of a Commonwealth . And for Experience , if it be otherwise in that of Holland , I know no other example of the like kind . In Israel , the soverain Power came clearly from the natural Root , the Elders of the whole People ; and Rome was born ( Comitiis Curiatis ) in her Parochial Congregations , out of which ROMULUS first rais'd her Senat , then all the rest of the Orders of that Commonwealth , which rose so high : For the depth of a Commonwealth is the just height of it . * She raises up her Head unto the Skys , Near as her Root unto the Center lys . AND if the Commonwealth of Rome was born of thirty Parishes , this of Oceana was born of ten thousand . But wheras mention in the birth of this is made of an Equestrian Order , it may startle such as know that the division of the People of Rome , at the Institution of that Commonwealth into Orders , was the occasion of its ruin . The distinction of the Patrician as a hereditary Order from the very Institution , ingrossing all the Magistracys , was indeed the destruction of Rome ; but to a Knight or one of the Equestrian Order , says HORACE , Si quadringentis sex septem millia desunt , Plebs eris . By which it should seem that this Order was not otherwise hereditary than a mans Estate , nor did it give any claim to Magistracy ; wherfore you shall never find that it disquieted the Commonwealth ; nor dos the name denote any more in Oceana , than the Duty of such a man's Estate to the Public . BUT the Surveyors both in this place and in others , forasmuch as they could not observe all the Circumstances of this Order , especially that of the time of Election , did for the first as well as they could ; and , the Elections being made and register'd , took each of them Copys of those Lists which were within their Allotments ; which don , they produc'd THE sixth ORDER , directing , in case a Parson or Vicar of a Parish coms to be remov'd by Death or by the Censors , that the Congregation of the Parish assemble and depute one or two Elders by the Ballot , who upon the charge of the Parish shall repair to one of the Vniversitys of this Nationwith a Certificat sign'd by the Overseers , and addrest to the Vice-Chancellor : which Certificat giving notice of the Death or Removal of the Parson or Vicar , of the value of the Parsonage or Vicarage , and of the desire of the Congregation to receive a Probationer from that Vniversity ; the Vice-Chancellor upon the receit therof shall call a Convocation , and having made choice of a fit Person , shall return him in due time to the Parish , where the Person so return'd shall receive the full fruits of the Benefice or Vicarage , and do the duty of the Parson or Vicar , for the space of one year , as Probationer : and that being expir'd , the Congregation of the Elders shall put their Probationer to the Ballot : and if he attains not to two parts in three of the Suffrage affirmative , he shall take his leave of the Parish , and they shall send in like manner as before for another Probationer ; but if their Probationer obtains two parts in three of the Suffrage affirmative , he is then Pastor of that Parish . And the Pastor of the Parish shall pray with the Congregation , preach the Word , and administer the Sacraments to the same , according to the Directory to be hereafter appointed by the Parlament . Nevertheless such as are of gather'd Congregations , or from time to time shall join with any of them , are in no wise oblig'd to this way of electing their Teachers , or to give their Votes in this case , but wholly left to the liberty of their own Consciences , and to that way of Worship which they shall chuse , being not Popish , Jewish , or Idolatrous . And to the end they may be the better protected by the State in the free exercise of the same , they are desir'd to make choice , in such manner as they best like , of certain Magistrats in every one of their Congregations , which we could wish might be four in each of them , to be Auditors in cases of differences or distast , if any thro variety of opinions , that may be grievous or injurious to them , should fall out . And such Auditors or Magistrats shall have power to examin the matter , and inform themselves , to the end that if they think it of sufficient weight , they may acquaint the Phylarch with it , or introduce it into the Council of Religion ; where all such Causes as those Magistrats introduce , shall from time to time be heard and determin'd according to such Laws as are or shall hereafter be provided by the Parlament for the just defence of the Liberty of Conscience . THIS Order consists of three parts , the first restoring the power of Ordination to the People , which , that it originally belongs to them , is clear , tho not in English yet in Scripture , where the Apostles ordain'd Elders by the holding up of hands in every Congregation , that is , by the suffrage of the People , which was also given in som of those Citys by the Ballot . And tho it may be shewn that the Apostles ordain'd som by the laying on of hands , it will not be shewn that they did so in every Congregation . EXCOMMUNICATION , as not clearly provable out of the Scripture , being omitted , the second part of the Order implys and establishes a National Religion : for there be degrees of Knowlege in divine things ; true Religion is not to be learnt without searching the Scriptures ; the Scriptures cannot be search'd by us unless we have them to search ; and if we have nothing else , or ( which is all one ) understand nothing else but a Translation , we may be ( as in the place alleg'd we have bin ) beguil'd or misled by the Translation , while we should be searching the true sense of the Scripture , which cannot be attain'd in a natural way ( and a Commonwealth is not to presume upon that which is supernatural ) but by the knowlege of the Original and of Antiquity , acquir'd by our own studys , or those of som others , for even Faith coms by hearing . Wherfore a Commonwealth not making provision of men from time to time , knowing in the original Languages wherin the Scriptures were written , and vers'd in those Antiquitys to which they so frequently relate , that the true sense of them depends in great part upon that Knowlege , can never be secure that she shall not lose the Scripture , and by consequence her Religion ; which to preserve she must institute som method of this Knowlege , and som use of such as have acquir'd it , which amounts to a National Religion . THE Commonwealth having thus perform'd her duty towards God , as a rational Creature , by the best application of her Reason to Scripture , and for the preservation of Religion in the purity of the same , yet pretends not to Infallibility , but coms in the third part of the Order , establishing Liberty of Conscience according to the Instructions given to her Council of Religion , to raise up her hands to Heaven for further light ; in which proceding she follows that ( as was shewn in the Preliminarys ) of Israel , who tho her National Religion was always a part of her Civil Law , gave to her Prophets the upper hand of all her Orders . BUT the Surveyors having now don with the Parishes , took their leaves ; so a Parish is the first division of Land occasion'd by the first Collection of the People of Oceana , whose Function proper to that place is compriz'd in the six preceding Orders . THE next step in the progress of the Surveyors was to a meeting of the nearest of them , as their work lay , by twentys ; where conferring their Lists , and computing the Deputys contain'd therin , as the number of them in Parishes , being nearest Neighbors , amounted to one hundred , or as even as might conveniently be brought with that account , they cast them and those Parishes into the Precinct which ( be the Deputys ever since more or fewer ) is still call'd the Hundred : and to every one of these Precincts they appointed a certain place , being the most convenient Town within the same , for the annual Rendevouz ; which don , each Surveyor returning to his Hundred , and summoning the Deputys contain'd in his Lists to the Rendevouz , they appear'd and receiv'd THE seventh ORDER , requiring , That upon the first Monday next insuing the last of January , the Deputys of every Parish annually assemble in Arms at the Rendevouz of the Hundred , and there elect out of their number one Justice of the Peace , one Juryman , one Captain , one Ensign of their Troop or Century , each of these out of the Horse ; and one Juryman , one Crowner , one High Constable , out of the Foot ; the Election to be made by the Ballot in this manner . The Jurymen for the time being are to be Overseers of the Ballot ( instead of these , the Surveyors are to officiat at the first Assembly ) and to look to the performance of the same according to what was directed in the Ballot of the Parishes , saving that the High Constable setting forth the Vrn , shall have five several sutes of Gold Balls , and one dozen of every sute ; wherof the first shall be mark'd with the Letter A , the second with the letter B , the third with C , the fourth with D , and the fifth with E : and of each of these sutes he shall cast one Ball into his Hat , or into a little Vrn , and shaking the Balls together present them to the first Overseer , who shall draw one , and the sute which is so drawn by the Overseer shall be of use for that day , and no other : for example , if the Overseer drew an A , the High Constable shall put seven Gold Balls mark'd with the letter A into the Vrn , with so many Silver ones as shall bring them even with the number of the Deputys , who being sworn , as before , at the Ballot of the Parish to make a fair Election , shall be call'd to the Vrn ; and every man coming in manner as was there shew'd , shall draw one Ball , which if it be Silver , he shall cast it into a Bowl standing at the foot of the Vrn , and return to his place ; but the first that draws a Gold Ball ( shewing it to the Overseers , who if it has not the letter of the present Ballot , have power to apprehend and punish him ) is the first Elector , the second the second Elector , and so to the seventh ; which Order they are to observe in their function . The Electors as they are drawn shall be plac'd upon the Bench by the Overseers , till the whole number be complete , and then be conducted , with the List of the Officers to be chosen , into a Place apart , where being privat , the first Elector shall name a Person to the first Office in the List ; and if the Person so nam'd , being balloted by the rest of the Electors , attains not to the better half of the Suffrages in the Affirmative , the first Elector shall continue nominating others , till one of them so nominated by him attains to the plurality of the Suffrages in the Affirmative , and be written first Competitor to the first Office. This don , the second Elector shall observe in his turn the like order ; and so the rest of the Electors , naming Competitors each to his respective Office in the List , till one Competitor be chosen to every Office : and when one Competitor is chosen to every Office , the first Elector shall begin again to name a second Competitor to the first Office , and the rest successively shall name to the rest of the Offices till two Competitors be chosen to every Office ; the like shall be repeated till three Competitors be chosen to every Office. And when three Competitors are chosen to every Office , the List shall be return'd to the Overseers , or such as the Overseers , in case they or either of them happen'd to be Electors , have substituted in his or their place or places : and the Overseers or Substitutes having caus'd the List to be read to the Congregation , shall put the Competitors , in order as they are written , to the Ballot of the Congregation : and the rest of the Procedings being carry'd on in the manner directed in the Fifth Order , that Competitor , of the three written to each Office , who has most of the Suffrages above half in the Affirmative , is the Officer . The List being after this manner completed , shall be entred into a Register , to be kept at the Rendevouz of the Hundred , under inspection of the Magistrats of the same , after the manner following : Anno Domini The List of the Nebulosa . A. A. Ord. Eq. Justice of the Peace of the Hundred of — in the Tribe of — which Hundred consists at this Election of 105 Deputys . B. B. Ord. Eq. First Juryman C. C. Ord. Eq. Captain of the Hundred D. D. Ord. Eq. Ensign E. E. Second Juryman F. F. High Constable G. G. Crowner THE List being enter'd , the High Constable shall take three Copys of the same , wherof he shall presently return one to the Lord High Sheriff of the Tribe , a second to the Lord Custos Rotulorum , and a third to the Censors ; or these , thro the want of such Magistrats at the first muster , may be return'd to the Orator , to be appointed for that Tribe . To the observation of all and every part of this Order , the Officers and Deputys of the Hundred are all and every of them oblig'd , as they will answer it to the Phylarch , who has power in case of failure in the whole or any part , to fine all or any of them so failing at discretion , or according to such Laws as shall hereafter be provided in that case ; but under an Appeal to the Parlament . THERE is little in this Order worthy of any further account , but that it answers to the Rulers of Hundreds in Israel , to the Mora or Military part of the Tribe in Lacedemon , and to the Century in Rome . The Jurymen , being two in a Hundred , and so forty in a Tribe , give the Latitude allow'd by the Law for exceptions . And wheras the Golden Balls at this Ballot begin to be mark'd with Letters , wherof one is to be drawn immediatly before it begins ; this is to the end that the Letter being unknown , Men may be frustrated of tricks or foul play , wheras otherwise a Man might bring a Golden Ball with him , and make as if he had drawn it out of the Urn. The Surveyors , when they had taken Copys of these Lists , had accomplish'd their work in the Hundreds . SO a Hundred is the second Division of Land occasion'd by the second Collection of the People , whose Civil and Military Functions proper to this place are compriz'd in the foregoing Order . HAVING stated the Hundreds , they met once again by Twentys , where there was nothing more easy than to cast every twenty Hundreds , as they lay most conveniently together , into one Tribe ; so the whole Territory of Oceana , consisting of about ten thousand Parishes , came to be cast into one thousand Hundreds , and into fifty Tribes . In every Tribe at the place appointed for the annual Rendevouz of the same , were then , or soon after , begun those Buildings which are now call'd Pavilions ; each of them standing with one open side upon fair Columns , like the porch of som antient Temple , and looking into a Field , capable of the muster of som four thousand Men : Before each Pavilion stand three Pillars sustaining Urns for the Ballot , that on the right-hand equal in height to the brow of a Horsman , being call'd the Horse Vrn ; that on the left-hand , with Bridges on either side to bring it equal in height with the brow of a Footman , being call'd the Foot Vrn ; and the middle Vrn with a Bridg on the side towards the Foot Urn , the other side , as left for the Horse , being without one : and here ended the whole work of the Surveyors , who return'd to the Lord ARCHON with this Account of the Charge .   l. s. IMPRIMIS , Urns , Balls , and Balloting Boxes for ten thousand Parishes , the same being wooden Ware , 20000 00 ITEM , Provisions of the like kind for a thousand Hundreds , 3000 00 ITEM , Urns and Balls of Metal , with Balloting Boxes for fifty Tribes , — 2000 00 ITEM , For erecting of fifty Pavilions , — 60000 00 ITEM , Wages for four Surveyors General at 1000 l. a man , 4000 00 ITEM , Wages for the rest of the Surveyors , being 1000 , at 250 l. a man , — 250000 00 Sum Total , 339000 00 THIS is no great matter of charge for the building of a Common-wealth , in regard that it has cost ( which was pleaded by the Surveyors ) as much to rig a few Ships . Nevertheless that proves not them to be honest , nor their account to be just ; but they had their Mony for once , tho their reckoning be plainly guilty of a Crime , to cost him his Neck that commits it another time , it being impossible for a Commonwealth ( without an exact provision that it be not abus'd in this kind ) to subsist : for if no regard should be had of the Charge ( tho that may go deep ) yet the Debauchery and Corruption , wherto , by negligence in Accounts , it infallibly exposes its Citizens , and therby lessens the public Faith , which is the Nerve and Ligament of Government , ought to be prevented . But the Surveyors being dispatch'd , the Lord ARCHON was very curious in giving names to his Tribes , which having caus'd to be written in Scrols cast into an Urn , and presented to the Counsillors , each of them drew one , and was accordingly sent to the Tribe in his lot , as Orators of the same , a Magistracy no otherwise instituted , than for once and pro tempore , to the end that the Council upon so great an occasion might both congratulat with the Tribes , and assist at the first muster in som things of necessity to be differently carry'd from the establish'd Administration , and future Course of the Commonwealth . THE Orators being arriv'd , every one as soon as might be , at the Rendevouz of his Tribe , gave notice to the Hundreds , and summon'd the Muster , which appear'd for the most part upon good Horses , and already indifferently well arm'd ; as to instance in one for all , the Tribe of Nubia , where HERMES DE CADUCEO , Lord Orator of the same , after a short salutation and a hearty welcom , apply'd himself to his business , which began with THE eighth ORDER , requiring , That the Lord High Sheriff as Commander in Chief , and the Lord Custos Rotulorum as Mustermaster of the Tribe ( or the Orator for the first Muster ) upon reception of the Lists of their Hundreds , return'd to them by the High Constables of the same , presently cause them to be cast up , dividing the Horse from the Foot , and listing the Horse by their names in Troops , each Troop containing about a hundred in number , to be inscrib'd , first , second , or third Troop , &c. according to the Order agreed upon by the said Magistrats : Which don , they shall list the Foot in like manner , and inscribe the Companys in like order . These Lists upon the Eve of the Muster shall be deliver'd to certain Trumpeters and Drummers , wherof there shall be fifteen of each sort ( as well for the present as other uses to be hereafter mention'd ) stipendiated by the Tribe . And the Trumpeters and Drummers shall be in the Field before the Pavilion , upon the day of the Muster , so soon as it is light , where they shall stand every one with his List in his hand , at a due distance , plac'd according to the Order of the List ; the Trumpeters with the Lists of the Horse on the right-hand , and the Drummers with the Lists of the Foot on the left-hand : where having sounded a while , each of them shall begin to call , and continue calling the names of the Deputys , as they com into the field , till both the Horse and Foot be gather'd by that means into their due Order . The Horse and Foot being in order , the Lord Lieutenant of the Tribe shall cast so many Gold Balls mark'd with the figures 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. as there be Troops of Horse in the Field , together with so many Silver Balls as there be Companys , mark'd in the same manner , into a little Vrn , to which he shall call the Captains ; and the Captains drawing the Gold Balls shall command the Horse , and those that draw the Silver the Foot , each in the order of his Lot. The like shall be don by the Conductor at the same time for the Ensigns at another Vrn ; and they that draw the Gold Balls shall be Cornets , the rest Ensigns . THIS Order may puzzle the Reader , but tends to a wonderful speed of the Muster , to which it would be a great matter to lose a day in ranging and martialling , wheras by virtue of this the Tribe is no sooner in the field than in Battalia , nor sooner in Battalia than call'd to the Urns or the Ballot by virtue of THE ninth ORDER , wherby the Censors ( or the Orator for the first Muster ) upon reception of the Lists of the Hundreds from the High Constables , according as is directed by the seventh Order , are to make their Notes for the Vrns beforehand , with regard had to the Lists of the Magistrats , to be elected by the insuing Orders ; that is to say , by the first List call'd the prime Magnitude , six ; and by the second call'd the Galaxy , nine . Wherfore the Censors are to put into the middle Vrn for the Election of the first List twenty four Gold Balls , with twenty six Blanks or Silver Balls , in all sixty ; and into the side Vrns sixty Gold Balls divided into each according to the different number of the Horse and the Foot : that is to say , if the Horse and the Foot be equal , equally ; and if the Horse and the Foot be inequal , inequally , by an Arithmetical Proportion . The like shall be don the second day of the Muster , for the second List , except that the Censors shall put into the middle Vrn 36 Gold Balls with 24 Blanks , in all sixty ; and sixty Gold Balls into the side Vrns , divided respectively into the number of the Horse and the Foot : and the Gold Balls in the side Vrns at either Ballot are by the addition of Blanks to be brought even with the number of the Ballotants at either Vrn respectively . The Censors having prepar'd their Notes , as has bin shewn , and being com at the day appointed into the Field , shall present a little Vrn to the Lord High Sheriff , who is to draw twice for the Letters to be us'd that day , the one at the side Vrns , and the other at the middle . And the Censors having fitted the Vrns accordingly , shall place themselves in certain movable Seats or Pulpits ( to be kept for that use in the Pavilion ) the first Censor before the Horse Vrn , the second before the Foot Vrn , the Lord Lieutenant doing the Office of Censor pro tempore at the middle Vrn ; where all and every one of them shall cause the Laws of the Ballot to be diligently observ'd , taking a special care that no Man be suffer'd to com above once to the Vrn ( wherof it more particularly concerns the Subcensors , that is to say , the Overseers of every Parish , to be careful ; they being each in this regard responsible for their respective Parishes ) or to draw above one Ball , which if it be Gold , he is to present to the Censor , who shall look upon the Letter ; and if it be not that of the day , and of the respective Vrn , apprehend the Party , who for this or any other like disorder , is obnoxious to the Phylarch . THIS Order being observ'd by the Censors , it is not possible for the People , if they can but draw the Balls , tho they understand nothing at all of the Ballot , to be out . To philosophize further upon this Art , tho there be nothing more rational , were not worth the while ; because in writing it will be perplex'd , and the first practice of it gives the demonstration : whence it came to pass , that the Orator , after som needless pains in the explanation of the two foregoing Orders , betaking himself to exemplify the same , found the work don to his hand ; for the Tribe , as eager upon a business of this nature , had retain'd one of the Surveyors , out of whom ( before the Orator arriv'd ) they had got the whole Mystery by a stoln Muster , at which in order to the Ballot they had made certain Magistrats pro tempore . Wherfore he found not only the Pavilion ( for this time a Tent ) erected with three Posts supplying the place of Pillars to the Urns ; but the Urns being prepar'd with a just number of Balls for the first Ballot , to becom the Field , and the occasion very gallantly , with their Covers made in the manner of Helmets , open at either ear to give passage to the hands of the Ballotants , and flanting with noble Plumes to direct the March of the People . Wherfore he proceded to THE tenth ORDER , requiring of the Deputys of the Parishes , That upon every Monday next ensuing the last of February , they make their personal appearance , Horse and Foot in Arms accordingly , at the Rendevouz of the Tribe ; where being in Disciplin , the Horse upon the right , and the Foot upon the left , before the Pavilion , and having made Oath by holding up their hands upon the tender of it by the Lord High Sheriff , to make Election without favour , and of such only as they shall judg fittest for the Commonwealth : The Conductor shall take three Balls , the one inscrib'd with these words [ outward Files ] another with these words [ inward Files ] and the third with these [ middle Files ] which Balls he shall cast into a little Vrn , and present it to the Lord High Sheriff , who , drawing one , shall give the words of Command , as they are therupon inscrib'd , and the Ballot shall begin accordingly . For example , if the Ball be inscrib'd middle Files , the Ballot shall begin by the middle ; that is , the two Files that are middle to the Horse , shall draw out first to the Horse Vrn , and the two Files that are middle to the Foot , shall draw out first to the Foot Vrn , and be follow'd by all the rest of the Files as they are next to them in order . The like shall be don by the inward , or by the outward Files , in case they be first call'd . And the Files , as every Man has drawn his Ball , if it be Silver , shall begin at the Vrn to countermarch to their places ; but he that has drawn a Gold Ball at a side Vrn , shall procede to the middle Vrn , where if the Ball he draws be Silver , he also shall countermarch : But if it be Gold , he shall take his place upon a form set cross the Pavilion , with his face toward the Lord High Sheriff , who shall be seated in the middle of the Pavilion , with certain Clercs by him , one of which shall write down the names of every Elector , that is , of every one that drew a Gold Ball at the middle Vrn , and in the Order his Ball was drawn , till the Electors amount to six in number . And the first six Electors , Horse and Foot promiscuously , are the first Order of Electors ; the second six ( still accounting them as they are drawn ) the second Order ; the third six , the third Order ; and the fourth six , the fourth Order of Electors : every Elector having place in his order , according to the order wherin he was drawn . But so soon as the first Order of Electors is complete , the Lord High Sheriff shall send them with a Copy of the following List , and a Clerc that understands the Ballot , immediately to a little Tent standing before the Pavilion in his ey , to which no other Person but themselves , during the Election , shall approach . The List shall be witten in this manner : Anno Domini The List of the Prime Magnitude or first days Election of Magistrats . 1. The Lord High Sheriff , Commander in Chief of the Tribe of Nubia , containing at this present Muster 700 Horse , and 1500 Foot , in all 2200 Deputys . 2. Lord Lieutenant 3. Lord Custos Rotulorum , Mustermaster General 4. The Conductor , being Quartermaster General 5. The first Censor 6. The second Censor AND the Electors of the first hand or order , being six , shall each of them name to his respective Magistracy in the left such as are not already elected in the Hundreds , till one Competitor be chosen to every Magistracy in the List by the Ballot of the Electors of the first Order ; which don , the List with the Competitors therunto annex'd shall be return'd to the Lord High Sheriff by the Clerc attending that Order , but the Electors shall keep their places : for they have already given their Suffrage , and may not enter into the Ballot of the Tribe . If there arises any Dispute in an Order of Electors , one of the Censors or Subcensors appointed by them in case they be Electors , shall enter into the Tent of that Order ; and that Order shall stand to his Judgment in the decision of the Controversy . The like shall be don exactly by each other Order of Electors , being sent as they are drawn , each with another Copy of the same List , into a distinct Tent , till there be return'd to the Lord High Sheriff four Competitors to every Magistracy in the List ; that is to say , one Competitor elected to every Office in every one of the four Orders : which Competitors the Lord High Sheriff shall cause to be pronounc'd or read by a Cryer to the Congregation ; and the Congregation having heard the whole Lists repeated , the Names shall be put by the Lord High Sheriff to the Tribe , one by one , beginning with the first Competitor in the first Order , thence proceding to the first Competitor in the second Order , and so to the first in the third and fourth Orders . And the Suffrages being taken in boxes by boys ( as has bin already shewn ) shall be pour'd into the Bowls standing before the Censors , who shall be seated at each end of the Table in the Pavilion , the one numbring the Affirmatives , and the other the Negatives ; and he , of the four Competitors to the first Magistracy , that has most above half the Suffrages of the Tribe in the Affirmative , is the first Magistrat . The like is to be don successively by the rest of the Competitors in their order . But because soon after the Boxes are sent out for the first name , there be others sent out for the second , and so for the third , &c. by which means divers names are successively at one and the same time in ballotting ; the Boy that carrys a Box shall sing or repeat continually the name of the Competitor for whom that Box is carrying , with that also of the Magistracy to which he is propos'd . A Magistrat of the Tribe happening to be an Elector , may substitute any one of his own Order to execute his other Function . The Magistrats of the Prime Magnitude being thus elected , shall receive the present Charge of the Tribe . IF it be objected against this Order , that the Magistrats to be elected by it , will be Men of more inferior rank than those of the Hundreds , in regard that those are chosen first ; it may be remember'd , that so were the Burgesses in the former Government , nevertheless the Knights of the Shire were Men of greater quality : And the Election at the Hundred is made by a Council of Electors , of whom less cannot be expected than the discretion of naming Persons fittest for those Capacitys , with an ey upon these to be elected at the Tribe . As for what may be objected in point of Difficulty , it is demonstrable by the foregoing Orders , that a Man might bring ten thousand Men ( if there were occasion ) with as much ease , and as suddenly to perform the Ballot , as he can make five thousand Men ( drawing them out by double Files ) to march a quarter of a mile . But because at this Ballot , to go up and down the Field , distributing the linen Pellets to every Man , with which he is to ballot or give suffrage , would lose a great deal of time , therfore a Mans Wife , his Daughters , or others , make him his provision of Pellets before the Ballot ; and he coms into the field with a matter of a score of them in his pocket . And now I have as good as don with the sport . The next is THE eleventh ORDER , explaining the Dutys and Functions of the Magistrats contain'd in the List of the Prime Magnitude : And those of the Hundreds , beginning with the Lord High Sheriff , who , over and above his more antient Offices , and those added by the former Order , is the first Magistrat of the Phylarch , or Prerogative Troop . The Lord Lieutenant , over and above his Duty mention'd , is Commander in Chief of the Musters of the Youth , and second Magistrat of the Phylarch . The Custos Rotulorum is to return the yearly Muster-rolls of the Tribe , as well that of the Youth as of the Elders , to the Rolls in Emporium , and is the third Magistrat of the Phylarch . The Censors by themselves , and their Subcensors , that is , the Overseers of the Parishes , are to see that the respective Laws of the Ballot be observ'd in all the popular Assemblys of the Tribe . They have power also to put such National Ministers , as in Preaching shall intermeddle with matters of Government , out of their Livings ; except the Party appeals to the Phylarch , or to the Council of Religion , where in that case the Censors shall prosecute . All and every one of these Magistrats , together with the Justices of Peace , and the Jurymen of the Hundreds , amounting in the whole number to threescore and six , are the Prerogative Troop or Phylarch of the Tribe . THE Function of the Phylarch or Prerogative Troop is fivefold . FIRST , They are the Council of the Tribe , and as such to govern the Musters of the same according to the foregoing Orders , having cognizance of what has past in the Congregation or Elections made in the Parishes or the Hundreds , with power to punish any undue practices , or variation from their respective Rules and Orders , under an Appeal to the Parlament . A Marriage legitimatly is to be pronounc'd by the Parochial Congregation , the Muster of the Hundred , or the Phylarch . And if a Tribe have a desire ( which they are to express at the Muster by their Captains , every Troop by his own ) to petition the Parlament , the Phylarch , as the Counsil , shall frame the Petition in the Pavilion , and propose it by Clauses to the Ballot of the whole Tribe ; and the Clauses that shall be affirm'd by the Ballot of the Tribe , and sign'd by the hands of the six Magistrats of the Prime Magnitude , shall be receiv'd and esteem'd by the Parlament as the Petition of the Tribe , and no other . SECONDLY , The Phylarch has power to call to their assistance what other Troops of the Tribe they please ( be they Elders or Youth , whose Disciplin will be hereafter directed ) and with these to receive the Judges Itinerant in their Circuits , whom the Magistrats of the Phylarch shall assist upon the Bench , and the Jurys elswhere in their proper functions according to the more antient Laws and Customs of this Nation . THIRDLY , The Phylarch shall hold the Court call'd the Quarter Sessions according to the antient Custom , and therin shall also hear Causes in order to the protection of Liberty of Conscience , by such Rules as are or shall hereafter be appointed by the Parlament . FOURTHLY , All Commissions , issu'd into the Tribes by the Parlament , or by the Chancery , are to be directed to the Phylarch , or som of that Troop , and executed by the same respectively . FIFTHLY , In the case of Levys of Mony the Parlament shall tax the Phylarchs , the Phylarchs shall tax the Hundreds , the Hundreds the Parishes , and the Parishes shall levy it upon themselves . The Parishes having levy'd the Tax Mony , accordingly shall return it to the Officers of the Hundreds , the Hundreds to the Phylarchs , and the Phylarchs to the Exchequer . But if a man has ten Children living , he shall pay no Taxes ; if he has five living , he shall pay but half Taxes ; if he has bin marry'd three years , or be above twenty five years of Age , and has no Child or Children lawfully begotten , he shall pay double Taxes . And if there happen to grow any dispute upon these or such other Orders as shall or may hereto be added hereafter , the Phylarchs shall judg the Tribes , and the Parlament shall judg the Phylarchs . For the rest , if any man shall go about to introduce the right or power of Debate into any popular Council or Congregation of this Nation , the Phylarch or any Magistrat of the Hundred , or of the Tribe , shall cause him presently to be sent in custody to the Council of War. THE part of the Order relating to the Rolls in Emporium being of singular use , is not unworthy to be somwhat better open'd . In what manner the Lists of the Parishes , Hundreds , and Tribes are made , has bin shewn in their respective Orders , where after the Partys are elected , they give an account of the whole number of the Elders or Deputys in their respective Assemblys or Musters ; the like for this part exactly is don by the Youth in their Disciplin ( to be hereafter shewn ) wherfore the Lists of the Parishes , Youth and Elders , being sum'd up , give the whole number of the People able to bear Arms ; and the Lists of the Tribes , Youth and Elders , being sum'd up , give the whole number of the People bearing Arms. This account , being annually recorded by the Master of the Rolls , is call'd the Pillar of Nilus , because the People being the Riches of the Commonwealth , as they are found to rise or fall by the degrees of this Pillar , like that River , give an account of the public Harvest . THUS much for the Description of the first days work at the Muster , which happen'd , as has bin shewn , to be don as soon as said : for as in practice it is of small difficulty , so requires it not much time , seeing the great Council of Venice , consisting of a like number , begins at twelve of the Clock , and elects nine Magistrats in one Afternoon . But the Tribe being dismist for this night , repair'd to their Quarters , under the conduct of their new Magistrats . The next morning returning into the field very early , the Orator proceded to THE twelfth ORDER , directing the Muster of the Tribe in the second days Election , being that of the List call'd the Galaxy ; in which the Censors shall prepare the Vrns according to the Directions given in the ninth Order for the second Ballot ; that is to say , with 36 Gold Balls in the middle Vrn , making four Orders , and nine Electors in every Order , according to the number of the Magistrats in the List of the Galaxy , which is as follows : 1. Knight to be chosen out of the Horse . 2. Knight 3. Deputy to be chosen out of the Horse . 4. Deputy 5. Deputy 6. Deputy to be chosen out of the Foot. 7. Deputy 8. Deputy 9. Deputy THE rest of the Ballot shall procede exactly according to that of the first day . But forasmuch as the Commonwealth demands as well the fruits of a mans body as of his mind , he that has not bin marry'd shall not be capable of these Magistracys till he be marry'd . If a Deputy , already chosen to be an Officer in the Parish , in the Hundred , or in the Tribe , be afterwards chosen of the Galaxy , it shall be lawful for him to delegat his Office in the Parish , in the Hundred , or in the Tribe , to any one of his own Order , being not already chosen into Office. The Knights and Deputys being chosen , shall be brought to the head of the Tribe by the Lord High Sherif , who shall administer to them this Oath ; Ye shall well and truly observe and keep the Orders and Customs of this Commonwealth which the People have chosen . And if any of them shall refuse the Oath , he shall be rejected , and that Competitor which had the most voices next shall be call'd in his place ; who if he takes the Oath shall be entred in the List ; but if he also refuses the Oath , he who had most voices next shall be call'd , and so till the number of nine out of those Competitors which had most voices be sworn Knights and Deputys of the Galaxy . [ This Clause , in regard of the late Divisions , and to the end that no violence be offer'd to any mans Conscience , to be of force but for the first three years only . ] The Knights of the Galaxy being elected and sworn , are to repair , by the Monday next insuing the last of March , to the Pantheon or Palace of Justice , situated in the Metropolis of this Commonwealth ( except the Parlament , by reason of a contagious Sickness , or som other occasion , has adjourn'd to another part of the Nation ) where they are to take their places in the Senat , and continue in full Power and Commission as Senators for the full term of three years next insuing the date of their Election . The Deputys of the Galaxy are to repair by the same day ( except as before excepted ) to the Halo situated in Emporium , where they are to be listed of the Prerogative Tribe , or equal Representative of the People ; and to continue in full Power and Commission as their Deputys for the full term of three years next insuing their Election . But forasmuch as the term of every Magistracy or Office in this Commonwealth requires an equal vacation , a Knight or Deputy of the Galaxy , having fulfil'd his term of three years , shall not be reelected into the same Galaxy , or any other , till he has also fulfil'd his three years vacation . WHOEVER shall rightly consider the foregoing Orders , will be as little able to find how it is possible , that a worshipful Knight should declare himself in Ale and Beef worthy to serve his Country , as how my Lord High Sherifs Honor , in case he were protected from the Law , could play the knave . But tho the foregoing Orders , so far as they regard the Constitution of the Senat and the People , requiring no more as to an ordinary Election than is therin explain'd , that is but one third part of their Knights and Deputys , are perfect ; yet must we in this place , and as to the Institution , of necessity erect a Scaffold . For the Commonwealth to the first creation of her Councils in full number , requir'd thrice as many as are eligible by the foregoing Orders . Wherfore the Orator , whose aid in this place was most necessary , rightly informing the People of the reason , staid them two days longer at the Muster , and took this course . One List containing two Knights and seven Deputys , he caus'd to be chosen upon the second day ; which List being call'd the first Galaxy , qualify'd the Partys elected of it with power for the term of one year and no longer : another List containing two Knights and seven Deputys more , he caus'd to be chosen the third day , which List being call'd the second Galaxy , qualify'd the Partys elected of it with Power for the term of two years and no longer . And upon the fourth day he chose the third Galaxy , according as it is directed by the Order , impower'd for three years ; which Lists successively falling ( like the Signs or Constellations of one Hemisphere , which setting , cause those of the other to rise ) cast the great Orbs of this Commonwealth into an annual , triennial , and perpetual Revolution . THE business of the Muster being thus happily finish'd , HERMES DE CADUCEO , Lord Orator of the Tribe of Nubia , being now put into her first Rapture , caus'd one of the Censors Pulpits to be planted in front of the Squadron , and ascending into the same , spake after this manner . My Lords , the Magistrats and the People of the Tribe of Nubia . WE have this day solemniz'd the happy Nuptials of the two greatest Princes that are upon the Earth or in Nature , ARMS and COUNCILS : in the mutual Embraces wherof consists your whole COMMONWEALTH ; whose Councils upon their perpetual Wheelings , Marches , and Countermarches , create her Armys ; and whose Armys with the golden Vollys of the BALLOT at once create and salute her Councils . There be those ( such is the World at present ) that think it ridiculous to see a Nation exercising its Civil Functions in Military Disciplin ; while they , committing their Buff to their Servants , com themselves to hold Trenchards . For what avails it such as are unarm'd , or ( which is all one ) whose Education acquaints them not with the proper use of their Swords , to be call'd Citizens ? What were two or three thousand of you , tho never so well affected to your Country , but naked , to one Troop of Mercenary Soldiers ? If they should com upon the Field and say , Gentlemen , It is thought fit that such and such Men should be chosen by you ; where were your Liberty ? Or , Gentlemen , Parlaments are exceding good , but you are to have a little patience , these times are not so fit for them ; where were your Commonwealth ? What causes the Monarchy of the Tur●s but Servants in Arms ? What was it that begot the glorious Commonwealth of Rome , but the Sword in the hands of her Citizens ? Wherfore my glad eys salute the Serenity and Brightness of this day with a showr that shall not cloud it . Behold the Army of Israel becom a Commonwealth , and the Commonwealth of Israel remaining an Army , with her Rulers of Tens and of Fiftys , her Rulers of Hundreds and Thousands , drawing near ( as this day throout our happy Fields ) to the Lot by her Tribes , increas'd above threefold , and led up by her Phylarchs or Princes , to sit upon * fifty Thrones , judging the fifty Tribes of Oceana ! Or , Is it Athens , breaking from her Iron Sepulcher , where she has bin so long trampled by Hosts of Janizarys ? For certainly that is the voice of THESEUS , having gather'd his scatter'd Athenians into one City . † This freeborn Nation lives not upon the Dole or Bounty of one man , but distributing her annual Magistracys and Honors with her own hand , is her self King PEOPLE — ( at which the Orator was a while interrupted with shouts , but at length proceded ) — Is it grave Lacedemon in her arm'd Tribe divided by her Obae and her Mora , which appears to chide me that I teach the People to talk , or conceive such Language as is drest like a Woman , to be a sit Usher of the Joys of Liberty into the hearts of men ? Is it Rome in her victorious Arms ( for so she held her Concio or Congregation ) that congratulats with us , for finding out that which she could not hit on , and binding up her Comitia Curiata , Centuriata , and Tributa , in one inviolable League of Union ? Or is it the Great Council of incomparable Venice , bowling forth by the self same Ballot her immortal Commonwealth ? For , neither by Reason nor by Experience is it impossible that a Commonwealth should be immortal ; seeing the People being the Materials , never dy ; and the Form , which is Motion , must , without opposition , be endless . The Bowl which is thrown from your hand , if there be no rub , no impediment , shall never cease : for which cause the glorious Luminarys that are the Bowls of God , were once thrown for ever ; and next these , those of Venice . But certainly , my Lords , whatever these great Examples may have shewn us , we are the first that have shewn to the World a Commonwealth establish'd in her rise upon fifty such Towers , and so garnizon'd as are the Tribes of Oceana , containing a hundred thousand Elders upon the annual List , and yet but an Out-guard ; besides her marching Armys to be equal in the Disciplin , and in the number of her Youth . AND forasmuch as Soverain Power is a necessary but a formidable Creature , not unlike the Pouder which ( as you are Soldiers ) is at once your Safety and your Danger , being subject to take fire against you as well as for you ; how well and securely is she by your Galaxys so collected as to be in full force and vigor , and yet so distributed that it is impossible you should be blown up by your own Magazine ? Let them who will have it , that Power if it be confin'd cannot be Soverain , tell us , whether our Rivers do not enjoy a more secure and fruitful Reign within their proper banks , than if it were lawful for them , in ravaging our Harvests , to spill themselves ? Whether Souls , not confin'd to their peculiar Bodys , do govern them any more than those of Witches in their Trances ? Whether Power , not confin'd to the bounds of Reason and Virtue , has any other bounds than those of Vice and Passion ? Or if Vice and Passion be boundless , and Reason and Virtue have certain Limits , on which of these Thrones holy men should anoint their Soverain ? But to blow away this dust , The Soverain Power of a Commonwealth is no more bounded , that is to say straitned , than that of a Monarch ; but is balanc'd . The Eagle mounts not to her proper pitch , if she be bounded ; nor is free , if she be not balanc'd . And lest a Monarch should think he can reach further with his Scepter , the Roman Eagle upon such a Balance spread her Wings from the Ocean to Euphrates . Receive the Soverain Power ; you have receiv'd it , hold it fast , imbrace it for ever in your shining Arms. The virtue of the Loadstone is not impair'd or limited , but receives strength and nourishment by being bound in Iron . And so giving your Lordships much Joy , I take my leave of this Tribe . THE Orator descending , had the period of his Speech made with a vast applause and exultation of the whole Tribe , attending him for that night to his quarter , as the Phylarch with som commanded Troops did the next day to the Frontiers of the Tribe , where leave was taken on both sides with more Tears than Grief . SO , a Tribe is the third Division of Land occasion'd by the third Collection of the People , whose Functions proper to that place are contain'd in the five foregoing Orders . THE Institution of the Commonwealth was such as needed those Props and Scaffolds which may have troubled the Reader ; but I shall here take them away , and com to the Constitution which stands by it self , and yields a clearer prospect . THE motions , by what has bin already shewn , are Spherical ; and Spherical Motions have their proper Center : for which cause ( e're I procede further ) it will be necessary , for the better understanding of the whole , that I discover the Center wherupon the Motions of this Commonwealth are form'd . THE Center , or Basis of every Government , is no other than the Fundamental Laws of the same . FUNDAMENTAL Laws are such as state what it is that a Man may call his own , that is to say , Property ; and what the Means be wherby a Man may enjoy his own , that is to say , Protection . The first is also call'd Dominion , and the second Empire or Soverain Power , wherof this ( as has bin shewn ) is the natural product of the former ; for such as is the Balance of Dominion in a Nation , such is the nature of its Empire . WHERFORE the Fundamental Laws of Oceana , or the Center of this Commonwealth , are the Agrarian and the Ballot : The Agrarian by the Balance of Dominion preserving Equality in the Root ; and the Ballot by an equal Rotation conveying it into the Branch , or Exercise of Soverain Power : As , to begin with the former , appears by THE thirteenth ORDER , constituting the Agrarian Laws of Oceana , Marpesia and Panopea , wherby it is ordain'd , First , for all such Lands as are lying and being within the proper Territorys of Oceana , that every Man who is at present possest , or shall hereafter be possest of an Estate in Land exceding the Revenue of two thousand Pounds a year , and having more than one Son , shall leave his Lands either equally divided among them , in case the Lands amount to above 2000 l. a year to each ; or so near equally in case they com under , that the greater part or portion of the same remaining to the eldest , excede not the value of two thousand Pounds Revenue . And no man , not in present possession of Lands above the value of two thousand Pounds by the year , shall receive , enjoy ( except by lawful Inheritance ) acquire , or purchase to himself Lands within the said Territorys , amounting , with those already in his possession , above the said Revenue . And if a man has a Daughter , or Daughters , except she be an Heiress , or they be Heiresses , he shall not leave or give to any one of them in Marriage or otherwise , for her Portion , above the value of one thousand five hundred Pounds in Lands , Goods , and Monys . Nor shall any Friend , Kinsman , or Kinswoman , add to her or their Portion or Portions that are so provided for , to make any one of them greater . Nor shall any man demand , or have more in marriage with any Woman . Nevertheless an Heiress shall enjoy her lawful Inheritance , and a Widow , whatsoever the Bounty or Affection of her Husband shall bequeath to her , to be divided in the first Generation , wherin it is divisible according as has bin shewn . SECONDLY , For Lands lying and being within the Territorys of Marpesia , the Agrarian shall hold in all parts as it is establish'd in Oceana , except only in the Standard or Proportion of Estates in Land , which shall be set for Marpesia at five hundred Pounds . And , THIRDLY , For Panopea , the Agrarian shall hold in all parts , as in Oceana . And whosoever possessing above the proportion allow'd by these Laws , shall be lawfully convicted of the same , shall forfeit the Overplus to the use of the State. AGRARIAN Laws of all others have ever bin the greatest Bugbears , and so in the Institution were these , at which time it was ridiculous to see how strange a fear appear'd in every body of that which , being good for all , could hurt no body . But instead of the proof of this Order , I shall out of those many Debates that happen'd e're it could be past , insert two Speeches that were made at the Council of Legislators , the first by the Right Honorable PHILAUTUS DE GARBO , a young Man , being Heir apparent to a very Noble Family , and one of the Counsillors , who exprest himself as follows . May it please your Highness , my Lord ARCHON of Oceana . IF I did not , to my capacity , know from how profound a Counsillor I dissent , it would certainly be no hard task to make it as light as the day : First , That an Agrarian is altogether unnecessary . Secondly , That it is dangerous to a Commonwealth . Thirdly , That it is insufficient to keep out Monarchy . Fourthly , That it ruins Familys . Fifthly , That it destroys Industry . And last of all , that tho it were indeed of any good use , it will be a matter of such difficulty to introduce in this Nation , and so to settle that it may be lasting , as is altogether invincible . FIRST , That an Agrarian is unnecessary to a Commonwealth , what clearer Testimony can there be , than that the Commonwealths which are our Cotemporarys ( Venice , to which your Highness gives the upper hand of all Antiquity , being one ) have no such thing ? And there can be no reason why they have it not , seeing it is in the Soverain Power at any time to establish such an Order , but that they need it not ; wherfore no wonder if ARISTOTLE , who pretends to be a good Commonwealthsman , has long since derided PHALEAS , to whom it was attributed by the Greecs , for his invention . SECONDLY , That an Agrarian is dangerous to a Common-wealth is affirm'd upon no slight Authority , seeing MACCHIAVEL is positive , that it was the Dissension which happen'd about the Agrarian that caus'd the Destruction of Rome ; nor do I think that it did much better in Lacedemon , as I shall shew anon . THIRDLY , That it is insufficient to keep out Monarchy cannot without impiety be deny'd , the holy Scriptures bearing witness , that the Commonwealth of Israel , notwithstanding her Agrarian , submitted her neck to the arbitrary Yoke of her Princes . FOURTHLY , Therfore to com to my next Assertion , That it is destructive to Familys ; this also is so apparent , that it needs pity rather than proof . Why , alas , do you bind a Nobility ( which no Generation shall deny to have bin the first that freely sacrific'd their Blood to the antient Libertys of this People ) on an unholy Altar ? Why are the People taught , That their Liberty , which , except our noble Ancestors had bin born , must have long since bin bury'd , cannot now be born except we be bury'd ? A Common-wealth should have the innocence of the Dove . Let us leave this purchase of her Birth to the Serpent , which eats it self out of the womb of its Mother . FIFTHLY , But it may be said , perhaps , that we are fallen from our first Love , becom proud and idle . It is certain , my Lords , that the hand of God is not upon us for nothing . But take heed how you admit of such assaults and sallys upon Mens Estates , as may slacken the Nerve of Labor , and give others also reason to believe that their Sweat is vain ; or else , whatsoever be pretended , your Agrarian ( which is my Fifth Assertion ) must indeed destroy Industry . For , that so it did in Lacedemon is most apparent , as also that it could do no otherwise , where every Man having his 40 Quarters of Barly , with Wine proportionable , supply'd him out of his own Lot by his Laborer or Helot ; and being confin'd in that to the scantling above which he might not live , there was not any such thing as a Trade , or other Art , except that of War , in exercise . Wherfore a Spartan , if he were not in Arms , must sit and play with his fingers , whence insu'd perpetual War , and , the Estate of the City being as little capable of increase as that of the Citizens , her inevitable Ruin. Now what better ends you can propose to your selves in the like ways , I do not so well see as I perceive that there may be worse : For Lacedemon yet was free from Civil War : But if you imploy your Citizens no better than she did , I cannot promise you that you shall fare so well , because they are still desirous of War that hope it may be profitable to them ; and the strongest Security you can give of Peace , is to make it gainful . Otherwise Men will rather chuse that wherby they may break your Laws , than that wherby your Laws may break them . Which I speak not so much in relation to the Nobility or such as would be holding , as to the People or them that would be getting ; the passion in these being so much the stronger ; as a Man's felicity is weaker in the fruition of things , than in their prosecution and increase . TRULY , my Lords , it is my fear , that by taking of more hands , and the best from Industry , you will further indamage it , than can be repair'd by laying on a few , and the worst ; while the Nobility must be forc'd to send their Sons to the Plow , and , as if this were not enough , to marry their Daughters also to Farmers . SIXTHLY , But I do not see ( to com to the last point ) how it is possible that this thing should be brought about , to your good I mean , tho it may to the destruction of many . For that the Agrarian of Israel , or that of Lacedemon might stand , is no such miracle ; the Lands , without any consideration of the former Proprietor , being survey'd and cast into equal Lots , which could neither be bought , nor sold , nor multiply'd : so that they knew wherabout to have a Man. But in this Nation no such Division can be introduc'd , the Lands being already in the hands of Proprietors , and such whose Estates ly very rarely together , but mix'd one with another ; being also of Tenures in nature so different , that as there is no experience that an Agrarian was ever introduc'd in such a case , so there is no appearance how , or reason why it should : but that which is against Reason and Experience is impossible . THE case of my Lord PHILAUTUS was the most concern'd in the whole Nation ; for he had four younger Brothers , his Father being yet living to whom he was Heir of ten thousand Pounds a year . Wherfore being a Man both of good Parts and Esteem , his Words wrought both upon Mens Reason and Passions , and had born a stroke at the head of the business , if my Lord ARCHON had not interpos'd the Buckler in this Oration . My Lords , the Legislators of Oceana . MY Lord PHILAUTUS has made a thing which is easy to seem hard ; if the Thanks were due to his Eloquence , it would be worthy of less praise , than that he ows it to his Merit , and the Love he has most deservedly purchas'd of all Men : nor is it rationally to be fear'd , that he who is so much beforehand in his privat , should be in arrear in his public Capacity . Wherfore my Lord's tenderness throout his Speech arising from no other Principle than his Solicitude lest the Agrarian should be hurtful to his Country ; it is no less than my duty to give the best satisfaction I am able to so good a Patriot , taking every one of his Doubts in the Order propos'd . And , FIRST , Wheras my Lord , upon observation of the modern Commonwealths , is of opinion , that an Agrarian is not necessary : It must be consest , that at the first sight of them there is som appearance favoring his Assertion , but upon Accidents of no precedent to us . For the Commonwealths of Switzerland and Holland , I mean of those Leagues , being situated in Countrys not alluring the Inhabitants to Wantonness , but obliging them to universal Industry , have an implicit Agrarian in the nature of them : and being not obnoxious to a growing Nobility ( which , as long as their former Monarchys had spread the wing over them , could either not at all be hatch'd , or was soon broken ) are of no example to us , whose Experience in this point has bin to the contrary . But what if even in these Governments there be indeed an explicit Agrarian ? For when the Law commands an equal or near equal distribution of a Man's Estate in Land among his Children , as it is don in those Countrys , a Nobility cannot grow ; and so there needs no Agrarian , or rather there is one . And for the growth of the Nobility in Venice ( if so it be , for MACCHIAVEL observes in that Republic , as a cause of it , a great mediocrity of Estates ) it is not a point that she is to fear , but might study , seeing she consists of nothing else but Nobility ; by which , whatever their Estates suck from the People , especially if it coms equally , is digested into the better Blood of that Commonwealth , which is all , or the greatest benefit they can have by accumulation . For how inequal soever you will have them to be in their Incoms , they have Officers of the Pomp , to bring them equal in expences , or at least in the ostentation or shew of them . And so unless the advantage of an Estate consists more in the measure than in the use of it , the Authority of Venice dos but inforce our Agrarian ; nor shall a Man evade or elude the Prudence of it , by the Authority of any other Commonwealth . For if a Commonwealth has bin introduc'd at once , as those of Israel and Lacedemon , you are certain to find her underlaid with this as the main Foundation ; nor , if she is oblig'd more to Fortune than Prudence , has she rais'd her head without musing upon this matter , as appears by that of Athens , which thro her defect in this point , says ARISTOTLE , introduc'd her Ostracism , as most of the Democracys of Grece . But , not to restrain a Fundamental of such latitude to any one kind of Government , do we not yet see , that if there be a sole Landlord of a vast Territory , he is the Turc ? That if a few Landlords overbalance a populous Country , they have store of Servants ? That if a People be in an equal balance , they can have no Lords ? That no Government can otherwise be erected , than upon som one of these Foundations ? That no one of these Foundations ( each being else apt to change into som other ) can give any security to the Government , unless it be fix'd ? That thro the want of this fixation , potent Monarchys and Commonwealths have faln upon the heads of the People , and accompany'd their own sad Ruins with vast effusions of innocent Blood ? Let the Fame , as was the merit of the antient Nobility of this Nation , be equal to , or above what has bin already said , or can be spoken ; yet have we seen not only their Glory , but that of a Throne , the most indulgent to , and least invasive for so many Ages upon the Liberty of a People that the World has known , thro the mere want of fixing her foot by a proportionable Agrarian upon her proper Foundation , to have faln with such horror , as has bin a Spectacle of Astonishment to the whole Earth . And were it well argu'd from one Calamity , that we ought not to prevent another ? Nor is ARISTOTLE so good a Commonwealthsman for deriding the invention of PHALEAS , as in recollecting himself , where he says , That Democracys , when a less part of their Citizens overtop the rest in Wealth , degenerat into Oligarchys and Principalitys : and , which coms nearer to the present purpose , that the greater part of the Nobility of Tarantum coming accidentally to be ruin'd , the Government of the Few came by consequence to be chang'd into that of the Many . THESE things consider'd , I cannot see how an Agrarian , as to the fixation or security of a Government , can be less than necessary . And if a Cure be necessary , it excuses not the Patient , his Disease being otherwise desperat , that it is dangerous ; which was the case of Rome , not so stated by MACCHIAVEL , where he says , That the strife about the Agrarian caus'd the Destruction of that Commonwealth . As if when a Senator was not rich ( as CRASSUS held ) except he could pay an Army , that Commonwealth could expect nothing but Ruin , whether in strife about the Agrarian , or without it . * Of late , says LIVY , Riches have introduc'd Avarice ; and voluptuous Pleasures abounding , have thro Lust and Luxury begot a desire of blasting and destroying all good Orders . If the greatest Security of a Commonwealth consists in being provided with the proper Antidote against this Poison , her greatest danger must be from the absence of an Agrarian , which is the whole truth of the Roman example . For the Laconic , I shall reserve the farther explication of it , as my Lord also did , to another place : and first see whether an Agrarian proportion'd to a popular Government be sufficient to keep out Monarchy . My Lord is for the Negative , and fortify'd by the People of Israel electing a King. To which I say , That the Action of the People therin exprest is a full Answer to the Objection of that Example : For the Monarchy neither grew upon them , nor could , by reason of the Agrarian , possibly have invaded them , if they had not pull'd it upon themselves by the election of a King. Which being an Accident , the like wherof is not to be found in any other People so planted , nor in this , till , as it is manifest , they were given up by God to infatuation ( for says he to SAMUEL , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected Me , that I should not reign over them ) has somthing in it which is apparent , by what went before , to have bin besides the course of Nature , and by what follow'd . For the King having no other Foundation than the Calamitys of the People , so often beaten by their Enemys , that despairing of themselves , they were contented with any change ; if he had Peace as in the days of SOLOMON , lest but a slippery Throne to his Successor , as appear'd by REHOBOAM . And the Agrarian , notwithstanding the Monarchy thus introduc'd , so faithfully preserv'd the Root of that Commonwealth , that it shot forth oftner , and by intervals continu'd longer than any other Government , as may be computed from the Institution of the same by JOSHUA , 1465 years before CHRIST , to the total dissolution of it , which happen'd in the Reign of the Emperor ADRIAN , 135 years after the Incarnation . A People planted upon an equal Agrarian , and holding to it , if they part with their Liberty , must do it upon good will , and make but a bad title of their Bounty . As to instance yet further in that which is propos'd by the present Order to this Nation , the Standard wherof is at 2000 l. a year : The whole Territory of Oceana being divided by this proportion , amounts to 5000 Lots . So the Lands of Oceana being thus distributed , and bound to this Distribution , can never fall to fewer than five thousand Proprietors . But five thousand Proprietors so seiz'd will not agree to break the Agrarian , for that were to agree to rob one another ; nor to bring in a King , because they must maintain him , and can have no benefit by him ; nor to exclude the People , because they can have as little by that , and must spoil their Militia . So the Commonwealth continuing upon the balance propos'd , tho it should com into five thousand hands , can never alter ; and that it should ever com into five thousand hands , is as improbable as any thing in the World that is not altogether impossible . MY Lords , other Considerations are more privat : As that this Order destroys Familys ; which is as if one should lay the ruins of som antient Castle to the Herbs which usually grow out of them ; the destruction of those Familys being that indeed which naturally produc'd this Order . For we do not now argue for that which we would have , but for that which we are already possest of ; as would appear , if a note were but taken of all such as have at this day above two thousand Pounds a year in Oceana . If my Lord should grant ( and I will put it with the most ) that they who are Proprietors in Land , exceding this proportion , excede not three hundred ; with what brow can the Interest of so few be balanc'd with that of the whole Nation ? or rather , what Interest have they to put in such a Balance ? They would live as they have bin accustom'd to do ; Who hinders them ? They would enjoy their Estates ; who touches them ? They would dispose of what they have according to the Interest of their Familys : It is that which we desire . A Man has one Son ; let him be call'd : Would he enjoy his Father's Estate ? It is his , his Son 's , and his Son's Son 's after him . A Man has five Sons ; let them be call'd : Would they enjoy their Father's Estate ? It is divided among them : for we have four Votes for one in the same Family , and therfore this must be the Interest of the Family , or the Family knows not its own Interest . If a Man shall dispute otherwise , he must draw his Arguments from Custom , and from Greatness , which was the Interest of the Monarchy , not of the Family : and we are now a Commonwealth . If the Monarchy could not bear with such Divisions because they tended to a Commonwealth ; neither can a Commonwealth connive at such Accumulations , because they tend to a Monarchy . If the Monarchy might make bold with so many for the good of one , we may make bold with one for the good of so many ; nay , for the good of all . My Lords , it coms into my mind , that which upon occasion of the variety of Partys enumerated in our late Civil Wars , was said by a Friend of mine coming home from his Travels , about the latter end of these Troubles ; That he admir'd how it came to pass , that younger Brothers , especially being so many more in number than their Elder , did not unite as one man against a Tyranny , the like wherof has not bin exercis'd in any other Nation . And truly , when I consider that our Countrymen are none of the worst natur'd , I must confess I marvel much how it coms to pass , that we should use our Children as we do our Puppys ; take one , lay it in the lap , feed it with every good bit , and drown five : nay yet worse ; forasmuch as the Puppys are once drown'd , wheras the Children are left perpetually drowning . Really , my Lords , it is a flinty Custom ! And all this for his cruel Ambition , that would raise himself a Pillar , a golden Pillar for his Monument , tho he has Children , his own reviving Flesh , and a kind of Immortality . And this is that Interest of a Family , for which we are to think ill of a Government that will not indure it . But quiet your selves : The Land thro which the River Nilus wanders in one stream , is barren ; but where it parts into seven , it multiplys its sertil shores by distributing , yet keeping and improving such a Propriety and Nutrition , as is a prudent Agrarian to a wellorder'd Commonwealth . NOR ( to com to the fifth Assertion ) is a political Body render'd any fitter for Industry , by having one gouty and another wither'd Leg , than a natural . It tends not to the improvement of Merchandize that there be som who have no need of their Trading , and others that are not able to follow it . If Confinement discourages Industry , an Estate in Mony is not confin'd ; and lest Industry should want wherupon to work , Land is not ingrost or intail'd upon any man , but remains at its devotion . I wonder whence the computation can arise , that this should discourage Industry . Two thousand Pounds a year a man may enjoy in Oceana , as much in Panopea , five hundred in Marpesia : There be other Plantations , and the Commonwealth will have more . Who knows how far the Arms of our Agrarian may extend themselves ? and whether he that might have left a Pillar , may not leave a Temple of many Pillars to his more pious Memory ? Where there is som measure in Riches , a man may be rich ; but if you will have them to be infinit , there will be no end of starving himself , and wanting what he has : and what pains dos such a one take to be poor ! Furthermore , if a man shall think that there may be an Industry less greasy , or more noble , and so cast his thoughts upon the Commonwealth , he will have leisure for her , and she Riches and Honors for him ; his Sweat shall smell like ALEXANDER'S . My Lord PHILAUTUS is a young Man , who enjoying his ten thousand Pounds a year , may keep a noble House in the old way , and have homely Guests ; and having but two , by the means propos'd , may take the upper hand of his great Ancestors ; with reverence to whom , I may say , there has not bin one of them would have disputed his place with a Roman Consul . My Lord , do not break my heart ; the Nobility shall go to no other Plows than those from which we call our Consuls . But , says he , it having bin so with Lacedemon , that neither the City nor the Citizens were capable of increase , a blow was given by that Agrarian , which ruin'd both . And what are we concern'd with that Agrarian , or that blow , while our Citizens and our City ( and that by our Agrarian ) are both capable of increase ? The Spartan , if he made a Conquest , had not Citizens to hold it ; the Oceaner will have enow : the Spartan could have no Trade , the Oceaner may have all . The Agrarian in Laconia , that it might bind on Knapsacs , forbidding all other Arts but that of War , could not make an Army of above 30000 Citizens . The Agrarian in Oceana without interruption of Traffic , provides us in the fifth part of the Youth an annual source or fresh spring of 100000 , besides our Provincial Auxiliarys , out of which to draw marching Armys ; and as many Elders , not feeble , but men most of them in the flower of their Age , and in Arms for the defence of our Territorys . The Agrarian in Laconia banish'd Mony , this multiplys it : That allow'd a matter of twenty or thirty Acres to a man ; this two or three thousand : There is no comparison between them . And yet I differ so much from my Lord , or his Opinion that the Agrarian was the ruin of Lacedemon , that I hold it no less than demonstrable to have bin her main support . For if , banishing all other diversions , it could not make an Army of above 30000 ; then letting in all other diversions , it must have broken that Army . Wherfore LYSANDER bringing in the golden spoils of Athens , irrecoverably ruin'd that Commonwealth ; and is a warning to us , that in giving incouragement to Industry , we also remember , that Covetousness is the root of all Evil. And our Agrarian can never be the cause of those Seditions threaten'd by my Lord , but is the proper cure of them , as * LUCAN notes well in the State of Rome before the Civil Wars , which happen'd thro the want of such an Antidote . Why then are we mistaken , as if we intended not equal advantages in our Commonwealth to either Sex , because we would not have Womens Fortunes consist in that metal , which exposes them to Cutpurses ? If a man cuts my Purse , I may have him by the heels , or by the neck for it ; wheras a man may cut a woman's purse , and have her for his pains in fetters . How brutish , and much more than brutish , is that Commonwealth , which prefers the Earth before the Fruits of her Womb ? If the People be her Treasure , the staff by which she is sustain'd and comforted , with what Justice can she suffer them , by whom she is most inrich'd , to be for that cause the most impoverish'd ? And yet we see the Gifts of God , and the Bountys of Heaven in fruitful Familys , thro this wretched custom of marrying for Mony , becom their insupportable grief and poverty . Nor falls this so heavy upon the lower sort , being better able to shift for themselves , as upon the Nobility or Gentry . For what avails it in this case , from whence their Veins have deriv'd their Blood ; while they shall see the Tallow of a Chandler sooner converted into that Beauty which is requir'd in a Bride ? I appeal , whether my Lord PHILAUTUS or my self be the Advocat of Nobility ; against which in the case propos'd by me , there would be nothing to hold the balance . And why is a Woman , if she may have but fifteen hundred pounds , undon ? If she be unmarry'd , what Nobleman allows his Daughter in that case a greater Revenu , than so much Mony may command ? And if she marry , no Nobleman can give his Daughter a greater portion than she has . Who is hurt in this case ? nay , who is not benefited ? If the Agrarian gives us the sweat of our brows without diminution ; if it prepares our Table , if it makes our Cup to overflow ; and above all this , in providing for our Children , anoints our Heads with that Oil which takes away the greatest of worldly cares ; what man , that is not besotted with a Covetousness as vain as endless , can imagin such a Constitution to be his Poverty ? seeing where no woman can be considerable for her portion , no portion will be considerable with a woman ; and so his Children will not only find better preferments without his Brocage , but more freedom of their own Affections . We are wonderful severe in Laws , that they shall not marry without our consent ; as if it were care and tenderness over them : But is it not , lest we should not have the other thousand Pounds with this Son , or the other hundred Pounds a year more in Jointure for that Daughter ? These , when we are crost in them , are the Sins for which we water our couch with tears , but not of Penitence ; seeing wheras it is a mischief beyond any that we can do to our Enemys , we persist to make nothing of breaking the affection of our Children . But there is in this Agrarian a Homage to pure and spotless Love , the consequence wherof I will not give for all your Romances . An Alderman makes not his Daughter a Countess till he has given her 20000 l. nor a Romance a considerable Mistriss till she be a Princess ; these are Characters of bastard Love. But if our Agrarian excludes Ambition and Covetousness , we shall at length have the care of our own breed , in which we have bin curious as to our Dogs and Horses . The Marriage-Bed will be truly legitimat , and the Race of the Commonwealth not spurious . BUT ( impar magnanimis ausis , imparque dolori ) I am hurl'd from all my hopes by my Lords last assertion of Impossibility , that the Root from whence we imagin these Fruits , should be planted or thrive in this Soil . And why ? because of the mixture of Estates , and variety of Tenures . Nevertheless , there is yet extant in the Exchequer an old Survey of the whole Nation ; wherfore such a thing is not impossible . Now if a new Survey were taken at the present rates , and the Law made , that no man should hold hereafter above so much Land as is valu'd therin at 2000 l. a year , it would amount to a good and sufficient Agrarian . It is true , that there would remain som difficulty in the different kind of Rents , and that it is a matter requiring not only more leisure than we have , but an Authority which may be better able to bow men to a more general Consent , than is to be wrought out of them by such as are in our capacity . Wherfore , as to the manner , it is necessary that we refer it to the Parlament ; but as to the matter , they cannot otherwise fix their Government upon the right Balance . I SHALL conclude with a few words to som parts of the Order , which my Lord has omitted . As first to the Consequences of the Agrarian to be settled in Marpesia , which irreparably breaks the Aristocracy of that Nation ; being of such a nature , as standing , it is not possible that you should govern . For while the People of that Country are little better than the Cattel of the Nobility , you must not wonder if according as these can make their Markets with foren Princes , you find those to be driven upon your Grounds . And if you be so tender , now you have it in your power , as not to hold a hand upon them that may prevent the slaughter which must otherwise insue in like cases , the Blood will ly at your door . But in holding such a hand upon them , you may settle the Agrarian ; and in settling the Agrarian , you give that People not only Liberty , but Lands ; which makes your Protection necessary to their Security ; and their Contribution due to your Protection , as to their own Safety . FOR the Agrarian of Panopea , it allowing such proportions of so good Land , men that conceive themselves straitned by this in Oceana , will begin there to let themselves forth , where every Citizen will in time have his Villa . And there is no question , but the improvement of that Country by this means must be far greater than it has bin in the best of former times . I HAVE no more to say , but that in those antient and heroic Ages ( when men thought that to be necessary which was virtuous ) the Nobility of Athens having the People so much ingag'd in their debt , that there remain'd no other question among these , than which of those should be King , no sooner heard SOLON speak than they quitted their Debts , and restor'd the Commonwealth ; which ever after held a solemn and annual Feast call'd the Sisacthia , or Recision , in memory of that Action . Nor is this example the Phoenix ; for at the institution by LYCURGUS , the Nobility having Estates ( as ours here ) in the Lands of Laconia , upon no other valuable consideration than the Commonwealth propos'd by him , threw them up to be parcel'd by his Agrarian . But now when no man is desir'd to throw up a farthing of his Mony , or a shovel full of his Earth , and that all we can do is but to make a virtue of necessity ; we are disputing whether we should have Peace or War : For Peace you cannot have without som Government , nor any Government without the proper Balance . Wherfore if you will not fix this which you have , the rest is Blood , for without Blood you can bring in no other . BY these Speeches made at the Institution of the Agrarian , you may perceive what were the Grounds of it . The next is THE fourteenth ORDER , constituting the Ballot of Venice , as it is fitted by several Alterations , and appointed to every Assembly , to be the constant and only way of giving suffrage in this Commonwealth , according to the following Scheme . P : 113. The Manner and Use of the Ballot . I SHALL indeavor by the preceding Figure to demonstrat the Manner of the VENETIAN BALLOT ( a thing as difficult in discourse or writing , as facil in practice ) according to the use of it in Oceana . The whole Figure represents the Senat , containing , as to the House or form of sitting , a square and a half ; the Tribunal at the upper end being ascended by four steps . On the uppermost of these sit the Magistrats that constitute the Signory of the Commonwealth , that is to say , A the Strategus ; B the Orator ; C the three Commissioners of the Great Seal ; D the three Commissioners of the Treasury , wherof one , E , exercises for the present the Office of a Censor at the middle Urn F. TO the two upper steps of the Tribunal answer G G. G G. the two long Benches next the Wall on each side of the House ; the outwardmost of which are equal in height to the uppermost step , and the innermost equal in height to the next . Of these four Benches consists the first Seat ; as the second Seat consists in like manner of those four Benches H H. H H. which being next the Floor , are equal in height to the two nethermost steps of the Throne . So the whole House is distributed into two Seats , each consisting of four Benches . THIS distribution causes not only the greater conveniency , as will be shewn , to the Senators in the exercise of their Function at the Ballot , but a greater grace to the aspect of the Senat. In the middle of the outward benches stand I. I. the chairs of the Censors , those being their ordinary places , tho upon occasion of the Ballot they descend , and sit where they are shewn by K. K. at each of the outward Urns L. L. Those M. M. that sit with their Tables , and the Bowls N. N. before them , upon the half space or second step of the Tribunal from the floor , are the Clercs or Secretarys of the House . Upon the short Seats O. O. on the floor ( which should have bin represented by Woolsacks ) sit P the two Tribuns of the Horse ; Q the two Tribuns of the Foot ; and R R. R R. the Judges : all which Magistrats are Assistants , but have no suffrage . This posture of the Senat consider'd , the Ballot is perform'd as follows . FIRST , wheras the gold Balls are of several sutes , and accordingly mark'd with several Letters of the Alphabet , a Secretary presents a little Urn ( wherin there is one Ball of every sute or mark ) to the Strategus and the Orator ; and look what Letter the Strategus draws , the same and no other is to be us'd for that time in the middle Urn F ; the like for the Letter drawn by the Orator is to be observ'd for the side Urns L. L. that is to say , if the Strategus drew a Ball with an A , all the gold Balls in the middle Urn for that day are mark'd with the Letter A ; and if the Orator drew a B , all the gold Balls in the side Urn for that day are mark'd with the Letter B : which don immediatly before the Ballot , and so the Letter unknown to the Ballotants , they can use no fraud or jugling ; otherwise a man might carry a gold Ball in his hand , and seem to have drawn it out of an Urn. He that draws a gold Ball at any Urn , delivers it to the Censor or Assessor of that Urn , who views the Character , and allows accordingly of his Lot. THE Strategus and the Orator having drawn for the Letters , the Urns are prepar'd accordingly by one of the Commissioners and the two Censors . The preparation of the Urns is after this manner . If the Senat be to elect , for example , the List call'd the Tropic of Magistrats , which is this ; 1. The Lord STRATEGVS ; 2. The Lord ORATOR ; 3. The third COMMISSIONER of the Great Seal ; 4. The third COMMISSIONER of the Treasury ; 5. The first CENSOR ; 6. The second CENSOR ; This List or Schedule consists of six Magistracys , and to every Magistracy there are to be four Competitors , that is , in all four and twenty Competitors propos'd to the House . They that are to propose the Competitors are call'd Electors , and no Elector can propose above one Competitor : wherfore for the proposing of four and twenty Competitors you must have four and twenty Electors ; and wheras the Ballot consists of a Lot and of a Suffrage , the Lot is for no other use than for the designation of Electors ; and he that draws a gold Ball at the middle Urn is an Elector . Now , as to have four and twenty Competitors propos'd , you must have four and twenty Electors made ; so to have four and twenty Electors made by lot , you must have four and twenty gold Balls in the middle Urn ; and these ( because otherwise it would be no Lot ) mix'd with a competent number of Blanks , or silver Balls . Wherfore to the four and twenty gold Balls cast six and twenty silver ones , and those ( reckoning the Blanks with the Prizes ) make fifty Balls in the middle Urn. This don ( because no man can com to the middle Urn that has not first drawn a gold Ball at one of the side Urns ) and to be sure that the Prizes or gold Balls in this Urn be all drawn , there must com to it fifty persons : therfore there must be in each of the side Urns five and twenty gold Balls , which in both com to fifty ; and to the end that every Senator may have his Lot , the gold Balls in the side Urns are to be made up with Blanks equal to the number of the Ballotants at either Urn : for example , the House consisting of 300 Senators , there must be in each of the side Urns 125 Blanks and 25 Prizes , which com in both the side Urns to 300 Balls . This is the whole Mystery of preparing the Urns , which the Censors having skill to do accordingly , the rest of the Ballot , whether the partys balloting understand it or no , must of necessary consequence com right ; and they can neither be out , nor sall into any confusion in the exercise of this Art. BUT the Ballot , as I said , is of two parts , Lot and Suffrage , or the Proposition and Result . The Lot determins who shall propose the Competitors ; and the Result of the Senat , which of the Competitors shall be the Magistrats . The whole , to begin with the Lot , procedes in this manner . THE first Secretary with an audible Voice reads first the List of the Magistrats to be chosen for the day ; then the Oath for fair Election , at which the Senators hold up their hands ; which don , another Secretary presents a little Urn to the Strategus , in which are four Balls , each of them having one of these four Inscriptions : FIRST SEAT AT THE VPPER END . FIRST SEAT AT THE LOWER END . SECOND SEAT AT THE VPPER END . SECOND SEAT AT THE LOWER END . and look which of them the Strategus draws , the Secretary pronouncing the Inscription with a loud Voice , the Seat so call'd coms accordingly to the Urns : this in the Figure is the SECOND SEAT AT THE VPPER END . The manner of their coming to the side Urns is in double Files , there being two holes in the cover of each side Urn , by which means two may draw at once . The Senators therfore SS . SS . are coming from the upper end of their Seats HH . HH . to the side Urns L. L. The Senators TT . T. are drawing . The Senator V has drawn a gold Ball at his side Urn , and is going to the middle Urn F , where the Senator W having don the like at the other side Urn , is already drawing . But the Senators X X. X X. having drawn Blanks at their side Urns , and thrown them into the Bowls Y. Y. standing at the feet of the Urns , are marching by the lower end into their Seats again ; the Senator a having don the like at the middle Urn , is also throwing his blank into the Bowl b , and marching to his Seat again : for a man by a prize at a side Urn gains no more than right to com to the middle Urn , where if he draws a Blank , his Fortune at the side Urn coms to nothing at all ; wherfore he also returns to his place . But the Senator c has had a Prize at the middle Urn , where the Commissioner having viewed his Ball , and found the mark to be right , he marches up the steps to the Seat of the Electors , which is the form d set cross the Tribunal , where he places himself according as he was drawn with the other Electors eee drawn before him . These are not to look back , but sit with their Faces towards the Signory or State , till their number amount to that of the Magistrate to be that day chosen , which for the present , as was shewn , are six ; wherfore six Electors being made , they are reckon'd according as they were drawn : First , second , third , fourth , fifth , sixth , in their Order ; and the first six that are chosen are the FIRST ORDER OF ELECTORS . THE first Order of Electors being made , are conducted by a Secretary , with a copy of the List to be chosen , out of the Senat , and into a Committee or Council-Chamber , being neither suffer'd by the way , nor in their room ( till the Ballot be ended ) to have conference with any but themselves ; wherfore the Secretary , having given them their Oath that they shall make Election according to the Law and their Conscience , delivers them the List , and seats himself at the lower end of the Table with his Pen and Paper , while another Secretary keeps the Door . BY such time as the first Order of Electors are thus seated , the second Order of Electors is drawn , who with a second Copy of the same List are conducted into another Committee-chamber , by other Secretarys performing the same Office with the former . THE like exactly is don by the third and by the fourth Orders ( or Hands , as the Venetians call them ) of Electors ; by which means you have the four and twenty Electors divided according to the four Copys of the same List , by six , into four Hands or Orders ; and every one of these Orders names one Competitor to every Magistracy in the List ; that is to say , the first Elector names to the first Magistracy , the second Elector to the second Magistracy , and so forth . But tho the Electors , as has bin shewn , are chosen by mere lot , yet the Competitors by them nam'd are not chosen by any Lot , but by the Suffrage of the whole Order : For example ; The first Elector in the first Order proposes a Name to be Strategus , which Name is balloted by himself and the other five Electors ; and if the Name so balloted attain not to above half the Suffrages , it is laid aside , and the first Elector names another to the same Magistracy ; and so in case this also fails , another , till one he has nam'd , whether it be himself , or som other , has attain'd to above half the Suffrages in the affirmative ; and the name so attaining to above half the Suffrages in the Affirmative is written to the first Magistracy in the List by the Secretary ; which being don , the second Elector of the first Order names to the second Magistracy till one of his nomination be chosen to the same . The like is don by the rest of the Electors of the first Order , till one Competitor be chosen , and written to every Magistracy in their List . Now the second , third , and fourth Orders of Electors doing exactly after the same manner , it coms to pass that one Competitor to every Magistracy being chosen in each Order , there be in all four Competitors chosen to every Magistracy . IF any Controversy arises in an Order of Electors , one of the Censors ( these being at this game the Groomporters ) is advertis'd by the Secretary , who brings him in , and the Electors disputing are bound to acquiesce in his Sentence . For which cause it is that the Censors do not ballot at the Urns ; the Signory also abstains , lest it should deform the House : wherfore the Blanks in the side Urns are by so many the fewer . And so much for the Lot , which is of the greater Art but less Consequence , because it concerns Proposition only : But all ( except the Tribuns and the Judges , which being but Assistants have no Suffrage ) are to ballot at the Result , to which I now com . THE four Orders of Electors having perfected their Lists , the face of the House is chang'd : for the Urns are taken away , and every Senator and Magistrat is seated in his proper place , saving the Electors , who , having given their Suffrages already , may not stir out of their Chambers , till the House have given theirs , and the rest of the Ballot be perform'd ; which follows in this manner . THE four Lists being presented by the Secretarys of each Council of Electors to the Signory , are first read , according to their Order , to the House with an audible Voice ; and then the Competitors are put to the Ballot or Suffrage of the whole Senat in this manner : A. A. nam'd to be Strategus in the first Order ▪ wherupon eight Ballotins or Pages , such as are express'd by the Figures f. f. take eight of the Boxes represented , tho rudely , by the Figures g. g. and go four on the one , and four on the other side of the House , that is , one to every Bench , singing A. A. nam'd to be the Strategus in the first Order : and every Magistrat and Senator ( beginning by the Strategus and the Orator first ) holds up a little Pellet of Linen , as the Box passes , between his Finger and his Thumb , that men may see he has but one , and then puts it into the same . The Box consisting in the inner part of two Boxes , being painted on the outside white and green , to distinguish the Affirmative from the Nagative side , is so made , that when your Hand is in it , no man can see to which of the sides you put the Suffrage , nor hear to which it falls , because the Pellet being Linen , makes no noise . The Strategus and the Orator having begun , all the rest do the like . THE Ballotins having thus gather'd the Suffrages , bring them before the Signory , in whose presence the outward Boxes being open'd , they take out the inner Boxes , wherof the Affirmative is white , and the Negative green , and pour the white into the Bowl N on the right hand , which is white also , and the green into the Bowl N on the lest , which is also green . These Bowls or Basons ( better represented at the lower end of the Figure by h. i. ) being upon this occasion set before the Tables of the Secretarys at the upper end N. N. the white on the right hand , and the green on the lest , the Secretarys on each side number the Balls : by which if they find that the Affirmatives amount not to above one half , they write not the Name that was balloted ; but if they amount to above one half , they write it , adding the number of above half the Suffrages to which it attain'd . The first name being written , or laid aside , the next that is put is B. B. nam'd to be Strategus in the second Order ; the third C. C. nam'd to be Strategus in the third Order ; the fourth D. D. nam'd to be Strategus in the fourth Order : and he of these four Competitors that has most above half in the Affirmative , is the Magistrat ; or if none of them attain to above half , the nomination for that Magistracy is to be repeated by such new Electors as shall be chosen at the next Ballot . And so , as is exemplify'd in the first Magistracy , procedes the Ballot of the rest ; first in the first , then in the second , and so in the third and fourth Orders . NOW wheras it may happen that A. A. ( for example ) being nam'd Strategus in the first Order , may also be nam'd to the same or som one or more other Magistracys in one or more of the other Orders ; his name is first balloted where it is first written , that is , to the more worthy Magistracy , wherof if he misses , he is balloted as it coms in course for the next , and so for the rest , if he misses of that , as often as he is nam'd . AND because to be nam'd twice or oftner , whether to the same or som other Magistracy , is the stronger recommendation ; the note must not fail to be given upon the name , at the proposition , in this manner ; A. A. nam'd to be Strategus in the first , and in the second Order : or A. A. nam'd to be Strategus in the first and the third ; in the first and the fourth , &c. But if he be nam'd to the same Magistracy in the first , second , third , and fourth Orders , he can have no Competitor ; wherfore attaining to above half the Suffrages , he is the Magistrat . Or thus : A. A. nam'd to be Strategus in the first , to be Censor in the second , to be Orator in the third , and to be Commissioner of the Seal in the fourth Order , or the like in more or fewer Orders : In which cases if he misses of the first Magistracy , he is balloted to the second ; if he misses of the second , to the third ; and if he misses of the third , to the fourth THE Ballot not finish'd before Sunset , tho the Election of the Magistrats already chosen be good , voids the Election of such Competitors as being chosen are not yet furnish'd with Magistracys , as if they had never bin nam'd ( for this is no Jugling Box , but an Art that must see the Sun ) and the Ballot for the remaining Magistracys is to be repeated the next day by new Orders of Electors , and such Competitors as by them shall be elected . And so in the like manner , if of all the names propos'd to the same Magistracy , no one of them attains to above half the Suffrages in the Affirmative . THE Senatorian Ballot of Oceana being thus describ'd , those of the Parish , of the Hundred , and of the Tribe , being so little different , that in this they are all contain'd , and by this may be easily understood , are yet fully describ'd , and made plain enough before in the 5 th , 6 th , 7 th , 8 th , 9 th , and 10 th Orders . THIS therfore is the general Order , whence those branches of the Ballot , som wherof you have already seen , are deriv'd ; which , with those that follow , were all read and debated in this place at the Institution . When my Lord EPIMONUS DE GARRULA , being one of the Counsillors , and having no farther patience ( tho the Rules were compos'd by the Agent of this Commonwealth , residing for that purpose at Venice ) than to hear the direction for the Parishes , stood up and made way for himself in this manner . May it please your Highness , my Lord ARCHON . UNDER correction of Mr. PEREGRIN SPY , our very learn'd Agent and Intelligencer , I have seen the World a little , Venice , and ( as Gentlemen are permitted to do ) the Great Council balloting . And truly I must needs say , that it is for a dumb shew the goodliest that I ever beheld with my eys . You should have som would take it ill , as if the noble Venetians thought themselves too good to speak to strangers , but they observ'd them not so narrowly . The truth is , they have nothing to say to their Acquaintance ; or Men that are in Council sure would have Tongues : For a Council , and not a word spoken in it , is a contradiction . But there is such a pudder with their marching and countermarching , as , tho never a one of them draw a Sword , you would think they were training ; which till I found that they did it only to entertain strangers , I came from among them as wise as I went thither . But in the Parlament of Oceana you had no Balls , nor Dancing , but sober Conversation ; a man might know and be known , shew his parts , and improve ' em . And now if you take the advice of this same fellow , you will spoil all with his whimsys . Mr. Speaker , — Cry you mercy , my Lord ARCHON , I mean ; Set the wisest man of your House in the Great Council of Venice , and you will not know him from a fool . Wheras nothing is more certain , than that flat and dull fellows in the judgment of all such as us'd to keep company with them before , upon election into our House , have immediatly chitted like Barly in the fat , where it acquires a new Spirit , and slow'd forth into Language , that I am as confident as I am here , if there were not such as delight to abuse us , is far better than TULLYS ; Or , let any body but translate one of his Orations , and speak it in the House , and see if every body do not laugh at him . This is a great matter , Mr. Speaker ; they do not cant it with your Booklearning , your Orbs , your Centers , your prime Magnitudes , and your Nebulones , things I profess that would make a sober man run stark mad to hear 'em ; while we , who should be considering the Honor of our Country , and that it gos now or never upon our hand , whether it shall be ridiculous to all the World , are going to Nineholes , or trow Madam for our business , like your dumb Venetian , whom this same Sir POLITIC your Resident , that never saw him do any thing but make faces , would insinuat into you , at this distance , to have the only knack of State. Wheras if you should take the pains , as I have don , to look a little nearer , you would find these same wonderful things to be nothing else but mere natural Fopperys , or Capricios , as they call them in Italian , even of the meanest of that Nation . For , put the case you be travelling in Italy , ask your Contadino , that is , the next Country fellow you meet , som question , and presently he ballots you an answer with a nod , which is affirmative ; or a shake with his head , which is the negative box ; or a shrug with his shoulder , which is the Bossolo di non sinceri . — Good ! You will admire SANDS for telling you , that Grotta di Cane is a Miracle : and I shall be laugh'd at for assuring you , that it is nothing else but such a damp ( continu'd by the neighborhood of certain Sulphur Mines ▪ ) as thro accidental heat dos somtimes happen in our Coalpits . But Ingratitude must not discorage an honest man from doing good . There is not , I say , such a tonguety'd Generation under Heaven as your Italian ; that you should not wonder if he makes signs . But our People must have somthing in their Diurnals , we must ever and anon be telling 'em our minds ; or if we be at it when we raise Taxes , like those Gentlemen with the finger and the thumb , they will swear that we are Cutpurses . — Com , I know what I have heard 'em say , when som men had mony that wrought hard enough for it ; and do you conceive they will be better pleas'd when they shall be told , that upon like occasions you are at mumchance or stoolball ? I do not speak for my self ; for tho I shall always acknowlege , that I got more by one years sitting in the House , than by my three years Travels , it was not of that kind . But I hate that this same SPY , for pretending to have play'd at Billiards with the most Serene Commonwealth of Venice , should make such fools of us here , when I know that he must have had his intelligence from som Corncutter upon the Rialta ; for a noble Venetian would be hang'd if he should keep such a fellow company . And yet if I do not think he has made you all dote , never trust me , my Lord ARCHON is somtimes in such strange Raptures . Why , good my Lord , let me be heard as well as your Apple Squire ; Venice has fresh blood in her Cheeks , I must confess , yet she is but an old Lady . Nor has he pick'd her Cabinet ; these he sends you are none of her Receits I can assure you , he bought them for a Julio at St. Marcs of a Mountebank . She has no other wash , upon my knowledge , for that same envy'd Complexion of hers but her Marshes , being a little better scented , saving your presence , than a Chamberpot . My Lords , I know what I say , but you will never have don with it , That neither the Great Turc , nor any of those little Turcs her Neighbors , have bin able to spoil her ! Why you may as well wonder that Weesels do not suck egs in Swans nests . Do you think that it has lain in the devotion of her Beads ; which you that have puk'd so much at Popery , are now at length resolv'd shall consecrat M. Parson , and be drop'd by every one of his Congregation , while those same whimsical Intelligences your Surveyors ( you will break my heart ) give the turn to your primum mobile ? and so I think they will ; for you will find , that Mony is the primum mobile , and they will turn you thus out of som three or four hundred thousand Pounds : a pretty Sum for Urns and Balls , for Boxes and Pills , which these same Quacksalvers are to administer to the Parishes ; and for what Disease I marvel ! Or how dos it work ? Out coms a Constable , an Overseer , and a Churchwarden ! Mr. Speaker , I am amaz'd ! NEVER was there Goose so stuck with Lard as my Lord EPIMONUS'S Speech with Laughter ; the ARCHON having much ado to recover himself , in such manner as might inable him to return these thanks . IN your whole lives , my Lords , were you never entertain'd with so much Ingenuity ; my Lord EPIMONUS having at once mended all the faults of Travellers . For , first , wheras they are abominable liars , he has not told you ( except som malitious body has misinform'd him concerning poor SPY ) one syllable of falshood . And , secondly , wheras they never fail to give the upper hand in all their Discourses to foren Nations , still justling their own into the kennel ; he bears an Honor to his Country that will not dissolve in Cephalonia , nor be corrupted with Figs and Melons , which I can assure you is no ordinary obligation : And therfore hold it a matter of public concern , that we be no occasion of quenching my Lord's Affections ; nor is there any such great matter between us , but in my opinion might be easily reconcil'd : for tho that which my Lord gain'd by sitting in the House , I stedfastly believe , as he can affirm , was got fairly ; yet dare I not , nor do I think , that upon consideration he will promise so much for other Gamesters , especially when they were at it so high , as he intimats not only to have bin in use , but to be like enough to com about again . Wherfore , say I , let them throw with boxes ; for unless we will be below the Politics of an ordinary , there is no such bar to cogging . It is known to his Lordship , that our Game is most at a throw , and that every cast of our Dice is in our Suffrages ; nor will he deny , that partiality in a Suffrage is downright cogging . Now if the Venetian Boxes be the most soverain of all Remedys against this same cogging , is it not a strange thing that they should be thrown first into the fire by a fair Gamester ? Men are naturally subject to all kinds of Passions : Som you have that are not able to withstand the brow of an Enemy ; and others that make nothing of this , are less proof against that of a Friend . So that if your Suffrage be bare-fac'd , I dare say you shall not have one fair cast in twenty . But whatever a man's fortune be at the box , he neither knows whom to thank , nor whom to challenge . Wherfore ( that my Lord may have a charitable opinion of the choice Affection which I confess to have , above all other Beautys , for that of incomparable Venice ) there is in this way of Suffrage no less than a demonstration that it is the most pure : and the purity of the Suffrage in a popular Government is the Health , if not the Life of it ; seeing the Soul is no otherwise breath'd into the Soverain Power , than by the Suffrage of the People . Wherfore no wonder if POSTELLUS be of opinion , that this use of the Ball is the very same with that of the Bean in Athens ; or , that others , by the Text concerning ELDAD and MEDAD , derive it from the Commonwealth of Israel . There is another thing , tho not so material to us , that my Lord will excuse me if I be not willing to yield , which is , that Venice subsists only by her Situation . It is true , that a man in time of War may be more secure from his Enemys by being in a Citadel , but not from his Diseases : wherfore the first cause , if he lives long , is his good Constitution , without which his Citadel were to little purpose ; and it is not otherwise with Venice . WITH this Speech of the ARCHON I conclude the proof of the Agrarian , and the Ballot , being the Fundamental Laws of this Commonwealth ; and com now from the Center to the Circumferences or Orbs , wherof som have bin already shewn : As how the Parishes annually pour themselves into the Hundreds , the Hundreds into the Tribes , and the Tribes into the Galaxys ; the Annual Galaxy of every Tribe consisting of two Knights and seven Deputys , wherof the Knights constitute the Senat ; the Deputys , the Prerogative Tribe , commonly call'd the People ; and the Senat and People constitute the Soverain Power , or Parlament of Oceana . Wherfore to shew what the Parlament is , I must first open the Senat , and then the Prerogative Tribe . TO begin with the Senat , of which ( as a Man is differently represented by a Picturedrawer , and by an Anatomist ) I shall first discover the Face or Aspect , and then the Parts , with the use of them . Every Monday morning in the Summer at seven , and in the Winter at eight , the great Bell in the Clockhouse at the Pantheon begins , and continues ringing for the space of one hour : in which time the Magistrats of the Senat , being attended according to their Quality , with a respective number of the Ballotins , Doorkeepers , and Messengers ; and having the Ensigns of their Magistracys born before them , as the Sword before the Strategus , the Mace before the Orator , a Mace with the Seal before the Commissioners of the Chancery , the like with the Purse before the Commissioners of the Treasury ; and a Silver Wand , like those in use with the Universitys , before each of the Censors , being Chancellors of the same . These with the Knights , in all three hundred , assemble in the House or Hall of the Senat. THE House or Hall of the Senat , being situated in the Pantheon or Palace of Justice , is a Room consisting of a Square and a half . In the middle of the lower end is the Door ; at the upper end hangs a rich State overshadowing the greater part of a large Throne , or half pace of two Stages ; the first ascended by two steps from the floor , and the second about the middle rising two steps higher . Upon this stand two Chairs , in that on the right hand sits the Strategus , in the other the Orator , adorn'd with Scarlet Robes , after the fashion that was us'd by the Dukes in the Aristocracy . At the right end of the upper Stage stand three Chairs , in which the three Commissioners of the Seal are plac'd ; and at the other end sit the three Commissioners of the Treasury , every one in a Robe or Habit like that of the Earls . Of these Magistrats of this upper Stage consists the Signory . At either end of the lower Stage stands a little Table , to which the Secretarys of the Senat are set with their tusted Sleeves in the habit of civil Lawyers . To the four steps , wherby the two Stages of the Throne are ascended , answer four long Benches , which successively deriving from every one of the steps , continue their respective height , and extend themselves by the side Walls towards the lower end of the House , every Bench being divided by numeral Characters into the thirty seven parts or places . Upon the upper benches sit the Censors in the Robes of Barons ; the first in the middle of the right hand bench , and the second directly opposit to him on the other side . Upon the rest of the Benches sit the Knights , who if they be call'd to the Urns , distributing themselves by the Figures , com in equal files , either by the first Seat , which consists of the two upper Benches on either side ; or by the second Seat , consisting of the two lower Benches on either side : beginning also at the upper , or at the lower ends of the same , according to the Lot wherby they are call'd ; for which end the Benches are open , and ascended at either end with easy stairs and large passages . The rest of the Ballot is conformable to that of the Tribe ; the Censors of the House sitting at the side Urns , and the youngest Magistrat of the Signory at the middle : the Urns being plac'd before the Throne , and prepar'd according to the number of the Magistrats to be at that time chosen by the Rules already given to the Censors of the Tribes . But before the Benches of the Knights on either side stands one being shorter ; and at the upper end of this sit the two Tribuns of the Horse . At the upper end of the other , the two Tribuns of the Foot in their Arms ; the rest of the Benches being cover'd by the Judges of the Land in their Robes . But these Magistrats have no Suffrage , nor the Tribuns , tho they derive their presence in the Senat from the Romans ; nor the Judges , tho they derive theirs from the antient Senat of Oceana . Every Monday this Assembly sits of course ; at other times , if there be occasion , any Magistrat of the House by giving order for the Bell , or by his Lictor or Ensignbearer , calls a Senat. And every Magistrat or Knight during his Session has the Title , Place , and Honor of a Duke , Earl , Baron , or Knight , respectively . And every one that has born the same Magistracy by his third Session , has his respective Place and Title during the term of his Life , which is all the Honor confer'd by this Commonwealth , except upon the Master of the Ceremonys , the Master of the Horse , and the King of the Heralds , who are Knights by their places . And thus you have the face of the Senat , in which there is scarce any Feature that is not Roman or Venetian ; nor do the Horns of the Crescent extend themselves much unlike those of the Sanhedrim , on either hand of the Prince , and of the Father of that Senat. But upon Beauty , in which every Man has his phansy , we will not otherwise philosophize than to remember that there is somthing more than decency in the Robe of a Judg , that would not be well spar'd from the Bench ; and that the gravest Magistrat , to whom you can commit the Sword of Justice , will find a quickness in the Spurs of Honor , which if they be not laid to Virtue , will lay themselves to that which may rout a Commonwealth . TO com from the Face of the Senat , to the Constitution and Use of the Parts : It is contain'd in the peculiar Orders . And the Orders which are peculiar to the Senat , are either of Election or Instruction . ELECTIONS in the Senat are of three sorts , Annual , Biennial , and Extraordinary . ANNUAL Elections are perform'd by the Schedule call'd the Tropic : And the Tropic consists of two parts ; the one containing the Magistrats , and the other the Councils to be yearly elected . The Schedule or Tropic of the Magistrats is as follows in THE fifteenth ORDER , requiring , That upon every Monday next insuing the last of March , the Knights of the Annual Galaxys taking their places in the Senat , be call'd the third Region of the same ; and that the House having dismist the first Region , and receiv'd the third , procede to election of the Magistrats contain'd in the first part of the Tropic , by the insuing Schedule : The Lord Strategus , Annual Magistrats . The Lord Orator , The first Censor , The second Censor , The third Commissioner of the Seal , Triennial Magistrats . The third Commissioner of the Treasury , THE Annual Magistrats ( provided that no one Man bears above one of those Honors during the term of one Session ) may be elected out of any Region . But the Triennial Magistrats may not be elected out of any other than the third Region only , lest the term of their Session expire before that of their Honor ; and ( it being unlawful for a Man to bear Magistracy any longer than he is therto qualify'd by the Election of the People ) cause a Fraction in the Rotation of this Commonwealth . THE Strategus is first President of the Senat , and General of the Army , if it be commanded to march ; in which case there shall be a second Strategus elected to be first President of the Senat , and General of the second Army : and if this also be commanded to march , a third Strategus shall be chosen ; and so on , as long as the Commonwealth sends forth Armys . THE Lord Orator is the second and more peculiar President of the Senat , to whom it appertains to keep the House to Orders . THE Censors , wherof the first by consequence of his Election is Chancellor of the Vniversity of Clio , and the second of that of Calliope , are Presidents of the Council for Religion and Magistrats , to whom it belongs to keep the House to the order of the Ballot . They are also Inquisitors into the ways and means of acquiring Magistracy ; and have power to punish indirect procedings in the same , by removing a Knight or Magistrat out of the House , under appeal to the Senat. THE Commissioners of the Seal being three , wherof the third is annually chosen out of the third Region , are Judges in Chancery . THE Commissioners of the Treasury being three , wherof the third is annually chosen out of the third Region , are Judges in the Exchequer ; and every Magistrat of this Schedule has right to propose to the Senat. BVT the Strategus with the six Commissioners , are the Signory of this Commonwealth , having right of Session and Suffrage in every Council of the Senat , and Power either jointly or severally to propose in all or any of them . I HAVE little in this Order to observe or prove , but that the Strategus is the same Honor both in name and thing that was born , among others , by PHILOPEMEN and ARATUS in the Common-wealth of the Acheans ; the like having bin in use also with the Aetolians . The Orator , call'd otherwise the Speaker , is with small alteration the same that had bin of former use in this Nation . These two , if you will , may be compar'd to the Consuls in Rome , or the Suffetes in Carthage ; for their Magistracy is scarce different . THE Censors derive their power of removing a Senator from those of Rome ; the Government of the Ballot , from those of Venice ; and that of Animadversion upon the Ambitus , or canvass for Magistracy , from both . THE Signory , with the whole Right and Use of that Magistracy , to be hereafter more fully explain'd , is almost purely Venetian . THE second part of the Tropic is directed by THE sixteenth ORDER , wherby the Constitution of the Councils , being four , that is to say , the Council of State , the Council of War , the Council of Religion , and the Council of Trade , is render'd conformable in their Revolutions to that of the Senat. As , first , by the annual Election of five Knights out of the third Region of the Senat , into the Council of State , consisting of fifteen Knights , five in every Region . Secondly , By the annual Election of three Knights out of the third Region of the Council of State , to be propos'd by the Provosts , and elected by that Council , into the Council of War , consisting of nine Knights , three in every Region , not excluded by this Election from remaining Members also of the Council of State. The four Tribuns of the People have right of Session and Suffrage in the Council of War. Thirdly , By the annual Election of four Knights out of the third Region of the Senat into the Council of Religion , consisting of twelve Knights , four in every Region : Of this Council the Censors are Presidents . Fourthly , By the annual Election of four Knights out of the third Region of the Senat into the Council of Trade , consisting of twelve Knights , four in every Region . And each Region , in every one of these Councils thus constituted , shall weekly and interchangeably elect one Provost , whose Magistracy shall continue for one Week ; nor shall he be reelected into the same , till every Knight of that Region in the same Council has once born the same Magistracy . And the Provosts being one in every Region , three in every Council , and twelve in all , besides their other Capacitys , shall assemble and be a Council , or rather an Academy apart , to certain ends and purposes to be hereafter further explain'd , with those of the rest of the Councils . THIS Order is of no other use than for the frame and turn of the Councils , and yet of no small one : for in Motion consists Life ; and the Motion of a Commonwealth will never be current , unless it be circular . Men that , like my Lord EPIMONUS , not induring the resemblance of this kind of Government to Orbs and Spheres , fall on physicing and purging it , do no more than is necessary ; for if it be not in Rotation both as to Persons and Things , it will be very sick . The People of Rome , as to Persons , if they had not bin taken up by the Wheel of Magistracy , had overturn'd the Chariot of the Senat. And those of Lacedemon , as to Things , had not bin so quiet when the Senat trash'd their Business , by incroaching upon the Result , if by the Institution of the Ephors they had not brought it about again . So that if you allow not a Commonwealth her Rotation , in which consists her Equality , you reduce her to a Party , and then it is necessary that you be Physicians indeed , or rather Farriers ; for you will have strong Patients , and such as must be halter'd and cast , or your selves may need Bonesetters . Wherfore the Councils of this Common-wealth , both in regard of their Elections , and , as will be shewn , of their Affairs , are uniform with the Senat in their Revolutions ; not as Whirlpits to swallow , but to bite , and with the Scrues of their Rotation to hold and turn a Business ( like the Vice of a Smith ) to the Hand of the Workman . Without Engins of which nature it is not possible for the Senat , much less for the People , to be perfect Artificers in a political Capacity . But I shall not hold you longer from THE seventeenth ORDER , directing biennial Elections , or the Constitution of the Orb of Ambassadors in ordinary , consisting of four Residences , the Revolution wherof is perform'd in eight years , and preserv'd thro the Election of one Ambassador in two years by the Ballot of the Senat to repair to the Court of France , and reside there for the term of two years ; and the term of two years being expir'd , to remove from thence to the Court of Spain , there to continue for the space of two years , and thence to remove to the State of Venice ; and after two years residence in that City , to conclude with his residence at Constantinople for a like term of time , and so to return . A Knight of the Senat , or a Deputy of the Prerogative , may not be elected Ambassador in Ordinary , because a Knight or Deputy so chosen , must either lose his Session , which would cause an unevenness in the motion of this Commonwealth , or accumulat Magistracy , which agrees not with the equality of the same . Nor may any Man be elected into this Capacity , that is above five and thirty years of Age , lest the Commonwealth lose the charge of his Education , by being depriv'd at his return of the Fruit of it , or else injoy it not long thro the defects of Nature . THIS Order is the Perspective of the Commonwealth , wherby she foresees Danger , or the Traffic ; wherby she receives every two years the return of a Statesman inrich'd with eight years experience , from the prime Marts of Negotiation in Europe And so much for the Elections in the Senat that are ordinary ; such as are extraordinary follow in THE eighteenth ORDER , appointing all Elections upon emergent occasions , except that of the Dictator , to be made by the Scrutiny , or that kind of Election , wherby a Council coms to be a fifth Order of Electors . For Example , if there be occasion of an Ambassador Extraordinary , the Provosts of the Council of State , or any two of them shall propose to the same , till one Competitor be chosen by that Council : and the Council having chosen a Competitor , shall bring his name into the Senat , which in the usual way shall chuse four more Competitors to the same Magistracy ; and put them , with the Competitor of the Council , to the Ballot of the House , by which he of the five that is chosen is said to be elected by the Scrutiny of the Council of State. A Vice-Admiral , a Polemarch , or Field Officer , shall be elected after the same manner , by the Scrutiny of the Council of War. A Judg or Serjeant at Law , by the Scrutiny of the Commissioners of the Seal . A Baron , or considerable Officer of the Exchequer , by the Scrutiny of the Commissioners of the Treasury . Men in Magistracy , or out of it , are equally capable of Election by the Scrutiny ; but a Magistrat or Officer elected by the Scrutiny to a military Imployment , if he be neither a Knight of the Senat , nor a Deputy of the Prerogative , ought to have his Office confirm'd by the Prerogative , because the Militia in a Common-wealth , where the People are Soverain , is not lawful to be touch'd injussu Populi . THE Romans were so curious , that tho their Consuls were elected in the * Centuriat Assemblys , they might not touch the Militia , except they were confirm'd in the † Parochial Assemblys : for a Magistrat not receiving his Power from the People , takes it from them ; and to take away their Power , is to take away their Liberty . As to the Election by the Scrutiny , it is easily perceiv'd to be Venetian , there being no such way to take in the Knowlege , which in all reason must be best in every Council of such men as are most fit for their turns , and yet to keep them from the biass of particular Affection or Interest under that pretence : For the cause why the Great Council in Venice scarce ever elects any other than the Name that is brought in by the Scrutiny , is very probable to be , that they may .... This Election is the last of those appertaining to the Senat. The Councils being chosen by the Orders already shewn , it remains that we com to those wherby they are instructed : and the Orders of Instruction to the Councils are two , the first for the Matter wherupon they are to procede ; and the second for the Manner of their proceding . The Matter of the Councils is distributed to them by THE nineteenth ORDER , distributing to every Council such Businesses as are properly to belong to their Cognizance , wherof som they shall receive and determin ; and others they shall receive , prepare , and introduce into the House : As , first , THE Council of State is to receive all Addresses , Intelligences , and Letters of Negotiation ; to give audience to Ambassadors sent to , and to draw up Instructions for such as shall be sent by , this Commonwealth ; to receive Propositions from , and hold Intelligence with the Provincial Councils ; to consider upon all Laws to be enacted , amended , or repeal'd ; and upon all Levys of Men or Mony , War or Peace , Leagues or Associations to be made by this Commonwealth , so far forth as is conducible to the orderly preparation of the same to be introduc'd by them into the Senat. Provided that all such Affairs , as otherwise appertaining to the Council of State are , for the good of the Commonwealth , to be carry'd with greater secrecy , be manag'd by the Council of War , with Power to receive and send forth Agents , Spys , Emissarys , Intelligencers , Frigots ; and to manage Affairs of that nature , if it be necessary , without communication to the Senat , till such time as it may be had without detriment to the Business . But they shall have no Power to ingage the Commonwealth in a War , without the consent of the Senat and the People . It appertains also to this Council to take charge of the Fleet as Admiral ; and of all Storehouses , Armorys , Arsenals , and Magazins appertaining to this Commonwealth . They shall keep a diligent Record of the military Expeditions from time to time reported by him that was Strategus or General , or one of the Polemarchs in that Action ; or at least so far as the Experience of such Commanders may tend to the improvement of the military Disciplin , which they shall digest and introduce into the Senat : and if the Senat shall therupon frame any Article , they shall see that it be observ'd in the Musters or Education of the Youth . And wheras the Council of War is the Sentinel or Scout of this Commonwealth , if any Person or Persons shall go about to introduce Debate into any popular Assembly of the same , or otherwise to alter the present Government , or strike at the root of it , they shall apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , seiz'd , imprison'd ; and examin , arraign , acquit , or condemn , and cause to be executed any such Person or Persons , by their proper Power and Authority , and without appeal . THE Council of Religion , as the Arbiter of this Commonwealth in cases of Conscience more peculiarly appertaining to Religion , Christian Charity , and a pious Life , shall have the care of the National Religion , and the protection of the Liberty of Conscience , with the cognizance of all Causes relating to either of them . And first as to the National Religion ; They shall cause all Places or Preferments of the best Revenue in either of the Vniversitys to be confer'd upon no other than such of the most learn'd and pious Men , as have dedicated themselves to the study of Theology . They shall also take a special care that by such Augmentations as be or shall hereafter be appointed by the Senat , every Benefice in this Nation be improv'd at least to the value of one hundred pounds a year . And to the end that there be no interest at all , wherby the Divines or Teachers of the National Religion may be corrupted , or corrupt Religion , they shall be capable of no other kind of Imployment or Preferment in this Commonwealth . And wheras a Directory for the Administration of the National Religion is to be prepar'd by this Council , they shall in this and other Debates of this nature procede in manner following : A Question arising in matter of Religion shall be put and stated by the Council in writing ; which Writing the Censors shall send by their Beadles ( being Proctors chosen to attend them ) each to the Vniversity wherof he is Chancellor ; and the Vice-Chancellor of the same receiving the Writing , shall call a Convocation of all the Divines of that Vniversity , being above forty years of Age. And the Vniversitys upon a point so propos'd , shall have no manner of Intelligence or Correspondence one with another , till their Debates be ended , and they have made return of their Answers to the Council of Religion by two or three of their own Members , that may clear their sense , if any doubt should arise , to the Council ; which don , they shall return , and the Council having receiv'd such information , shall procede according to their own Judgments , in the preparation of the whole matter for the Senat : That so the Interest of the Learned being remov'd , there may be a right application of Reason to Scripture , which is the Foundation of the National Religion . SECONDLY , This Council , as to the protection of the Liberty of Conscience , shall suffer no coercive Power in the matter of Religion to be exercis'd in this Nation : The Teachers of the National Religion being no other than such as voluntarily undertake that calling ; and their Auditors or Hearers , no other than are also voluntary . Nor shall any gather'd Congregation be molested or interrupted in their way of Worship ( being neither Jewish nor Idolatrous ) but vigilantly and vigorously protected and defended in the Injoyment , Practice , and Profession of the same . And if there be Officers or Auditors appointed by any such Congregation for the introduction of Causes into the Council of Religion , all such Causes so introduc'd shall be receiv'd , heard , and determin'd by the same , with recourse had , if need be , to the Senat. THIRDLY , Every Petition addrest to the Senat , except that of a Tribe , shall be receiv'd , examin'd , and debated by this Council ; and such only as they , upon such examination and debate had , shall think fit , may be introduc'd into the Senat. THE Council of Trade being the Vena Porta of this Nation , shall hereafter receive Instructions more at large . For the present , their Experience attaining to a right understanding of those Trades and M●sterys that feed the Veins of this Commonwealth , and a true distinction of them from those that suck or exhaust the same , they shall acquaint the Senat with the Conveniences and Inconveniences , to the end that Incouragement may be apply'd to the one , and Remedy to the other . THE Academy of the Provosts , being the Affability of the Common-wealth , shall assemble every day towards the Evening in a fair Room , having certain withdrawing Rooms therto belonging . And all sorts of Company that will repair thither for Conversation or Discourse , so it be upon matters of Government , News , or Intelligence , or to propose any thing to the Councils , shall be freely and affably receiv'd in the outer Chamber , and heard in the way of civil Conversation , which is to be manag'd without any other Aw or Ceremony than is therto usually appertaining ; to the end that every Man may be free , and that what is propos'd by one , may be argu'd or discours'd by the rest , except the matter be of secrecy ; in which case the Provosts , or som of them , shall take such as desire Audience into one of the withdrawing Rooms . And the Provosts are to give their minds , that this Academy be so govern'd , adorn'd , and preserv'd , as may be most attractive to Men of Parts and good Affections to the Commonwealth , for the excellency of the Conversation . FVRTHERMORE , If any Man , not being able or willing to com in person , has any advice to give which he judges may be for the good of the Commonwealth , he may write his mind to the Academy of the Provosts , in a Letter sign'd or not sign'd ; which Letter shall be left with the Doorkeeper of the Academy . Nor shall any Person delivering such a Letter be seiz'd , molested , or detain'd , tho it should prove to be a Libel . But the Letters so deliver'd shall be presented to the Provosts ; and in case they be so many that they cannot well be perus'd by the Provosts themselves , they shall distribute them as they please to be read by the Gentlemen of the Academy , who finding any thing in them material , will find matter of Discourse : Or if they happen upon a business that requires privacy , return it with a Note upon it to a Provost . And the Provosts by the Secretarys attending shall cause such Notes out of Discourses or Letters to be taken as they please , to the end that they may propose , as occasion serves , what any two of them shall think sit out of their Notes so taken to their respective Councils : to the end that not only the Ear of the Commonwealth be open to all , but that Men of such Education being in her ey , she may upon emergent Elections or Occasions be always provided of her choice of sit Persons . EVERY Council being adorn'd with a State for the Signory , shall be attended by two Secretarys , two Doorkeepers , and two Messengers in ordinary , and have power to command more upon Emergencys , as occasion requires . And the Academy shall be attended with two Secretarys , two Messengers , and two Doorkeepers ; this with the other Councils being provided with their farther Conveniences at the charge of the State. BVT wheras it is incident to Commonwealths , upon Emergencys requiring extraordinary speed or secrecy , either thro their natural delays or unnatural hast , to incur equal danger , while holding to the slow pace of their Orders , they com not in time to defend themselves from som sudden blow ; or breaking them for the greater speed , they but hast to their own destruction : If the Senat shall at any time make Election of nine Knights extraordinary , to be added to the Council of War , as a Juncta for the term of three Months , the Council of War , with the Juncta so added , is for the term of the same Dictator of Oceana , having power to levy Men and Mony , to make War and Peace , as also to enact Laws , which shall be good for the space of one year ( if they be not sooner repeal'd by the Senat and the People ) and for no longer time , except they be confirm'd by the Senat and the People . And the whole Administration of the Commonwealth for the term of the said three Months shall be in the Dictator ; provided , that the Dictator shall have no Power to do any thing that tends not to his proper end and institution , but all to the preservation of the Commonwealth as it is establish'd , and for the sudden restitution of the same to the natural Channel and common course of Government . And all Acts , Orders , Decrees , or Laws of the Council of War with the Juncta , being thus created , shall be sign'd , DICTATOR OCEANAE . THIS Order of Instructions to the Councils being ( as in a matter of that nature is requisit ) very large , I have us'd my best skill to abbreviat it in such manner as might shew no more of it than is necessary to the understanding of the whole ; tho as to the parts , or further dutys of the Councils , I have omitted many things of singular use in a Commonwealth . But it was discours'd at the Council by the ARCHON in this manner . My Lords , the Legislators ; YOUR Councils , except the Dictator only , are proper and native Springs and Sources , you see , which ( hanging a few sticks and straws , that , as less considerable , would otherwise be more troublesom , upon the banks of their peculiar Channels ) derive the full stream of business into the Senat , so pure , and so far from the possibility of being troubl'd or stain'd ( as will undeniably appear by the Course contain'd in the insuing Order ) with any kind of privat Interest or Partiality , that it shall never be possible for any Assembly hearkning to the advice or information of this or that worthy Member ( either instructed upon his Pillow , or while he was making himself ready , or by the Petition or Ticket which he receiv'd at the door ) to have half the Security in his Faith , or advantage by his Wisdom ; such a Senat or Council being , thro the incertainty of the Winds , like a wave of the Sea. Nor shall it otherwise mend the matter by flowing up into dry ditches , or referring businesses to be better examin'd by Committees , than to go further about with it to less purpose ; if it dos not eb back again with the more mud in it . For in a case refer'd to an occasional Committee , of which any Member that is desirous may get himself nam'd , and to which no body will com , but either for the sake of his Friend , or his own Interest ; it fares little better as to the Information of the Senat , than if it had bin refer'd to the Partys . Wherfore the Athenians being distributed into four Tribes , out of which by equal numbers they annually chose four hundred Men , call'd the Senat of the Bean ( because the Ballot at their Election was perform'd by the use of Beans ) divided them by Fiftys into eight parts . And every Fifty in their turn , for one eighth part of the year , was a Council apart call'd the Prytans . The Prytans in their distinct Council receiving all Comers , and giving ear to every Man that had any thing to propose concerning the Commonwealth , had power to debate and prepare all the businesses that were to be introduc'd into the Senat. The Achaeans had ten selected Magistrats call'd the Demiurgs , constituting a Council apart call'd the Synarchy , which with the Strategus prepar'd all the business that was introduc'd into their Senat. But both the Senat of the Athenians , and that of the Achaeans , would have wonder'd if a Man had told them , that they were to receive all Comers and Discourses , to the end that they might refer them afterwards to the Prytans or the Synarchy ; much less to an occasional Committee , expos'd to the catch that catch may of the Partys interested . And yet Venice in this , as in most of her Orders , excels them all by the Constitution of her Councils , that of the College , and the other of the Dieci , or Council of Ten. The course of the College is exactly describ'd in the insuing Order : And for that of the Dieci , it so little differs from what it has bestow'd upon our Dictator , that I need not make any particular description of it . But to Dictatorian Power in general , and the use of it , because it must needs be of difficult digestion to such as , puking still at antient Prudence , shew themselves to be in the Nursery of Motherwit ; it is no less than necessary to say somthing . And , First , in a Commonwealth that is not wrought up , or perfected , this Power will be of very frequent , if not continual use ; wherfore it is said more than once , upon defects of the Government , in the Book of Judges , That in those days there was no King in Israel . Nor has the Translator , tho for no King he should have said no Judg , abus'd you so much ; seeing that the Dictator ( and such was the Judg of Israel ) or the Dictatorian Power being in a single Person , so little differs from Monarchy , which follow'd in that , that from the same cause there has bin no other effect in any Commonwealth ; as in Rome was manifest by SYLLA and CESAR , who to make themselves Absolute or Soverain , had no more to do than to prolong their Magistracy ; for * the Dictatorian Power was reputed Divine , and therfore irresistible . Nevertheless , so it is , that without this Power , which is so dangerous , and subject to introduce Monarchy , a Commonwealth cannot be safe from falling into the like dissolution ; unless you have an Expedient in this case of your own , and bound up by your Providence from recoiling . Expedients in som cases you must not only have , but be beholden for them to such whom you must trust at a pinch , when you have not leisure to stand with them for Security ; which will be a thousand times more dangerous . And there can never be a Common-wealth otherwise than by the Order in debate wrought up to that perfection ; but this necessity must somtimes happen in regard of her natural slowness and openness , and the suddenness of Assaults that may be made upon her , as also the Secrecy which in som cases may be of absolute necessity to her Affairs . Whence MACCHIAVEL concludes it positively , That a Commonwealth unprovided of such a Refuge , must fall to ruin : for her course is either broken by the blow in one of those cases , or by her self , while it startles her out of her Orders . And indeed a Commonwealth is like a Greyhound , which having once coasted , will never after run fair , but grow slothful ; and when it coms to make a common practice of taking nearer ways than its Orders , it is dissolv'd : for the being of a Commonwealth consists in its Orders . Wherfore at this lift you will be expos'd to danger , if you have not provided before-hand for the safety of your Resort in the like cases : nor is it sufficient that your Resort be safe , unless it be as secret and quick ; for if it be slow or open , your former Inconveniences are not remedy'd . Now for our imitation in this part , there is nothing in experience like that of the Council of Ten in Venice ; the benefit wherof would be too long to be shewn in the whole piece , and therfore I shall take but a pattern out of JANOTTI . In the War , says he , which the Venetians had with Florence in Casentin , the Florentins finding a necessity in their affairs far from any other inclination in themselves to ask their Peace , sent Ambassadors about it to Venice , where they were no sooner heard , than the bargain was struck up by the Council of Ten : and every body admiring ( seeing this Commonwealth stood upon the higher ground ) what should be the reason of such hast ; the Council upon the return of the Ambassadors imparted Letters to the Senat , wherby it appear'd , that the Turc had newly lanch'd a formidable Fleet against their State ; which had it bin understood by the Florentins , it was well enough known they would have made no Peace . Wherfore the service of the Ten was highly applauded by the Senat , and celebrated by the Venetians . Wherby may appear , not only in part what use there is of Dictatorian Power in that Government , but that it is assum'd at the discretion of that Council ; wheras in this of Oceana it is not otherwise intrusted than when the Senat , in the Election of nine Knights extraordinary , gives at once the Commission , and takes security in a balance , added to the Council of War , tho securer before by the Tribuns of the People than that of Venice , which yet never incur'd Jealousy : For if the younger Nobility have bin often girding at it , that happen'd not so much thro the apprehension of danger in it to the Commonwealth , as thro the aw of it upon themselves . Wherfore the Graver have doubtlesly shewn their Prudence in the Law ; wherby , the Magistracy of these Counsillors being to last till their Successors be created , the Council is establish'd . THE Instructions of the Councils for their matter being shewn , it remains that I shew the Instructions for the manner of their proceding , as they follow in THE twentieth ORDER , containing the Method of Debates to be observ'd by the Magistrats and the Councils successively , in order to a Decree of the Senat. THE Magistrats of the Signory , as Counsillors of this Commonwealth , shall take into their consideration all matters of State , or of Government ; and , having right to propose in any Council , may any one or more of them propose what business he or they please in that Council to which it most properly belongs . And , that the Councils may be held to their duty , the said Magistrats are superintendents and inspectors of the same , with right to propose to the Senat. THE Censors have equal Power with these Magistrats , but in relation to the Council of Religion only . ANY two of the three Provosts in every Council may propose to , and are the more peculiar Proposers of , the same Council ; to the end that there be not only an inspection and superintendency of business in general , but that every work be also committed to a peculiar hand . ANY one or more of the Magistrats , or any two of the Provosts respectively having propos'd , the Council shall debate the business so propos'd , to which they of the third Region that are willing shall speak first in their order ; they of the second , next ; and they of the first , last : and the opinions of those that propos'd or spoke , as they shall be thought the most considerable by the Council , shall be taken by the Secretary of the same in writing , and each of them sign'd with the name of the Author . THE Opinions being thus prepar'd , any Magistrat of the Signory , the Censor , or any two of the Provosts of that Council , upon this occasion may assemble the Senat. THE Senat being assembled , the Opinions ( for example , if they be four ) shall be read in their Order , that is , according to the Order or Dignity of the Magistrats or Counsillors by which they were sign'd . And being read , if any of the Council introducing them will speak , they , as best acquainted with the business , shall have precedence ; and after them the Senators shall speak according to their Regions , beginning by the third first , and so continuing till every man that will has spoken : and when the Opinions have bin sufficiently debated , they shall be put all together to the Ballot after this manner . FOVR Secretarys carrying each of them one of the Opinions in one hand , with a white Box in the other , and ●ach following the other , according to the order of the Opinions , shall present his Box , naming the Author of his Opinion to every Senator ; and one Secretary or Ballotin with a green Box shall follow the four white ones ; and one Secretary or Ballotin with a red Box shall follow the green one : and every Senator shall put one Ball into som one of these six boxes . The Suffrage being gather'd and open'd before the Signory , if the red Box or Nonsincere had above half the Suffrages , the Opinions shall he all cast out , for the major part of the House is not clear in the business . If no one of the four Opinions had above half the Suffrages in the Affirmative , that which had fewest shall be cast out , and the other three shall be balloted again . If no one of the three had above half , that which had fewest shall be cast out , and the other two shall ballot again . If neither of the two had above half , that which had fewest shall be cast out , and the remaining Opinion shall be balloted again . And if the remaining Opinion has not above half , it shall also be cast out . But the first of the Opinions that arrives at most above half in the Affirmative , is the Decree of the Senat. The Opinions being all of them cast out by the Nonsincere , may be review'd , if occasion permits , by the Council , and brought in again . If they be cast out by the Negative , the case being of advice only , the House approves not , and there is an end of it : the case being necessary , and admitting delay , the Council is to think again upon the business , and to bring in new Opinions ; but the Case being necessary , and not admitting delay , the Senat immediatly electing the Juncta , shall create the Dictator . * And let the Dictator , as the Roman saying is , take care that the Commonwealth receives no harm . THIS in case the Debate concludes not in a Decree . But if a Decree be past , it is either in matter of State or Government according to Law enacted already , and then it is good without going any further : or it is in matter of Law to be enacted , repeal'd , or amended ; and then the Decree of the Senat , especially if it be for a War , or for a Levy of Men or Mony , is invalid , without the result of the Commonwealth , which is in the Prerogative Tribe , or Representative of the People . THE Senat having prepar'd a Decree to be propos'd to the People , shall appoint their Proposers ; and no other may propose for the Senat to the People but the Magistrats of the House : that is to say , the three Commissioners of the Seal , or any two of them ; the three of the Treasury , or any two of them ; or the two Censors . THE Senat having appointed their Proposers , shall require of the Tribuns a muster of the People at a set time and place : and the Tribuns or any two of them having muster'd the People accordingly , the Proposers shall propose the Sense or Decree of the Senat by clauses to the People . And that which is propos'd by the Authority of the Senat , and resolv'd by the Command of the People , is the Law of Oceana . TO this Order , implicitly containing the sum very near of the whole Civil part of the Commonwealth , my Lord ARCHON spoke thus in Council . My Dear Lords ; THERE is a Saying , That a man must cut his Coat according to his Cloth. When I consider what God has allow'd or furnish'd to our present work , I am amaz'd . You would have a popular Government , he has weigh'd it to you in the present balance , as I may say , to a dram ; you have no more to do , but to fix it . For the Superstructures of such a Government , they require a good Aristocracy : and you have , or have had a Nobility or Gentry the best study'd , and the best Writers , at least next that of Italy , in the whole World ; nor have they bin inferior , when so exercis'd , in the leading of Armys . But the People are the main body of a Commonwealth ; shew me from the Treasurys of the Snow ( as it is in JOB ) to the burning Zone , a People whose shoulders so universally and so exactly fit the Corslet . Nevertheless it were convenient to be well provided with Auxiliarys . There is Marpesia thro her fruitfulness inexhaustible of men , and men thro her barrenness not only inur'd to hardship , but in your Arms. It may be said , that Venice , excepting only that she takes not in the People , is the most incomparable Situation of a Commonwealth . You are Venice taking in your People and your Auxiliarys too . My Lords , the Children of Israel were makers of Brick , before they were builders of a Commonwealth : But our brick is made , our Morter temper'd , the Cedars of Lebanon are hew'd and squar'd to our hands . Has this bin the work of man ? or is it in man to withstand this work ? Shall he that contends with the Almighty , instruct him ? He that reproves God , let him answer it . For our parts , every thing is so laid , that when we com to have use of it , it is the next at hand ; and unless we can conceive that God and Nature do any thing in vain , there is no more for us to do but to dispatch . The Piece , which we have reach'd to us in the foregoing Orders , is the Aristocracy . Athens , as has bin shewn , was plainly lost thro the want of a good Aristocracy . But the sufficiency of an Aristocracy gos demonstrably upon the hand of the Nobility or Gentry : for that the Politics can be master'd without study , or that the People can have leisure to study , is a vain imagination ; and what kind of Aristocracy Divines and Lawyers would make , let their incurable running upon their own narrow biass , and their perpetual invectives against MACCHIAVEL ( tho in som places justly reprovable , yet the only Politician , and incomparable Patron of the People ) serve for instruction . I will stand no more to the Judgment of Lawyers and Divines in this work , than to that of so many other Tradesmen ; but if this Model chances to wander abroad , I recommend it to the Roman Speculativi ( the most complete Gentlemen of this age ) for their censure : or , with my Lord EPIMONUS his leave , send three or four hundred Copys to your Agent at Venice , to be presented to the Magistrats there ; and when they have consider'd them , to be propos'd to the debate of the Senat , the most competent Judges under Heaven , who , tho they have great Affairs , will not refuse to return you the Oracle of their Ballot . The Counsillors of Princes I will not trust ; they are but Journymen . The Wisdom of these later times in Princes Affairs ( says VERULAMIUS ) is rather fine deliverys and shiftings of dangers when they be near , than solid and grounded courses to keep them off . Their Counsillors do not derive their procedings from any sound root of Government that may contain the demonstration , and assure the success of them , but are expedient-mongers , givers of themselves to help a lame dog over a stile ; else how coms it to pass , that the fame of Cardinal RICHLIEU has bin like Thunder , wherof we hear the noise , but can make no demonstration of the reason ? But to return , if neither the People , nor Divines , and Lawyers , can be the Aristocracy of a Nation , there remains only the Nobility ; in which stile , to avoid farther repetition , I shall understand the Gentry also , as the French do by the word Noblesse . NOW to treat of the Nobility in such sort as may be less obnoxious to mistake , it will be convenient , and answerable to the present occasion , that I divide my Discourse into four parts . THE First treating of Nobility , and the kinds of it . THE Second , of their capacity of the Senat. THE Third , of the divers kinds of Senats . THE Fourth , of the Senat , according to the foregoing Orders . NOBILITY may be defin'd divers ways ; for it is either antient Riches , or antient Virtue , or a Title confer'd by a Prince or a Commonwealth . NOBILITY of the first kind may be subdivided into two others , such as hold an overbalance in Dominion or Property to the whole People , or such as hold not an overbalance . In the former case , a Nobility ( such was the Gothic , of which sufficient has bin spoken ) is incompatible with popular Government ; for to popular Government it is essential that Power should be in the People , but the overbalance of a Nobility in Dominion draws the Power to themselves . Wherfore in this sense it is that MACCHIAVEL is to be understood , where he says , * That these are pernicious in a Commonwealth ; and of France , Spain , and Italy , that they are Nations † which for this cause are the corruption of the World : for otherwise Nobility may according to his definition ( which is , That they are such as live upon their own Revenues in plenty , without ingagement either to the tilling of their Lands , or other work for their livelihood ) hold an underbalance to the People ; in which case they are not only safe , but necessary to the natural mixture of a well-order'd Commonwealth . For how else can you have a Common-wealth that is not altogether mechanic ? or what comparison is there of such Commonwealths as are , or com nearest to mechanic , for example , Athens , Switzerland , Holland , to Lacedemon , Rome , and Venice , plum'd with their Aristocracys ? Your Mechanics , till they have first feather'd their nests , like the Fowls of the Air , whose whole imployment is to seek their food , are so busy'd in their privat concernments , that they have neither leisure to study the public , nor are safely to be trusted with it , ‖ because a Man is not faithfully imbark'd in this kind of ship , if he has no share in the freight . But if his share be such as gives him leisure by his privat advantage to reflect upon that of the public , what other name is there for this sort of Men , being a leur aise , but ( as MACCHIAVEL you see calls them ) NOBILITY ? especially when their Familys com to be such as are noted for their Services don to the Commonwealth , and so take into their antient Riches antient Virtue , which is the second definition of Nobility , but such a one as is scarce possible in nature without the former . For as the Baggage , says VERULAMIUS , is to an Army , so are Riches to Virtue ; they cannot be spar'd nor left behind , tho they be impediments , such as not only hinder the march , but somtimes thro the care of them lose or disturb the Victory . Of this latter sort is the Nobility of Oceana ; the best of all others , because they , having no stamp whence to derive their price , can have it no otherwise than by their intrinsic value . The third definition of Nobility , is a Title , Honor , or distinction from the People , confer'd or allow'd by the Prince or the Commonwealth . And this may be two ways , either without any stamp or privilege , as in Oceana ; or with such privileges as are inconsiderable , as in Athens after the battel of Plateae , whence the Nobility had no right , as such , but to religious Offices , or inspection of the public Games , to which they were also to be elected by the People : or with Privileges , and those considerable ones , as the Nobility in Athens before the battel of Plateae , and the Patricians in Rome , each of which had right , or claim'd it , to the Senat and all the Magistracys ; wherin for som time they only by their stamp were current . BUT to begin higher , and to speak more at large of Nobility in their several capacitys of the Senat. The Phylarchs or Princes of the Tribes of Israel were the most renown'd , or , as the Latin , the most noble of the Congregation , wherof by hereditary right they had the leading and judging . The Patriarchs , or Princes of Familys , according as they declar'd their Pedigrees , had the like right as to their Familys ; but neither in these nor the former , was there any hereditary right to the Sanhedrim : tho there be little question but the wise men , and understanding , and known among their Tribes , which the People , took or elected into those or other Magistracys , and whom MOSES made Rulers over them , must have bin of these ; seeing they could not chuse but be the most known among the Tribes , and were likeliest by the advantages of Education to be the most wise and understanding . SOLON having found the Athenians neither locally nor genealogically , but by their different ways of Life , divided into four Tribes , that is , into the Soldiery , the Tradesmen , the Husbandmen , and the Goatherds , instituted a new distribution of them , according to the cense or valuation of their Estates , into four Classes : the first , second , and third , consisting of such as were Proprietors in Land , distinguish'd by the rate of their Freeholds , with that stamp upon them , which making them capable of adding Honor to their Riches , that is to say , of the Senat and all the Magistracys , excluded the fourth , being the Body of the People , and far greater in number than the former three , from all other right , as to those Capacitys , except the election of these , who by this means became a hereditary Aristocracy or Senatorian Order of Nobility . This was that course which came afterwards to be the destruction of Rome , and had now ruin'd Athens . The Nobility , according to the inevitable Nature of such a one , having laid the Plot how to devest the People of the Result , and so to draw the whole Power of the Commonwealth to themselves ; which in all likelihood they had don , if the People , coming by mere chance to be victorious in the Battel of Plateae , and famous for defending Greece against the Persians , had not return'd with such Courage as irresistibly broke the Classes , to which of old they had born a white Tooth , brought the Nobility to equal Terms , and the Senat with the Magistracys to be common to both ; the Magistracys by Suffrage , and the Senat ( which was the mischief of it , as I shall shew anon in that Constitution ) by Lot only . THE Lacedemonians were in the manner , and for the same cause with the Venetians at this day , no other than a Nobility , even according to the definition given of Nobility by MACCHIAVEL ; for they neither exercis'd any Trade , nor labor'd their Lands or Lots , which was don by their Helots : wherfore som Nobility may be far from pernicious in a Commonwealth by MACCHIAVEL'S own Testimony , who is an admirer of this , tho the Servants therof were more in number than the Citizens . To these Servants I hold the answer of LYCURGUS , when he bad him who ask'd why he did not admit the People to the Government of his Commonwealth , to go home and admit his Servants to the Government of his Family , to relate : for neither were the Lacedemonians Servants , nor farther capable of the Government , unless , wheras the Congregation had the Result , he should have given them the Debate also ; every one of these that attain'd to sixty years of Age , and the major Vote of the Congregation , being equally capable of the Senat. THE Nobility of Rome , and their capacity of the Senat , I have already describ'd by that of Athens before the battel of Plateae ; saving only that the Athenian was never eligible into the Senat without the suffrage of the People , till the introduction of the Lot , but the Roman Nobility ever : for the Patricians were elected into the Senat by the Kings , by the Consuls , or the Censors ; or if a Plebeian happen'd to be conscrib'd , he and his Posterity became Patricians . Nor , tho the People had many disputes with the Nobility , did this ever com in controversy , which , if there had bin nothing else , might in my judgment have bin enough to overturn that Commonwealth . THE Venetian Nobility , but that they are richer , and not military , resemble at all other points the Lacedemonian , as I have already shewn . These MACCHIAVEL excepts from his rule , by saying , that their Estates are rather personal than real , or of any great revenue in Land ; which coms to our account , and shews , that a Nobility or party of the Nobility , not overbalancing in Dominion , is not dangerous , but of necessary use in every Commonwealth , provided it be rightly order'd : for if it be so order'd as was that of Rome , tho they do not overbalance in the beginning , as they did not there , it will not be long ere they do , as is clear both in reason and experience towards the latter end . That the Nobility only be capable of the Senat , is there only not dangerous , where there be no other Citizens , as in this Government and that of Lacedemon . THE Nobility of Holland and Switzerland , tho but few , have Privileges not only distinct from the People , but so great , that in som Soveraintys they have a negative voice ; an example which I am far from commending , being such as ( if those Governments were not cantoniz'd , divided , and subdivided into many petty Soveraintys that balance one another , and in which the Nobility , except they had a Prince at the head of them , can never join to make work ) would be the most dangerous that ever was but the Gothic , of which it favors . For in antient Commonwealths you shall never find a Nobility to have had a negative but by the Poll , which , the People being far more in number , came to nothing ; wheras these have it , be they never so few , by their stamp or order . OURS of Oceana have nothing else but their education and their leisure for the public , furnish'd by their Ease and competent Riches ; and their intrinsic value , which , according as it coms to hold weight in the judgment or suffrage of the People , is their only way to honor and preferment . Wherfore I would have your Lordships to look upon your Children as such , who if they com to shake off som part of their baggage , shall make the more quick and glorious march : for it was nothing else but the baggage sordidly plunder'd by the Nobility of Rome , that lost the victory of the whole World in the midst of her Triumph . HAVING follow'd the Nobility thus close , they bring us , according to their natural course and divers kinds , to the divers Constitutions of the Senat. THAT of Israel ( as was shew'd by my Right Noble Lord PHOSPHORUS DE AUGE , in the opening of the Commonwealth ) consisted of seventy Elders , elected at first by the People . But wheras they were for life , they ever after ( tho without any divine precept for it ) substituted their Successors by Ordination , which Ceremony was most usually perform'd by imposition of hands ; and by this means a Commonwealth of as popular institution as can be found , became , as it is accounted by JOSEPHUS , Aristocratical . From this Ordination derives that which was introduc'd by the Apostles into the Christian Church ; for which cause I think it is , that the Presbyterians would have the Government of the Church to be Aristocratical : Tho the Apostles , to the end , as I conceive , that they might give no occasion to such a mistake , but shew that they intended the Government of the Church to be popular , ordain'd Elders , as has bin shewn , by the holding up of hands ( or free Suffrage of the People ) in every Congregation , or Ecclesia : for that is the word in the Original , being borrow'd from the civil Congregations of the People in Athens and Lacedemon , which were so call'd ; and the word for holding up of hands in the Text , is also the very same , which signify'd the Suffrage of the People in Athens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for the Suffrage of the Athenians was given per Chirotonian , says EMMIUS . THE Council of the Bean ( as was shewn by my Lord NAVARCHUS DE PARALO in his full Discourse ) being the proposing Senat of Athens ( for that of the Areopagits was a Judicatory ) consisted of four , som say five hundred Senators , elected annually , all at once , and by a mere lot without suffrage . Wherfore tho the Senat , to correct the temerity of the Lot , had power to cast out such as they should judg unworthy of that honor ; this related to manners only , and was not sufficient to repair the Commonwealth , which by such means became impotent : and forasmuch as her Senat consisted not of the natural Aristocracy , which in a Commonwealth is the only spur and rein of the People , it was cast headlong by the rashness of her Demagogs or Grandees into ruin ; while her Senat , like the Roman Tribuns ( * who almost always , instead of governing , were rather govern'd by the multitude ) propos'd not to the Result only , but to the Debate also of the People , who were therfore call'd to the Pulpits , where som vomited , and others drank poison . THE Senat of Lacedemon , most truly discover'd by my Lord LACO DE SCYTALE , consisted but of 30 for life , wherof the two Kings having but single Votes , were hereditary , the rest elected by the free Suffrage of the People , but out of such as were sixty years of age . These had the whole debate of the Commonwealth in themselves , and propos'd to the Result only of the People . And now the riddle which I have heretofore found troublesom to unfold , is out ; that is to say , why Athens and Lacedemon , consisting each of the Senat and the People , the one should be held a Democracy , and the other an Aristocracy , or laudable Oligarchy , as it is term'd by ISOCRATES ; for that word is not , wherever you meet it , to be branded , seeing it is us'd also by ARISTOTLE , PLUTARCH , and others , somtimes in a good sense . The main difference was , that the People in this had the Result only , and in that the Debate and Result too . But for my part , where the People have the election of the Senat , not bound to a distinct order , and the Result , which is the Soverain Power , I hold them to have that share in the Government ( the Senat being not for life ) wherof , with the safety of the Commonwealth , they are capable in nature ; and such a Government , for that cause , to be Democracy : tho I do not deny , but in Lacedemon , the paucity of the Senators consider'd , it might be call'd Oligarchy , in comparison of Athens ; or , if we look on their continuance for life , tho they had bin more , Aristocracy . THE Senat of Rome ( whose Fame has bin heard to thunder in the Eloquence of my Lord DOLABELLA D' ENYO ) consisting of 300 , was , in regard of the number , less Oligarchical than that of Lacedemon ; but more in regard of the Patrician , who , having a hereditary Capacity of the same , were not elected to that Honor by the People ; but , being conscrib'd by the Censors , injoy'd it for life . Wherfore these , if they had their wills , would have resolv'd as well as debated ; which set the People at such variance with them , as dissolv'd the Commonwealth : wheras if the People had injoy'd the Result , that about the Agrarian , as well as all other strife , must of necessity have ceas'd . THE Senats of Switzerland and Holland ( as I have learnt of my Lords ALPESTER and GLAUCUS ) being bound up ( like the sheaf of Arrows which the latter gives ) by Leagues , ly like those in their Quivers : But Arrows , when they com to be drawn , fly som this way , and som that ; and I am contented that these concern us not . THAT of Venice ( by the faithful Testimony of my most excellent Lord LINCEUS DE STELLA ) has oblig'd a World , sufficiently punish'd by its own blindness and ingratitude , to repent and be wiser : for wheras a Commonwealth in which there is no Senat , or where the Senat is corrupt , cannot stand ; the Great Council of Venice , like the Statue of Nilus , leans upon an Urn or Waterpot , which pours forth the Senat in so pure and perpetual a stream , as being inable to stagnat , is for ever incapable of Corruption . The fuller Description of this Senat is contain'd in that of Oceana ; and that of Oceana in the foregoing Orders . To every one of which , because somthing has bin already said , I shall not speak in particular . But in general , your Senat , and the other Assembly , or the Prerogative , as I shall shew in due place , are perpetual , not as Lakes or Puddles , but as the Rivers of Eden ; and are beds made , as you have seen , to receive the whole People , by a due and faithful vicissitude , into their current . They are not , as in the late way , alternat . Alternat Life in Government is the alternat * Death of it . THIS was the Gothic work , wherby the former Government ( which was not only a ship , but a gust too ) could never open her sails , but in danger to overset her self ; neither could make any voyage , nor ly safe in her own harbor . The Wars of later ages , says VERULAMIUS , seem to be made in the dark , in respect of the glory and honor which reflected on men from the Wars in antient times . Their shipping of this sort was for Voyages , ours dare not lanch ; nor lys it safe at home . Your Gothic Politicians seem to me rather to have invented som new Ammunition or Gunpowder , in their King and Parlament , than Government . For what is becom of the Princes ( a kind of People ) in Germany ? blown up . Where are the Estates , or the Power of the People in France ? blown up . Where is that of the People in Arragon , and the rest of the Spanish Kingdoms ? blown up . On the other side , where is the King of Spain's Power in Holland ? blown up . Where is that of the Austrian Princes in Switzerland ? blown up . This perpetual peevishness and jealousy , under the alternat Empire of the Prince , and of the People , is obnoxious to every Spark . Nor shall any man shew a reason that will be holding in prudence , why the People of Oceana have blown up their King , but that their Kings did not first blow up them . The rest is discourse for Ladys . Wherfore your Parlaments are not henceforth to com out of the Bag of AEOLUS , but by your Galaxys , to be the perpetual food of the Fire of VESTA . YOUR Galaxys , which divide the House into so many Regions , are three ; one of which constituting the third Region is annually chosen , but for the term of three years ; which causes the House ( having at once Blossoms , Fruit half ripe , and others dropping off in full maturity ) to resemble an Orange-tree , such as is at the same time an Education or Spring , and a Harvest too : for the People have made a very ill choice in the Man , who is not easily capable of the perfect knowlege in one year of the Senatorian Orders ; which Knowlege , allowing him for the first to have bin a Novice , brings him the second year to practice , and time enough . For at this rate you must always have two hundred knowing Men in the Government . And thus the Vicissitude of your Senators is not perceivable in the steadiness and perpetuity of your Senat ; which , like that of Venice , being always changing , is for ever the same . And tho other Politicians have not so well imitated their Pattern , there is nothing more obvious in Nature , seeing a Man who wears the same Flesh but a short time , is nevertheless the same Man , and of the same genius ; and whence is this but from the constancy of Nature , in holding a Man to her Orders ? Wherfore keep also to your Orders . But this is a mean Request , your Orders will be worth little , if they do not hold you to them ; wherfore imbark . They are like a Ship , if you be once aboard , you do not carry them , but they you ; and see how Venice stands to her tackling : you will no more forsake them , than you will leap into the Sea. BUT they are very many , and difficult . O , my Lords , what Seaman casts away his Card , because it has four and twenty Points of the Compass ? and yet those are very near as many , and as difficult as the Orders in the whole circumference of your Common-wealth . Consider , how have we bin tost with every wind of Doctrin , lost by the glib Tongues of your Demagogs and Grandees in our own Havens ? A company of Fidlers that have disturb'd your rest for your Groat ; two to one , three thousand pounds a year to another , has bin nothing . And for what ? Is there one of them that yet knows what a Commonwealth is ? And are you yet afraid of such a Government in which these shall not dare to scrape , for fear of the Statute ? THEMISTOCLES could not fiddle , but could make of a small City a great Commonwealth : these have fiddel'd , and for your Mony , till they have brought a great Commonwealth to a small City . IT grieves me , while I consider how , and from what causes imaginary Difficultys will be aggravated , that the foregoing Orders are not capable of any greater clearness in discourse or writing : But if a Man should make a Book , describing every trick or passage , it would fare no otherwise with a game at Cards ; and this is no more , if a Man plays upon the square . There is a great difference , says VERULAMIUS , between a cunning Man and a wise Man ( between a Demagog and a Legislator ) not only in point of honesty , but in point of ability : As there be that can pack the Cards , and yet cannot play well ; so there be som that are good in Canvasses and Factions , that are otherwise weak men . Allow me but these Orders , and let them com with their Cards in their sleeves , or pack if they can . Again , says he , it is one thing to understand Persons , and another to understand Matters ; for many are perfect in mens humors , that are not greatly capable of the real part of Business : which is the constitution of one that has study'd Men more than Books . But there is nothing more hartful in a State , than that cunning men should pass for wise . His words are an Oracle . As DIONYSIUS , when he could no longer exercise his Tyranny among men , turn'd Schoolmaster , that he might exercise it among Boys . Allow me but these Orders , and your Grandees so well skil'd in the Baits and Palats of Men , shall turn Ratcatchers . AND wheras Councils ( as is discretely observ'd by the same Author in his time ) are at this day , in most places , but familiar meetings ( somwhat like the Academy of our Provosts ) where matters are rather talk'd on than debated , and run too swift to order an Act of Council ; give me my Orders , and see if I have not puzzel'd your Demagogs . IT is not so much my desire to return upon hants , as theirs that will not be satisfy'd ; wherfore if , notwithstanding what was said of dividing and chusing in our preliminary Discourses , men will yet be returning to the Question , Why the Senat must be a Council apart ( tho even in Athens , where it was of no other Constitution than the popular Assembly , the distinction of it from the other was never held less than necessary ) this may be added to the former Reasons , that if the Aristocracy be not for the Debate , it is for nothing ; but if it be for debate , it must have convenience for it : And what convenience is there for debate in a croud , where there is nothing but jostling , treading upon one another , and stirring of Blood , than which in this case there is nothing more dangerous ? Truly , it was not ill said of my Lord EPIMONUS , That Venice plays her game , as it were , at Billiards or Nineholes ; and so may your Lordships , unless your Ribs be so strong , that you think better of Footbal : for such sport is Debate in a popular Assembly , as , notwithstanding the distinction of the Senat , was the destruction of Athens . THIS Speech concluded the Debate which happen'd at the Institution of the Senat. The next Assembly is that of the People or Prerogative Tribe . THE face , or mein of the Prerogative Tribe for the Arms , the Horses , and the Disciplin , but more especially for the select men , is that of a very noble Regiment , or rather of two ; the one of Horse , divided into three Troops ( besides that of the Provinces , which will be shewn hereafter ) with their Captains , Cornets , and two Tribuns of the Horse at the head of them ; the other of Foot in three Companys ( besides that of the Provinces ) with their Captains , Ensigns , and two Tribuns of the Foot at the head of them . The first Troop is call'd the Phoenix ; the second the Pelican ; and the third the Swallow . The first Company the Cypress ; the second the Myrtle ; and the third the Spray . Of these again ( not without a near resemblance of the Roman division of a Tribe ) the Phoenix and the Cypress constitute the first Class ; the Pelican and the Myrtle the second ; and the Swallow with the Spray the third , renew'd every Spring by THE one and twentieth ORDER , directing , that upon every Monday next insuing the last of March , the Deputys of the annual Galaxy arriving at the Pavilion in the Halo , and electing one Captain and one Cornet of the Swallow ( triennial Officers ) by and out of the Cavalry at the Horse Vrn , according to the Rules contain'd in the Ballot of the Hundred ; and one Captain with one Ensign of the Spray ( triennial Officers ) by and out of the Infantry at the Foot Vrn , after the same way of ballotting ; constitute and becom the third Classes of the Prerogative Tribe . SEVEN Deputys are annually return'd by every Tribe , wherof three are Horse , and four are Foot ; and there be fifty Tribes : so the Swallow must consist of 150 Horse , the Spray of 200 Foot. And the rest of the Classes being two , each of them in number equal ; the whole Prerogative ( besides the Provinces , that is , the Knights and Deputys of Marpesia and Panopea ) must consist of 1050 Deputys . And these Troops and Companys may as well be call'd Centurys as those of the Romans ; for the Romans related not , in so naming theirs , to the number . And wheras they were distributed according to the valuation of their Estates , so are these ; which by virtue of the last Order , are now accommodated with their triennial Officers . But there be others appertaining to this Tribe , whose Election , being of far greater importance , is annual , as follows in THE twenty second ORDER ; whereby the first Class having elected their triennial Officers , and made Oath to the Old Tribuns , that they will neither introduce , cause , nor to their power suffer Debate to be introduc'd into any popular Assembly of this Government , but to their utmost be aiding and assisting to seize and deliver any Person or Persons in that way offending , and striking at the Root of this Commonwealth , to the Council of War ; are to procede with the other two Classes of the Prerogative Tribe to election of the new Tribuns , being four annual Magistrats , wherof two are to be elected out of the Cavalry at the Horse Vrn , and two out of the Infantry at the Foot Vrn , according to the common Ballot of the Tribes . And they may be promiscuously chosen out of any Classis , provided that the same Person shall not be capable of bearing the Tribunitian Honor twice in the term of one Galaxy . The Tribuns thus chosen shall receive the Tribe ( in reference to the Power of mustering and disciplining the same ) as Commanders in chief ; and for the rest as Magistrats , whose proper Function is prescrib'd by the next Order . The Tribuns may give leave to any number of the Prerogative , not exceding one hundred at a time , to be absent , so they be not Magistrats , nor Officers , and return within three months . If a Magistrat or Officer has a necessary occasion , he may also be absent for the space of one month ; provided , that there be not above three Corners or Ensigns , two Captains , or one Tribun so absent at one time . TO this the ARCHON spoke at the Institution after this manner . My Lords ; IT is affirm'd by CICERO in his Oration for FLACCUS , that the Commonwealths of Greece were all shaken or ruin'd by the intemperance of their Comitia , or Assemblys of the People . The truth is , if good heed in this point be not taken , a Common-wealth will have bad legs . But all the world knows he should have excepted Lacedemon , where the People , as has bin shewn by the Oracle , had no power at all of Debate , nor ( till after LYSANDER , whose Avarice open'd a gulf , that was not long ere it swallow'd up his Country ) came it ever to be exercis'd by them . Whence that Commonwealth stood longest and firmest of any other , but this , in our days , of Venice : which having underlaid her self with the like Institution , ows a great , if not the greatest part of her steddiness to the same principle ; the great Council , which is with her the People , by the Authority of my Lord EPIMONUS , never speaking a word . Nor shall any Common-wealth , where the People in their political capacity is talkative , ever see half the days of one of these : But being carry'd away by vain-glorious Men ( that , as OVERBURY says , piss more than they drink ) swim down the stream ; as did Athens , the most prating of these Dames , when that same ranting fellow ALCIBIADES fell a demagoging for the Sicilian War. But wheras Debate by the authority and experience of Lacedemon and Venice , is not to be committed to the People in a well-order'd Government , it may be said , That the Order specify'd is but a slight bar in a matter of like danger ; for so much as an Oath , if there be no recourse upon the breach of it , is a weak ty for such hands as have the Sword in them : wherfore what should hinder the People of Oceana , if they happen not to regard an Oath , from assuming Debate , and making themselves as much an Anarchy as those of Athens ? To which I answer , Take the common fort in a privat capacity , and , except they be injur'd , you shall find them to have a bashfulness in the presence of the better sort , or wiser Men ; acknowleging their Abilitys by attention , and accounting it no mean honor to receive respect from them : But if they be injur'd by them , they hate them , and the more for being wife or great , because that makes it the greater injury . Nor refrain they in this case from any kind of intemperance of Speech , if of Action . It is no otherwise with a People in their political capacity ; you shall never find that they have assum'd Debate for it self , but for somthing else . Wherfore in Lacedemon where there was , and in Venice where there is nothing else for which they should assume it , they have never shewn so much as an inclination to it . Nor was there any appearance of such a desire in the People of Rome ( who from the time of ROMULUS had bin very well contented with the power of Result either in the * Parochial Assemblys , as it was settled upon them by him ; or in the meetings of the † Hundreds , as it was alter'd in their regard for the worse by SERVIUS TULLIUS ) till news was brought som fifteen years after the exile of TARQUIN their late King ( during which time the Senat had govern'd pretty well ) that he was dead at the Court of ARISTODEMUS the Tyrant of Cumae . * Wherupon the Patricians , or Nobility , began to let out the hitherto dissembl'd Venom , which is inherent in the root of Oligarchy , and fell immediatly upon injuring the People beyond all moderation . For wheras the People had serv'd both gallantly and contentedly in Arms upon their own charges , and , tho joint Purchasers by their Swords of the conquer'd Lands , had not participated in the same to above two Acres a man ( the rest being secretly usurp'd by the Patricians ) they thro the meanness of their support , and the greatness of their expence , being generally indebted , no sooner return'd home with Victory to lay down their Arms , than they were snatch'd up by their Creditors , the Nobility , to cram Goals . Wherupon , but with the greatest modesty that was ever known in the like case , they first fell upon debate , affirming , † that they were opprest and captivated at home , while abroad they fought for Liberty and Empire ; and that the Freedom of the common People was safer in time of War than Peace , among their Enemys than their Fellow-citizens . It is true , that when they could not get the Senat , thro fear , as was pretended by the Patricians , to assemble and take their grievances into consideration , they grew so much the warmer , that it was glad to meet ; where APPIUS CLAUDIUS , a fierce Spirit , was of opinion , that recourse should be had to Consular power , wherby som of the brands of Sedition being taken off , the flame might be extinguish'd . SERVILIUS being of another temper , thought it better and safer to try if the People might be bow'd than broken . But this debate was interrupted by tumultuous news of the near approach of the Volsci , a case in which the Senat had no recourse but to the People , who contrary to their former custom upon the like occasions would not stir a foot , but fell a laughing , and saying , ‖ Let them fight that have somthing to fight for . The Senat that had purses , and could not sing so well before the Thief , being in a great perplexity , found no possible way out of it , but to beseech SERVILIUS , one of a Genius well known to be popular , That he would accept of the Consulship , and make som such use of it as might be helpful to the Patrician Interest . SERVILIUS accepting of the Offer , and making use of his Interest with the People , persuaded them to hope well of the good intention of the Fathers , whom it would little beseem to be forc'd to those things which would lose their Grace , and that in view of the Enemy , if they came not freely ; and withal publish'd an Edict , that no Man should withhold a Citizen of Rome by imprisonment from giving his name ( for that was the way , as I shall have opportunity hereafter to shew more at large , wherby they drew out their Armys ) nor to seize or sell any man's Goods or Children that was in the Camp. Wherupon the People with a mighty concourse immediatly took Arms , march'd forth , and ( which to them was as easy as to be put into the humor , and that , as appears in this place , was not hard ) totally defeated the Volsci first , then the Sabins ( for the neighbor Nations , hoping to have had a good bargain of the Discord in Rome , were up in arms on all sides ) and after the Sabins , the Aurunci . Whence returning victorious in three Battels , they expected no less than that the Senat would have made good their words : when APPIUS CLAUDIUS , the other Consul , of his innate Pride , and that he might frustrat the Faith of his Collegue , caus'd the Soldiers ( who being set at liberty , had behav'd themselves with such valor ) to be restor'd at their return to their Creditors and their Goals . Great resort upon this was made by the People to SERVILIUS , shewing him their Wounds , calling him to witness how they had behav'd themselves , and minding him of his promise . Poor SERVILIUS was sorry , but so overaw'd with the headiness of his Collegue , and the obstinacy of the whole faction of the Nobility , that not daring to do any thing either way , he lost both Partys : the Fathers conceiving that he was ambitious , and the People that he was false ; while the Consul CLAUDIUS continuing to countenance such as daily seiz'd and imprison'd som of the indebted People , had still new and dangerous Controversys with them , insomuch that the Commonwealth was torn with horrid Division , and the People ( because they found it not so safe , or so effectual in public ) minded nothing but laying their heads together in privat Conventicles . For this AULUS VIRGINIUS , and TITUS VETUSIUS , the new Consuls , were reprov'd by the Senat as slothful , and upbraided with the Virtue of APPIUS CLAUDIUS . Wherupon the Consuls having desir'd the Senat , that they might know their pleasure , shew'd afterwards their readiness to obey it , by summoning the People according to command , and requiring names wherby to draw forth an Army for diversion , but no man would answer . Report hereof being made to the Senat , the younger sort of the Fathers grew so hot with the Consuls , that they desir'd them to abdicat the Magistracy , which they had not the courage to defend . THE Consuls , tho they conceiv'd themselves to be roughly handled , made this soft Answer : Fathers Conscript , that you may please to take notice it was foretold som horrid Sedition is at hand , we shall only desire , that they whose valor in this place is so great , may stand by us to see how we behave our selves , and then be as resolute in your Commands as you will : your Fatherhoods may know if we be wanting in the performance . AT this som of the hot young Noblemen return'd with the Consuls to the Tribunal , before which the People were yet standing ; and the Consuls having generally requir'd names in vain , to put it to somthing , requir'd the name of one that was in their ey particularly ; on whom , when he mov'd not , they commanded a Lictor to lay hands : but the People thronging about the Party summon'd , forbad the Lictor , who durst not touch him ; at which the Hotspurs that came with the Consuls , inrag'd by the affront , descended from the Throne to the aid of the Lictor ; from whom in so doing they turn'd the indignation of the People upon themselves with such heat , that the Consuls interposing , thought fit , by remitting the Assembly , to appease the Tumult ; in which nevertheless there had bin nothing but noise . Nor was there less in the Senat , being suddenly rally'd upon this occasion , where they that receiv'd the repulse , with others whose heads were as addle as their own , fell upon the business as if it had bin to be determin'd by clamor , till the Consuls , upbraiding the Senat that it differ'd not from the Marketplace , reduc'd the House to Orders . And the Fathers having bin consulted accordingly , there were three Opinions ; PUBLIUS VIRGINIUS conceiv'd , that the consideration to be had upon the matter in question , or aid of the indebted and imprison'd People , was not to be further extended than to such as had ingag'd upon the promise made by SERVILIUS : TITUS LARGIUS , that it was no time to think it enough , if mens Merits were acknowleg'd , while the whole People , sunk under the weight of their debts , could not emerge without som common aid ; which to restrain , by putting som into a better condition than others , would rather more inflame the Discord than extinguish it . APPIUS CLAUDIUS ( still upon the old hant ) would have it , that the People were rather wanton than fierce : It was not oppression that necessitated , but their power that invited them to these freaks ; the Empire of the Consuls since the appeal to the People ( wherby a Plebeian might ask his fellows if he were a Thief ) being but a mere scarecrow . Go to , says he , let us create the Dictator , from whom there is no appeal , and then let me see more of this work , or him that shall forbid my Lictor . The advice of APPIUS was abhor'd by many ; and to introduce a general recision of Debts with LARGIUS , was to violat all Faith : That of VIRGINIUS , as the most moderat , would have past best , but that there were privat Interests , that constant bane of the Public , which withstood it . So they concluded with APPIUS , who also had bin Dictator , if the Consuls and som of the graver sort had not thought it altogether unseasonable , at a time when the Volsci and the Sabins were up again , to venture so far upon alienation of the People : for which cause VALERIUS , being descended from the PUBLICOLAS , the most popular Family , as also in his own person of a mild nature , was rather trusted with so rigid a Magistracy . Whence it happen'd , that the People , tho they knew well enough against whom the Dictator was created , sear'd nothing from VALERIUS ; but upon a new promise made to the same effect with that of SERVILIUS , hop'd better another time , and throwing away all disputes , gave their names roundly , went out , and , to be brief , came home again as victorious as in the former Action , the Dictator entring the City in Triumph . Nevertheless when he came to press the Senat to make good his promise , and do somthing for the ease of the People , they regarded him no more as to that point than they had don SERVILIUS . Wherupon the Dictator , in disdain to be made a stale , abdicated his Magistracy , and went home . Here then was a victorious Army without a Captain , and a Senat pulling it by the beard in their Gowns . What is it ( if you have read the Story , for there is not such another ) that must follow ? Can any man imagin , that such only should be the opportunity upon which this People could run away ? Alas , poor men , the Aequi and the Volsci , and the Sabins were nothing , but the Fathers invincible ! There they sat som three hundred of them arm'd all in Robes , and thundering with their Tongues , without any hopes in the earth to reduce them to any tolerable conditions . Wherfore , not thinking it convenient to abide long so near them , away marches the Army , and incamps in the fields . This Retreat of the People is call'd the Secession of Mount Aventin , where they lodg'd very sad at their condition ; but not letting fall so much as a word of murmur against the Fathers . The Senat by this time were great Lords , had the whole City to themselves ; but certain Neighbors were upon the way that might com to speak with them , not asking leave of the Porter . Wherfore their minds became troubl'd , and an Orator was posted to the People to make as good conditions with them as he could ; but , whatever the terms were , to bring them home , and with all speed . And here it was covenanted between the Senat and the People , that these should have Magistrats of their own Election , call'd the Tribuns ; upon which they return'd . TO hold you no longer , the Senat having don this upon necessity , made frequent attempts to retract it again ; while the Tribuns on the other side , to defend what they had got , instituted their Tributa Comitia , or Council of the People ; where they came in time , and , as Disputes increas'd , to make Laws without the Authority of the Senat , call'd Plebiscita . Now to conclude in the point at which I drive ; such were the steps wherby the People of Rome came to assume Debate : nor is it in Art or Nature to debar a People of the like effect , where there is the like cause . For ROMULUS having in the Election of his Senat squar'd out a Nobility for the support of a Throne , by making that of the Patricians a distinct and hereditary Order , planted the Commonwealth upon two contrary Interests or Roots , which shooting forth in time produc'd two Commonwealths , the one Oligarchical in the Nobility , the other a mere Anarchy of the People , and ever after caus'd a perpetual feud and enmity between the Senat and the People , even to death . THERE is not a more noble or useful question in the Politics than that which is started by MACCHIAVEL , Whether means were to be found wherby the Enmity that was between the Senat and the People of Rome could have bin remov'd . Nor is there any other in which we , or the present occasion , are so much concern'd , particularly in relation to this Author ; forasmuch as his Judgment in the determination of the question standing , our Commonwealth falls . And he that will erect a Commonwealth against the Judgment of MACCHIAVEL , is oblig'd to give such reasons for his enterprize as must not go a begging . Wherfore to repeat the Politician very honestly , but somwhat more briefly , he disputes thus . THERE be two sorts of Commonwealths , the one for preservation , as Lacedemon and Venice ; the other for increase , as Rome . LACEDEMON being govern'd by a King and a small Senat , could maintain it self a long time in that condition , because the Inhabitants , being few , having put a bar upon the reception of Strangers , and living in a strict observation of the Laws of LYCURGUS , which now had got reputation , and taken away all occasion of Tumults , might well continue long in Tranquillity . For the Laws of LYCURGUS introduc'd a greater equality in Estates , and a less equality in Honors , whence there was equal Poverty ; and the Plebeians were less ambitious , because the Honors or Magistracys of the City could extend but to a few , and were not communicable to the People : nor did the Nobility by using them ill , ever give them a desire to participat of the same . This proceded from the Kings , whose Principality being plac'd in the midst of the Nobility , had no greater means wherby to support it self , than to shield the People from all injury ; whence the People not fearing Empire , desir'd it not : And so all occasion of enmity between the Senat and the People was taken away . But this Vnion happen'd especially from two causes ; the one , that the Inhabitants of Lacedemon being few , could be govern'd by the Few : the other , that , not receiving Strangers into their Common-wealth , they did not corrupt it , nor increase it to such a proportion as was not governable by the Few . VENICE has not divided with her Plebeians , but all are call'd Gentlemen that be in administration of the Government ; for which Government she is more beholden to Chance than the Wisdom of her Lawmakers : For many retiring to those Ilands , where that City is now built , from the inundations of Barbarians that overwhelm'd the Roman Empire , when they were increas'd to such a number , that to live together it was necessary to have Laws ; they ordain'd a form of Government , wherby assembling often in Council upon Affairs , and sinding their number sufficient for Government , they put a bar upon all such as repairing afterwards to their City should becom Inhabitants , excluding them from participation of Power . Whence they that were included in the Administration had right ; and they that were excluded , coming afterwards , and being receiv'd upon no other conditions to be Inhabitants , had no wrong ; and therfore had no occasion , nor ( being never trusted with Arms ) any means to be tumultuous . Wherfore this Commonwealth might very well maintain it self in Tranquillity . THESE things consider'd , it is plain that the Roman Legislators , to have introduc'd a quiet State , must have don one of these two things ; either shut out Strangers , as the Lacedemonians ; or , as the Venetians , not allow'd the People to bear Arms. But they did neither . By which means the People having power and increase , were in perpetual tumult . Nor is this to be help'd in a Commonwealth for increase , seeing if Rome had cut off the occasion of her Tumults , she must have cut off the means of her Increase , and by consequence of her Greatness . Wherfore let a Legislator consider with himself , whether he would make his Commonwealth for preservation , in which case she may be free from Tumults ; or for increase , in which case she must be infested with them . IF he makes her for preservation , she may be quiet at home ; but will be in danger abroad . First , Because her Foundation must be narrow , and therfore weak , as that of Lacedemon , which lay but upon 30000 Citizens ; or that of Venice , which lys but upon 3000. Secondly , Such a Commonwealth must either be in Peace , or in War : If she be in Peace , the Few are soonest effeminated and corrupted , and so obnoxious also to Faction . If in War , succeding ill , she is an easy prey ; or succeding well , ruin'd by increase : a weight which her Foundation is not able to bear . For Lacedemon , when she had made her self Mistriss , upon the matter , of all Greece , thro a slight accident , the Rebellion of Thebes , occasion'd by the Conspiracy of PELOPIDAS discovering this infirmity of her nature , the rest of her conquer'd Citys immediatly fell off , and in the turn as it were of a hand reduc'd her from the fullest tide to the lowest eb of her fortune . And Venice having possest her self of a great part of Italy by her purse , was no sooner in defence of it put to the trial of Arms , than she lost all in one Battel . WHENCE I conclude , That in the Ordination of a Common-wealth a Legislator is to think upon that which is most honorable ; and laying aside Models for Preservation , to follow the example of Rome conniving at , and temporizing with the enmity between the Senat and the People , as a necessary step to the Roman Greatness . For that any Man should find out a balance that may take in the Conveniences , and shut out the Inconveniences of both , I do not think it possible . These are the words of the Author , tho the method be somwhat alter'd , to the end that I may the better turn them to my purpose . MY LORDS , I do not know how you hearken to this sound ; but to hear the greatest Artist in the modern World , giving sentence against our Commonwealth , is that with which I am nearly concern'd . Wherfore , with all honor due to the Prince of Politicians , let us examin his reasoning with the same liberty which he has asserted to be the right of a free People . But we shall never com up to him , except by taking the business a little lower , we descend from effects to their causes . The causes of Commotion in a Common-wealth are either external or internal . External are from Enemys , from Subjects , or from Servants . To dispute then what was the cause why Rome was infested by the Italian , or by the Servil Wars ; why the Slaves took the Capitol ; why the Lacedemonians were near as frequently troubl'd with their Helots , as Rome with all those ; or why Venice , whose Situation is not trusted to the faith of Men , has as good or better quarter with them whom she governs , than Rome had with the Latins ; were to dispute upon external causes . The question put by MACCHIAVEL is of internal causes ; Whether the enmity that was beeween the Senat and the People of Rome might have bin remov'd . And to determin otherwise of this question than he dos , I must lay down other Principles than he has don . To which end I affirm , that a Commonwealth internally consider'd , is either equal or inequal . A Commonwealth that is internally equal , has no internal cause of Commotion , and therfore can have no such effect but from without . A Commonwealth internally inequal has no internal cause of quiet , and therfore can have no such effect but by diversion . TO prove my Assertions , I shall at this time make use of no other than his examples . Lacedemon was externally unquiet , because she was externally inequal , that is as to her Helots ; and she was internally at rest , because she was equal in her self , both in root and branch : In the root by her Agrarian , and in branch by the Senat , inasmuch as no Man was therto qualify'd , but by election of the People . Which Institution of LYCURGUS is mention'd by ARISTOTLE , where he says , that rendering his Citizens emulous ( not careless ) of that honor , he assign'd to the People the election of the Senat. Wherfore MACCHIAVEL in this , as in other places , having his ey upon the division of Patrician and Plebeian Familys as they were in Rome , has quite mistaken the Orders of this Commonwealth , where there was no such thing . Nor did the quiet of it derive from the Power of the Kings , who were so far from shielding the People from the injury of the Nobility , of which there was none in his sense but the Senat , that one declar'd end of the Senat at the institution was to shield the People from the Kings , who from that time had but single Votes . Neither did it procede from the straitness of the Senat , or their keeping the People excluded from the Government , that they were quiet , but from the equality of their administration , seeing the Senat ( as is plain by the Oracle , their fundamental Law ) had no more than the Debate , and the Result of the Commonwealth belong'd to the People . Wherfore when THEOPOMPUS and POLYDORUS Kings of Lacedemon , would have kept the People excluded from the Government , by adding to the antient Law this Clause , If the determination of the People be faulty , it shall be lawful for the Senat to resume the Debate ; the People immediatly became unquiet , and resum'd that Debate , which ended not till they had set up their Ephors , and caus'd that Magistracy to be confirm'd by their Kings . * For when THEOPOMPUS first ordain'd that the Ephori or Overseers should be created at Lacedemon , to be such a restraint upon the Kings there as the Tribuns were upon the Consuls at Rome , the Queen complain'd to him , that by this means he transmitted the Royal Authority greatly diminish'd to his Children : I leave indeed less , answer'd he , but more lasting . And this was excellently said ; for that Power only is safe which is limited from doing hurt . THEOPOMPUS therfore , by confining the Kingly Power within the bounds of the Laws , did recommend it by so much to the Peoples Affection , as he remov'd it from being Arbitrary . By which it may appear , that a Commonwealth for preservation , if she coms to be inequal , is as obnoxious to enmity between the Senat and the People , as a Commonwealth for increase ; and that the Tranquillity of Lacedemon was deriv'd from no other cause than her Equality . FOR Venice , to say that she is quiet because she disarms her Subjects , is to forget that Lacedemon disarm'd her Helots , and yet could not in their regard be quiet ; wherfore if Venice be defended from external causes of Commotion , it is first thro her Situation , in which respect her Subjects have no hope ( and this indeed may be attributed to her fortune ) and , secondly , thro her exquisit Justice , whence they have no will to invade her . But this can be attributed to no other cause than her Prudence ; which will appear to be greater , as we look nearer ; for the effects that procede from Fortune , if there be any such thing , are like their cause , inconstant . But there never happen'd to any other Commonwealth so undisturb'd and constant a Tranquillity and Peace in her self , as is that of Venice ; wherfore this must procede from som other cause than Chance . And we see that as she is of all others the most quiet , so the most equal Commonwealth . Her Body consists of one Order , and her Senat is like a rolling stone , as was said , which never did , nor , while it continues upon that rotation , never shall gather the moss of a divided or ambitious interest ; much less such a one as that which grasp'd the People of Rome in the talons of their own Eagles . And if MACCHIAVEL , averse from doing this Commonwealth right , had consider'd her Orders , as his Reader shall easily perceive he never did , he must have bin so far from attributing the Prudence of them to Chance , that he would have touch'd up his admirable work to that perfection , which , as to the civil part , has no pattern in the universal World but this of Venice . ROME , secure by her potent and victorious Arms from all external causes of Commotion , was either beholden for her Peace at home to her Enemys abroad , or could never rest her head . My LORDS , you that are Parents of a Commonwealth , and so freer Agents than such as are merely natural , have a care . For , as no man shall shew me a Commonwealth born streight , that ever became crooked ; so , no man shall shew me a Commonwealth born crooked , that ever became streight . Rome was crooked in her birth , or rather prodigious . Her twins the Patricians and Plebeian Orders came , as was shewn by the foregoing story , into the World , one body but two heads , or rather two bellys : for , notwithstanding the Fable out of AESOP , wherby MENENIUS AGRIPPA the Orator that was sent from the Senat to the People at Mount Aventin , shew'd the Fathers to be the Belly , and the People to be the Arms and the Legs ( which except that , how slothful soever it might seem , they were nourish'd , not these only , but the whole Body must languish and be dissolv'd ) it is plain , that the Fathers were a distinct Belly ; such a one as took the meat indeed out of the Peoples mouths , but abhorring the Agrarian , return'd it not in the due and necessary nutrition of a Commonwealth . Nevertheless , as the People that live about the Cataracts of Nilus are said not to hear the noise , so neither the Roman Writers , nor MACCHIAVEL the most conversant with them , seem among so many of the Tribunitian storms , to hear their natural voice : for tho they could not miss of it so far as to attribute them to the strife of the People for participation in Magistracy , or , in which MACCHIAVEL more particularly joins , to that about the Agrarian ; this was to take the business short , and the remedy for the disease . A PEOPLE , when they are reduc'd to misery and despair , becom their own Politicians , as certain Beasts when they are sick becom their own Physicians , and are carry'd by a natural instinct to the desire of such Herbs as are their proper cure ; but the People , for the greater part , are beneath the Beasts in the use of them . Thus the People of Rome , tho in their misery they had recourse by instinct , as it were , to the two main Fundamentals of a Commonwealth , participation of Magistracy , and the Agrarian , did but tast and spit at them , not ( which is necessary in Physic ) drink down the potion , and in that their healths . For when they had obtain'd participation of Magistracy , it was but lamely , not to a full and equal Rotation in all Elections ; nor did they greatly regard it in what they had got . And when they had attain'd to the Agrarian , they neglected it so far as to suffer the Law to grow obsolete : but if you do not take the due dose of your Medicins ( as there be slight tasts which a man may have of Philosophy that incline to Atheism ) it may chance to be poison , there being a like tast of the Politics that inclines to Confusion , as appears in the Institution of the Roman Tribuns , by which Magistracy and no more , the People were so far from attaining to Peace , that they in getting but so much , got but heads for an eternal feud ; wheras if they had attain'd in perfection either to the Agrarian , they had introduc'd the equality and calm of Lacedemon , or to Rotation , and they had introduc'd that of Venice : And so there could have bin no more enmity between the Senat and the People of Rome , than there was between those Orders in Lacedemon , or is now in Venice . Wherfore MACCHIAVEL seems to me , in attributing the Peace of Venice more to her luck than her prudence , of the whole stable to have saddled the wrong Horse ; for tho Rome * in her military part could beat it better , beyond all comparison , upon the sounding hoof , Venice for the civil part has plainly had the wings of Pegasus . THE whole Question then will com upon this point , Whether the People of Rome could have obtain'd these Orders ? And first , to say , that they could not have obtain'd them without altering the Commonwealth , is no Argument ; seeing neither could they , without altering the Commonwealth , have obtain'd their Tribuns , which nevertheless were obtain'd . And if a man considers the posture that the People were in when they obtain'd their Tribuns , they might as well , and with as great ease ( forasmuch as the reason why the Nobility yielded to the Tribuns was no other , than that there was no remedy ) have obtain'd any thing else . And for experience , it was in the like case that the Lacedemonians did set up their Ephors , and the Athenians after the battel of Plateae bow'd the Senat ( so hard a thing it is for a Commonwealth that was born crooked to becom streight ) as much the other way . Nor , if it be objected , that this must have ruin'd the Nobility ( and in that depriv'd the Common-wealth of the Greatness which she acquir'd by them ) is this opinion holding ; but confuted by the sequel of the story , shewing plainly , that the Nobility thro the defect of such Orders , that is to say , of Rotation and the Agrarian , came to eat up the People : and battening themselves in Luxury , to be , as SALUST speaks of them , † a most sluggish and lazy Nobility , in whom , besides the name , there was no more than in a statue ; and to bring so mighty a Commonwealth , and of so huge a Glory , to so deplorable an end . Wherfore means might have bin found to remove the enmity that was between the Senat and the People of Rome . MY LORDS , If I have argu'd well , I have given you the comfort and assurance , that notwithstanding the judgment of MACCHIAVEL , your Commonwealth is both safe and sound : but if I have not argu'd well , then take the comfort and assurance which he gives you while he is firm , That a Legislator is to lay aside all other examples , and follow that of Rome only , conniving and temporizing with the enmity between the Senat and the People , as a necessary step to the Roman Greatness . Whence it follows , that your Commonwealth , at the worst , is that which he has given you his word is the best . I HAVE held your Lordships long , but upon an account of no small importance , which I can now sum up in these few words : Where there is a liquorishness in a popular Assembly to debate , it procedes not from the Constitution of the People , but of the Commonwealth . Now that your Commonwealth is of such a Constitution as is naturally free from this kind of intemperance , is that which to make good , I must divide the remainder of my Discourse into two Parts . THE First , shewing the several Constitutions of the Assemblys of the People in other Commonwealths . THE Second , comparing our Assembly of the People with theirs : and shewing how it excludes the Inconveniences , and imbraces the Conveniences of them all . IN the beginning of the first Part I must take notice , that among the popular Errors of our days it is no small one , that men imagin the antient Governments of this kind to have consisted for the most part of one City , that is , of one Town ; wheras by what we have learnt of my Lords that open'd them , it appears that there was not any considerable one of such a Constitution but Carthage , till this in our days of Venice . FOR to begin with Israel , it consisted of the twelve Tribes , locally spread or quarter'd throout the whole Territory ; and these being call'd together by Trumpets , constituted the Church or Assembly of the People . The vastness of this weight , as also the slowness thence inavoidable , became a great cause ( as has bin shewn at large by my Lord PHOSPHORUS ) of the breaking that Commonwealth ; notwithstanding that the Temple , and those religious Ceremonys for which the People were at least annually oblig'd to repair thither , were no small Ligament of the Tribes , otherwise but slightly tack'd together . ATHENS consisted of four Tribes , taking in the whole People both of the City and of the Territory ; not so gather'd by THESEUS into one Town , as to exclude the Country , but to the end that there might be som Capital of the Commonwealth : tho true it be , that the Congregation consisting of the Inhabitants within the Walls , was sufficient to all intents and purposes , without those of the Country . These also being exceding numerous , became burdensom to themselves , and dangerous to the Commonwealth ; the more for their ill education , as is observ'd by XENOPHON and POLYBIUS , who compare them to Mariners that in a calm are perpetually disputing and swaggering one with another , and never lay their hands to the common tackling or safety , till they be all indanger'd by som storm . Which caus'd THUCYDIDES , when he saw this People thro the purchase of their misery becom so much wiser , as to reduce their Comitia or Assemblys to five thousand , to say in his eighth Book ; And now , at least in my time , the Athenians seem to have order'd their State aright , consisting of a moderat temper both of the Few ( by which he means the Senat of the Bean ) and of the Many , or the five thousand . And he dos not only give you his judgment , but the best proof of it ; for this , says he , was the first thing that , after so many misfortunes past , made the City again to raise her head . The place I would desire your Lordships to note , as the first example that I find , or think is to be found , of a popular Assembly by way of Representative . LACEDEMON consisted of thirty thousand Citizens dispers'd throout Laconia , one of the greatest Provinces in all Greece , and divided , as by som Authors is probable , into six Tribes . Of the whole body of these , being gather'd , consisted the great Church or Assembly , which had the Legislative Power ; the little Church , gather'd somtimes for matters of concern within the City , consisted of the Spartans only . These happen'd , like that of Venice , to be good Constitutions of a Congregation , but from an ill cause the infirmity of a Commonwealth , which thro her paucity was Oligarchical . WHERFORE , go which way you will , it should seem , that without a Representative of the People , your Commonwealth consisting of a whole Nation , can never avoid falling either into Oligarchy or Confusion . THIS was seen by the Romans , whose rustic Tribes extending themselves from the River Arno to the Vulturnus , that is , from Fes●l● or Florence to C●pua , invented a way of Representative by Lots : the Tribe upon which the first fell , being the Prerogative ; and som two or three more that had the rest , the Jure vocatae . These gave the Suffrage of the Commonwealth in * two meetings ; the Prerogative at the first Assembly , and the Jure vocatae at a second . NOW to make the parallel , all the Inconveniences that you have observ'd in these Assemblys are shut out , and all the Conveniences taken into your Prerogative . For first it is that for which Athens , shaking off the blame of XENOPHON and POLYBIUS , came to deserve the praise of THUCYDIDES , a Representative . And , secondly , not as I suspect in that of Athens , and is past suspicion in this of Rome , by lot , but by suffrage , as was also the late House of Commons , by which means in your Prerogatives all the Tribes of Oceana are Jure vocatae ; and if a man shall except against the paucity of the standing number , it is a wheel , which in the revolution of a few years turns every hand that is fit , or fits every hand that it turns to the public work . Moreover , I am deceiv'd if upon due consideration it dos not fetch your Tribes , with greater equality and ease to themselves and to the Government , from the Frontiers of Marpesia , than Rome ever brought any one of hers out of her Pom●ria , or the nearest parts of her adjoining Territorys . To this you may add , That wheras a Commonwealth , which in regard of the People is not of facility in execution , were sure enough in this Nation to be cast off thro impatience ; your Musters and Galaxys are given to the People , as milk to Babes , wherby when they are brought up thro four days election in a whole year ( one at the Parish , one at the Hundred , and two at the Tribe ) to their strongest meat , it is of no harder digestion , than to give their . Negative or Affirmative as they see cause . There be gallant men among us that laugh at such an Appeal or Umpire ; but I refer it whether you be more inclining to pardon them or me , who I confess have bin this day laughing at a sober man , but without meaning him any harm , and that is PETRUS CUNAEUS , where speaking of the nature of the People , he says , that taking them apart , they are very simple , but yet in their Assemblys they see and know somthing : and so runs away without troubling himself with what that somthing is . Wheras the People , taken apart , are but so many privat Interests ; but if you take them together , they are the public Interest . The public Interest of a Commonwealth , as has bin shewn , is nearest that of mankind , and that of mankind is right reason ; but with Aristocracy ( whose Reason or Interest , when they are all together , as appear'd by the Patricians , is but that of a Party ) it is quite contrary : for as , taken apart , they are far wiser than the People consider'd in that manner ; so being put together , they are such fools , who by deposing the People , as did those of Rome , will saw off the branch wherupon they sit , or rather destroy the root of their own Greatness . Wherfore MACCHIAVEL following ARISTOTLE , and yet going before him , may well assert , * That the People are wiser and more constant in their Resolutions than a Prince ; which is the Prerogative of popular Government for Wisdom . And hence it is that the Prerogative of your Commonwealth , as for Wisdom so for Power , is in the People : which ( tho I am not ignorant that the Roman Prerogative was so call'd à Praerogando , because their Suffrage was first ask'd ) gives the denomination to your Prerogative Tribe . THE Elections , whether Annual or Triennial , being shewn by the twenty second , that which coms in the next place to be consider'd is THE twenty third ORDER , shewing the Power , Function , and manner of Proceding of the Prerogative Tribe . THE Power or Function of the Prerogative is of two parts , the one of Result , in which it is the Legislative Power ; the other of Judicature , in which regard it is the highest Court , and the last appeal in this Commonwealth . FOR the former part ( the People by this Constitution being not oblig'd by any Law that is not of their own making or confirmation , by the result of the Prerogative , their equal Representative ) it shall not be lawful for the Senat to require obedience from the People , nor for the People to give obedience to the Senat in or by any Law that has not bin promulgated , or printed and publish'd for the space of six weeks ; and afterwards propos'd by the Authority of the Senat to the Prerogative Tribe , and resolv'd by the major Vote of the same in the Affirmative . Nor shall the Senat have any power to levy War , Men , or Mony , otherwise than by the consent of the People so given , or by a Law so enacted , except in cases of Exigence , in which it is agreed , that the Power both of the Senat and the People shall be in the Dictator , so qualify'd , and for such a term of time , as is according to that Constitution already prescrib'd . While a Law is in promulgation , the Censors shall animadvert upon the Senat , and the Tribuns upon the People , that there be no laying of heads together , no Conventicles or canvassing to carry on or oppose any thing ; but that all may be don in a free and open way . FOR the latter part of the Power of the Prerogative , or that wherby they are the Supreme Judicatory of this Nation , and of the Provinces of the same , the cognizance of Crimes against the Majesty of the People , such as High Treason , as also of Peculat , that is , robbery of the Treasury , or defraudation of the Commonwealth , appertains to this Tribe . And if any Person or Persons , Provincials or Citizens , shall appeal to the People , it belongs to the Prerogative to judg and determin the case ; provided that if the Appeal be from any Court of Justice in this Nation or the Provinces , the Appellant shall first deposit a hundred Pounds in the Court from which he appeals , to be forfeited to the same , if he be cast in his Suit by the People . But the Power of the Council of War being the expedition of this Commonwealth , and the martial Law of the Strategus in the Field , are those only from which there shall ly no Appeal to the People . THE Proceding of the Prerogative in case of a Proposition , is to be thus order'd . The Magistrats , proposing by Authority of the Senat , shall rehearse the whole matter , and expound it to the People : which don , they shall put the whole together to the Suffrage , with three Boxes , the Negative , the Affirmative , and the Nonsincere : and the Suffrage being return'd to the Tribuns , and number'd in the presence of the Proposers , if the major Vote be in the Nonsincere , the Proposers shall desist , and the Senat shall resume the Debate . If the major Vote be in the Negative , the Proposers shall desist , and the Senat too . But if the major Vote be in the Affirmative , then the Tribe is clear , and the Proposers shall begin and put the whole matter , with the Negative and the Affirmative ( leaving out the Nonsincere ) by Clauses ; and the Suffrages being taken and number'd by the Tribuns in the presence of the Proposers , shall be written and reported by the Tribuns to the Senat. And that which is propos'd by the Authority of the Senat , and consirm'd by the Command of the People , is the Law of Oceana . THE Proceding of the Prerogative in a case of Judicature is to be thus order'd . The Tribuns being Auditors of all Causes appertaining to the cognizance of the People , shall have notice of the Suit or Trial , whether of Appeal or otherwise , that is to be commenc'd ; and if any one of them shall ac●ept of the same , it appertains to him to introduce it . A Cause being introduc'd , and the People muster'd or assembl'd for the decision of the same , the Tribuns are Presidents of the Court , having power to keep it to Orders , and shall be seated upon a Scaffold erected in the middle of the Tribe . Vpon the right hand shall stand a Seat , or large Pulpit assign'd to the Plaintif , or the Accuser ; and , upon the left , another for the Defendent , each if they please with his Council . And the Tribuns ( being attended upon such occasions with so many Ballotins , Secretarys , Doorkeepers , and Messengers of the Senat as shall be requisit ) one of them shall turn up a Glass of the nature of an Hourglass , but such a one as is to be of an hour and a halfs running ; which being turn'd up , the Party or Council on the right hand may begin to speak to the People . If there be Papers to be read , or Witnesses to be examin'd , the Officer shall lay the Glass sideways till the Papers be read , and the Witnesses examin'd , and then turn it up again ; and so long as the Glass is running , the Party on the right hand has liberty to speak , and no longer . The Party on the right hand having had his time , the like shall be don in every respect for the Party on the left . And the Cause being thus heard , the Tribuns shall put the question to the Tribe with a white , a black , and a red Box ( or Nonsincere ) whether Guilty ▪ or not Guilty . And if the Suffrage being taken , the major Vote be in the Nonsincere , the Cause shall be reheard upon the next juridical day following , and put to the question in the same manner . If the major Vote coms the second time in the Non-sincere , the Cause shall be heard again upon the third day : but at the third hearing the question shall be put without the Nonsincere . Vpon the first of the three days in which the major Vote coms in the white Box , the Party accus'd is absolv'd ; and upon the first of them in which it coms in the black Box , the Party accus'd is condemn'd . The Party accus'd being condemn'd , the Tribuns ( if the case be criminal ) shall put with the white and the black Box these Questions , or such of them , as , regard had to the case , they shall conceive most proper . 1. WHETHER he shall have a Writ of ease . 2. WHETHER he shall be sin'd so much , or so much . 3. WHETHER he shall be consiscated . 4. WHETHER he shall be render'd incapable of Magistracy . 5. WHETHER he shall be banish'd . 6. WHETHER he shall be put to death . THESE , or any three of these Questions , whether simple or such as shall be thought sitly mix'd , being put by the Tribuns , that which has most above half the Voies in the black Box is the Sentence of the People , which the Troop of the third Classis is to see executed accordingly . BVT wheras by the Constitution of this Commonwealth it may appear that neither the Propositions of the Senat , nor the Judicature of the People , will be so frequent as to hold the Prerogative in continual imployment ; the Senat , a main part of whose Office it is to teach and instruct the People , shall duly ( if they have no greater Affairs to divert them ) cause an Oration to be made to the Prerogative by som Knight or Magistrat of the Senat , to be chosen out of the ablest men , and from time to time appointed by the Orator of the House , in the great Hall of the Pantheon , while the Parlament resides in the Town ; or in som Grove or sweet place in the sield , while the Parlament for the heat of the year shall reside in the Country ; upon every Tuesday , morning or afternoon . AND the Orator appointed for the time to this Office , shall first repeat the Orders of the Commonwealth with all possible brevity ; and then making choice of one or som part of it , discourse therof to the People . An Oration or Discourse of this nature , being afterward perus'd by the Council of State , may as they see cause be printed and publish'd . THE ARCHON'S Comment upon the Order I find to have bin of this sense . My Lords , TO crave pardon for a word or two in farther explanation of what was read , I shall briefly shew how the Constitution of this Tribe or Assembly answers to their Function ; and how their Function , which is of two parts , the former in the Result or Legislative Power , the latter in the supreme Judicature of the Common-wealth , answers to their Constitution . MACCHIAVEL has a Discourse , where he puts the question , Whether the guard of Liberty may with more security be committed to the Nobility , or to the People . Which doubt of his arises thro the want of explaining his terms ; for the guard of Liberty can signify nothing else but the Result of the Commonwealth : so that to say , that the guard of Liberty may be committed to the Nobility , is to say , that the Result may be committed to the Senat , in which case the People signify nothing . Now to shew it was a mistake to affirm it to have bin thus in Lacedemon , sufficient has bin spoken ; and wheras he will have have it to be so in Venice also , * They , says CONTARINI , in whom resides the Supreme Power of the whole Commonwealth , and of the Laws , and upon whose Orders depends the Authority as well of the Senat as of all the other Magistrats , is the GREAT COVNCIL . It is institutively in the Great Council , by the judgment of all that know that Commonwealth ; tho for the Reasons shewn , it be somtimes exercis'd by the Senat. Nor need I run over the Commonwealths in this place for the proof of a thing so doubtless , and such as has bin already made so apparent , as that the Result of each was in the popular part of it . The popular part of yours , or the Prerogative Tribe , consists of seven Deputys ( wherof three are of the Horse ) annually elected out of every Tribe of Oceana ; which being fifty , amounts to one hundred and fifty Horse , and two hundred Foot. And the Prerogative consisting of three of these Lists , consists of four hundred and fifty Horse , and six hundred Foot , besides those of the Provinces to be hereafter mention'd ; by which means the overbalance in the Suffrage remaining to the Foot by one hundred and fifty Votes , you have to the support of a true and natural Aristocracy , the deepest root of a Democracy that has bin ever planted . Wherfore there is nothing in Art or Nature better qualify'd for the Result than this Assembly . It is noted out of CICERO by MACCHIAVEL , That the People , tho they are not so prone to find out Truth of themselves , as to follow Custom , or run into Error ; yet if they be shewn Truth , they not only acknowlege and imbrace it very suddenly , but are the most constant and faithful Guardians and Conservators of it . It is your Duty and Office , wherto you are also qualify'd by the Orders of this Commonwealth , to have the People as you have your Hauks and Greyhounds , in Leases and Slips , to range the Fields , and beat the Bushes for them ; for they are of a nature that is never good at this sport , but when you spring or start their proper quarry . Think not that they will stand to ask you what it is , or less know it than your Hauks and Greyhounds do theirs ; but presently make such a flight or course , that a Huntsman may as well undertake to run with his Dogs , or a Falconer to fly with his Hauk , as an Aristocracy at this game to compare with the People . The People of Rome were possest of no less a prey than the Empire of the World , when the Nobility turn'd tails , and perch'd among Daws upon the Tower of Monarchy . For tho they did not all of them intend the thing , they would none of them indure the Remedy , which was the Agrarian . BUT the Prerogative Tribe has not only the Result , but is the Supreme Judicature , and the ultimat Appeal in this Commonwealth . For the popular Government that makes account to be of any standing , must make sure in the first place of the † Appeal to the People . As an Estate in trust becoms a man's own , if he be not answerable for it ; so the Power of a Magistracy not accountable to the People , from whom it was receiv'd , becoming of privat use , the Commonwealth loses her Liberty . Wherfore the Right of Supreme Judicature in the People ( without which there can be no such thing as popular Government ) is confirm'd by the constant practice of all Commonwealths ; as that of Israel in the cases of ACHAN , and of the Tribe of BENJAMIN , adjudg'd by the Congregation . The Dicasterion or Court call'd the Heliaia in Athens , which ( the Comitia of that Commonwealth consisting of the whole People , and so being too numerous to be a Judicatory ) was constituted somtimes of five hundred , at others of one thousand , or , according to the greatness of the cause , of fifteen hundred , elected by the Lot out of the whole Body of the People , had with the nine ARCHONS that were Presidents , the cognizance of such Causes as were of highest importance in that State. The five Ephors in Lacedemon , which were popular Magistrats , might question their Kings , as appears by the cases of PAUSANIAS , and of AGIS , who being upon his Trial in this Court , was cry'd to by his Mother to appeal to the People , as PLUTARCH has it in his Life . The Tribuns of the People of Rome ( like , in the nature of their Magistracy , and for som time in number , to the Ephors , as being , according to HALICARNASSEUS and PLUTARCH , instituted in imitation of them ) h●d power † to summon any man , his Magistracy at least being expir'd ( for from the Dictator there lay no Appeal ) to answer for himself to the People . As in the case of CORIOLANUS , who was going about to force the People , by withholding Corn from them in a Famin , to relinquish the Magistracy of the Tribuns ; in that of SPURIUS CASSIUS for affecting Tyranny ; of MARCUS SERGIUS for running away at Veii ; of CAIUS LUCRETIUS for spoiling his Province ; of JUNIUS SILANUS for making War , without a command from the People , against the Cimbri ; with divers others . And the Crimes of this nature were call'd Laes●e Majestatis , or High Treason . Examples of such as were arrain'd or try'd for Peculat , or Defraudation of the Common-wealth , were MARCUS CURIUS , for intercepting the Mony of the Samnits ; SALINATOR , for the inequal division of Spoils to his Soldiers ; MARCUS POSTHUMIUS , for cheating the Commonwealth by a feign'd Shipwreck . Causes of these two kinds were of a more public nature ; but the like Power upon Appeals was also exercis'd by the People in privat matters , even during the time of the Kings ; as in the case of HORATIUS . Nor is it otherwise with Venice , where the Doge LOREDANO was sentenc'd by the Great Council ; and ANTONIO GRIMANI , afterwards Doge , question'd , for that he being Admiral had suffer'd the Ture to take Lepanto in view of his Fleet. NEVERTHELESS , there lay no Appeal from the Roman Dictator to the People ; which if there had , might have cost the Commonwealth dear , when SPURIUS MELIUS affecting Empire , circumvented and debauch'd the Tribuns : wherupon ●ITUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS was created Dictator ; who having chosen SERVILIUS AHALA to be his Lieutenant , or Magister Equitum , sent him to apprehend MELIUS , whom , while he disputed the Commands of the Dictator , and implor'd the aid of the People , AHALA cut off upon the place . By which example you may see in what cases the Dictator may prevent the Blow which is ready somtims to fall e're the People be aware of the Danger . Wherfore there lys no Appeal from the Dieci , or the Council of Ten , in Venice , to the Great Council , nor from our Council of War to the People . For the way of proceding of this Tribe , or the Ballot , it is , as was once said for all , Venetian . THIS Discourse of Judicatorys wherupon we are faln , brings us rather naturally than of design from the two general Orders of every Commonwealth , that is to say , from the debating part or the Senat , and the resolving part or the People , to the third , which is the executive part or the Magistracy , wherupon I shall have no need to dwell : For the executive Magistrats of this Commonwealth are the Strategus in Arms ; the Signory in their several Courts , as the Chancery , the Exchequer ; as also the Councils in divers cases within their Instructions ; the Censors as well in their proper Magistracy , as in the Council of Religion ; the Tribuns in the Government of the Prerogative , and that Judicatory ; and the Judges with their Courts : Of all which so much is already said or known as may suffice . THE Tuesday Lectures or Orations to the People will be of great benefit to the Senat , the Prerogative , and the whole Nation . To the Senat , because they will not only teach your Senators Elocution , but keep the System of the Government in their memorys . Elocution is of great use to your Senators ; for if they do not understand Rhetoric ( giving it at this time for granted , that the Art were not otherwise good ) and com to treat with , or vindicat the cause of the Commonwealth against som other Nation that is good at it , the advantage will be subject to remain upon the merit of the Art , and not upon the merit of the Cause . Furthermore , the Genius or Soul of this Government being in the whole and in every part , they will never be of ability in determination upon any particular , unless at the same time they have an Idea of the whole . That this therfore must be , in that regard , of equal benefit to the Prerogative , is plain ; tho these have a greater concernment in it . For this Commonwealth is the Estate of the People : and a man , you know , tho he be virtuous , yet if he dos not understand his Estate , may run out or be cheated of it . Last of all , the Treasures of the Politics will by this means be so open'd , risled , and dispers'd , that this Nation will as soon dote , like the Indians , upon glass Beads , as disturb your Government with Whimsys and Freaks of Motherwit ; or suffer themselves to be stutter'd out of their Libertys . There is not any reason why your Grandees , your wise men of this Age , that laugh out and openly at a Commonwealth as the most ridiculous thing , do not appear to be , as in this regard they are , mere Idiots , but that the People have not eys . THERE remains no more relating to the Senat and the People than THE twenty fourth ORDER , wherby it is lawful for the Province of Marpesia to have 30 Knights of their own election continually present in the Senat of Oceana , together with 60 Deputys of Horse , and 120 of Foot in the Prerogative Tribe , indu'd with equal Power ( respect had to their quality and number ) in the Debate and Result of this Commonwealth : provided that they observe the Course or Rotation of the same by the annual Return of 10 Knights , 20 Deputys of the Horse , and 40 of the Foot. The like in all respects is lawful for Panopea ; and the Horse of both the Provinces amounting to one Troop , and the Foot to one Company , one Captain and one Cornet of the Horse shall be annually chosen by Marpesia , and one Captain and one Ensign of the Foot shall be annually chosen by Panopea . THE Orb of the Prerogative being thus complete , is not unnaturally compar'd to that of the Moon , either in consideration of the Light borrow'd from the Senat , as from the Sun ; or of the ebs and floods of the People , which are mark'd by the Negative or Affirmative of this Tribe . And the Constitution of the Senat and the People being shewn , you have that of the Parlament of Oceana , consisting of the Senat proposing , and of the People resolving ; which amounts to an Act of Parlament . So the Parlament is the Heart , which , consisting of two Ventricles , the one greater and replenish'd with a grosser matter , the other less and full of a purer , sucks in , and spouts forth the vital Blood of Oceana by a perpetual Circulation . Wherfore the life of this Government is no more unnatural or obnoxious upon this score to dissolution , than that of a Man ; nor to giddiness than the World : seeing the Earth , whether it be it self or the Heavens that are in rotation , is so far from being giddy , that it could not subsist without motion . But why should not this Government be much rather capable of duration and steddiness by motion ? than which God has ordain'd no other to the universal Commonwealth of Mankind : seeing one Generation coms , and another gos , but the Earth remains firm for ever ; that is , in her proper Situation or Place , whether she be mov'd or not mov'd upon her proper Center . The Senat , the People , and the Magistracy , or the Parlament so constituted , as you have seen , is the Guardian of this Commonwealth , and the Husband of such a Wife as is elegantly describ'd by SOLOMON . She is like the Merchant's Ship ; she brings her Food from far . She considers a Field , and buys it : With the fruit of her hands she plants a Vineyard . She perceives that her Merchandize is good . She stretches forth her hands to the Poor . She is not afraid of the Snow for her Houshold ; for all her Houshold are cloth'd with Scarlet . She makes her self Coverings of Tapestry ; her Clothing is Silk and Purple , Her Husband is known ( by his Robes ) in the Gates , when he sits among the Senators of the Land. The Gates , or inferior Courts , were branches as it were of the Sanhedrim or Senat of Israel . Nor is our Common-wealth a worse Houswife , or she has less regard to her Magistrats ; as may appear by THE twenty fifth ORDER : That , wheras the public Revenue is thro the late Civil Wars dilapidated , the Excise , being improv'd or improvable to the Revenue of one Million , be apply'd for the space of eleven years to com , to the reparation of the same , and for the present maintenance of the Magistrats , Knights , Deputys , and other Officers , who according to their several Dignitys and Functions , shall annually receive towards the Support of the same , as follows . THE Lord Strategus Marching , is , upon another account , to have Field Pay as General .   lib. per ann . THE Lord Strategus sitting — 2000 THE Lord Orator — 2000 THE three Commissioners of the Seal — 4500 THE three Commissioners of the Treasury — 4500 THE two Censors — 3000 THE 290 Knights , at 500 l. a man — 145000 THE 4 Embassadors in Ordinary — 12000 THE Council of War for Intelligence — 3000 THE Master of the Ceremonys — 500 THE Master of the Horse — 500 HIS Substitute — 150 THE 12 Ballotins for their Winter Liverys — 240 FOR their Summer Liverys — 120 FOR their Boardwages — 480 FOR the keeping of three Coaches of State , 24 Coachhorses , with Coachmen and Postilions — 1500 FOR the Grooms , and keeping of 16 great Horses for the Master of the Horse , and for the Ballotins whom he is to govern and instruct in the Art of Riding — 480 THE 20 Secretarys of the Parlament — 2000 THE 20 Doorkeepers , who are to attend with Poleaxes ; for their Coats — 200 FOR their Boardwages — 1000 THE 20 Messengers , which are Trumpeters , for their Coats — 200 FOR their Boardwages — 1000 FOR Ornament of the Musters of the Youth — 5000 Sum — 189370 OVT of the personal Estates of every man , who at his Death bequeaths not above forty shillings to the Muster of that Hundred wherin it lys , shall be levy'd one per cent . till the solid Revenue of the Muster of the Hundred amounts to 50 l. per annum for the Prizes of the Youth . THE twelve Ballotins are to be divided into three Regions , according to the course of the Senat ; the four of the first Region to be elected at the Tropic out of such Children as the Knights of the same shall offer , not being under eleven years of Age , nor above thirteen . And their Election shall be made by the Lot at an Vrn set by the Serjeant of the House for that purpose in the Hall of the Pantheon . The Livery of the Commonwealth for the fashion or the color may be chang'd at the Election of the Strategus according to his phansy . But every Knight during his Session shall be bound to give to his Footman , or som one of his Footmen , the Livery of the Commonwealth . THE Prerogative Tribe shall receive as follows .   lib. by the week . THE 2 Tribuns of the Horse — 14 THE 2 Tribuns of the Foot — 12 THE 3 Captains of Horse — 15 THE 3 Cornets — 9   THE 3 Captains of Foot — 12   THE 3 Ensigns — 7   THE 442 Horse , at 2 l. a man — 884   THE 592 Foot , at 1 l. 10 s. a man — 888   THE 6 Trumpeters — 7 10 s. THE 3 Drummers — 2 5 s. SVM by the Week — 1850 15 s. SVM by the Year 96239   THE Total of the Senat , the People , and the Magistracy , 287459 15 s. THE Dignity of the Commonwealth , and Aids of the several Magistracys and Offices therto belonging , being provided for as aforesaid , the Overplus of the Excise , with the Product of the Sum rising , shall be carefully manag'd by the Senat and the People thro the diligence of the Officers of the Exchequer , till it amounts to eight Millions , or to the purchase of about four hundred thousand Pounds solid Revenue . At which time , the term of eleven years being expir'd , the Excise , except it be otherwise order'd by the Senat and the People , shall be totally remitted and abolish'd for ever . AT this Institution the Taxes , as will better appear in the Corollary , were abated about one half , which made the Order when it came to be tasted , to be of good relish with the People in the very beginning ; tho the Advantages then were no ways comparable to the Consequences to be hereafter shewn . Nevertheless , my Lord EPIMONUS , who with much ado had bin held till now , found it midsummer Moon , and broke out of Bedlam in this manner . My Lord ARCHON , I HAVE a singing in my head like that of a Cartwheel , my Brains are upon a Rotation ; and som are so merry , that a man cannot speak his griefs , but if your highshod Prerogative , and those same slouching Fellows your Tribuns , do not take my Lord Strategus's , and my Lord Orator's heads , and jole them together under the Canopy , then let me be ridiculous to all Posterity . For here is a Commonwealth , to which if a man should take that of the Prentices in their antient Administration of Justice at Shrovetide , it were an Aristocracy . You have set the very Rabble with Troncheons in their hands , and the Gentry of this Nation like Cocks with Scarlet Gills , and the Golden Combs of their Salarys to boot , lest they should not be thrown at . NOT a Night can I sleep for som horrid Apparition or other ; one while these Myrmidons are measuring Silks by their Quarter-staves ; another , stuffing their greasy Pouches with my Lord High Treasurers Jacobusses . For they are above a thousand in Arms to three hundred , which , their Gowns being pul'd over their ears , are but in their Doublets and Hose . But what do I speak of a thousand ? there be two thousand in every Tribe , that is , a hundred thousand in the whole Nation , not only in the posture of an Army , but in a civil Capacity sufficient to give us what Laws they please . Now every body knows , that the lower sort of People regard nothing but Mony ; and you say it is the Duty of a Legislator to presume all men to be wicked : wherfore they must fall upon the richer , as they are an Army ; or , lest their minds should misgive them in such a villany , you have given them incouragement that they have a nearer way , seeing it may be don every whit as well as by the overbalancing Power which they have in Elections . There is a Fair which is annually kept in the Center of these Territorys at Kiberton , a Town famous for Ale , and frequented by good Fellows ; where there is a Solemnity of the Pipers and Fidlers of this Nation ( I know not whether Lacedemon , where the Senat kept account of the stops of the Flutes and of the Fiddlestrings of that Commonwealth , had any such Custom ) call'd the Bulrunning ; and he that catches and holds the Bull , is the annual and supreme Magistrat of that Comitia or Congregation , call'd King Piper ; without whose Licence it is not lawful for any of those Citizens to injoy the liberty of his Calling ; nor is he otherwise legitimatly qualify'd ( or civitate donatus ) to lead Apes or Bears in any Perambulation of the same . Mine Host of the Bear , in Kiberton , the Father of Ale , and Patron of good Footbal and Cudgelplayers , has any time since I can remember , bin Grand Chancellor of this Order . Now , say I , seeing great things arise from small beginnings , what should hinder the People , prone to their own Advantage , and loving Mony , from having Intelligence convey'd to them by this same King Piper and his Chancellor , with their Loyal Subjects the Minstrils and Bearwards , Masters of Ceremonys , to which there is great recourse in their respective Perambulations , and which they will commission and instruct , with Directions to all the Tribes , willing and commanding them , that as they wish their own good , they chuse no other into the next primum Mobile , but of the ablest Cudgel and Footbalplayers ? Which don as soon as said , your primum Mobile consisting of no other stuff , must of necessity be drawn forth into your Nebulones , and your Galimofrys ; and so the silken Purses of your Senat and Prerogative being made of Sows ears , most of them Blacksmiths , they will strike while the Iron is hot , and beat your Estates into Hobnails ; mine Host of the Bear being Strategus , and King Piper Lord Orator . Well , my Lords , it might have bin otherwise exprest , but this is well enough a conscience . In your way , the Wit of man shall not prevent this or the like Inconvenience ; but if this ( for I have confer'd with Artists ) be a mathematical Demonstration , I could kneel to you , that e're it be too late we might return to som kind of Sobriety . IF we emty our Purses with these Pomps , Salarys , Coaches , Lacquys , and Pages , what can the People say less , than that we have drest a Senat and a Prerogative for nothing , but to go to the Park with the Ladys ? MY Lord ARCHON , whose meekness resembl'd that of MOSES , vouchsaf'd this Answer . My Lords ; FOR all this , I can see my Lord EPIMONUS every night in the Park , and with Ladys ; nor do I blame this in a young Man , or the Respect which is and ought to be given to a Sex that is one half of the Commonwealth of Mankind , and without which the other would be none : But our Magistrats , I doubt , may be somwhat of the oldest to perform this part with much acceptation ; and , as the Italian Proverb says , * Servire & non gradire è cosa da far morire . Wherfore we will lay no certain Obligation upon them in this Point , but leave them , if it please you , to their own fate or discretion . But this ( for I know my Lord EPIMONUS loves me , tho I can never get his esteem ) I will say , if he had a Mistress should use him so , he would find it a sad Life ; or I appeal to your Lordships , how I can resent it from such a Friend , that he puts King Piper's Politics in the Balance with mine . King Piper , I deny not , may teach his Bears to dance , but they have the worst ear of all Creatures . Now how he should make them keep time in fifty several Tribes , and that two years together , for else it will be to no purpose , may be a small matter with my Lord to promise ; but it seems to me of impossible performance . First , Thro the nature of the Bean ; and , Secondly , thro that of the Ballot ; or how what he has hitherto thought so hard , is now com to be easy : but he may think , that for expedition they will eat up these Balls like Apples . However , there is so much more in their way by the Constitution of this , than is to be found in that of any other Common-wealth , that I am reconcil'd ; it now appearing plainly , that the Points of my Lord's Arrows are directed at no other White , than to shew the excellency of our Government above others ; which , as he procedes further , is yet plainer ; while he makes it appear , that there can be no other elected by the People but Smiths , Brontesque Steropesque & nudus membra Pyracmon : OTHONIEL , AOD , GIDEON , JEPHTHA , SAMSON , as in Israel : MILTIADES , ARISTIDES , THEMISTOCLES , CIMON , PERICLES , as in Athens : PAPYRIUS , CINCINNATUS , CAMILLUS , FABIUS , SCIPIO , as in Rome : Smiths of the fortune of the Commonwealth ; not such as forg'd Hobnails , but Thunderbolts . Popular Elections are of that kind , that all the rest of the World is not able , either in number or glory , to equal those of these three Commonwealths . These indeed were the ablest Cudgel and Footbal-players ; bright Arms were their Cudgels , and the World was the Ball that lay at their feet . Wherfore we are not so to understand the Maxim of Legislators , which holds all men to be wicked , as if it related to Mankind or a Commonwealth , the Interests wherof are the only strait lines they have wherby to reform the crooked ; but as it relates to every Man or Party , under what color soever he or they pretend to be trusted apart , with or by the whole . Hence then it is deriv'd , which is made good in all experience , that the Aristocracy is ravenous , and not the People . Your Highwaymen are not such as have Trades , or have bin brought up to Industry ; but such commonly whose Education has pretended to that of Gentlemen . My Lord is so honest , he dos not know the Maxims that are of absolute necessity to the Arts of Wickedness ; for it is most certain , if there be not more Purses than Thieves , that the Thieves themselves must be forc'd to turn honest , because they cannot thrive by their Trade : But now if the People should turn Thieves , who sees not that there would be more Thieves than Purses ? Wherfore that a whole People should turn Robbers or Levellers , is as impossible in the end as in the means . But that I do not think your Artist which you mention'd , whether Astronomer or Arithmetician , can tell me how many Barlycorns would reach to the Sun ; I could be content he were call'd to the account , with which I shall conclude this Point : when by the way I have chid my Lords the Legislators , who , as if they doubted my Tackling could not hold , would leave me to flag in a perpetual Calm , but for my Lord EPIMONUS , who breaths now and then into my Sails , and stirs the Waters . A Ship makes not her way so briskly , as when she is handsomly brush'd by the Waves , and tumbles over those that seem to tumble against her ; in which case I have perceiv'd in the dark , that Light has bin struck even out of the Sea , as in this place , where my Lord EPIMONUS feigning to give us a demonstration of one thing , has given it of another , and of a better . For the People of this Nation , if they amount in each Tribe to two thousand Elders , and two thousand Youths , upon the annual Roll , holding a fifth to the whole Tribe ; then the whole of a Tribe , not accounting Women and Children , must amount to twenty thousand ; and so the whole of all the Tribes , being fifty , to one Million . Now you have ten thousand Parishes , and reckoning these one with another , each at one thousand pounds a Year dry Rent , the Rent or Revenue of the Nation , as it is or might be let to Farm , amounts to ten Millions ; and ten Millions in Revenue divided equally to one Million of men , coms but to ten pounds a year to each wherwith to maintain himself , his Wife and Children . But he that has a Cow upon the Common , and earns his Shilling by the day at his labor , has twice as much already as this would com to for his share ; because if the Land were thus divided , there would be no body to set him on work . So my Lord EPIMONUS'S Footman , who costs him thrice as much as one of these could thus get , would certainly lose by this bargain . What should we speak of those innumerable Trades wherupon men live , not only better than others upon good shares of Lands , but becom also purchasers of greater Estates ? Is not this the demonstration which my Lord meant , that the Revenue of Industry in a Nation , at least in this , is three or fourfold greater than that of the mere Rent ? If the People then obstruct Industry , they obstruct their own livelihood ; but if they make a War , they obstruct Industry . Take the Bread out of the Peoples mouths , as did the Roman Patricians , and you are sure enough of a War , in which case they may be Levellers ; but our Agrarian causes their Industry to slow with Milk and Hony. It will be own'd , that this is true , if the People were given * to understand their own happiness ; But where is it they do that ? Let me reply with the like question , Where do they not ? They do not know their happiness it should seem in France , Spain , and Italy : but reach them what it is , and try whose Sense is the truer . As to the late Wars in Germany , it has bin affirm'd to me there , that the Princes could never make the People to take Arms while they had Bread , and have therfore suffer'd Countrys now and then to be wasted , that they might get Soldiers . This you will find to be the certain pulse and temper of the People ; and if they have bin already prov'd to be the most wise and constant Order of a Government , why should we think ( when no man can produce one Example of the common Soldiery in an Army mutinying because they had not Captains pay ) that the Prerogative should jole the heads of the Senat together , because these have the better Salarys ; when it must be as evident to the People in a Nation , as to the Soldiery in an Army , that it is no more possible their Emoluments of this kind should be afforded by any Commonwealth in the World to be made equal with those of the Senat , than that the common Soldiers should be equal with the Captains ? It is enough for the common Soldier , that his Virtue may bring him to be a Captain , and more to the Prerogative , that each of them is nearer to be a Senator . IF my Lord thinks our Salarys too great , and that the Commonwealth is not Houswife enough ; whether is it better Houswisery that she should keep her Family from the Snow , or suffer them to burn her House that they may warm themselves ? for one of these must be . Do you think that she came off at a cheaper rate , when men had their Rewards by a thousand , two thousand pounds a Year in Land of Inheritance ? If you say , that they will be more godly than they have bin , it may be ill taken ; and if you cannot promise that , it is time we find out som way of stinting at least , if not curing them of that same sacra Fames . On the other side , if a poor man ( as such a one may save a City ) gives his sweat to the Public , with what conscience can you suffer his Family in the mean time to starve ? But he that lays his hand to this Plow , shall not lose by taking it off from his own : and a Commonwealth that will mend this , shall be penny wise . The Sanhedrim of Israel being the Supreme , and a constant Court of Judicature , could not chuse but be exceding gainful . The Senat of the Bean in Athens , because it was but annual , was moderatly salariated ; but that of the Areopagits being for Life , bountifully : and what advantages the Senators of Lacedemon had , where there was little Mony or use of it , were in Honors for life . The Patricians having no profit , took all . Venice being a Situation , where a man gos but to the door for his Imployment , the Honor is great , and the Reward very little : but in Holland a Counsillor of State has fifteen hundred Flemish Pounds a Year , besides other Accommodations . The States General have more . And that Commonwealth looks nearer her Penny than ours needs to do . FOR the Revenue of this Nation , besides that of her Industry , it amounts , as has bin shewn , to ten Millions ; and the Salarys in the whole com not to three hundred thousand Pounds a Year . The Beauty they will add to the Commonwealth will be exceding great , and the People will delight in this Beauty of their Commonwealth ; the Incouragement they will give to the study of the Public being very profitable , the Accommodation they will afford to your Magistrats very honorable and easy . And the Sum , when it or twice as much was spent in Hunting and Housekeeping , was never any grievance to the People . I am asham'd to stand huckling upon this Point ; it is sordid . Your Magistrats are rather to be provided with further Accommodations . For what if there should be Sickness ? whither will you have them to remove ? And this City in the soundest Times , for the heat of the Year , is no wholsom abode : have a care of their Healths to whom you commit your own . I would have the Senat and the People , except they see cause to the contrary , every first of June to remove into the Country Air for the space of three months . You are better fitted with Summer-houses for them , than if you had built them to that purpose . There is som twelve miles distant the Convallium upon the River Halci●nia , for the Tribuns and the Prerogative , a Palace capable of a thousand Men : and twenty miles distant you have Mount Cel●● , reverend as well for the Antiquity as State of a Castle completely capable of the Senat : the Proposers having Lodgings in the Convallium , and the Tribuns in Celia , it holds the Correspondency between the Senat and the People exactly . And it is a small matter for the Proposers , being attended with the Coaches and Officers of State , besides other Conveniences of their own , to go a matter of five or ten miles ( those Seats are not much further distant ) to meet the People upon any Heath or Field that shall be appointed : where , having dispatch'd their business , they may hunt their own Venizon ( for I would have the great wall'd Park upon the H●lcionia to belong to the Signory , and those about the Convallium 〈◊〉 the Tribuns ) and so go to supper . Pray , my Lords , see that they do not pull down these Houses to sell the Lead of them ; for when you have consider'd on 't , they cannot be spar'd . The Founders of the School in Hiera provided that the Boys should have a Summer Seat. You should have as much care of these Magistrats . But there is such a selling , such a Jewish humor in our Republicans , that I cannot tell what to say to it ; only this , any man that knows what belongs to a Commonwealth , or how diligent every Nation in that case has bin to preserve her Ornaments , and shall see the wast lately made ( the Woods adjoining to this City , which serv'd for the delight and health of it , being cut down to be sold for three pence ) will tell you , that they who did such things would never have made a Commonwealth . The like may be said of the Ruin or Damage don upon our Cathedrals , Ornaments in which this Nation excels all others . Nor shall this ever be excus'd upon the score of Religion ; for tho it be true , that God dwells not in Houses made with hands , yet you cannot hold your Assemblys but in such Houses , and these are of the best that have bin made with hands . Nor is it well argu'd that they are pompous , and therfore profane , or less proper for Divine Service ; seeing the Christians in the Primitive Church chose to meet with one accord in the Temple ; so far were they from any inclination to pull it down . THE Orders of this Commonwealth , so far , or near so far as they concern the Elders , together with the several Speeches at the Institution , which may serve for the better understanding of them as so many Commentaries , being shewn ; I should now com from the Elders to the Youth , or from the Civil Constitution of this Government to the Military , but that I judg this the fittest place wherinto , by the way , to insert the Government of the City , tho for the present but perfunctorily . THE Metropolis or Capital City of Oceana is commonly call'd Emporium , tho it consists of two Citys distinct , as well in Name as in Government , wherof the other is call'd Hiera : For which cause I shall treat of each apart , beginning with Emporium . EMPORIUM with the Libertys is under a twofold Division , the one regarding the National , and the other the Vrban or City Government . It is divided , in regard of the National Government , into three Tribes , and in respect of the Vrban into twenty six , which for distinction sake are call'd Wards , being contain'd under the three Tribes but inequally : Wherfore the first Tribe containing ten Wards is call'd Scazon , the second containing eight Metoche , and the third containing as many , Telicouta ; the bearing of which names in mind concerns the better understanding of the Government . EVERY Ward has her Wardmote , Court , or Inquest , consisting of all that are of the Clothing or Liverys of Companys residing within the same . SVCH are of the Livery or Clothing as have attain'd to the dignity to wear Gowns and particolor'd Hoods or Tippets , according to the Rules and antient Customs of their respective Companys . A COMPANY is a Brotherhood of Tradesmen professing the same Art , govern'd according to their Charter by a Master and Wardens . Of these there be about sixty , wherof twelve are of greater dignity than the rest , that is to say , the Mercers , Grocers , Drapers , Fishmongers , Goldsmiths , Skinners , Merchant-Taylors , Haberdashers , Salters , Ironmongers , Vintners , Clothworkers ; which , with most of the rest , have common Halls , divers of them being of antient and magnificent Structure , wherin they have frequent meetings at the Summons of their Masters or Wardens , for the managing and regulation of their respective Trades and Mysterys . These Companys , as I shall shew , are the Roots of the whole Government of the City . For the Liverys that reside in the same Ward , meeting at the Wardmote Inquest ( to which it belongs to take cognizance of all sorts of Nusances , and violations of the Customs and Orders of the City , and to present them to the Court of Aldermen ) have also power to make election of two sorts of Magistrats or Officers ; the first of Elders or Aldermen of the Ward , the second of Deputys of the same , otherwise call'd Common Council men . THE Wards in these Elections , because they do not elect all at once , but som one year , and som another , observe the distinction of the three Tribes ; for example , the Scazon consisting of ten Wards , makes election the first Year of ten Aldermens ▪ one in each Ward , and of one hundred and fifty Deputys , fifteen in each Ward ▪ all which are Triennial Magistrats or Officers , that is to say , are to bear their dignity for the space of three Years . THE second Year , the Metoche , consisting of eight Wards , elects eight Aldermen , one in each Ward , and a hundred and twenty Deputys , fifteen in each Ward ; being also Triennial Magistrats . THE third Year Telicouta , consisting of a like number of Wards , elects an equal number of like Magistrats for a like term . So that the whole number of the Aldermen , according to that of the Wards , amounts to twenty six ; and the whole number of the Deputys , to three hundred and ninety . THE Aldermen thus elected have divers Capacitys : for , first , they are Justices of the Peace for the term , and in consequence of their Election . Secondly , They are Presidents of the Wardmote , and Governors each of that Ward wherby he was elected . And last of all , these Magistrats being assembled together , constitute the Senat of the City , otherwise call'd the Court of Aldermen : but no man is capable of this Election that is not worth ten thousand Pounds . This Court upon every new Election , makes choice of nine Censors out of their own number . THE Deputys in like manner being assembled together , constitute the Prerogative Tribe of the City , otherwise call'd the Common Council : by which means the Senat and the People of the City were comprehended , as it were , by the motion of the National Government , into the same Wheel of annual , triennial , and perpetual Revolution . BVT the Liverys , over and above the right of these Elections by their Divisions mention'd , being assembled all together at the Guild of the City , constitute another Assembly call'd the Common Hall. THE Common Hall has the right of two other Elections ; the one of the Lord Mayor , and the other of the two Sherifs , being annual Magistrats . The Lord Mayor can be elected out of no other than one of the twelve Companys of the first Ranks ; and the Common Hall agrees by the plurality of Suffrages upon two Names : which being presented to the Lord Mayor for the time being , and the Court of Aldermen , they elect one by their Scrutiny ; for so they call it , tho it differs from that of the Commonwealth . The Orator or Assistant to the Lord Mayor in holding of his Courts , is som able Lawyer elected by the Court of Aldermen , and call'd the Recorder of Emporium . THE Lord Mayor being thus elected , has two Capacitys ; one regarding the Nation , and the other the City . In that which regards the City , he is President of the Court of Aldermen , having power to assemble the same , or any other Council of the City , as the Common Council or Common Hall , at his will and pleasure : and in that which regards the Nation , he is Commander in Chief of the three Tribes wherinto the City is divided ; one of which he is to bring up in Person at the National Muster to the Ballot , as his Vicecomites , or High Sherifs , are to do by the other two , each at their distinct Pavilion , where the nine Aldermen , elected Censors , are to officiat by three in each Tribe , according to the Rules and Orders already given to the Censors of the rustic Tribes . And the Tribes of the City have no other than one common Phylarch , which is the Court of Aldermen and the Common Council ; for which cause they elect not at their Muster the first List call'd the Prime Magnitude . THE Conveniences of this Alteration of the City Government , besides the bent of it to a conformity with that of the Nation , were many , wherof I shall mention but a few : As first , wheras men under the former administration , when the burden of som of these Magistracys lay for life , were oftentimes chosen not for their fitness , but rather unfitness , or at least unwillingness to undergo such a weight , wherby they were put at great Rates to fine for their ease ; a man might now take his share in Magistracy with that equity which is due to the Public , and without any inconvenience to his privat Affairs . Secondly , Wheras the City ( inasmuch as the Acts of the Aristocracy , or Court of Aldermen , in their former way of proceding , were rather Impositions than Propositions ) was frequently disquieted with the inevitable consequence of disorder in the power of Debate exercis'd by the popular Part , or Common Council ; the right of Debate being henceforth establish'd in the Court of Aldermen , and that of Result in the Common Council , kill'd the branches of Division in the Root . Which for the present may suffice to have bin said of the City of Emporium . THAT of HIERA consists as to the National Government of two Tribes , the first call'd Agoraea , the second Propola : But as to the peculiar Policy , of twelve Manipuls , or Wards divided into three Cohorts , each Cohort containing four Wards ; wherof the Wards of the first Cohort elect for the first Year four Burgesses , one in each Ward ; the Wards of the second Cohort for the second year four Burgesses , one in each Ward ; and the Wards of the third Cohort for the third Year four Burgesses , one in each Ward ; all triennial Magistrats : by which the twelve Burgesses , making one Court for the Government of this City , according to their Instructions by Act of Parliament , fall likewise into an Annual , Triennial , and perpetual Revolution . THIS Court being thus constituted , makes election of divers Magistrats ; As first of a High Steward , who is commonly som Person of Quality , and this Magistracy is elected in the Senat by the Scrutiny of this Court ; with him they chuse som able Lawyer to be his Deputy , and to hold the Court ; and last of all they elect out of their own Number six Censors . THE High Steward is Commander in Chief of the two Tribes , wherof he in Person brings up the one at the National Muster to the Ballot , and his Deputy the other at a distinct Pavilion ; the six Censors chosen by the Court , officiating by three in each Tribe at the Vrns : and these Tribes have no other Phylarch but this Court. AS for the manner of Elections and Suffrage , both in Emporium and Hiera , it may be said once for all , that they are perform'd by the Ballot , and according to the respective Rules already given . THERE be other Citys and Corporations throout the Territory , whose Policy being much of this kind , would be tedious and not worth the labor to insert , nor dare I stay . Juvenum manus emicat ardens . I RETURN , according to the method of the Commonwealth , to the remaining part of her Orbs , which are Military and Provincial ; the Military , except the Strategus , and the Polemarchs or Field Officers , consisting of the Youth only , and the Provincial consisting of a mixture both of the Elders and of the Youth . TO begin with the Youth , or the military Orbs , they are Circles to which the Commonwealth must have a care to keep close . A Man is a Spirit rais'd by the Magic of Nature ; if she dos not stand safe , and so that she may set him to som good and useful work , he spits fire , and blows up Castles : for where there is life , there must be motion or work ; and the work of idleness is mischief , but the work of industry is health . To set Men to this , the Commonwealth must begin betimes with them , or it will be too late : and the means wherby she sets them to it , is EDUCATION , the plastic art of Government . But it is as frequent as sad in experience ( whether thro negligence , or , which in the consequence is all one or vvorse , oversondness in the domestic performance of this Duty ) that innumerable Children com to ow their utter Perdition to their own Parents ; in each of which the Commonwealth loses a Citizen . Wherfore the Laws of a Government , how vvholsom soever in themselves , are such as , if Men by a congruity in their Education be not bred to find a relish in them , they will be sure to loath and detest . The Education therfore of a Man 's own Children is not vvholly to be commited or trusted to himself . You find in * LIVY the Children of BRUTUS having bin bred under Monarchy , and us'd to a Court life , making faces at the Common-vvealth of Rome : A King ( say they ) is a Man with whom you may prevail when you have need there should be Law , or when you have need there should be no Law ; he has Favors in the right , and he frowns not in the wrong place ; he knows his Friends from his Enemys . But Laws are deaf inexorable things , such as make no difference between a Gentleman and an ordinary fellow ; a Man can never be merry for them , for to trust altogether to his own innocence is a sad life . Unhappy vvantons ! SCIPIO on the other side , vvhen he vvas but a Boy ( about two or three and twenty ) being inform'd that certain Patricians or Roman Gentlemen , thro a qualm upon the defeat which HANNIBAL had given them at Cannae , vvere laying their heads together and contriving their Flight vvith the transportation of their Goods out of Rome , drevv his Sword , and setting himself at the door of the Chamber vvhere they vvere at Council , protested , That who did not immediatly swear not to desert the Commonwealth , he would make his Soul to desert his Body . Let Men argue as they please for Monarchy , or against a Commonwealth , the vvorld shall never see any Man so sottish or vvicked as in cool blood to prefer the Education of the Sons of BRUTUS before that of SCIPIO ; and of this mould , except a MELIUS or a MANLIUS , was the whole youth of that Commonwealth , tho not ordinarily so well cast . Now the health of a Government , and the education of the Youth being of the same pulse , no wonder if it has bin the constant practice of well order'd Commonwealths to commit the care and feeling of it to public Magistrats . A duty that was perform'd in such a manner by the Areopagits , as is elegantly prais'd by ISOCRATES . The Athenians , says he , write not their Laws upon dead Walls , nor content themselves with having ordain'd Punishments for Crimes , but provide in such a way by the Education of their Youth , that there be no Crimes for Punishment . He speaks of those Laws which regarded Manners , not of those Orders which concern'd the Administration of the Commonwealth , lest you should think he contradicts XENOPHON and POLYBIUS . The Children of Lacedemon , at the seventh year of their age , were deliver'd to the Paedonomi , or Schoolmasters , not mercenary , but Magistrats of the Commonwealth , to which they were accountable for their charge : and by these at the age of fourteen they were presented to other Magistrats call'd the Beidiaei , having the inspection of the Games and Exercises , among which that of the Platanis●a was famous , a kind of Fight in Squadrons , but somwhat too sierce . When they came to be of military age , they were listed of the Mora , and so continu'd in readiness for public Service under the Disciplin of the Polemarchs . But the Roman Education and Disciplin by the Centurys and Classes is that to which the Commonwealth of Oceana has had a more particular regard in her three Essays , being certain degrees by which the Youth commence as it were in Arms for Magistracy , as appears by THE twenty sixth ORDER , instituting , That if a Parent has but one Son , the Education of that one Son shall be wholly at the disposition of that Parent . But wheras there be Free Schools erected and indow'd , or to be erected and indow'd in every Tribe of this Nation , to a sufficient proportion for the Education of the Children of the same ( which Schools , to the end there be no detriment or hindrance to the Scholars upon case of removing from one to another , are every of them to be govern'd by the strict inspection of the Censors of the Tribes , both upon the Schoolmasters manner of Life and Teaching , and the proficiency of the Children , after the rules and method of that in Hiera ) if a Parent has more Sons than one , the Censors of the Tribes shall animadvert upon and punish him that sends not his Sons within the ninth year of their age to som one of the Schools of a Tribe , there to be kept and taught if he be able at his own charges ; and if he be not able , gratis , till they arrive at the age of fifteen years . And a Parent may dispose of his Sons at the fifteenth year of their age according to his choice or ability , whether it be to Service in the way of Apprentices to som Trade or otherwise , or to further study , as by sending them to the Ins of Court , of Chancery , or to one of the Vniversitys of this Nation . But he that takes not upon him one of the Professions proper to som of those places , shall not continue longer in any of them than till he has attain'd to the age of eighteen years ; and every Man having not at the age of eighteen years taken upon him , or addicted himself to the profession of the Law , Theology , or Physic , and being no Servant , shall be capable of the Essays of the Youth , and no other person whatsoever : except a Man , having taken upon him such a profession , happens to lay it by , ere he arrives at three or four and twenty years of age , and be admitted to this Capacity by the respective Phylarch , being satisfy'd that he kept not out so long with any design to evade the Service of the Commonwealth ; but , that being no sooner at his own disposal , it was no sooner in his choice to com in . And if any Youth or other Person of this Nation have a desire to travel into foren Countrys upon occasion of business , delight , or further improvement of his Education ; the same shall be lawful for him upon a Pass obtain'd from the Censors in Parlament , putting a convenient limit to the time , and recommending him to the Embassadors by whom he shall be assisted , and to whom he shall yield Honor and Obedience in their respective Residences . Every Youth at his return from his Travel is to present the Censors with a Paper of his own writing , containing the Interest of State or Form of Government of the Countrys , or som one of the Countrys where he has bin ; and if it be good , the Censors shall cause it to be printed and publish'd , prefixing a Line in commendation of the Author . EVERY Wednesday next insuing the last of December , the whole Youth of every Parish , that is to say every Man ( not excepted by the foregoing part of the Order ) being from eighteen years of age to thirty , shall repair at the sound of the Bell to their respective Church , and being there assembl'd in presence of the Overseers , who are to govern the Ballot , and the Constable who is to officiat at the Vrn , shall , after the manner of the Elders , elect every fifth Man of their whole number ( provided that they chuse not above one of two Brothers at one Election , nor above half if they be four or upward ) to be a Stratiot or Deputy of the Youth ; and the List of the Stratiots so elected being taken by the Overseers , shall be enter'd in the Parish Book , and diligently preserv'd as a Record , call'd the first Essay , They whose Estates by the Law are able , or whose Friends are willing to mount them , shall be of the Horse , the rest are of the Foot. And he who has bin one year of this List , is not capable of being reelected till after another year's interval . EVERY Wednesday next insuing the last of January , the Stratiots being muster'd at the Rendevouz of their respective Hundred , shall in the presence of the Jurymen , who are Overseers of that Ballot , and of the High Constable who is to officiat at the Vrn , elect out of the Horse of their Troop or Company one Captain , and one Ensign or Cornet , to the command of the same . And the Jurymen having enter'd the List of the Hundred into a Record to be diligently kept at the Rendevouz of the same ; the first public Game of this Commonwealth shall begin and be perform'd in this manner . Wheras there is to be at every Rendevouz of a Hundred one Cannon , Culverin , or Saker ; the prize Arms being forg'd by sworn Armorers of this Commonwealth , and for their proof , besides their Beauty , view'd and try'd at the Tower of Emporium , shall be expos'd by the Justice of Peace appertaining to that Hundred ( the said Justice with the Jurymen being Judges of the Game ) and the Judges shall deliver to the Horsman that gains the Prize at the Career , one sute of Arms being of the value of twenty Pounds ; to the Pikeman that gains the Prize at throwing the Bullet , one sute of Arms of the value of ten Pounds ; to the Musketeer that gains the Prize at the Mark with his Musket , one sute of Arms of the value of ten Pounds ; and to the Cannoneer that gains the Prize at the mark with the Cannon , Culverin , or Saker , a Chain of Silver being of the value of ten Pounds ; provided , that no one man at the same Muster plays above one of the Prizes . Whosoever gains a Prize is bound to wear it ( if it be his lot ) upon Service ; and no man shall sell or give away any Armor thus won , except he has lawfully attain'd to two or more of them at the Games . THE Games being ended , and the Muster dismist , the Captain of the Troop or Company shall repair with a Copy of the List to the Lord Lieutenant of the Tribe , and the High Constable with a Duplicat of the same to the Custos Rotulorum , or Mustermaster General , to be also communicated to the Censors ; in each of which the Jurymen giving a note upon every name of an only Son , shall certify that the List is without subterfuge or evasion : or , if it be not , an account of those upon whom the Evasion or Subterfuge lys , to the end that the Phylarch or the Censors may animadvert accordingly . AND every Wednesday next insuing the last of February , the Lord Lieutenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Censors , and the Conductor , shall receive the whole Muster of the Youth of that Tribe at the Rendevouz of the same , distributing the Horse and Foot with their Officers , according to the Directions given in the like case for the distribution of the Elders ; and the whole Squadron being put by that means in Battalia , the second Game of this Commonwealth shall begin by the exercise of the Youth in all the parts of their military Disciplin according to the Orders of Parlament , or direction of the Council of War in that case . And the hundred Pounds allow'd by the Parlament for the Ornament of the Muster in every Tribe , shall be expended by the Phylarch upon such artificial Castles , Citadels , or the like Devices , as may make the best and most profitable sport for the Youth and their Spectators . Which being ended , the Censors having prepar'd the Vrns by putting into the Horse Vrn 220 Gold Balls , wherof ten are to be mark'd with the letter M , and other ten with the letter P ; into the Foot Vrn 700 Gold Balls , wherof 50 are to be mark'd with the letter M , and 50 with the letter P : and after they have made the Gold Balls in each Vrn , by the addition of Silver Balls to the same , in number equal with the Horse and Foot of the Stratiots , the Lord Lieutenant shall call the Stratiots to the Vrns , where they that draw the Silver Balls shall return to their places , and they that draw the Gold Balls shall fall off to the Pavilion , where , for the space of one hour , they may chop and change their Balls according as one can agree with another , whose Lot he likes better . But the hour being out , the Conductor separating them whose Gold Balls have no letter , from those whose Balls are mark'd , shall cause the Cryer to call the Alphabet , as first A ; wherupon all they whose Gold Balls are not mark'd , and whose sirnames begin with the letter A , shall repair to a Clerc appertaining to the Custos Rotulorum , who shall first take the names of that letter ; then those of B , and so on , till all the names be alphabetically inrol'd . And the Youth of this List being six hundred Foot in a Tribe , that is , 30000 Foot in all the Tribes ; and two hundred Horse in a Tribe , that is , 10000 Horse in all the Tribes , are the second Essay of the Stratiots , and the standing Army of this Commonwealth to be always ready upon command to march . They whose Balls are mark'd with M , amounting , by 20 Horse and 50 Foot in a Tribe , to 2500 Foot , and 500 Horse in all the Tribes ; and they whose Balls are mark'd with P , in every point correspondent , are parts of the third Essay : they of M being straight to march for Marpesia , and they of P for Panopea , to the ends , and according to the further directions following in the Order for the provincial Orbs. IF the Polemarchs or Field Officers be elected by the scrutiny of the Council of War , and the Strategus commanded by the Parlament or the Dictator to march , the Lords Lieutenants ( who have power to muster and disciplin the Youth so often as they receive Orders for the same from the Council of War ) are to deliver the second Essay , or so many of them as shall be commanded , to the Conductors , who shall present them to the Lord Strategus at the time and place appointed by his Excellency to be the general Rendevou of Oceana , where the Council of War shall have the accommodation of Horses and Arms for his men in readiness : and the Lord Strategus having arm'd , mounted , and distributed them , whether according to the recommendation of their Prize Arms , or otherwise , shall lead them away to his Shipping , being also ready and provided with Victuals , Ammunition , Artillery , and all other necessarys ; commanding them , and disposing of the whole Conduct of the War by his sole Power and Authority . And this is the third Essay of the Stratiots , which being ship'd , or march'd out of their Tribes , the Lord Lieutenants shall reelect the second Essay out of the remaining part of the first ; and the Senat another Strategus . IF any Veteran or Veterans of this Nation , the term of whose Youth or Militia is expir'd , having a desire to be entertain'd in the further service of the Commonwealth , shall present him or themselves at the Rendevou of Oceana to the Strategus , it is in his power to take on such and so many of them as shall be agreed by the Polemarchs , and to send back an equal number of the Stratiots . AND for the better managing of the proper Forces of this Nation , the Lord Strategus , by appointment of the Council of War , and out of such Levys as they shall have made in either or both of the Provinces to that end , shall receive Auxiliarys by Sea or elswhere at som certain place , not exceding his proper Arms in number . AND whosoever shall refuse any one of his three Essays , except upon cause shewn he be dispens'd withal by the Phylarch ; or , if the Phylarch be not assembled , by the Censors of his Tribe , shall be deem'd a Helot or public Servant , shall pay a fifth part of his yearly Revenue , besides all other Taxes , to the Commonwealth for his Protection , and be incapable of bearing any Magistracy except such as is proper to the Law. Nevertheless if a man has but two Sons , the Lord Lieutenant shall not suffer above one of them to com to the Vrn at one Election of the second Essay : and tho he has above two Sons , there shall not com above half the Brothers at one Election : and if a man has but one Son , he shall not com to the Vrn at all without the consent of his Parents , or his Guardians ; nor shall it be any reproach to him , or impediment to his bearing of Magistracy . THIS Order , with relation to foren Expeditions , will be prov'd and explain'd together with THE twenty seventh ORDER , providing , in case of Invasion apprehended , that the Lords High Sherifs of the Tribes upon Commands receiv'd from the Parlament , or the Dictator , distribute the Bands of the Elders into divisions after the nature of the Essays of the Youth ; and that the second Division or Essay of the Elders , being made and consisting of 30000 Foot , and 10000 Horse , be ready to march with the second Essay of the Youth , and be brought also by the Conductors to the Strategus . THE second Essay of the Elders and Youth being march'd out of their Tribes , the Lords High Sherifs and Lieutenants shall have the remaining part of the annual Bands both of Elders and Youth in readiness , which , if the Beacons be fir'd , shall march to the Rendevou to be in that case appointed by the Parlament , or the Dictator . And the Beacons being fir'd , the Curiata Comitia , or Parochial Congregations , shall elect a fourth both of Elders and Youth to be immediatly upon the Guard of the Tribes , and dividing themselves as aforesaid , to march also in their Divisions according to Orders : which method in case of extremity shall procede to the election of a third , or the levy of a second , or of the last man in the Nation , by the Power of the Lords High Sherifs ; to the end that the Commonwealth in her utmost pressure may shew her trust that God in his Justice will remember Mercy , by humbling her self , and yet preserving her Courage , Disciplin and Constancy , even to the last drop of her blood , and the utmost farthing . THE Services perform'd by the Youth , or by the Elders , in case of Invasion , and according to this Order , shall be at their proper cost and charges that are any ways able to indure it ; but if there be such as are known in their Parishes to be so indigent that they cannot march out of their Tribes , nor undergo the burden in this case incumbent , then the Congregations of their Parishes shall furnish them with sufficient sums of Mony to be repaid upon the Certificat of the same by the Parlament when the Action shall be over . And of that which is respectively injoin'd by this Order , any Tribe , Parish , Magistrat , or Person that shall fail , is to answer for it at the Council of War , as a Deserter of his Country . THE ARCHON , being the greatest Captain of his own , if not of any age , added much to the Glory of this Commonwealth , by interweaving the Militia with more Art and Luster than any Legislator from or before the time of SERVIUS TULLIUS , who constituted the Roman Militia . But as the Bones or Skeleton of a man , tho the greatest part of his Beauty be contain'd in their Proportion or Symmetry , yet shewn without Flesh , are a spectacle that is rather horrid than entertaining ; so without Discourses are the Orders of a Commonwealth : which , if she gos forth in that manner , may complain of her Friends that they stand mute , and staring upon her . Wherfore this Order was thus flesh'd by the Lord ARCHON . My Lords ; DIOGENES seeing a young Fellow drunk , told him that his Father was drunk when he begot him . For this in natural Generation I must confess I see no reason ; but in the Political it is right . The Vices of the People are from their Governors ; those of their Governors from their Laws or Orders ; and those of their Laws or Orders from their Legislators . * Whatever was in the Womb imperfect , as to her proper work , coms very rarely , or never at all to perfection afterwards : and the formation of a Citizen in the Womb of the Commonwealth is his Education . EDUCATION by the first of the foregoing Orders is of six kinds : At the School , in the Mechanics , at the Universitys , at the Ins of Court or Chancery , in Travels , and in military Disciplin : som of which I shall but touch , and som I shall handle more at large . THAT which is propos'd for the erecting and indowing of Schools throout the Tribes , capable of all the Children of the same , and able to give to the Poor the Education of theirs gratis , is only matter of direction in case of very great Charity , as easing the needy of the charge of their Children from the ninth to the fifteenth year of their age , during which time their work cannot be profitable ; and restoring them when they may be of use , furnish'd with tools wherof there are advantages to be made in every work , seeing he that can read and use his Pen has som convenience by it in the meanest Vocation . And it cannot be conceiv'd , but that which coms , tho in small parcels , to the advantage of every man in his Vocation , must amount to the advantage of every Vocation , and so to that of the whole Commonwealth . Wherfore this is commended to the Charity of every wisehearted and welminded man , to be don in time , and as God shall stir him up or inable him ; there being such provision already in the case , as may give us leave to procede without obstruction . PARENTS , under animadversion of the Censors , are to dispose of their Children at the fifteenth year of their age to somthing ; but what , is lest , according to their abilitys or inclination , at their own choice . This , with the multitude , must be to the Mechanics , that is to say , to Agriculture or Husbandry ; to Manufactures , or to Merchandize . AGRICULTURE is the Bread of the Nation ; we are hung upon it by the teeth ; it is a mighty Nursery of Strength , the best Army , and the most assur'd Knapsac ; it is manag'd with the least turbulent or ambitious , and the most innocent hands of all other Arts. Wherfore I am of ARISTOTLE'S opinion , that a Commonwealth of Husbandmen , and such is ours , must be the best of all others . Certainly , my Lords , you have no measure of what ought to be , but what can be don for the incouragement of this Profession . I could wish I were Husband good enough to direct somthing to this end ; but racking of Rents is a vile thing in the richer sort , an uncharitable one to the poorer , a perfect mark of Slavery , and nips your Commonwealth in the fairest Blossom . On the other side , if there should be too much ease given in this kind , it would occasion Sloth , and so destroy Industry , the principal nerve of a Commonwealth . But if ought might be don to hold the Balance even between these two , it would be a work in this Nation equal to that for which FABIUS was sirnam'd MAXIMUS by the Romans . IN Manufactures and Merchandize the Hollander has gotten the start of us ; but at the long run it will be found , that a People working upon a foren Commodity dos but farm the Manufacture , and that it is really intail'd upon them only , where the growth of it is native : as also that it is one thing to have the carriage of other mens Goods , and another for a man to bring his own to the best market . Wherfore ( Nature having provided incouragement for these Arts in this Nation above all others , where , the People growing , they of necessity must also increase ) it cannot but establish them upon a far more sure and effectual Foundation than that of the Hollanders . But these Educations are in order to the first things , or necessitys of Nature ; as Husbandry to the Food , Manufacture to the Clothing , and Merchandize to the Purse of the Commonwealth . THERE be other things in Nature , which being second as to their Order , for their Dignity and Value are first , and such to which the other are but Accommodations ; of this sort are specially these , Religion , Justice , Courage , and Wisdom . THE Education that answers to Religion in our Government is that of the Universitys . MOSES the Divine Legislator was not only skilful in all the Learning of the Egyptians , but took also into the Fabric of his Commonwealth the Learning of the Midianites in the advice of JETHRO : and his Foundation of a University laid in the Tabernacle , and finish'd in the Temple , became that Pinacle from whence ( according to many Jewish and Christian Authors ) all the Learning in the world has taken wing ; as the Philosophy of the Stoics from the Pharisees ; that of the Epicureans from the Sadduces ; and from the Learning of the Jews , so often quoted by our SAVIOR , and fulfil'd in Him , the Christian Religion . Athens was the most famous University in her days ; and her Senators , that is to say , the Areopagits , were all Philosophers . Lacedemon , to speak truth , tho she could write and read , was not very bookish . But he that disputes hence against Universitys , disputes by the same Argument against Agriculture , Manufacture , and Merchandize ; every one of these having bin equally forbid by LYCURGUS , not for it self ( for if he had not bin learn'd in all the Learning of Crete , and well travel'd in the knowledge of other Governments , he had never made his Commonwealth ) but for the diversion which they must have given his Citizens from their Arms , who , being but sew , if they had minded any thing else , must have deserted the Commonwealth . For Rome , she had ingenium par imperio , was as learned as great , and held her College of Augurs in much reverence . Venice has taken her Religion upon trust . Holland cannot attend it to be very studious . Nor dos Switzerland mind it much ; yet are they all addicted to their Universitys . We cut down Trees to build Houses ; but I would have som body shew me , by what reason or experience the cutting down of a University should tend to the setting up of a Commonwealth . Of this I am sure , that the perfection of a Commonwealth is not to be attain'd without the knowledge of antient Prudence ; nor the knowledge of antient Prudence without Learning ; nor Learning without Schools of good Literature : and these are such as we call Universitys . Now tho mere University learning of it self be that which ( to speak the words of VERULAMIUS ) crafty men contemn , and simple men only admire , yet is it such as wise men have use of ; for Studys do not teach their own use , but that is a Wisdom without and above them , won by observation . Expert men may execute , and perhaps judg of Particulars one by one ; but the general Counsils and the Plots , and the marshalling of Affairs , com best from those that are learned . Wherfore if you would have your Children to be Statesmen , let them drink by all means of these Fountains , where perhaps there were never any . But what tho the Water a man drinks be not nourishment ; it is the Vehicle without which he cannot be nourish'd . Nor is Religion less concern'd in this point than Government ; for take away your Universitys , and in a few years you lose it . THE Holy Scriptures are written in Hebrew and Greec : they that have neither of these Languages may think light of both ; but find me a man that has one in perfection , the study of whose whole Life it has not bin . Again , this is apparent to us in daily Conversation , that if four or five Persons that have liv'd together be talking , another speaking the same Language may com in , and yet understand very little of their Discourse , in that it relates to Circumstances , Persons , Things , Times and Places , which he knows not . It is no otherwise with a man , having no insight of the times in which they were written , and the Circumstances to which they relate , in the reading of antient Books , whether they be divine or human . For example , when we fall upon the Discourse about Baptism and Regeneration that was between our SAVIOR and NICODEMUS , where CHRIST reproaches him with his ignorance in this matter : Art thou a Doctor in Israel , and understandest not these things ? What shall we think of it ? or wherfore should a Doctor in Israel have understood these things more than another , but that both Baptism and Regeneration , as was shew'd at large by my Lord PHOSPHORUS , were Doctrins held in Israel ? I instance in one place of a hundred , which he , that has not master'd the Circumstances to which they relate , cannot understand . Wherfore to the understanding of the Scripture , it is necessary to have antient Languages , and the knowledge of antient times , or the aid of them who have such knowledge : and to have such as may be always able and ready to give such aid ( unless you would borrow it of another Nation , which would not only be base , but deceitful ) it is necessary to a Commonwealth that she have Schools of good Literature , or Universitys of her own . We are commanded , as has bin said more than once , to search the Scriptures ; and which of 'em search the Scriptures , they that take this pains in antient Languages and Learning , or they that will not , but trust to Translations only , and to words as they sound to present Circumstances ? than which nothing is more fallible , or certain to lose the true sense of Scriptures , pretended to be above human Understanding , for no other cause than that they are below it . But in searching the Scriptures by the proper use of our Universitys , we have bin heretofore blest with greater Victorys and Trophys against the purple Hosts and golden Standards of the Romish Hierarchy , than any Nation ; and therfore , why we should relinquish this upon the presumtion of som , that because there is a greater Light which they have , I do not know . There is a greater Light than the Sun , but it dos not extinguish the Sun , nor dos any Light of Gods giving extinguish that of Nature , but increase and sanctify it . Wherfore , neither the Honor born by the Israelitish , Roman , or any other Commonwealth that I have shewn , to their Ecclesiastics , consisted in being govern'd by them , but in consulting them in matters of Religion ; upon whose Responses or Oracles they did afterwards as they thought fit . Nor would I be here mistaken , as if , by affirming the Universitys to be , in order both to Religion and Government , of absolute necessity , I declar'd them or the Ministry in any wise fit to be trusted , so far as to exercise any power not deriv'd from the Civil Magistrat in the administration of either . If the Jewish Religion were directed and establish'd by MOSES , it was directed and establish'd by the Civil Magistrat ; or if MOSES exercis'd this Administration as a Prophet , the same Prophet did invest with the same Administration the Sanhedrim , and not the Priests ; and so dos our Commonwealth the Senat , and not the Clergy . They who had the supreme Administration or Government of the National Religion in Athens , were the first ARCHON , the Rex Sacrificus , or High Priest , and a Polemarch ; which Magistrats were ordain'd or elected * by the holding up of hands in the Church , Congregation , or Comitia of the People . The Religion of Lacedemon was govern'd by the Kings , who were also High Priests , and officiated at the Sacrifice ; these had power to substitute their Pythii , Embassadors , or Nuncios , by which , not without concurrence of the Senat , they held intelligence with the Oracle of APOLLO at Delphos . And the Ecclesiastical part of the Commonwealth of Rome was govern'd by the Pontifex Maximus , the Rex Sacrificulus , and the Flamins , all ordain'd or elected by the People , the Pontifex by the † Tribes , the King by the ‖ Centurys , and the Flamins by the ‖ ‖ Parishes . I do not mind you of these things , as if , for the matter , there were any parallel to be drawn out of their Superstitions to our Religion ; but to shew that for the manner , antient Prudence is as well a rule in divine as human things ; nay , and such a one as the Apostles themselves , ordaining Elders by the holding up of hands in every Congregation , have exactly follow'd : for som of the Congregations where they thus ordain'd Elders were those of Antioch , Iconium , Lystra , Derbe , the Countrys of Lycaonia , Pisidia , Pamphylia , Perga , with Attalia . Now that these Citys and Countrys , when the Romans propagated their Empire into Asia , were found most of them Commonwealths , and that many of the rest were indu'd with like power , so that the People living under the protection of the Roman Emperors , continu'd to elect their own Magistrats , is so known a thing , that I wonder whence it is that men , quite contrary to the universal proof of these examples , will have Ecclesiastical Government to be necessarily distinct from Civil Power , when the Right of the Elders ordain'd by the holding up of hands in every Congregation to teach the People , was plainly deriv'd from the same Civil Power by which they ordain'd the rest of their Magistrats . And it is not otherwise in our Commonwealth , where the Parochial Congregation elects or ordains its Pastor . To object the Common-wealth of Venice in this place , were to shew us that it has bin no otherwise but where the Civil Power has lost the liberty of her Conscience by imbracing Popery ; as also that to take away the Liberty of Conscience in this Administration from the Civil Power , were a proceding which has no other precedent than such as is Popish . Wherfore your Religion is settled after the following manner : the Universitys are the Seminarys of that part which is national , by which means others with all safety may be permitted to follow the Liberty of their own Consciences , in regard that , however they behave themselves , the ignorance of the unlearned in this case cannot lose your Religion nor disturb your Government , which otherwise it would most certainly do ; and the Universitys with their Emoluments , as also the Benefices of the whole Nation , are to be improv'd by such Augmentations as may make a very decent and comfortable subsistence for the Ministry , which is neither to be allow'd Synods nor Assemblys , except upon the occasion shewn in the Universitys , when they are consulted by the Council of State , and suffer'd to meddle with Affairs of Religion , nor to be capable of any other public Preferment whatsoever ; by which means the Interest of the Learned can never com to corrupt your Religion , nor disturb your Government , which otherwise it would most certainly do . Venice , tho she dos not see , or cannot help the corruption of her Religion , is yet so circumspect to avoid disturbance of her Government in this kind , that her Council procedes not to election of Magistrats , till it be proclaim'd , Fora Papalini , by which words such as have consanguinity with red Hats , or relation to the Court of Rome , are warn'd to withdraw . If a Minister in Holland meddles with matter of State , the Magistrat sends him a pair of Shoes ; wherupon , if he dos not go , he is driven away from his charge . I wonder why Ministers , of all men , should be perpetually tampering with Government ; first because they , as well as others , have it in express charge to submit themselves to the Ordinances of men ; and secondly , because these Ordinances of men must go upon such political Principles , as they of all others , by any thing that can be found in their Writings or Actions , least understand : whence you have the suffrage of all Nations to this sense , that an ounce of Wisdom is worth a pound of Clergy . Your greatest Clercs are not your wisest men : and when som foul Absurdity in State is committed , it is common with the French , and even the Italians , to call it Pas de Clerc , or , Governo da Prete . They may bear with men that will be preaching without study , while they will be governing without Prudence . My Lords , if you know not how to rule your Clergy , you will most certainly , like a man that cannot rule his Wife , have neither quiet at home , nor honor abroad . Their honest Vocation is to teach your Children at the Schools and the Universitys , and the People in the Parishes ; and yours is concern'd to see that they do not play the shrews : of which parts dos consist the Education of your Commonwealth , so far as it regards Religion . TO JUSTICE , or that part of it which is commonly executive , answers the Education of the Ins of Court and Chancery . Upon which to philosophize requires a peculiar kind of Learning that I have not . But they who take upon them any Profession proper to the Educations mention'd , that is , Theology , Physic , or Law , are not at leisure for the Essays . Wherfore the Essays being Degrees wherby the Youth commence for all Magistracys , Offices , and Honors in the Parish , Hundred , Tribe , Senat or Prerogative ; Divines , Physicians , and Lawyers , not taking these Degrees , exclude themselves from all such Magistracys , Offices , and Honors . And wheras Lawyers are likest to exact further reason for this , they ( growing up from the most gainful Art at the Bar to those Magistracys upon the Bench , which are continually appropriated to themselves , and not only indow'd with the greatest Revenues , but also held for life ) have the least reason of all the rest to pretend to any other ; especially in an equal Commonwealth , where Accumulation of Magistracy , or to take a Person ingag'd by his Profit to the Laws , as they stand , into the Power which is Legislative , and which should keep them to what they were , or ought to be , were a Soloecism in Prudence . It is true , that the Legislative Power may have need of Advice and Assistance from the executive Magistracy , or such as are learn'd inthe Law ; for which cause the Judges are , as they have heretofore bin , Assistants in the Senat. Nor , however it came about , can I see any reason why a Judg , being but an Assistant or Lawyer , should be Member of a Legislative Council . I DENY not , that the Roman Patricians were all Patrons , and that the whole People were Clients , som to one Family , and som to another , by which means they had their Causes pleaded and defended in som appearance gratis ; for the Patron took no Mony , tho if he had a Daughter to marry , his Clients were to pay her Portion : nor was this so great a grievance . But if the Client accus'd his Patron , gave testimony or suffrage against him , it was a crime of such a nature , that any man might lawfully kill him as a Traitor ; and this , as being the nerve of the Optimacy , was a great cause of ruin to that Commonwealth : for when the People would carry any thing that pleas'd not the Senat , the Senators were ill provided if they could not intercede , that is , oppose it by their Clients ; with whom , to vote otherwise than they pleas'd , was the highest Crime . The observation of this Bond till the time of the GRACCHI , that is to say , till it was too late , or to no purpose to break it , was the cause , why in all the former heats and disputes that had happen'd between the Senat and the People , it never came to blows , which indeed was good : but withal , the People could have no remedy , which was certainly evil . Wherfore I am of opinion , that a Senator ought not to be a Patron or Advocat , nor a Patron or Advocat to be a Senator : for if his Practice be gratis , it debauches the People ; and if it be mercenary , it debauches himself : take it which way you will , when he should be making of Laws , he will be knitting of Nets . LYCURGUS , as I said , by being a Traveller became a Legislator , but in times when Prudence was another thing . Nevertheless we may not shut out this part of Education in a Commonwealth , which will be her self a Traveller ; for those of this make have seen the World , especially because this is certain ( tho it be not regarded in our times , when things being left to take their chance , it sares with us accordingly ) that no man can be a Politician , except he be first a Historian or a Traveller ; for except he can see what must be , or what may be , he is no Politician . Now if he has no knowlege in Story , he cannot tell what has bin ; and if he has not bin a Traveller , he cannot tell what is : but he that neither knows what has bin , nor what is , can never tell what must be , or what may be . Furthermore , the Embassys in ordinary by our Constitution are the Prizes of young men , more especially such as have bin Travellers . Wherfore they of these inclinations having leave of the Censors , ow them an account of their time , and cannot chuse but lay it out with som ambition of Praise or Reward , where both are open : whence you will have eys abroad , and better choice of public Ministers ; your Gallants shewing themselves not more to the Ladys at their Balls , than to your Commonwealth at her Academy , when they return from their Travels . BUT this Commonwealth being constituted more especially of two Elements , Arms and Councils , drives by a natural instinct at Courage and Wisdom ; which he who has attain'd , is arriv'd at the perfection of human nature . It is true , that these Virtues must have som natural root in him that is capable of them ; but this amounts not to so great a matter as som will have it . For if Poverty makes an industrious , a moderat Estate a temperat , and a lavish Fortune a wanton man , and this be the common course of things ; Wisdom then is rather of necessity than inclination . And that an Army which was meditating upon flight , has bin brought by despair to win the Field , is so far from being strange , that like causes will evermore produce like effects . Wherfore this Commonwealth drives her Citizens like Wedges ; there is no way with them but thorow , nor end but that Glory wherof Man is capable by Art or Nature . That the Genius of the Roman Familys commonly preserv'd it self throout the line ( as to instance in som , the MANLII were still severe , the PUBLICOLAE lovers , and the APPII haters of the People ) is attributed by MACCHIAVEL to their Education : nor , if Interest might add to the reason why the Genius of a Patrician was one thing , and that of a Plebeian another , is the like so apparent between different Nations , who , according to their different Educations , have yet as different manners . It was antiently noted , and long confirm'd by the actions of the French , that in their first assaults their Courage was more than that of Men ; and for the rest less than that of Women : which nevertheless , thro the amendment of their Disciplin , we see now to be otherwise . I will not say , but that som Man or Nation upon an equal improvement of this kind may be lighter than som other ; but certainly , Education is the scale without which no Man or Nation can truly know his or her own weight or value . By our Historys we can tell when one Marpesian would have beaten ten Oceaners , and when one Oceaner would have beaten ten Marpesians . MARC ANTHONY was a Roman , but how did that appear in the imbraces of CLEOPATRA ? You must have som other Education for your Youth ; or they , like that passage , will shew better in Romance than true Story . THE Custom of the Commonwealth of Rome in distributing her Magistracys without respect of age , happen'd to do well in CORVINUS and SCIPIO ; for which cause MACCHIAVEL ( with whom that which was don by Rome , and that which is well don , is for the most part all one ) commends this course . Yet how much it did worse at other times , is obvious in POMPEY and CAESAR ; Examples by which BOCCALINI illustrats the Prudence of Venice in her contrary practice , affirming it to have bin no small step to the ruin of the Roman Liberty , that these ( having tasted in their Youth of the supreme Honors ) had no greater in their age to hope for , but by perpetuating of the same in themselves ; which came to Blood , and ended in Tyranny . The opinion of VERULAMIUS is safe : The Errors , says he , of young men are the ruin of business ; wheras the Errors of old men amount but to this , that more might have bin don , or sooner . But tho their Wisdom be little , their Courage is great : Wherfore ( to com to the main Education of this Commonwealth ) the Militia of Oceana is the Province of Youth . THE distribution of this Province by the Essays is so fully describ'd in the Order , that I need repeat nothing : the Order it self being but a Repetition or Copy of that Original , which in antient Prudence is of all others the fairest ; as that from whence the Commonwealth of Rome more particularly deriv'd the Empire of the World. And there is much more reason in this age , when Governments are universally broken , or swerv'd from their Foundations , and the People groan under Tyranny , that the same causes ( which could not be withstood when the World was full of popular Governments ) should have the like effects . THE Causes in the Commonwealth of Rome , wherof the Empire of the World was not any miraculous , but a natural ( nay I may safely say a necessary ) consequence , are contain'd in that part of her Disciplin which was domestic , and in that which she exercis'd in her Provinces or Conquest . Of the latter I shall have better occaon to speak when we com to our provincial Orbs ; the former divided the whole People by Tribes , amounting , as LIVY and CICERO shew , at their full growth to thirty five , and every Tribe by the Cense or Valuation of Estates into five Classes : for the sixth being Proletary , that is the Nursery , or such as thro their poverty contributed nothing to the Commonwealth but Children , was not reckon'd , nor us'd in Arms. And this is the first point of the Militia , in which modern Prudence is quite contrary to the antient ; for wheras we , excusing the rich , and arming the poor , becom the Vassals of our Servants , they , by excusing the poor , and arming such as were rich enough to be Freemen , became Lords of the Earth . The Nobility and Gentry of this Nation , who understand so little what it is to be Lords of the Earth , that they have not bin able to keep their own Lands , will think it a strange Education for their Children to be common Soldiers , and oblig'd to all the Dutys of Arms : nevertheless it is not for 4 s. a week , but to be capable of being the best man in the Field or in the City ; the latter part of which consideration makes the common Soldier herein a better man than the General of any monarchical Army . And wheras it may be thought , that this would drink deep of noble Blood , I dare boldly say , take the Roman Nobility in the heat of their fiercest Wars , and you shall not find such a shambles of them as has bin made of ours by mere Luxury and Slothfulness ; which , killing the Body , kill the Soul also ; Animasque in vulnere ponunt . Wheras common Right is that which who stands in the vindication of , has us'd that Sword of Justice for which he receives the Purple of Magistracy . The Glory of a man on Earth can go no higher , and if he falls he rises again , and coms sooner to that reward which is so much higher as Heaven is above the Earth . To return to the Roman Example : Every Classis was divided , as has bin more than once shewn , into Centurys , and every Century was equally divided into Youth and Elders ; the Youth for foren Service , and the Elders for the guard of the Territory . In the first Classis were about eighteen Centurys of Horse , being those which by the Institution of SERVIUS were first call'd to the Suffrage in the * Centurial Assemblys . But the Delectus , or Levy of an Army , which is the present business , proceded , according to POLYBIUS , in this manner . Upon a War decreed , the Consuls elected four and twenty military Tribuns or Colonels ; wherof ten , being such as had merited their tenth Stipend , were younger Officers . The Tribuns being chosen , the Consuls appointed a day to the Tribes , when those in them of military age were to appear at the Capitol ; the day being com , and the Youth assembl'd accordingly , the Consuls ascended their Tribunal , and the younger Tribuns were straight divided into four parts after this manner : four were assign'd to the first Legion ( a Legion at the most consisted of 6000 Foot , and 300 Horse ) three to the second , four to the third , and three to the fourth . The younger Tribuns being thus distributed , two of the elder were assign'd to the first Legion , three to the second , two to the third , and three to the fourth . And the Officers of each Legion thus assign'd , having drawn the Tribes by Lots , and being seated according to their divisions at a convenient distance from each other , the Tribe of the first Lot was call'd : wherupon they that were of it knowing the business , and being prepar'd , presently bolted out four of their number , in the choice wherof such care was taken , that they offer'd none that was not a Citizen ; no Citizen that was not of the Youth ; no Youth that was not of som one of the five Classes ; nor any one of the five Classes that was not expert at his Exercises . Moreover , they us'd such diligence in matching them for Age and Stature , that the Officers of the Legions , except they happen'd to be acquainted with the Youth so bolted , were forc'd to put themselves upon fortune , while they of the first Legion chose one ; they of the second , the next ; they of the third another ; and the fourth Youth fell to the last Legion : and thus was the Election ( the Legions and the Tribes varying according to their Lots ) carry'd on till the Foot were complete . The like course with little alteration was taken by the Horse Officers till the Horse also were complete . This was call'd giving of Names , which the Children of Israel did also by Lot ; and if any man refus'd to give his Name , he was sold for a Slave , or his Estate confiscated to the Commonwealth . When * MARCUS CURIUS the Consul was forc'd to make a sudden Levy , and none of the Youth would give in their Names , all the Tribes being put to the Lot , he commanded the first Name drawn out of the Vrn of the Pollian Tribe ( which happen'd to com first ) to be call'd ; but the Youth not answering , he order'd his Goods to be sold : which was conformable to the Law in Israel , according to which SAUL took a yoke of Oxen , and hew'd them in pieces , and sent them throout the Tribes , saying , Whosoever coms not forth to battel after SAUL and SAMUEL , so shall it be don to his Oxen. By which you may observe also , that they who had no Cattel were not of the Militia in Israel . But the age of the Roman Youth by the Tullian Law determin'd at 30 ; and by the Law ( tho it should seem by MACCHIAVEL and others , that this was not well observ'd ) a Man could not stand for Magistracy till he was Miles emeritus , or had fulfil'd the full term of his Militia , which was complete in his tenth Stipend or Service : nor was he afterwards oblig'd under any penalty to give his name , except the Commonwealth were invaded , in which case the Elders were as well oblig'd as the Youth . † The Consul might also levy Milites evocatos , or Soldiers , commanded Men out of such as had serv'd their turn , and this at his discretion . The Legions being thus complete , were divided by two to each Consul ; and in these no Man had right to serve but a Roman Citizen : now because two Legions made but a small Army , the Romans added to every one of their Armys an equal number of Foot , and a double number of Horse levy'd among their Latin or Italian Associats ; so a Consular Army , with the Legions and Auxiliarys , amounted to about thirty thousand : and wheras they commonly levy'd two such Armys together , these being join'd made about sixty thousand . THE Steps wherby our Militia follows the greatest Captain , are the three Essays ; the first , elected by a fifth man in the ‖ Parishes , and amounting in the whole to one hundred thousand , chuse their Officers at the * Hundreds , where they fall also to their Games or Exercises , invited by handsom Prizes , such as for themselves and the honor of them will be coveted ; such as will render the Hundred a place of Sports , and exercise of Arms all the year long ; such as in the space of ten years will equip 30000 Men Horse and Foot , with such Arms for their Forge , Proof , and Beauty , as ( notwithstanding the Argyraspides , or silver Shields of ALEXANDER'S Guards ) were never worn by so many ; such as will present marks of Virtue and Direction to your General or Strategus in the distribution of his Army , which doubles the value of them to the Proprietors , who are bound to wear them , and eases the Commonwealth of so much Charge , so many being arm'd already . BUT here will be the Objection now . How shall such a Revenue be compas'd ? Fifty pounds a year in every Hundred is a great deal , not so easily rais'd : Men will not part with their Mony ; nor would the sum as it is propos'd by the Order of Pompe , rise in many years . These are difficulties that fit our Genius exactly : And yet a thousand pounds in each Hundred once levy'd , establishes the Revenue for ever . Now the Hundreds one with another are worth ten thousand pounds a year dry Rent , over and above personal Estates , which bring it to twice the value : So that a twentieth part of one year's Revenue of the Hundred dos it . If you cannot afford this while you pay Taxes , tho from henceforth they will be but small ones , do it when you pay none . If it be then too much for one year , do it in two : If it be two much for two years , do it in four . What Husbands have we hitherto bin ? What is becom of greater Sums ? My Lords , if you should thus cast your Bread upon the Waters , after many days you would find it : stand not huckling when you are offer'd Corn and your Mony again in the mouth of the Sack. BUT to procede : The first Essay being officer'd at the Hundreds , and muster'd at the * Tribes ( where they are entertain'd with other Sports , which will be very fine ones ) procedes to the Election of the second Essay , or standing Army of this Nation , consisting of thirty thousand Foot , and ten thousand Horse ; and these , upon a War decreed , being deliver'd at the Rendevous of Oceana to the Strategus , are the third Essay , which answers to the Roman Legions . But you may observe , that wheras the Consuls elected the military Tribuns , and rais'd commanded Men out of the Veterans at their own discretion ; our Polemarchs or Field Officers are elected by the Scrutiny of the Council of War : and our Veterans not otherwise taken on than as Volunteers , and with the consent of the Polemarchs ; which may serve for the removal of certain scruples which might otherwise be incident in this place , tho without incouragement by the Roman way of proceding , much less by that which is propos'd . But wheras the Roman Legions in all amounted not in one Army to above 30000 Men , or little more , you have here forty thousand ; and wheras they added Auxiliarys , it is in this regard that Marpesia will be a greater Revenue to you , than if you had the Indys ; for wheras heretofore she has yielded you nothing but her native Thistles , in plowing out the rankness of her Aristocracy by your Agrarian , you will find her an inexhaustible Magazin of Men , and to her own advantage , who will make a far better account by the Arms , than by the Pins of Poland . Wherfore as a Consular Army consisted of about an equal number of Auxiliarys added to their Legions by their Latin or Italian Associats , you may add to a Parlamentary Army an equal number of Marpesians or Panopeans , as that Colony shall hereafter be able to supply you : By which means the Commonwealth will be able to go forth to Battel with fourscore thousand Men. To make Wars with small Forces is no Husbandry , but a wast , a disease , a lingring and painful consumtion of Men and Mony ; the Romans making theirs thick , made them short , and had little regard to Mony , as that which they who have Men enow , can command where it is fittest that it should be levy'd . All the antient Monarchys by this means got on wing , and attain'd to vast Riches . Wheras your modern Princes being dear purchasers of small parcels , have but emty pockets . But it may be som will accuse the Order of rashness , in that it commits the sole Conduct of the War to the General ; and the Custom of Venice by her Proveditori , or checks upon her Commanders in chief , may seem to be of greater Prudence : but in this part of our Government neither Venice nor any Nation that makes use of mercenary Forces is for our instruction . A mercenary Army , with a standing General , is like the fatal Sister that spins ; but proper Forces , with an annual Magistrat , are like her that cuts the thred . Their Interests are quite contrary , and yet you have a better Proveditor than the Venetian , another Strategus sitting with an Army standing by him ; wherupon that which is marching , if there were any probability it should , would find as little possibility that it could recoil , as a foren Enemy to invade you . These things consider'd , a War will appear to be of a contrary nature to that of all other reckonings , inasmuch as of this you must never look to have a good account if you be strict in imposing checks . Let a Council of Huntsmen assembl'd beforehand , tell you which way the Stag shall run , where you shall cast about at the fault , and how you shall ride to be in at the chase all the day : but these may as well do that , as a Council of War direct a General . The hours that have painted wings , and of different colors , are his Council : he must be like the Ey that makes not the Scene , but has it so soon as it changes . That in many Counsillors there is strength , is spoken of Civil Administrations : as to those that are military , there is nothing more certain , than that in many Counsillors there is weakness . Joint Commissions in military affairs , are like hunting your Hounds in their Couples . In the Attic War CLEOMENES and DEMARATUS , Kings of Lacedemon , being thus coupl'd , tug'd one against another ; and while they should have join'd against the Persian , were the cause of the common calamity : wherupon that Commonwealth took better Counsil , and made a Law , wherby from thenceforth there went at once but one of her Kings to Battel . THE Fidenati being in rebellion , and having slain the Colony of the Romans , four Tribuns with Consular Power were created by the People of Rome , wherof one being left for the guard of the City , the other three were sent against the Fidenati , who , thro the division that happen'd among them , brought nothing home but Dishonor : wherupon the Romans created the Dictator , and LIVY gives his Judgment in these words : * The three Tribuns with Consular Power were a lesson how useless in War is the joint Command of several Generals ; for each following his own Counsils , while they all differ'd in their opinions , gave by this opportunity an advantage to the Enemy . When the Consuls QUINTIUS and AGRIPPA were sent against the AEQUI , AGRIPPA for this reason refus'd to go with his Collegue , saying , * That in the administration of great Actions it was most safe that the chief Command should be lodg'd in one Person . And if the Ruin of modern Armys were well consider'd , most of it would be found to have faln upon this point : it being in this case far safer to trust to any one Man of common Prudence , than to any two or more together of the greatest Parts . The Consuls indeed being equal in Power , while one was present with the Senat , and the other in the Field with the Army , made a good Balance ; and this with us is exactly follow'd by the Election of a new Strategus upon the march of the old one . THE seven and twentieth Order , wherby the Elders in case of Invasion are oblig'd to equal duty with the Youth , and each upon their own charge , is sutable to Reason ( for every Man defends his own Estate ) and to our Copy , as in the War with the Samnits and Tuscans . † The Senat order'd a Vacation to be proclaim'd , and a Levy to be made of all sorts of Persons : And not only the Freemen and Youths were listed , but Cohorts of the old Men were likewise form'd . This Nation of all others is the least obnoxious to Invasion . Oceana , says a French Politician , is a Beast that cannot be devour'd but by her self ; nevertheless , that Government is not perfect which is not provided at all points ; and in this ( ad Triarios res rediit ) the Elders being such as in a martial State must be Veterans , the Commonwealth invaded gathers strength like ANTAEUS by her fall , while the whole number of the Elders consisting of five hundred thousand , and the Youth of as many , being brought up according to the Order , give twelve successive Battels , each Battel consisting of eighty thousand Men , half Elders and half Youth . And the Commonwealth whose Constitution can be no stranger to any of those Virtues which are to be acquir'd in human life , grows familiar with Death ere she dys . If the hand of God be upon her for her Transgressions , she shall mourn for her Sins , and ly in the dust for her Iniquitys , without losing her Manhood . Si fractus illabatur orbis , Impavidam ferient ruinae . THE remaining part , being the Constitution of the Provincial Orb , is partly Civil , or consisting of the Elders ; and partly Military , or consisting of the Youth . The Civil part of the provincial Orb is directed by THE twenty eighth ORDER , wherby the Council of a Province being constituted of twelve Knights , divided by four into three Regions ( for their term and revolution conformable to the Parlament ) is perpetuated by the annual election at the Tropic of four Knights ( being triennial Magistrats ) out of the Region of the Senat whose term expires ; and of one Knight out of the same Region to be Strategus or General of the Province , which Magistracy is annual . The Strategus or Magistrat thus chosen , shall be as well President of the Provincial Council with power to propose to the same , as General of the Army . The Council for the rest shall elect weekly Provosts , having any two of them also right to propose after the manner of the Senatorian Councils of Oceana . And wheras all Provincial Councils are Members of the Council of State , they may and ought to keep diligent correspondence with the same , which is to be don after this manner : Any Opinion or Opinions legitimatly propos'd and debated at a Provincial Council , being therupon sign'd by the Strategus , or any two of the Provosts , may be transmitted to the Council of State in Oceana ; and the Council of State proceding upon the same in their natural course ( whether by their own Power , if it be a matter within their Instructions , or by Authority of the Senat therupon consulted , if it be a matter of State which is not in their Instructions ; or by Authority of the Senat and Command of the People , if it be a matter of Law , as for the Levys of Men or Mony upon common use and safety ) shall return such Answers , Advice , or Orders , as in any of the ways mention'd shall be determin'd upon the case . The Provincial Councils of Marpesia and Panopea respectively shall take special care that the Agrarian Laws , as also all other Laws that be or shall from time to time be enacted by the Parlament of Oceana , for either of them , be duly put in execution : they shall manage and receive the Customs of either Nation for the Shipping of Oceana , being the common Guard : they shall have a care that moderat and sufficient pay upon the respective Province be duly rais'd for the support and maintenance of the Officers and Soldiers , or Army of the same , in the most effectual , constant and convenient way : they shall receive the Regalia , or public Revenues of those Nations , out of which every Counsillor shall have for his term , and to his proper use , the Sum of 500 l. per annum , and the Strategus 500 l. as President , besides his Pay as General , which shall be 1000 Pounds ; the remainder to go to the use of the Knights and Deputys of the respective Provinces , to be paid , if it will reach , according to the rates of Oceana ; if not , by an equal distribution , respectively ; or the overplus , if there be any , to be return'd to the Treasury of Oceana . They shall manage the Lands ( if there be any such held in either of the Provinces by the Commonwealth of Oceana , in Dominion ) and return the Rents into the Exchequer . If the Commonwealth coms to be possest of richer Provinces , the Pay of the General or Strategus , and of the Councils , may be respectively increas'd . The People for the rest shall elect their own Magistrats , and be govern'd by their own Laws , having Power also to appeal from their native or provincial Magistrats , if they please , to the People of Oceana . And wheras there may be such as receiving Injury , are not able to prosecute their Appeals at so great a distance , eight Serjeants at Law being sworn by the Commissioners of the Seal , shall be sent by four into each Province once in two years ; who , dividing the same by Circuits , shall hear such Causes ; and having gather'd and introduc'd them , shall return to the several Appellants , gratis , the Determinations and Decrees of the People in their several cases . THE term of a Knight in a Provincial Orb , as to domestic Magistracys , shall be esteemed a Vacation , and no bar to present Election to any other Honor , his provincial Magistracy being expir'd . THE Quorum of a Provincial Council , as also of every other Council or Assembly in Oceana , shall in time of health consist of two parts in three of the whole number proper to that Council or Assembly ; and in a time of sickness , of one part in three : But of the Senat there can be no Quorum without three of the Signory ; nor of a Council without two of the Provosts . THE Civil part of the Provincial Orb being declar'd by the foregoing Order ; the Military part of the same is constituted by THE twenty ninth ORDER ; wherby the Stratiots of the third Essay having drawn the Gold Balls mark'd with the Letter M , and being ten Horse and fifty Foot in a Tribe , that is to say , five hundred Horse , and two thousand five hundred Foot in all , the Tribes shall be deliver'd by the respective Conductors to the provincial Strategus or General , at such a time and place , or Rendevous , as he shall appoint by Order and Certificat of his Election : and the Strategus having receiv'd the Horse and Foot mention'd , which are the third Classis of his provincial Guard or Army , shall forthwith lead them away , to Marpesia , where the Army consists of three Classes , each Classis containing three thousand men , wherof five hundred are Horse ; and receiving the new Strategus with the third Classis , the old Strategus with the first Classis shall be dismist by the Provincial Council . The same method with the Stratiots of the letter P , is to be observ'd for the provincial Orb of Panopea : and the Commonwealth coming to acquire new Provinces , the Senat and the People may erect new Orbs in like manner , consisting of greater or less numbers , according as is requir'd by the respective occasion . If a Stratiot has once serv'd his term in a Provincial Orb , and happens afterwards to draw the Letter of a Province at the Election of the second Essay , he may refuse his Lot ; and if he refuses it , the Censor of that Vrn shall cause the Files balloting at the same to make a halt ; and if the Stratiot produces the Certificat of his Strategus or General , that he has serv'd his time accordingly , the Censor throwing the Ball that he drew into the Vrn again , and taking out a Blank , shall dismiss the Youth , and cause the Ballot to procede . TO perfect the whole Structure of this Commonwealth , som Directions are given to the third Essay , or Army marching , in THE thirtieth ORDER . When thou goest to battel against thy Enemys , and seest Horses and Chariots , and a People more than thou ; be not afraid of them , for the Lord thy God is he that gos with thee to fight for thee against thy Enemys . And when thou dividest the Spoil , it shall be as a Statute and an Ordinance to thee , that as his part is that gos down to the battel , so shall his part be that tarrys by the Stuff : that is , ( as to the Commonwealth of Oceana ) The Spoil taken of the Enemy ( except Clothes , Arms , Horses , Ammunition and Victuals , to be divided to the Soldiery by the Strategus and the Polemarchs upon the place according to their discretion ) shall be deliver'd to four Commissarys of the Spoils elected and sworn by the Council of War ; which Commissarys shall be allowed Shipping by the State , and Convoys according as occasion shall require by the Strategus ; to the end that having a Bill of Lading sign'd by three or more of the Polemarchs , they may ship and bring , or cause such Spoils to be brought to the Prize-Office in Oceana , where they shall be sold ; and the Profit arising by such Spoils shall be divided into three parts , wherof one shall go to the Treasury , another shall be paid to the Soldiery of this Nation , and a third to the Auxiliarys at their return from their Service , provided that the said Auxiliarys be equal in number to the proper Forces of this Nation , otherwise their Share shall be so much less as they themselves are fewer in number : the rest of the two thirds to go to the Officers and Soldiers of the proper Forces . And the Spoils so divided to the proper Forces , shall be subdivided into three equal parts , wherof one shall go to the Officers , and two to the common Soldiers : The like for the Auxiliarys . And the Share allotted to the Officers shall be divided into four equal parts , wherof one shall go to the Strategus , another to the Polemarchs , a third to the Colonels , and a fourth to the Captains , Cornets , Ensigns , and under Officers , receiving their share of the Spoil as common Soldiers : The like for the Auxiliarys . And this upon pain , in the case of failure , of what the People of Oceana ( to whom the Cognizance of Peculat or Crimes of this nature is properly appertaining ) shall adjudg or decree . UPON these three last Orders the ARCHON seem'd to be haranguing at the head of his Army in this manner . My Dear Lords and Excellent Patriots ; A GOVERNMENT of this make is a Commonwealth for Increase . Of those for Preservation , the Inconveniences and Frailtys have bin shewn : Their Roots are narrow , such as do not run , have no Fibers , their tops weak and dangerously expos'd to the weather ; except you chance to find one , as Venice , planted in a Flowerpot ; and if she grows , she grows top-heavy , and falls too . But you cannot plant an Oak in a Flowerpot ; she must have Earth for her Root , and Heaven for her Branches . Imperium Oceano , famam quae terminet astris . ROME was said to be broken by her own weight , but poetically : For that weight by which she was pretended to be ruin'd , was supported in her Emperors by a far slighter Foundation . And in the common experience of good Architecture , there is nothing more known , than that Buildings stand the firmer and the longer for their own weight ; nor ever swerve thro any other internal cause , than that their Materials are corruptible : But the People never dy ; nor , as a political Body , are subject to any other Corruption than that which derives from their Government . Unless a Man will deny the Chain of Causes , in which he denys God , he must also acknowlege the Chain of Effects ; wherfore there can be no effect in Nature , that is not from the first Cause , and those successive Links of the Chain , without which it could not have bin . Now except a Man can shew the contrary in a Commonwealth ; if there be no cause of Corruption in the first make of it , there can never be any such Effect . Let no Man's Superstitition impose Profaneness upon this Assertion ; for as Man is sinful , but yet the Universe is perfect , so may the Citizen be sinful , and yet the Commonwealth be perfect . And as Man , seeing the World is perfect , can never commit any such Sin as shall render it imperfect , or bring it to a natural dissolution ; so the Citizen , where the Common-wealth is perfect , can never commit any such Crime as will render it imperfect , or bring it to a natural dissolution . To com to experience ; Venice , notwithstanding we have found fom flaws in it , is the only Commonwealth in the Make wherof no man can find a cause of dissolution ; for which reason we behold her ( tho she consists of men that are not without sin ) at this day with one thousand Years upon her back , yet for any internal cause , as young , as fresh , and free from decay , or any appearance of it , as she was born : but whatever in nature is not sensible of decay by the course of a thousand Years , is capable of the whole Age of Nature ; by which Calculation , for any check that I am able to give my self , a Commonwealth , rightly order'd , may , for any internal causes , be as immortal or longliv'd as the World. But if this be true , those Commonwealths that are naturally fall'n , must have deriv'd their Ruin from the rise of them . Israel and Athens dy'd not natural but violent deaths ; in which manner the World it self is to dy . We are speaking of those causes of Dissolution which are natural to Government ; and they are but two , either Contradiction or Inequality : If a Commonwealth be a Contradiction , she must needs destroy her self ; and if she be inequal , it tends to strife , and strife to ruin . By the former of these fell Lacedemon , by the latter Rome . Lacedemon being made altogether for War , and yet not for Increase , her natural Progress became her natural Dissolution , and the building of her own victorious Hand too heavy for her Foundation ; so that she fell indeed by her own weight . But Rome perish'd thro her native Inequality , which how it inveterated the Bosoms of the Senat and the People each against other , and even to death , has bin shewn at large . LOOK well to it , my Lords , for if there be a contradiction or inequality in your Commonwealth , it must fall ; but if it has neither of these , it has no principle of Mortality . Do not think me impudent ; if this be truth , I should commit a gross indiscretion in concealing it . Sure I am that MACCHIAVEL is for the immortality of a Commonwealth upon far weaker Principles . If a Commonwealth , says he , were so happy as to be provided often with men , that , when she is swerving from her Principles , should reduce her to her Institution , she would be immortal . But a Commonwealth , as we have demonstrated , swerves not from her Principles , but by and thro her Institution ; if she brought no Biass into the world with her , her course for any internal Cause must be streight forward , as we see is that of Venice . She cannot turn to the right hand , nor to the left , but by som rub , which is not an internal but external cause ; against such she can be no way fortify'd , but thro her Situation , as is Venice ; or thro her Militia , as was Rome : by which Examples a Commonwealth may be secure of those also . Think me not vain , for I cannot conceal my opinion here ; a Commonwealth that is rightly instituted can never swerve , nor one that is not rightly instituted be secur'd from swerving by reduction to her first Principles : Wherfore it is no less apparent in this place , that MACCHIAVEL understood not a Commonwealth as to the whole piece , than where having told you , That a Tribun , or any other Citizen of Rome , might propose a Law to the People , and debate it with them ; he adds , this Order was good , while the People were good ; but when the People became evil , it became most pernicious . As if this Order ( thro which , with the like , the People most apparently became evil ) could ever have bin good ; or that the People , or the Common-wealth could ever have becom good , by being reduc'd to such Principles as were the Original of their Evil. The Disease of Rome was , as has bin shewn , from the native inequality of her Balance , and no otherwise from the Empire of the World , than as , this falling into one Scale , that of the Nobility ( an evil in such a Fabric inevitable ) kick'd out the People . Wherfore a Man that could have made her to throw away the Empire of the World , might in that have reduc'd her to her Principles ; and yet have bin so far from rendring her immortal , that going no further , he should never have cur'd her . But your Commonwealth is founded upon an equal Agrarian ; and if the Earth be given to the Sons of men , this Balance is the Balance of Justice , such a one as in having due regard to the different Industry of different men , yet faithfully judges the Poor . And the King that faithfully judges the Poor , his Throne shall be establish'd for ever ; much more the Commonwealth , seeing that equality which is the necessary dissolution of Monarchy , is the Generation , the very Life and Soul of a Commonwealth . And now , if ever , I may be excusable , seeing my assertion , that the Throne of a Commonwealth may be establish'd for ever , is consonant to the holy Scriptures . THE Balance of a Commonwealth that is equal , is of such a nature , that whatever falls into her Empire , must fall equally ; and if the whole Earth falls into your Scales , it must fall equally ; and so you may be a greater People , and yet not swerve from your Principles one hair . Nay , you will be so far from that , that you must bring the world in such a case to your Balance , even to the Balance of Justice . But hearken , my Lords ; are we on Earth ? do we see the Sun ? or are we visiting those shady places which are feign'd by the Poets ? Continuò auditae voces , vagitus & ingens . These Gothic Empires that are yet in the world , were at the first , tho they had legs of their own , but a heavy and unweildy burden ; but their Foundations being now broken , the Iron of them enters even into the Souls of the Opprest ; and hear the voice of their Comforters : My Father hath chastis'd you with Whips , but I will chastise you with Scorpions . Hearken , I say ; if thy Brother crys to thee in affliction , wilt thou not hear him ? This is a Commonwealth of the Fabric , that has an open ear and a public concern ; she is not made for her self only , but given as a Magistrat of God to Mankind , for the vindication of common Right , and the Law of Nature . Wherfore says CICERO of the like , that of the Romans , * We have rather undertaken the Patronage , than the Empire of the World. If you , not regarding this Example , like som other Nations that are upon the point to smart for it , shall , having attain'd to your own Liberty , bear the Sword of your common Magistracy in vain , sit still , and fold your Arms , or , which is worse , let out the Blood of your People to Tyrants , to be shed in the defence of their Yokes like Water , and so not only turn the Grace of God into wantonness , but his Justice into Wormwood : I say if you do thus , you are not now making a Commonwealth , but heaping coals of fire upon your own heads . A Commonwealth of this make is a Minister of God upon Earth , to the end that the World may be govern'd with Righteousness . For which cause ( that I may com at length to our present business ) the Orders last rehears'd are buds of Empire , such as with the blessing of God may spread the Arms of your Commonwealth , like a holy Asylum , to the distress'd World , and give the Earth her Sabbath of years , or rest from her Labors , under the shadow of your Wings . It is upon this point where the Writings of MACCHIAVEL , having for the rest excel'd all other Authors , com as far to excel themselves . COMMONWEALTHS , says he , have had three ways of propagating themselves , one after the manner of Monarchys , by imposing the Yoke , which was the way of Athens , and towards the latter times of Lacedemon ; another by equal Leagues , which is the way of Switzerland ; ( I shall add of Holland , tho since his time ) a third by inequal Leagues , which , to the shame of the World , was never practis'd , nay nor so much as seen or minded , by any other Common-wealth but that only of Rome . They will each of them , either for caution or imitation , be worthy to be well weigh'd , which is the proper work of this place . Athens and Lacedemon have bin the occasion of great scandal to the world , in two , or at least one of two regards : the first their Emulation , which involv'd Greece in perpetual Wars ; the second their way of Propagation , which by imposing Yokes upon others , was plainly contradictory to their own Principles . FOR the first : Governments , be they of what kind soever , if they be planted too close , are like Trees , that impatient in their growth to have it hinder'd , eat out one another . It was not unknown to these in speculation , or , if you read the story of AGESILAUS , in action , that either of them with thirty thousand men might have master'd the East ; and certainly , if the one had not stood in the others light , ALEXANDER had com too late to that end , which was the means ( and would be if they were to live again ) of ruin , at least to one of them : wherfore with any man that understands the nature of Government this is excusable . So it was between Oceana and Marpesia ; so it is between France and Spain , tho less excusable ; and so it ever will be in the like cases . But to com to the second occasion of Scandal by them given , which was in the way of their propagation , it is not excusable : for they brought their Confederats under bondage ; by which means Athens gave occasion of the Peloponnesian War , the wound of which she dy'd stinking , when Lacedemon , taking the fame Infection from her Carcase , soon follow'd . WHERFORE , my Lords , let these be warnings to you , not to make that Liberty which God has given you a snare to others , in practising this kind of inlargement of your selves . THE second way of Propagation or Inlargement us'd by Commonwealths , is that of Switzerland and Holland , equal Leagues : This , tho it be not otherwise mischievous , is useless to the World , and dangerous to themselves : useless to the World ; for as the former Governments were Storks , these are Blocks , have no sense of Honor , or concern in the Sufferings of others . But as the Aetolians , a State of the like Fabric , were reproach'd by PHILIP of Macedon , to prostitute themselves , by letting out their Arms to the Lusts of others , while they leave their own Liberty barren , and without legitimat issue ; so I do not defame these People : the Switzer for Valor has no Superior , the Hollander for Industry no equal ; but themselves in the mean time shall so much the less excuse their Governments , seeing that to the Switz it is well enough known that the Ensigns of his Commonwealth have no other Motto than in te converte manus : and that of the Hollander , tho he sweats more Gold than the Spaniard digs , lets him languish in debt ; for she her self lives upon charity . These are dangerous to themselves , precarious Governments , such as do not command , but beg their Bread from Province to Province , in Coats that being patch'd up of all colors are in effect of none . That their Cantons and Provinces are so many Arrows , is good ; but they are so many Bows too , which is naught . LIKE to these was the Commonwealth of the antient Tuscans , hung together like Bobbins , without a hand to weave with them ; therfore easily overcom by the Romans , tho at that time , for number , a far less considerable People . If your Liberty be not a Root that grows , it will be a Branch that withers ; which consideration brings me to the Paragon , the Commonwealth of Rome . THE ways and means wherby the Romans acquir'd the Patronage , and in that the Empire of the World , were different , according to the different condition of their Commonwealth in her rise , and in her growth : in her rise she proceded rather by Colonys ; in her growth by inequal Leagues . Colonys without the bounds of Italy she planted none ( such dispersion of the Roman Citizen as to plant him in foren parts , till the contrary Interest of the Emperors brought in that Practice , was unlawful ) nor did she ever demolish any City within that compass , or devest it of Liberty ; but wheras the most of them were Commonwealths , stir'd up by emulation of her great felicity to war against her , if she overcame any , she confiscated som part of their Lands that were the greatest Incendiarys , or causes of the Trouble , upon which she planted Colonys of her own People , preserving the rest of their Lands and Libertys for the Natives or Inhabitants . By this way of proceding , that I may be as brief as possible , she did many and great things . For in confirming of Liberty , she propagated her Empire ; in holding the Inhabitants from Rebellion , she put a curb upon the incursion of Enemys ; in exonerating her self o● the poorer sort , she multiply'd her Citizens ; in rewarding her Veterans , she render'd the rest less seditious ; and in acquiring to her self the reverence of a common Parent , she from time to time became the Mother of newborn Citys . IN her farther growth the way of her Propagation went more upon Leagues , which for the first division were of two kinds , Social and Provincial . AGAIN , Social Leagues , or Leagues of Society , were of two kinds . THE first call'd Latinity or Latin , the second Italian Right . THE League between the Romans and the Latins , or Latin Right , approach'd nearest to Jus Quiritium , or the Right of a native Roman . The Man or the City that was honor'd with this Right , was Civitate donatus cum suffragio , adopted a Citizen of Rome , with the right of giving Suffrage with the People in som cases , as those of Confirmation of Law , or Determination in Judicature , if both the Consuls were agreed , not otherwise ; wherfore that coming to little , the greatest and most peculiar part of this Privilege was , that who had born Magistracy ( at least that of Aedil or Quaestor ) in any Latin City , was by consequence of the same , a Citizen of Rome at all points . ITALIAN Right was also a donation of the City , but without Suffrage : they who were in either of these Leagues , were govern'd by their own Laws and Magistrats , having all the Rights , as to Liberty , of Citizens of Rome , yielding and paying to the Commonwealth as head of the League , and having in the conduct of all Affairs appertaining to the common Cause , such aid of Men and Mony as was particularly agreed to upon the merit of the Cause , and specify'd in their respective Leagues , whence such Leagues came to be call'd equal or inequal accordingly . PROVINCIAL Leagues were of different extension , according to the Merit and Capacity of a conquer'd People ; but they were all of one kind : for every Province was govern'd by Roman Magistrats , as a Praetor or a Proconsul , according to the dignity of the Province , for the Civil Administration and Conduct of the Provincial Army ; and a Quaestor for the gathering of the public Revenue , from which Magistrats a Province might appeal to Rome . FOR the better understanding of these Particulars , I shall exemplify in as many of them as is needful : and first in Macedon . THE Macedonians were thrice conquer'd by the Romans , first under the Conduct of TITUS QUINTUS FLAMINIUS ; secondly , under that of LUCIUS AEMILIUS PAULUS ; and , thirdly , under that of QUINTUS CAECILIUS METELLUS , thence call'd MACEDONICUS . FOR the first time PHILIP of Macedon , who ( possest of Acrocorinthus ) boasted no less than was true , that he had Greece in fetters , being overcom by FLAMINIUS , had his Kingdom restor'd to him , upon condition that he should immediatly set all the Citys which he held in Greece and in Asia at liberty ; and that he should not make war out of Macedon , but by leave of the Senat of Rome ; which PHILIP ( having no other way to save any thing ) agreed should be don accordingly . THE Grecians being at this time assembl'd at the Isthmian Games , where the Concourse was mighty great , a Crier , appointed to the office by FLAMINIUS , was heard among them proclaiming all Greece to be free ; to which the People being amaz'd at so hopeless a thing , gave little credit , till they receiv'd such testimony of the truth as put it past all doubt : wherupon they fell immediatly on running to the Proconsul with Flowers and Garlands , and such violent expressions of their Admiration and Joy , as , if FLAMINIUS , a young man , about thirty three , had not also bin very strong , he must have dy'd of no other death than their kindness , while every one striving to touch his hand , they bore him up and down the field with an unruly throng , full of such Ejaculations as these : How ! Is there a People in the world , that at their own charge , at their own peril , will fight for the Liberty of another ? Did they live at the next door to this fire ? Or what kind of men are these , whose business it is to pass the Seas , that the World may be govern'd with Righteousness ? The Citys of Greece and of Asia shake off their Iron Fetters at the voice of a Cryer ! Was it madness to imagin such a thing , and is it don ? O Virtue ! O Felicity ! O Fame ! IN this Example your Lordships have a donation of Liberty , or of Italian Right to a People , by restitution to what they had formerly injoy'd ; and som particular Men , Familys , or Citys , according to their merit of the Romans , if not upon this , yet upon the like occasions , were gratify'd with Latinity . BUT PHILIP'S share by this means did not please him , wherfore the League was broken by his Son PERSEUS ; and the Macedonians therupon for the second time conquer'd by AEMILIUS PAULUS , their King taken , and they som time after the Victory summon'd to the Tribunal of the General ; where remembring how little hope they ought to have of Pardon , they expected som dreadful Sentence : When AEMILIUS in the first place declar'd the Macedonians to be free , in the full possession of their Lands , Goods , and Laws , with Right to elect annual Magistrats , yielding and paying to the People of Rome one half of the Tribute which they were accustom'd to pay to their own Kings . This don he went on , making so skilful a division of the Country in order to the methodizing of the People , and casting them into a form of popular Government , that the Macedonians , being first surpriz'd with the Virtue of the Romans , began now to alter the scene of their Admiration , that a Stranger should do such things for them in their own Country , and with such facility , as they had never so much as once imagin'd to be possible . Nor was this all , for AEMILIUS , as if not dictating to conquer'd Enemys , but to som well deserving Friends , gave them in the last place Laws so sutable , and contriv'd with such care and prudence , that long use and experience ( the only Correctress of Works of this nature ) could never find a fault in them . IN this Example you have a Donation of Liberty , or of Italian Right , to a People that had not tasted of it before , but were now taught how to use it . MYLORDS , The Royalists should compare what we are doing , and we what hitherto we have don for them , with this example . It is a shame that while we are boasting up our selves above all others , we should yet be so far from imitating such examples as these , that we do not so much as understand that if Government be the Parent of Manners , where there are no Heroic Virtues , there is no Heroic Government . BUT the Macedonians rebelling , at the name of a false PHILIP , the third time against the Romans , were by them judg'd incapable of Liberty , and reduc'd by METELLUS to a Province . NOW wheras it remains , that I explain the nature of a Province , I shall rather chuse that of Sicily , because having bin the first which the Romans made , the descriptions of the rest relate to it . WE have so receiv'd the Sicilian Citys into Amity , says CICERO , that they injoy their antient Laws ; and upon no other condition than of the same obedience to the People of Rome , which they formerly yielded to their own Princes or Superiors . So the Sicilians , wheras they had bin parcel'd out to divers Princes , and into divers States ( the cause of ●perpetual Wars , wherby , hewing one another down , they became Sacrifices to the Ambition of their Neighbors , or of som Invader ) were now receiv'd at the old rate into a new Protection which could hold them , and in which no Enemy durst touch them ; no● was it possible , as the case then stood , for the Sicilians to receive , or for the Romans to give more . A ROMAN Province is defin'd by SIGONIUS , a Region having Provincial Right . Provincial Right in general was to be govern'd by a Roman Praetor , or Consul , in matters at least of State , and of the Militia : And by a Quaestor , whose Office it was to receive the Public Revenue . Provincial Right in particular was different , according to the different Leagues or Agreements between the Commonwealth , and the People reduc'd into a Province . Siculi hoc jure sunt , ut quod civis cum cive agat , domi certet suis legibus ; quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem Civitatis , ut de eo Praetor Judices , ex P. Rupilii Decreto , sortiatur . Quod privatus a Populo petit , aut populus a privato , Senatus ex aliqua Civitate , qui judicet , datur , cui alternae Civitates rejectae sunt . Quod civis Romanus a Sic●lo petit , Siculus Judex datur ; quod Siculus a cive Romano , civis Romanus datur . Caeterarum rerum selecti Judices ex civium Romanorum conventu proponi solent . Inter aratores & decumanos lege frumentaria , quam Hieronicam appellant , judicia siunt . Because the rest would oblige me to a discourse too large for this place , it shall suffice that I have shew'd you how it was in Sicily . MY LORDS , Upon the Fabric of your Provincial Orb I shall not hold you ; because it is sufficiently describ'd in the Order , and I cannot believe that you think it inferior to the way of a Praetor and a Quaestor . But wheras the Provincial way of the Roman Common-wealth was that wherby it held the Empire of the World , and your Orbs are intended to be capable at least of the like use ; there may arise many Controversys : As whether such a course be lawful ; whether it be feizible ; and , seeing that the Romans were ruin'd upon that point , whether it would not be to the destruction of the Commonwealth . FOR the first , If the Empire of a Commonwealth be an occasion to ask whether it be lawful for a Commonwealth to aspire to the Empire of the World , it is to ask whether it be lawful for it to do its duty , or to put the World into a better condition than it was before . AND to ask whether this be feizible , is to ask why the Oceaner , being under the like administration of Government , may not do as much with two hundred men as the Roman did with one hundred ; for comparing their Commonwealths in their rise , the difference is yet greater . Now that Rome ( seris Avaritia Luxuriaque ) thro the natural thirst of her constitution , came at length with the fulness of her Provinces to burst her self , this is no otherwise to be understood , than as when a man that from his own evil Constitution had contracted the Dropsy , dys with drinking : It being apparent that in case her Agrarian had held , she could never have bin thus ruin'd ; and I have already demonstrated that your Agrarian being once pois'd , can never break or swerve . WHERFORE to draw towards som conclusion of this Discourse , let me inculcat the use , by selecting a few Considerations out of many . The regard had in this place to the Empire of the World appertains to a well-order'd Commonwealth , more especially for two reasons . 1. THE facility of this great Enterprize , by a Government of the Model propos'd . 2. THE danger that you would run in the omission of such a Government . THE facility of this Enterprize , upon the grounds already laid , must needs be great , forasmuch as the Empire of the World has bin , both in Reason and Experience , the necessary consequence of a Commonwealth of this nature only : for tho it has bin given to all kinds to drive at it , since that of Athens or Lacedemon , if the one had not hung in the others light , might have gain'd it ; yet could neither of them have held it : not Athens , thro the manner of her propagation , which , being by downright Tyranny , could not preserve what she had ; nor Lacedemon , because she was overthrown by the weight of a less Conquest . The facility then of this great Enterprize being peculiar to popular Government , I shall consider it , first , In gaining ; and secondly , In holding . FOR the former , Volenti non sit injuria ; it is said of the People under EUMENES , that they would not have chang'd their subjection for Liberty ; wherfore the Romans gave them no disturbance . If a People be contented with their Government , it is a certain sign that it is good , and much good do them with it . The Sword of your Magistracy is for a terror to them that do evil . EUMENES had the sear of God , or of the Romans before his eys ; concerning such he has given you no Commission . BUT till we can say here are the Romans , where is EUMENES ? Do not think that the late appearances of God to you have bin altogether for your selves ; he has surely seen the Affliction of your Brethren , and heard their cry by reason of their Taskmasters . For to believe otherwise , is not only to be mindless of his ways , but altogether deaf . If you have ears to hear , this is the way in which you will certainly be call'd upon : For if , while there is no stock of Liberty , no sanctuary of the afflicted , it be a common object to behold a People casting themselves out of the Pan of one Prince into the Fire of another ; what can you think , but if the World should see the Roman Eagle again , she would renew her age , and her slight ? Nor did ever she spread her Wings with better Omen , than will be read in your Ensigns ; which if , call'd in by an oppress'd People , they interpose between them and their Yoke , the People themselves must either do nothing in the mean time , or have no more pains to take for their wish'd Fruit than to gather it , if that be not likewise don for them . Wherfore this must needs be easy , and yet you have a greater facility than is in the arm of flesh ; for if the Cause of Mankind be the Cause of God , the Lord of Hosts will be your Captain , and you shall be a Praise to the whole Earth . THE facility of Holding is in the way of your Propagation ; if you take that of Athens and Lacedemon , you shall rain Snares ; but either catch , or hold nothing . Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord : If setting up for Liberty , you impose Yokes , he will infallibly destroy you . On the other side , to go about a work of this nature by a League without a Head , is to abdicat that Magistracy , wherwith he has not only indu'd you , but wherof he will require an account of you ; for , curs'd is he that dos the Work of the Lord negligently . Wherfore you are to take the course of Rome : if you have subdu'd a Nation that is capable of Liberty , you shall make them a present of it , as did FLAMINIUS to Greece , and AEMILIUS to Macedon , reserving to your selves som part of that Revenue which was legally paid to the former Government , together with the right of being Head of the League , which includes such Levys of Men and Mony as shall be necessary for the carrying on of the Public Work. For if a People have by your means attain'd to freedom , they ow both to the Cause and you , such Aid as may propagat the like Fruit to the rest of the World. But wheras every Nation is not capable of her Liberty to this degree , lest you be put to doing and undoing of things , as the Romans were in Macedon , you shall diligently observe what Nation is fit for her Liberty to this degree , and what not : Which is to be don by two Marks , the first if she be willing to help the Lord against the Mighty ; for if she has no care of the Liberty of Mankind , she deserves not her own . But because in this you may be deceiv'd by Pretences , which , continuing for a while specious , may afterwards vanish ; the other is more certain , and that is if she be capable of an equal Agrarian ; which that it was not observ'd by excellent AEMILIUS in his donation of Liberty , and introduction of a Popular State among the Macedonians , I am more than mov'd to believe for two reasons : the first , because at the same time the Agrarian was odious to the Roman Patricians ; the second , that the PSEUDO-PHILIP could afterwards so easily recover Macedon , which could not have happen'd but by the Nobility , and their impatience , having great Estates , to be equal'd with the People ; for that the People should otherwise , at the mere sound of a Name , have thrown away their Liberty , is incredible . Wherfore be assur'd , that the Nation where you cannot establish an equal Agrarian , is incapable of its Liberty as to this kind of Donation . For example , except the Aristocracy in Marpesia be dissolv'd , neither can that People have their Liberty there , nor you govern at home ; for they continuing still liable to be sold by their Lords to foren Princes , there will never ( especially in a Country of which there is no other profit to be made ) be want of such Merchants and Drovers , while you must be the Market where they are to receive their second Payment . NOR can the Aristocracy there be dissolv'd but by your means , in relation wherto you are provided with your Provincial Orb ; which being proportion'd to the measure of the Nation that you have vindicated or conquer'd , will easily hold it : for there is not a People in the World more difficult to be held than the Marpesians , which tho by themselves it be ascrib'd to their own nature , is truly to be attributed to that of their Country . Nevertheless you having nine thousand men upon the continual guard of it , that , threaten'd by any sudden insurrection , have places of retreat ; and an Army of forty thousand men upon a days warning ready to march to their rescue ; it is not to be rationally shewn which way they can possibly slip out of your hands . And if a man shall think that upon a Province more remote , and divided by the Sea , you have not the like hold , he has not so well consider'd your Wings as your Talons , your shipping being of such a nature , as makes the descent of your Armys almost of equal facility in any Country : so that what you take you hold , both because your Militia , being already populous , will be of great growth in it self ; and also thro your Confederats , by whom in taking and holding you are still more inabled to do both . NOR shall you easilier hold , than the People under your Empire or Patronage may be held . My Lords , I would not go to the door to see whether it be close shut ; this is no underhand dealing , nor a game at which he shall have any advantage against you who sees your Cards , but on the contrary the Advantage shall be your own : for with eighteen thousand men ( which number I put , because it circulats your Orb by the annual change of six thousand ) having establish'd your matters in the order shewn , you will be able to hold the greatest Province ; and eighteen thousand men , allowing them greater pay than any Prince ever gave , will not stand the Province in one million Revenue ; * in consideration wherof , they shall have their own Estates free to themselves , and be govern'd by their own Laws and Magistrats ; which , if the Revenue of the Province be in dry Rent ( as there may be som that are four times as big as Oceana ) forty millions , will bring it with that of Industry , to speak with the least , to twice the value : So that the People there , who at this day are so opprest that they have nothing at all wheron to live , shall for one Million paid to you , receive at least seventy nine to their proper use : in which place I appeal to any man , whether the Empire describ'd can be other than the Patronage of the World. NOW if you add to the propagation of Civil Liberty ( so natural to this Commonwealth that it cannot be omitted ) the propagation of the Liberty of Conscience , this Empire , this Patronage of the World is the Kingdom of Christ : For as the Kingdom of God the Father was a Commonwealth , so shall be the Kingdom of God the Son ; The People shall be willing in the day of his Power . HAVING shew'd you in this and other places , som of those inestimable Benefits of this kind of Government , together with the natural and facil Emanation of them from their Fountain , I com ( lest God , who has appear'd to you , for he is the God of Nature , in the glorious Constellation of these subordinat Causes , wherof we have hitherto bin taking the true Elevation , should shake off the dust of his Feet against you ) to warn you of the Dangers which you , not taking the opportunity , will incur by omission . MACCHIAVEL speaking of the defect of Venice , thro her want of proper Arms , crys out , † This cut her Wings , and spoil'd her mount to Heaven . If you lay your Commonwealth upon any other Foundation than the People , you frustrat your self of proper Arms , and so lose the Empire of the World ; nor is this all , but som other Nation will have it . COLVMBVS offer'd Gold to one of your Kings , thro whose happy incredulity another Prince has drunk the Poison , even to the consumption of his People ; but I do not offer you a Nerve of War that is made of Pursestrings , such a one as has drawn the face of the Earth into Convulsions , but such as is natural to her Health and Beauty . Look you to it , where there is tumbling and tossing upon the bed of sickness , it must end in death or recovery . Tho the People of the World , in the dregs of the Gothic Empire , be yet tumbling and tossing upon the bed of sickness , they cannot dy ; nor is there any means of recovery for them but by antient prudence , whence of necessity it must com to pass , that this Drug be better known . If France , Italy , and Spain , were not all sick , all corrupted together , there would be none of them so ; for the sick would not be able to withstand the sound , nor the sound to preserve their health without curing of the sick . The first of these Nations ( which , if you stay her leisure , will in my mind be France ) that recovers the health of antient Prudence , shall certainly govern the World ; for what did Italy when she had it ? And as you were in that , so shall you in the like case be reduc'd to a Province ; I do not speak at random . Italy , in the Consulship of LUCIUS AEMILIUS PAPUS , and CAIUS ATILIUS REGULUS , arm'd upon the Gallic Tumult that then happen'd of her self , and without the Aid of foren Auxiliarys , seventy thousand Horse , and seven hundred thousand Foot : But as Italy is the least of those three Countrys in extent , so is France now the most populous . I , decus , I , nostrum , melioribus utere fatis . MY dear Lords , Oceana is as the Rose of Sharon , and the Lilly of the Vally . As the Lilly among Thorns , such is my Love among the Daughters . She is comly as the Tents of Kedar , and terrible as an Army with Banners . Her Neck is as the Tower of David , builded for an Armory , wheron there hang a thousand Bucklers and Shields of mighty Men. Let me hear thy Voice in the morning , whom my Soul loves . The South has drop'd , and the West is breathing upon thy Garden of Spices . Arise , Queen of the Earth , Arise , holy Spouse of Jesus ; for lo the Winter is past , the Rain is over and gon ; the Flowers appear on the Earth , the time for the singing of Birds is com , and the Voice of the Turtle is heard in our Land. Arise , I say , com forth , and do not tarry : Ah! wherfore should my eys behold thee by the Rivers of Babylon , hanging thy Harps upon the Willows , thou fairest among Women ? EXCELLENT PATRIOTS ; If the People be Soverain , here is that which establishes their Prerogative : If we be sincere , here is that which disburdens our Souls , and makes good all our Ingagements : If we he charitable , here is that which imbraces all Partys : If we would be settl'd , here is that which will stand , and last for ever . IF our Religion be any thing else but a vain boast , scratching and defacing human Nature or Reason , which , being the Image of God , makes it a kind of Murder ; here is that Empire whence Justice shall run down like a River , and Judgment like a mighty Stream . Who is it then that calls us ? or what is in our way ? a Lion ! is it not the Dragon that old Serpent ? for what wretched shifts are these ? Here is a great deal , might we not have som of this at one time , and som at another ? MY LORDS , permit me to give you the Sum , or brief Epitome of the whole Commonwealth . THE Center or Fundamental Laws are , first , the Agrarian , proportion'd at two thousand Pounds a Year in Land , ●ying and being within the proper Territory of Oceana , and stating Property in Land at such a balance , that the Power can never swerve out of the hands of the Many . SECONDLY , The Ballot conveying this equal Sap from the Root , by an equal Election or Rotation , into the Branches of Magistracy or Soverain Power . THE Orbs of this Commonwealth being Civil , Military or Provincial , are , as it were , cast upon this Mold or Center by the Divisions of the People ; First into Citizens and Servants : Secondly , into Youth and Elders : Thirdly , into such as have one hundred Pounds a year in Lands , Goods or Monys , who are of the Horse ; and such as have under , who are of the Foot : Fourthly , they are divided by their usual residence , into Parishes , Hundreds , and Tribes . THE Civil Orbs consist of the Elders , and are thus created ; every Monday next insuing the last of December , the Elders in every Parish elect the fifth man to be a Deputy ; which is but half a days work : every Monday next insuing the last of January , the Deputys meet at their respective Hundred , and elect out of their number one Justice of the Peace , one Juryman , one Coroner , and one High Constable of the Foot ; one days work . EVERY Monday next insuing the last of February , the Hundreds meet at their respective Tribe , and there elect the Lords High Sherif , Lieutenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Conductor , the two Censors out of the Horse , the Magistrats of the Tribe and of the Hundreds , with the Jury-men constituting the Phylarch , and who assist in their respective Offices at the Assizes , hold the Quarter Sessions , &c. The day following the Tribe elects the annual Galaxy , consisting of two Knights , and three Deputys out of the Horse , with four Deputys out of the Foot , therby indu'd with Power , as Magistrats of the whole Nation , for the term of three years . An Officer chosen at the Hundred may not be elected a Magistrat of the Tribe ; but a Magistrat or Officer either of the Hundred or of the Tribe , being elected into the Galaxy , may substitute any one of his own Order to his Magistracy or Office in the Hundred , or in the Tribe . This of the Muster is two days work . So the body of the People is annually , at the charge of three days work and a half , in their own Tribes , for the perpetuation of their Power , receiving over and above the Magistracys so divided among them . EVERY Monday next insuing the last of March , the Knights , being a Hundred in all the Tribes , take their places in the Senat ; the Knights , having taken their places in the Senat , make the third Region of the same ; and the House procedes to the Senatorian Elections . Senatorian Elections are annual , biennial , or emergent . THE annual are perform'd by the Tropic . THE Tropic is a Scedule consisting of two parts ; the first by which the Senatorian Magistrats are elected ; and the second , by which the Senatorian Councils are perpetuated . THE first part is of this Tenor. THE Lord Strategus , Annual Magistrats , and therfore such as may be elected out of any Region ; the term of every Region having at the Tropic one year at the least unexpir'd . THE Lord Orator , THE first Censor , THE second Censor , THE third Commissioner of the Seal , Triennial Magistrats , and therfore such as can be chosen out of the third Region only , as that alone which has the term of three years unexpir'd . THE third Commissioner of the Treasury , THE Strategus and the Orator sitting , are Consuls , or Presidents of the Senat. THE Strategus marching is General of the Army , in which case a new Strategus is elected to sit in his room . THE Strategus sitting with the six Commissioners , being Counsillors of the Nation , are the Signory of the Commonwealth . THE Censors are Magistrats of the Ballot , Presidents of the Council for Religion , and Chancellors of the Vniversitys . THE second part of the Tropic perpetuats the Council of State , by the election of five Knights out of the first Region of the Senat , to be the first Region of that Council consisting of fifteen Knights , five in every Region . THE like is don by the election of four into the Council of Religion , and four into the Council of Trade , out of the same Region in the Senat ; each of these Councils consisting of twelve Knights , four in every Region . BVT the Council of War consisting of nine Knights , three in every Region , is elected by and out of the Council of State , as the other Councils are elected by and out of the Senat. And if the Senat add a Juncta of nine Knights more , elected out of their own number , for the term of three months , the Council of War , by virtue of that addition , is Dictator of Oceana for the said term . THE Signory jointly or severally has right of Session and Suffrage in every Senatorian Council , and to propose either to the Senat , or any of them . And every Region in a Council electing one weekly Provost , any two of those Provosts have Power also to propose to their respective Council , as the proper and peculiar Proposers of the same : for which cause they hold an Academy , where any man either by word of mouth , or writing , may propose to the Proposers . NEXT to the Elections of the Tropic is the biennial Election of one Embassador in ordinary , by the Ballot of the House , to the Residence of France ; at which time the Resident of France removes to Spain , he of Spain to Venice , he of Venice to Constantinople , and he of Constantinople returns . So the Orb of the Residents is wheel'd about in eight years , by the biennial Election of one Embassador in Ordinary . THE last kind of Election is emergent . Emergent Elections are made by the Scrutiny . Election by Scrutiny is when a Competitor being made by a Council , and brought into the Senat , the Senat chuses four more Competitors to him ; and putting all five to the Ballot , he who has most above half the Suffrages , is the Magistrat . The Polemarchs or Fi●ld Officers are chosen by the Scrutiny of the Council of War ; an Embassador Extraordinary by the Scrutiny of the Council of State ; the Judges and Serjeants at Law by the Scrutiny of the Seal ; and the Barons and prime Officers of the Exchequer , by the Scrutiny of the Treasury . THE Opinion or Opinions that are legitimatly propos'd to any Council must be debated by the same , and so many as are resolv'd upon the Debate are introduc'd into the Senat , where they are debated and resolv'd , or rejected by the whole House : that which is resolv'd by the Senat is a Decree , which is good in matters of State , but no Law , except it be propos'd to , and resolv'd by the Prerogative . THE Deputys of the Galaxy being three Horse and four Foot in a Tribe , amount in all the Tribes to one hundred and fifty Horse , and two hundred Foot ; which , having enter'd the Prerogative , and chosen their Captains , Cornet and Ensign ( triennial Officers ) make the third Classis , consisting of one Troop , and one Company ; and so joining with the whole Prerogative , elect four annual Magistrats , call'd Tribuns , wherof two are of the Horse , and two of the Foot. These have the Command of the Prerogative Sessions , and Suffrage in the Council of War , and Sessions without Suffrage in the Senat. THE Senat having past a Decree which they would propose to the People , cause it to be printed and publish'd , or promulgated for the space of six weeks ; which being order'd , they chuse their Proposers . The Proposers must be Magistrats , that is , the Commissioners of the Seal , those of the Treasury , or the Censors . These being chosen , desire the Muster of the Tribuns , and appoint the day . The People being assembl'd at the day appointed , and the Decree propos'd , that which is propos'd by authority of the Senat , and commanded by the People , is the Law of Oceana , or an Act of Parlament . SO the Parlament of Oceana consists of the Senat proposing , and the People resolving . THE People or Prerogative are also the Supreme Judicatory of this Nation , having Power of hearing and determining all Causes of Appeal from all Magistrats , or Courts Provincial , or Domestic ; as also to question any Magistrat , the term of his Magistracy being expir'd , if the Case be introduc'd by the Tribuns , or any one of them . THE Military Orbs consist of the Youth , that is , such as are from eighteen to thirty years of Age ; and are created in the following manner . EVERY Wednesday next insuing the last of December , the Youth of every Parish assembling , elect the fifth of their number to be their Deputys ; the Deputys of the Youth are call'd Stratiots , and this is the first Essay . EVERY Wednesday next insuing the last of January , the Stratiots assembling at the Hundred , elect their Captain and their Ensign , and fall to their Games and Sports . EVERY Wednesday next insuing the last of February , the Stratiots are receiv'd by the Lord Lieutenant their Commander in Chief , with the Conductors and the Censors ; and , having bin disciplin'd and entertain'd with other Games , are call'd to the Vrns , where they elect the second Essay , consisting of two hundred Horse and six hundred Foot in a Tribe ; that is , of ten thousand Horse , and thirty thousand Foot in all the Tribes , which is the Standing Army of this Nation , to march at any warning . They also elect at the same time a part of the third Essay , by the mixture of Balls marked with the letter M , and the letter P , for Marpesia and Panopea ; they of either mark being ten Horse and fifty Foot in a Tribe , that is , five hundred Horse and two thousand five hundred Foot in all the Tribes , which are forthwith to march to their respective Provinces . BVT the third Essay of this Nation more properly so call'd , is when the Strategus with the Polemarchs ( the Senat and the People , or the Dictator having decreed a War ) receive in return of his Warrants the second Essay from the hands of the Conductors at the Rendevous of Oceana ; which Army marching with all Accommodations provided by the Council of War , the Senat elects a new Strategus , and the Lords Lieutenants a new second Essay . A YOVTH , except he be an only Son , refusing any one of his three Essays , without sufficient cause shewn to the Phylarch or the Censors , is incapable of Magistracy , and is fin'd a fifth part of his yearly Rent , or of his Estate , for Protection . In case of Invasion the Elders are oblig'd to like duty with the Youth , and upon their own charge . THE Provincial Orb consisting in part of the Elders , and in part of the Youth , is thus created . FOVR Knights out of the first Region falling , are elected in the Senat to be the first Region of the Provincial Orb of Marpesia ; these being triennial Magistrats , take their places in the Provincial Council , consisting of twelve Knights , four in every Region , each Region chusing their weekly Provosts of the Council thus constituted . One Knight more chosen out of the same Region in the Senat , being an annual Magistrat , is President , with Power to propose ; and the Opinions propos'd by the President , or any two of the Provosts , are debated by the Council , and , if there be occasion of farther Power or Instruction than they yet have , transmitted to the Council of State , with which the Provincial is to hold Intelligence . THE President of this Council is also Strategus , or General of the Provincial Army ; wherfore the Conductors upon notice of his Election , and appointment of his Rendevous , deliver to him the Stratiots of his Letter , which he takes with him into his Province : and the Provincial Army having receiv'd the new Strategus with the third Classis , the Council dismisses the old Strategus with the first Classis . The like is don for Panopea , or any other Province . BVT wheras the term of every other Magistracy or Election in this Commonwealth , whether annual or triennial , requires an equal Vacation , the term of a Provincial Counsillor or Magistrat requires no Vacation at all . The Quorum of a Provincial , as also that of every other Council and Assembly , requires two thirds in a time of health , and one third in a time of sickness . I THINK I have omitted nothing but the Props and Scaffolds , which are not of use but in building . And how much is here ? Shew me another Commonwealth in this compass ? How many things ? Shew me another intire Government consisting but of thirty Orders . If you now go to Law with any body , there ly to som of our Courts two hundred Original Writs : If you stir your hand , there go more Nerves and Bones to that motion : If you play , you have more Cards in the pack ; nay you could not sit with your ease in that Chair , if it consisted not of more parts . Will you not then allow to your Legislator , what you can afford your Upholdster ; or to the Throne , what is necessary to a Chair ? MY LORDS , If you will have fewer Orders in a Common-wealth , you will have more ; for where she is not perfect at first , every day , every hour will produce a new Order , the end wherof is to have no Order at all , but to grind with the clack of som Demagog . Is he providing already for his golden Thum ? Lift up your heads ; Away with Ambition , that fulsom complexion of a Statesman , temper'd , like SYLLA'S , with blood and muck . And the Lord give to his Senators Wisdom ; and make our faces to shine , that we may be a Light to them that sit in darkness and the shadow of death , to guide their feet in the way of Peace . — In the name of God , what 's the matter ! — PHILADELPHUS the Secretary of the Council having perform'd his task in reading the several Orders as you have seen , upon the receit of a Packet from his Correspondent BOCCALINI , Secretary of Parnassus , in reading one of the Letters , burst forth into such a violent passion of weeping and downright howling , that the Legislators being startled with the apprehension of som horrid news ; one of them had no sooner snatch'd the Letter out of his hand , than the rest crying , Read , Read , he obey'd in this manner . THE 3d instant his Phoebean Majesty having taken the nature of Free States into his Royal consideration , and being steddily perswaded that the Laws in such Governments are incomparably better and more surely directed to the good of Mankind than in any other ; that the Courage of such a People is the aptest tinder to noble fire ; that the Genius of such a Soil is that wherin the roots of good Literature are least worm-eaten with Pedantism , and where their Fruits have ever com to the greatest maturity and highest relish ; conceiv'd such a loathing of their Ambition and Tyranny , who , usurping the liberty of their native Countrys , becom slaves to themselves , inasmuch as ( be it never so contrary to their own Nature or Consciences ) they have taken the earnest of Sin , and are ingag'd to persecute all Men that are good with the same or greater rigor than is ordain'd by Laws for the wicked : For * none ever administer'd that Power by good , which he purchas'd by ill Arts : PHOEBUS , I say , having consider'd this , assembl'd all the Senators residing in the learned Court at the Theater of MELPOMENE , where he caus'd CAESAR the Dictator to com upon the stage , and his Sister ACTIA , his Nephew AUGUSTUS , JULIA his Daughter , with the Children which she had by MARCUS AGRIPPA , LUCIUS and CAIUS CAESARS , AGRIPPA POSTHUMUS , JULIA , and AGRIPPINA , with the numerous Progeny which she bore to her renown'd Husband GERMANICUS , to enter . A miserable Scene in any , but most deplorable in the eys of CAESAR , thus beholding what havock his prodigious Ambition , not satisfy'd with his own bloody Ghost , had made upon his more innocent Remains , even to the total extinction of his Family . For it is ( seeing where there is any humanity , there must be som compassion ) not to be spoken without tears , that of the full branches deriving from OCTAVIA the elder Sister , and JULIA the Daughter of AUGUSTUS , there should not be one fruit or blossom that was not cut off or blasted by the Sword , Famin , or Poison . Now might the great Soul of CAESAR have bin full ; and yet that which pour'd in as much or more , was to behold that execrable race of the CLAUDII , having hunted and suck'd his Blood with the thirst of Tigers , to be rewarded with the Roman Empire , and remain in full possession of that famous Patrimony : a Spectacle to pollute the Light of Heaven ! Nevertheless as if CAESAR had not yet enough , his Phoebean Majesty caus'd to be introduc'd on the other side of the Theater , the most illustrious and happy Prince ANDREA DORIA , with his dear Posterity , imbrac'd by the soft and constant arms of the City of Genoa , into whose bosom , ever fruitful in her gratitude , he had dropt her fair LIBERTY like the dew of Heaven ; which when the Roman Tyrant beheld , and how much more fresh that Laurel was worn with a firm root in the Hearts of the People , than that which he had torn off , he fell into such a horrid distortion of limbs and countenance , that the Senators who had thought themselves steel and flint at such an object , having hitherto stood in their reverend snowlike thawing Alps , now cover'd their faces with their large sleeves . MY Lords , said the ARCHON rising , witty PHILADELPHUS has given us a grave admonition in a dreadful Tragedy . Discite justitiam moniti , & non temnere Divos . Great and glorious Caesar , the highest character of flesh , yet could not rule but by that part of Man which is the beast : but a Commonwealth is a Monarchy ; to her God is King , in as much as Reason , his dictat , is her Soverain Power . WHICH said , he adjourn'd the Council . And the Model was soon after promulgated . Quod bonum , foelix , faustumque sit huic Reipublicae . Agite Quirites , censuere Patres , jubeat Populus : The Sea roar'd , and the Floods clapt their hands . LIBERTAS . The Proclamation of his Highness the Lord ARCHON of OCEANA upon Promulgation of the Model . WHeras his Highness and the Council , in the framing of the Model promulgated , have not had any privat interest , or ambition , but the fear of God , and the good of this People before their eys ; and it remains their desire that this great Work may be carry'd on accordingly : This present greeting is to inform the good People of this Land , that as the Council of Prytans sat during the framing of the Model , to receive from time to time such Propositions as should be offer'd by any wisehearted or public spirited man , towards the institution of a well order'd Commonwealth , so the said Council is to sit as formerly in the great Hall of the Pantheon during Promulgation ( which is to continue for the space of three months ) to receive , weigh , and , as there shall be occasion , transmit to the Council of Legislators , all such Objections as shall be made against the said Model , whether in the whole , or in any part . Wherf●re , that nothing be don rashly , or without consent of the People , such , of what party soever , with whom there may remain any doubts o● difficultys , are desir'd with all convenient speed to address themselves to the said Prytans ; where , if such objections , doubts , or difficultys receive solution to the satisfaction of the Auditory , they shall have public thanks : but if the said objections , doubts or difficultys , receive no solution to the satisfaction of the Auditory , then the Model promulgated shall be reviewed , and the party that was the occasion of the review , shall receive public thanks , together with the best Horse in his Highness's Stable , and be one of the Council of Legislators . And so God have you in his keeping . I SHOULD now write the same Council of the Prytans , but for two reasons ; the one , that having had but a small time for that which is already don , I am overlabor'd ; the other , that there may be new Objections . Wherfore if my Reader has any such as to the Model , I intreat him to address himself by way of Oration , as it were , to the Prytans , that when this rough draught coms to be a work , his Speech being faithfully inserted in this place , may give , or receive correction to amendment : For what is written will be weigh'd . But Conversation , in these days , is a game , at which they are best provided that have light Gold : It is like the sport of Women that make Flowers of straws , which must be stuck up , but may not be touch'd . Nor , which is worse , is this the fault of Conversation only : But to the Examiner , I say , If to invent method , and to teach an art , be all one , let him shew that this Method is not truly invented , or this Art is faithfully taught . I CANNOT conclude a Circle ( and such is this Common-wealth ) without turning the end into the beginning . The time of Promulgation being expir'd , the Surveyors were sent down , who having in due season made report that their work was perfect , the Orators follow'd ; under the administration of which Officers and Magistrats the Commonwealth was ratify'd and establish'd by the whole body of the People , in their * Parochial , Hundred , and County Assemblys . And the Orators being , by virtue of their Scrols or Lots , Members of their respective Tribes , were elected each the first Knight of the third List , or Galaxy : wherfore having at their return assisted the ARCHON in putting the Senat , and the People or Prerogative into motion , they abdicated the Magistracy both of Orators and Legislators . The COROLLARY . FOR the rest ( says PLUTARCH , closing up the story of LYCURGUS ) when he saw that his Government had taken root , and was in the very Plantation strong enough to stand by it self , he conceiv'd such a delight within him , as GOD is describ'd by PLATO to have don when he had finish'd the Creation of the World , and saw his own Orbs move below him : For in the Art of Man ( being the imitation of Nature , which is the ‖ Art of GOD ) there is nothing so like the first call of beautiful Order out of Chaos and Confusion , as the Architecture of a welorder'd Commonwealth . Wherfore LYCURGUS seeing in effect , that his Orders were good , fell into deep Contemplation how he might render them , so far as could be effected by human Providence , inalterable and immortal . To which end he assembl'd the People , and remonstrated to them , That for ought he could perceive , their Policy was already such , and so well establish'd , as was sufficient to intail upon them and theirs all that Virtue and Felicity wherof human Life is capable : Nevertheless that there being another thing of greater concern than all the rest , wherof he was not yet provided to give them a perfect account , nor could , till he had consulted the Oracle of APOLLO , he desir'd that they would observe his Laws without any change or alteration whatsoever , till his return from Delphos ; to which all the People chearfully and unanimously ingag'd themselves by promise , desiring him that he would make as much hast as he could . But LYCURGUS before he went , began with the Kings and the Senators , and thence taking the whole People in order , made them all swear to that which they had promis'd , and then took his Journy . Being arriv'd at Delphos , he sacrific'd to APOLLO , and afterwards inquir'd if the Policy which he had establish'd , was good and sufficient for a virtuous and a happy Life ? By the way , it has bin a Maxim with Legislators not to give checks to the present Superstition , but to make the best use of it , as that which is always the most powerful with the People ; otherwise tho PLUTARCH being a Priest , was interested in the cause , there is nothing plainer than CICERO in his Book De Divinatione has made it , that there was never any such thing as an Oracle , except in the cunning of the Priests . But to be civil to the Author , The God answer'd to LYCURGUS , that his Policy was exquisit , and that his City , holding to the strict observation of his form of Government , should attain to the height of fame and glory . Which Oracle LYCURGUS causing to be written , fail'd not of transmitting to his Lacedemon . This don , that his Citizens might be for ever inviolably bound by their Oath , that they would alter nothing till his return , he took so firm a resolution to dy in the place , that from thenceforward receiving no manner of Food , he soon after perform'd it accordingly . Nor was he deceiv'd in the consequence ; for his City became the first in glory and excellency of Government in the whole World. And so much for LYCURGUS according to PLUTARCH . MY Lord ARCHON when he beheld not only the rapture of motion , but of joy and harmony , into which his Spheres ( without any manner of obstruction or interfering , but as if it had bin naturally ) were cast , conceiv'd not less of exultation in his Spirit ; but saw no more necessity or reason why he should administer an Oath to the Senat and the People that they would observe his Institutions , than to a Man in perfect health and felicity of Constitution , that he would not kill himself . Nevertheless wheras Christianity , tho it forbids violent hands , consists no less in selfdenial than any other Religion , he resolv'd that all unreasonable Desires should dy upon the spot ; to which end that no manner of food might be left to Ambition , he enter'd into the Senat with a unanimous Applause , and having spoken of his Government as LYCURGUS did when he assembl'd the People , he abdicated the Magistracy of ARCHON . The Senat , as struck with astonishment , continu'd silent ; Men upon so sudden an Accident being altogether unprovided of what to say ; till the ARCHON withdrawing , and being almost at the door , divers of the Knights flew from their Places , offering as it were to lay violent hands on him , while he escaping left the Senat with the tears in their Eys of Children that had lost their Father ; and to rid himself of all farther importunity , retir'd to a Country House of his , being remote , and very privat , in so much that no man could tell for som time what was becom of him . Thus the Lawmaker happen'd to be the first object and reflection of the Law made : For as Liberty of all things is the most welcom to a People , so is there nothing more abhorrent from their nature than Ingratitude . We , accusing the Roman People of this Crime against som of their greatest Benefactors , as CAMILLUS , heap mistake upon mistake ; for being not so competent Judges of what belongs to Liberty as they were , we take upon us to be more competent Judges of Virtue . And wheras Virtue , for being a vulgar thing among them , was of no less rate than Jewels are with such as wear the most ; we are selling this precious Stone , which we have ignorantly rak'd out of the Roman ruins , at such a rate as the Switzers did that which they took in the Baggage of CHARLES of Burgundy . For that CAMILLUS had stood more firm against the ruin of Rome than her Capitol , was acknowleg'd ; but on the other side that he stood as firm for the Patricians against the Liberty of the People , was as plain : wherfore he never wanted those of the People that would dy at his foot in the Field , nor that would withstand him to his beard in the City . An example in which they that think CAMILLUS had wrong , neither do themselves right , nor the People of Rome ; who in this signify no less than that they had a scorn of Slavery beyond the sear of Ruin , which is the height of Magnanimity . The like might be shewn by other examples objected against this , and other Popular Governments , as in the Banishment of ARISTIDES the Just from Athens , by the Ostracism , which , first , was no punishment , nor ever understood for so much as a disparagement ; but tended only to the Security of the Commonwealth , thro the removal of a Citizen ( whose Riches or Power with a Party was suspected ) out of harms way for the space of ten years , neither to the diminution of his Estate or Honor. And next , tho the virtue of ARISTIDES might in it self be unquestion'd , yet for him under the name of the Just to becom Universal Umpire of the People in all cases , even to the neglect of the legal ways and orders of the Commonwealth , approach'd so much to the Prince , that the Athenians , doing ARISTIDES no wrong , did their Government no more than right in removing him ; which therfore is not so probable to have com to pass , as PLUTARCH presumes , thro the envy of THEMISTOCLES , seeing ARISTIDES was far more popular than THEMISTOCLES , who soon after took the same walk upon a worse occasion . Wherfore as MACCHIAVEL , for any thing since alleg'd , has irrefragably prov'd that Popular Governments are of all others the least ingrateful ; so the obscurity , I say , into which my Lord ARCHON had now withdrawn himself , caus'd a universal sadness and cloud in the minds of Men upon the glory of his rising Commonwealth . MUCH had bin ventilated in privat discourse , and the People ( for the Nation was yet divided into Partys that had not lost their animositys ) being troubl'd , bent their eys upon the Senat , when , after som time spent in devotion , and the solemn action of Thanksgiving , his Excellency NAVARCHUS DE PARALO in the Tribe of Dorean , Lord Strategus of Oceana ( tho in a new Commonwealth a very prudent Magistrat ) propos'd his part or opinion in such a manner to the Council of State , that passing the Ballot of the same with great unanimity and applause , it was introduc'd into the Senat , where it past with greater . Wherfore the Decree being forthwith printed and publish'd , Copys were return'd by the Secretarys to the Phylarchs ( which is the manner of Promulgation ) and the Commissioners of the Seal , that is to say , the Right Honorable PHOSPHORUS DE AUGE in the Tribe of Eudia , DOLABELLA D' ENYO in the Tribe of Turmae , and LINCEUS DE STELLA in the Tribe of Nubia , being elected Proposers pro tempore , bespoke of the Tribuns a Muster of the People to be held that day six weeks , which was the time allow'd for Promulgation at the Halo . THE Satisfaction which the People throout the Tribes receiv'd upon promulgation of the Decree , loaded the Carriers with weekly Letters between Friend and Friend , whether Magistrats or privat Persons . But the day for Proposition being com , and the Prerogative upon the Place appointed in Disciplin , SANGUINE DE RINGWOOD in the Tribe of Saltum , Captain of the Phaenix , march'd by order of the Tribuns with his Troop to the Piazza of the Pantheon , where his Trumpets entering into the great Hall by their Blazon gave notice of his Arrival ; at which the Serjeant of the House came down , and returning inform'd the Proposers , who descending were receiv'd at the foot of the Stairs by the Captain , and attended to the Coaches of State , with which CALCAR DE GILVO in the Tribe of Phalera Master of the Horse , and the Ballotins upon their great Horses , stood waiting at the Gate . THE Proposers being in their Coaches , the Train for the Pomp , the same that is us'd at the reception of Embassadors , proceded in this order : In the Front march'd the Troop with the Cornet in the Van , and the Captain in the Rear : next the Troop came the twenty Messengers or Trumpets ; the Ballotins upon the Curvet with their Usher in the Van , and the Master of the Horse in the Rear : Next the Ballotins , BRONCUS DE RAUCO in the Tribe of Bestia King of the Heralds , with his Fraternity in their Coats of Arms ; and next to Sir BRONCHUS , BORISTHENES DE HOLIWATER in the Tribe of Ave , Master of the Ceremonys : The Mace and the Seal of the Chancery went immediatly before the Coaches ; and on either side , the Doorkeepers or Guard of the Senat , with their Pole-axes , accompany'd with som three or four hundred Footmen belonging to the Knights or Senators ; the Trumpeters , Ballotins , Guards , Postilions , Coachmen and Footmen , being very gallant in the Liverys of the Commonwealth ; but all , except the Ballotins , without Hats , in lieu wherof they wore black velvet Calots , being pointed with a little peak at the forehead . After the Proposers came a long file of Coaches full of such Gentlemen as use to grace the Commonwealth upon the like occasions . In this posture they mov'd slowly thro the streets ( affording in the gravity of the Pomp , and the welcomness of the end , a most reverend and acceptable Prospect to the People all the way from the Pantheon , being about half a mile ) and arriv'd at the Halo , where they found the Prerogative in a close body inviron'd with Scaffolds that were cover'd with Spectators . The Tribuns receiv'd the Proposers , and conducted them into a Seat plac'd in the front of the Tribe , like a Pulpit , but that it was of som length , and well adorn'd by the Heralds with all manner of Birds and Beasts , except that they were ill painted , and never a one of his natural color . The Tribuns were plac'd at a Table that stood below the long Seat , those of the Horse in the middle , and those of the Foot at either end , with each of them a Boul or Bason before him , that on the right hand being white , and the other green : In the middle of the Table stood a third which was red . And the Housekeeper of the Pavilion , who had already deliver'd a proportion of linen Balls or Pellets to every one of the Tribe , now presented Boxes to the Ballotins . But the Proposers as they enter'd the Gallery , or long Seat , having put off their Hats by way of Salutation , were answer'd by the People with a shout ; wherupon the younger Commissioners seated themselves at either end ; and the first standing in the middle , spoke after this manner . My Lords , the People of Oceana . WHILE I find in my self what a Felicity it is to salute you by this Name , and in every Face , anointed as it were with the Oil of Gladness , a full and sufficient testimony of the like sense , to go about to feast you with words , who are already fill'd with that Food of the mind , which being of pleasing and wholsom digestion , takes in the definition of true Joy , were a needless Enterterprize . I shall rather put you in mind of that thankfulness which is due , than puff you up with any thing that might seem vain . Is it from the arms of flesh that we derive these Blessings ? Behold the Commonwealth of Rome falling upon her own victorious Sword. Or is it from our own Wisdom , whose Counsils had brought it even to that pass , that we began to repent our selves of Victory ? Far be it from us , my Lords , to sacrifice to our own Nets , which we our selves have so narrowly escap'd ! Let us rather lay our mouths in the dust , and look up ( as was taught the other day when we were better instructed in this Lesson ) to the Hills with our Gratitude . Nevertheless seeing we read how God upon the neglect of his Prophets has bin provok'd to wrath , it must needs follow that he expects Honor should be given to them by whom he has chosen to work as his Instruments . For which cause , nothing doubting of my Warrant , I shall procede to that which more particularly concerns the present occasion , the discovery of my Lord ARCHON'S Virtues and Merit , to be ever plac'd by this Nation in their true Meridian . My Lords ; I AM not upon a Subject which persuades me to balk , but necessitats me to seek out the greatest Examples . To begin with ALEXANDER erecting Trophys common to his Sword and the Pestilence ; To what good of Mankind did he infect the Air with his heaps of Carcases ? The Sword of War , if it be any otherwise us'd than as the Sword of Magistracy , for the fear and punishment of those that do evil , is as guilty in the sight of God , as the Sword of a Murderer ; nay more , for if the Blood of ABEL , of one innocent Man , cry'd in the ears of the Lord for Vengeance , what shall the Blood of an innocent Nation ? Of this kind of Empire , the Throne of Ambition , and the Quarry of a mighty Hunter , it has bin truly said , that it is but a great Robbery . But if ALEXANDER had restor'd the Liberty of Greece , and propagated it to mankind , he had don like my Lord ARCHON , and might have bin truly call'd the Great . ALEXANDER car'd not to steal a Victory that would be given : But my Lord ARCHON has torn away a Victory which had bin stol'n , while we were tamely yielding up Obedience to a * Nation reaping in our Fields , whose Fields he has subjected to our Empire , and nail'd them with his victorious Sword to their native Caucasus . MACCHIAVEL gives a handsom caution , Let no man , says he , be circumvented with the Glory of CAESAR , from the false reflection of their Pens , who thro the longer continuance of his Empire in the Name than in the Family , chang'd their Freedom for Flattery . But if a man would know truly what the Romans thought of CAESAR , let him observe what they said of CATILIN . AND yet by how much he who has perpetrated som heinous Crime , is more execrable than he who did but attemt it ; by so much is CAESAR more execrable than CATILIN . On the contrary , let him that would know what antient and heroic Times , what the Greecs and Romans would both have thought and said of my Lord ARCHON , observe what they thought and said of SOLON , LYCURGUS , BRUTUS , and PUBLICOLA . And yet by how much his Virtue , that is crown'd with the perfection of his Work , is beyond theirs , who were either inferior in their aim , or in their performance ; by so much is my Lord ARCHON to be prefer'd before SOLON , LYCURGUS , BRUTUS , and PUBLICOLA . NOR will we shun the most illustrious Example of SCIPIO : This Hero , tho never so little less , yet was he not the founder of a Commonwealth ; and for the rest , allowing his Virtue to have bin of the most untainted Ray , in what did it outshine this of my Lord ARCHON ? But if dazling the Eys of the Magistrats it over-aw'd Liberty , Rome might be allow'd som excuse that she did not like it , and I , if I admit not of this comparison : For where is my Lord ARCHON ? Is there a Genius , how free soever , which in his presence would not find it self to be under power ? He is shrunk into Clouds , he seeks Obscurity in a Nation that sees by his Light. He is impatient of his own Glory , lest it should stand between you and your Liberty . LIBERTY ! What is even that , if we may not be grateful ? And if we may , we have none : For who has any thing that he dos not ow ? My Lords , there be som hard conditions of Virtue : If this Debt were exacted , it were not due ; wheras being concel'd , we are all enter'd into Bonds . On the other side , if we make such a payment as will not stand with a free People , we do not inrich my Lord ARCHON , but rob him of his whole Estate , and ●his immense Glory . THESE Particulars had in due deliberation and mature debate , according to the Orders of this Commonwealth , It is propos'd by Authority of the Senat , to you my Lords the People of Oceana . I. THAT the Dignity and Office of ARCHON , or Protector of the Commonwealth of Oceana , be , and is hereby confer'd by the Senat and the People of Oceana , upon the most Illustrious Prince , and sole Legislator of this Commonwealth , OLPHAUS MEGALETOR , Pater Patriae , whom God preserve , for the term of his natural Life . II. THAT three hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum yet remaining of the antient Revenue , be estated upon the said Illustrious Prince , or Lord ARCHON , for the said term , and to the proper and peculiar use of his Highness . III. THAT the Lord ARCHON have the reception of all foren Embassadors , by and with the Council of State , according to the Orders of this Commonwealth . IV. THAT the Lord ARCHON have a standing Army of twelve thousand men , defray'd upon a monthly Tax , during the term of three years , for the protection of this Commonwealth against dissenting Partys ; to be govern'd , directed , and commanded by and with the advice of the Council of War , according to the Orders of this Commonwealth . V. THAT this Commonwealth make no distinction of Persons or Partys , but every man being elected and sworn , according to the Orders of the same , be equally capable of Magistracy ; or not elected , be equally capable of Liberty , and the injoyment of his Estate free from all other than common Taxes . VI. THAT a man putting a distinction upon himself , refusing the Oath upon Election , or declaring himself of a Party not conformable to the Civil Government , may within any time of the three years standing of the Army , transport himself and his Estate , without molestation or impediment , into any other Nation . VII . THAT in case there remains any distinction of Partys not conforming to the Civil Government of this Commonwealth , after the three years of the standing Army be expir'd , and the Commonwealth be therby forc'd to prolong the term of the said Army , the pay from thenceforth of the said Army be levy'd upon the Estates of such Partys so remaining unconformable to the Civil Government . THE proposer having ended his Oration , the Trumpets sounded ; and the Tribuns of the Horse being mounted to view the Ballot , caus'd the Tribe ( which thronging up to the Speech , came almost round the Gallery ) to retreat about twenty paces , when LINCEUS DE STELLA receiving the Propositions , repair'd with BRONCHUS DE RAUCO the Herald , to a little Scaffold erected in the middle of the Tribe , where he seated himself , the Herald standing bare upon his right hand . The Ballotins having their Boxes ready , stood before the Gallery , and at the command of the Tribuns march'd , one to every Troop on Horseback , and one to every Company on Foot ; each of them being follow'd by other Children that bore red Boxes : now this is putting the Question , whether the Question should be put . And the Suffrage being very suddenly return'd to the Tribuns at the Table , and number'd in the view of the Proposers , the Votes were all in the Affirmative : wherupon the red or doubtful Boxes were laid aside , it appearing that the Tribe , whether for the Negative or Affirmative , was clear in the matter . Wherfore the Herald began from the Scaffold in the middle of the Tribe , to pronounce the first Proposition , and the Ballotins marching with the Negative and Affirmative only , BRONCHUS with his Voice like Thunder , continu'd to repeat the Proposition over and over again , so long as it was in Ballotting . The like was don for every Clause , till the Ballot was finish'd , and the Tribuns assembling , had sign'd the Points , that is to say , the number of every Suffrage , as it was taken by the Secretary upon the tale of the Tribuns , and in the sight of the Proposers ; for this may not be omitted , it is the pulse of the People . Now wheras it appertains to the Tribuns to report the Suffrage of the People to the Senat , they cast the Lot for this Office with three silver Balls , and one gold one ; and it fell upon the Right Worshipful ARGUS DE CROOKHORN in the Tribe of Pascua , first Tribun of the Foot. ARGUS being a good sufficient man in his own Country , was yet of the mind that he should make but a bad Spokesman ; and therfore became somthing blank at his luck , till his Collegues perswaded him that it was no such great matter , if he could but read , having his Paper before him . The Proposers taking Coach , receiv'd a Volly upon the Field , and return'd in the same order , save that being accompany'd with the Tribuns , they were also attended by the whole Prerogative to the Piazza of the Pantheon , where with another Volly they took their leaves . ARGUS , who had not thought upon his Wife and Children all the way , went very gravely up : and every one being seated , the Senat by their silence seem'd to call for the Report ; which ARGUS standing up , deliver'd in this wise . Right Honorable Lords and Fathers assembl'd in Parlament ; SO it is , that it has fal'n to my lot to report to your Excellencys the Votes of the People , taken upon the third instant , in the first year of this Commonwealth , at the Halo ; the Right Honorable PHOSPHORUS DE AUGE in the Tribe of Eudia , DOLABELLA DE ENYO in the Tribe of Turmae , and LINCEUS DE STELLA in the Tribe of Nubia , Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal of Oceana , and Proposers pro temporibus — together with my Brethren the Tribuns , and my self being present . Wherfore these are to certify to your Fatherhoods , that the said Votes of the People were as follows ; that is to say : TO the first Proposition , Nemine contradicante — TO the second , Nemine contradictante — TO the third , the like . TO the fourth 211 , above half . TO the fifth 201 , above half . TO the sixth 150 , above half , in the Affirmative . TO the seventh , Nomine again , and so forth — MY LORDS , It is a Language that is out of my Prayers , and if I be out at it , no harm — BUT as concerning my Lord ARCHON ( as I was saying ) these are to signify to you the true-heartedness and good-will which is in the People , seeing by joining with you , as one man , they confess that all they have to give , is too little for his Highness . For truly , Fathers , if he who is able to do harm , and dos none , may well be call'd honest ; What shall we say to my Lord ARCHON'S Highness , who having had it in his power to have don us the greatest mischief that ever befel a poor Nation , so willing to trust such as they thought well of , has don us so much good , as we should never have known how to do our selves ? which was so sweetly deliver'd by my Lord Chancellor PHOSPORUS to the People , that I dare say there was never a one of them could forbear to do as I do — An 't please your Fatherhoods , they be tears of Joy. Ay , my Lord ARCHON shall walk the streets ( if it be for his ease I mean ) with a Switch , while the People run after him , and pray for him : he shall not wet his foot ; they will strew flowers in his way : he shall sit higher in their hearts , and in the Judgment of all good men , than the Kings that go up stairs to their Seats ; and one of these had as good pull two or three of his fellows out of their great Chairs , as wrong him , or meddle with him ; he has two or three hundred thousand men , that when you say the word , shall sell themselves to their shirts for him , and dy at his foot . His Pillow is of Down , and his Grave shall be as soft , over which they that are alive shall wring their hands . And to com to your Fatherhoods , most truly so call'd , as being the loving Parents of the People , truly you do not know what a feeling they have of your Kindness , seeing you are so bound up , that if there coms any harm , they may thank themselves . And , alas ! poor Souls , they see that they are given to be of so many minds , that tho they always mean well , yet if there coms any good , they may thank them that teach them better . Wherfore there was never such a thing as this invented , they do verily believe that it is no other than the same which they always had in their very heads , if they could have but told how to bring it out . As now for a sample ; My Lords the Proposers had no sooner said your minds , than they found it to be that which heart could wish . And your Fatherhoods may comfort your selves , that there is not a People in the world more willing to learn what is for their own good , nor more apt to see it , when you have shew'd it them . Wherfore they do love you as they do their own selves ; honor you as Fathers ; resolve to give you as it were Obedience for ever : and so thanking you for your most good and excellent Laws , they do pray for you as the very Worthys of the Land , Right Honorable Lords and Fathers assembl'd in Parlament . ARGVS came off beyond his own expectation ; for thinking right , and speaking as he thought , it was apparent by the House , and the thanks they gave him , that they esteem'd him to be absolutely of the best sort of Orators ; upon which having a mind that till then misgave him , he became very crounse , and much delighted with that which might go down the next week in print to his Wife and Neighbors . LIVY makes the Roman Tribuns to speak in the same stile with the Consuls , which could not be , and therfore for ought in him to the contrary , VOLERO and CANULEIUS might have spoken in no better stile than ARGUS . However , they were not created the first year of the Commonwealth ; and the Tribuns of Oceana are since becom better Orators than were needful . But the Laws being enacted , had the Preamble annex'd , and were deliver'd to BRONCHUS , who lov'd nothing in the Earth so much as to go staring and bellowing up and down the Town , like a Stag in a Forest , as he now did , with his fraternity in their Coats of Arms , and I know not how many Trumpets , proclaiming the Act of Parlament ; when meeting my Lord ARCHON , who from a retreat that was without Affectation , as being for Devotion only , and to implore a Blessing by Prayer and Fasting upon his Labors , now newly arriv'd in Town , the Herald of the Tribe of Bestia set up his throat , and having chanted out his Lesson , past as haughtily by him , as if his own had bin the better Office ; which in this place was very well taken , tho BRONCHUS for his high mind happen'd afterwards upon som disasters , too long to tell , that spoil'd much of his Imbroidery . MY Lord ARCHON'S Arrival being known , the Signory , accompany'd by the Tribuns , repair'd to him , with the news he had already heard by the Herald ; to which my Lord Strategus added , That his Highness could not doubt upon the Demonstrations given , but the minds of Men were firm in the opinion , that he could be no seeker of himself in the way of earthly Pomp and Glory : and that the Gratitude of the Senat , and the People , could not therfore be understood to have any such reflection upon him . But so it was , that in regard of Dangers abroad , and Partys at home , they durst not trust themselves without a standing Army , nor a standing Army in any man's hands but those of his Highness . THE ARCHON made answer , that he ever expected this would be the sense of the Senat and the People ; and this being their sense , he should have bin sorry they had made choice of any other than himself for a standing General : First , Because it could not have bin more to their own safety : And , Secondly , Because so long as they should have need of a standing Army , his work was not done : That he would not dispute against the Judgment of the Senat and the People , nor ought that to be . Nevertheless , he made little doubt but experience would shew every Party their own Interest in this Government , and that better improv'd than they could expect from any other ; that Mens animositys should overbalance their Interest for any time , was impossible ; that humor could never be lasting , nor , thro the Constitution of the Government , of any effect at the first charge . For supposing the worst , and that the People had chosen no other into the Senat and the Prerogative than Royalists , a matter of fourteen hundred men must have taken their Oaths at their Election , with an intention to go quite contrary , not only to their Oaths so taken , but to their own Interest ; for being estated in the Soverain Power , they must have decreed it from themselves ( such an example for which there was never any experience , nor can there be any reason ) or holding it , it must have don in their hands as well every whit as in any other . Furthermore , they must have remov'd the Government from a Foundation that apparently would hold , to set it upon another which apparently would not hold ; vvhich things if they could not com to pass , the Senat and the People consisting vvholly of Royalists , much less by a parcel of them elected . But if the fear of the Senat and of the People deriv'd from a Party without , such a one as vvould not be elected , nor ingage themselves to the Commonwealth by an Oath ; this again must be so large , as would go quite contrary to their own Interest , they being as free and as fully estated in their Liberty as any other , or so narrow that they could do no hurt , vvhile the People being in Arms , and at the beck of the Strategus , every Tribe vvould at any time make a better Army than such a Party ; and there being no Partys at home , fears from abroad vvould vanish . But seeing it vvas otherwise determin'd by the Senat and the People , the best course vvas to take that which they held the safest , in vvhich vvith his humble thanks for their great bounty , he was resolv'd to serve them vvith all Duty and Obedience . A VERY short time after the Royalists , now equal Citizens , made good the ARCHON'S Judgment , there being no other that found any thing near so great a sweet in the Government . For he who has not bin acquainted with Affliction , says SENECA , knows but half the things of this world . MOREOVER they saw plainly , that to restore the antient Government , they must cast up their Estates into the hands of three hundred men ; wherfore in case the Senat and the Prerogative , consisting of thirteen hundred men , had bin all Royalists , there must of necessity have bin , and be for ever , one thousand against this or any such Vote . But the Senat being inform'd by the Signory , that the ARCHON had accepted of his Dignity and Office , caus'd a third Chair to be set for his Highness , between those of the Strategus and the Orator in the House , the like at every Council ; to which he repair'd , not of necessity , but at his pleasure , being the best , and , as ARGUS not vainly said , the greatest Prince in the World : for in the Pomp of his Court he was not inferior to any , and in the Field he was follow'd with a Force that was formidable to all . Nor was there a cause in the nature of this Constitution to put him to the charge of Guards , to spoil his stomach or his sleep : Insomuch , as being handsomly disputed by the Wits of the Academy , whether my Lord ARCHON , if he had bin ambitious , could have made himself so great , it was carry'd clear in the Negative ; not only for the Reasons drawn from the present balance , which was Popular ; but putting the case the balance had bin Monarchical . For there be som Nations , wherof this is one , that will bear a Prince in a Commonwealth far higher than it is possible for them to bear a Monarch . Spain look'd upon the Prince of Orange as her most formidable Enemy ; but if ever there be a Monarch in Holland , he will be the Spaniards best friend . For wheras a Prince in a Commonwealth derives his Greatness from the root of the People , a Monarch derives his from one of those balances which nip them in the root ; by which means the Low Countrys under a Monarch were poor and inconsiderable , but in bearing a Prince could grow to a miraculous height , and give the Glory of his Actions by far the upper hand of the greatest King in Christendom . There are Kings in Europe , to whom a King of Oceana would be but a petit Companion . But the Prince of this Commonwealth is the Terror and the Judg of them all . THAT which my Lord ARCHON now minded most , was the Agrarian , upon which Debate he incessantly thrust the Senat and the Council of State ; to the end it might be planted upon som firm root , as the main point and basis of perpetuity to the Commonwealth . AND these are som of the most remarkable Passages that happen'd in the first year of this Government . About the latter end of the second , the Army was disbanded , but the Taxes continu'd at thirty thousand Pounds a month , for three years and a half . By which means a piece of Artillery was planted , and a portion of Land to the value of 50 l. a year purchas'd for the maintenance of the Games , and of the Prize arms for ever , in each Hundred . WITH the eleventh year of the Commonwealth , the term of the Excise , allotted for the maintenance of the Senat and the People , and for the raising of a public Revenue , expir'd . By which time the Exchequer , over and above the annual Salarys , amounting to three hundred thousand Pounds , accumulating every year out of one Million incom seven hundred thousand Pounds in Banco , brought it with a product of the Sum , rising to about eight Millions in the whole : wherby at several times they had purchas'd to the Senat and the People four hundred thousand Pounds per annum solid Revenue ; which , besides the Lands held in Panopea , together with the Perquisits of either Province , was held sufficient for a public Revenue . Nevertheless , Taxes being now wholly taken off , the Excise of no great burden ( and many specious advantages not vainly propos'd in the heightning of the public Revenue ) was very chearfully establish'd by the Senat and the People , for the term of ten years longer ; and the same course being taken , the public Revenue was found in the one and twentieth of the Commonwealth , to be worth one Million in good Land. Wherupon the Excise was so abolish'd for the present , as withal resolv'd to be the best , the most fruitful and easy way of raising Taxes , according to future Exigencys . But the Revenue being now such as was able to be a yearly Purchaser , gave a jealousy that by this means the balance of the Commonwealth , consisting in privat Fortunes , might be eaten out ; whence this year is famous for that Law wherby the Senat and the People forbidding any further purchase of Lands to the Public within the Dominions of Oceana and the adjacent Provinces , put the Agrarian upon the Commonwealth her self . These Increases are things which Men , addicted to Monarchy , deride as impossible , wherby they unwarily urge a strong Argument against that which they would defend . For having their eys fix'd upon the Pomp and Expence , by which not only every Child of a King being a Prince , exhausts his Father's Coffers ; but Favorits and servil Spirits , devoted to the flattery of those Princes , grow insolent and profuse , returning a fit Gratitude to their Masters , whom while they hold it honorable to deceive , they suck and keep eternally poor : It follows that they do not see how it should be possible for a Commonwealth to clothe her self in Purple , and thrive so strangely upon that which would make a Prince's hair grow thro his hood , and not afford him bread . As if it were a Miracle that a careless and prodigal Man should bring ten thousand Pounds a year to nothing , or that an industrious and frugal Man brings a little to ten thousand Pounds a year . But the fruit of one man's industry and frugality can never be like that of a Common-wealth ; First , because the greatness of the Increase follows the greatness of the Stock or Principal : And , Secondly , because a frugal Father is for the most part succeded by a lavish Son ; wheras a Commonwealth is her own Heir . THIS year a part was propos'd by the Right Honorable AUREUS DE WOOLSACK in the Tribe of Pecus , first Commissioner of the Treasury , to the Council of State , which soon after past the Ballot of the Senat and the People : by which the Lands of the Public Revenue , amounting to one Million , were equally divided into five thousand Lots , enter'd by their names and parcels into a Lotbook preserv'd in the Exchequer . And if any Orphan , being a Maid , should cast her Estate into the Exchequer for fourteen hundred Pounds , the Treasury was bound by the Law to pay her quarterly two hundred Pounds a year , free from Taxes , for her Life , and to assign her a Lot for her Security : if she marry'd , her Husband was neither to take out the Principal without her consent ( acknowleg'd by her self to one of the Commissioners of the Treasury , who according as he found it to be free , or forc'd , was to allow or disallow of it ) nor any other way ingage it , than to her proper use . But if the Principal were taken out , the Treasury was not bound to repay any more of it than one thousand Pounds ; nor might that be repaid at any time , save within the first year of her Marriage : the like was to be don by a half or quarter Lot respectively . THIS was found to be a great Charity to the weaker Sex , and as som say , who are more skilful in the like Affairs than my self , of good Profit to the Commonwealth . NOW began the native Spleen of Oceana to be much purg'd , and Men not to affect Sullenness and Pedantism . The Elders could remember that they had bin Youth . Wit and Gallantry were so far from being thought Crimes in themselves , that care was taken to preserve their innocence . For which cause it was propos'd to the Council for Religion by the Right Honorable CADISCUS DE CLERO , in the Tribe of Stamnum , first Censor , That such Women as living in Gallantry and View about the Town , were of evil fame , and could not shew that they were maintain'd by their own Estates or Industry ; or such as having Estates of their own , were yet wastful in their way of life , and of ill example to others , should be obnoxious to the animadversion of the Council of Religion , or of the Censors : In which the proceding should be after this manner . Notice should be first given of the scandal to the party offending , in privat : if there were no amendment within the space of six months , she should be summon'd and rebuk'd before the said Council or Censors ; and , if after other six months it were found that neither this avail'd , she should be censured not to appear at any public Meetings , Games , or Recreations , upon penalty of being taken up by the Doorkeepers , or Guards of the Senat , and by them to be detain'd , till for every such Offence , five Pounds were duly paid for her inlargement . FURTHERMORE , if any common Strumpet should be found , or any scurrility or profaneness represented at either of the Theaters , the Prelats for every such Offence should be fin'd twenty Pounds by the said Council , and the Poet , for every such offence on his part , should be whipt . This Law relates to another , which also was enacted the same year upon this occasion . THE Youth and Wits of the Academy having put the Business so home in the defence of Comedys , that the Provosts had nothing but the Consequences provided against by the foregoing Law to object , prevail'd so far , that two of the Provosts of the Council of State join'd in a Proposition , which after much ado came to a Law , wherby one hundred thousand pounds was allotted for the building of two Theaters on each side of the Piazza of the Halo : and two annual Magistrats cal'd Prelats , chosen out of the Knights , were added to the Tropic , the one call'd the Prelat of the Buskin , for inspection of the Tragic Scene call'd Melpomene ; and the other the Prelat of the Sock , for the Comic call'd Thalia , which Magistrats had each five hundred pounds a year allow'd out of the Profits of the Theaters ; the rest , except eight hundred a year to four Poets , payable into the Exchequer . A Poet Laureat created in one of these Theaters , by the Strategus receives a Wreath of five hundred pounds in Gold , paid out of the said Profits . But no man is capable of this Creation , that had not two parts in three of the Suffrages at the Academy , assembl'd after six weeks warning , and upon that occasion . THESE things among us are sure enough to be censur'd , but by such only as do not know the nature of a Commonwealth : for to tell men that they are free , and yet to curb the genius of a People in a lawful Recreation , to which they are naturally inclin'd , is to tell a tale of a Tub. I have heard the Protestant Ministers in France , by men that were wise , and of their own profession , much blam'd in that they forbad Dancing , a Recreation to which the genius of that Air is so inclining , that they lost many who would not lose that : Nor do they less than blame the former determination of rashness , who now gently connive at that which they had so roughly forbidden . These Sports in Oceana are so govern'd , that they are pleasing for privat diversion , and profitable to the Public : For the Theaters soon defray'd their own charge , and now bring in a good Revenue . All this is so far from the detriment of Virtue , that it is to the improvement of it , seeing Women that heretofore made havock of their Honors that they might have their Pleasures , are now incapable of their Pleasures , if they lose their Honors . ABOUT the one and fortieth year of the Commonwealth , the Censors , according to their annual Custom , reported the Pillar of Nilus , by which it was found that the People were increas'd very near one third . Wherupon the Council of War was appointed by the Senat to bring in a State of War , and the Treasurers the State of the Treasury . The State of War , or the Pay and Charge of an Army , was soon after exhibited by the Council in this Account . The Field Pay of a Parlamentary Army .   l. per ann . THE Lord Strategus , Marching — 10000. Pole marchs . General of the Horse — 2000. Lieutenant General — 2000. General of the Artillery — 1000. Commissary General — 1000. Major General — 1000. Quartermaster General — 1000. Two Adjutants to the Major General — 1000. Forty Colonels — 40000. 100 Captains of Horse , at 500 l. a Man — 50000. 300 Captains of Foot , at 300 l. a Man — 90000. 100 Cornets , at 100 l. a Man — 10000. 300 Ensigns at 50 l. a Man — 15000. 800 Quartermasters — 20000. Serjeants Trumpeters Drummers 10000 Horse , at 2 s. 6 d. per day each — 470000. 30000 Foot , at 1 s. per day each — 500000. Chirurgeons — 400. Sum — 1114400. 40000 Auxiliarys , amounting to within a little as much — 1100000. THE Charge of mounting 20000 Horse — 300000. THE Train of Artillery , holding a 3 d to the whole — 900000. Summa totalis — 1414400. ARMS and Ammunition are not reckon'd , as those which are furnisht out of the Store or Arsenal of Emporium : Nor waftage , as that which gos upon the account of the Fleet , maintain'd by the Customs ; which Customs , thro the care of the Council for Trade , and growth of Traffic , were long since improv'd to about a Million Revenue . The House being thus inform'd of a State of War , the Commissioners brought in THE state of the Treasury this present year , being the one and fortieth of the Commonwealth .   l. RECEIVED from the one and twentieth of this Commonwealth , by 700000 l. a year in bank , with the Product of the Sum rising — 16000000. EXPENDED from the one and twentieth of this Commonwealth .   l. IMPRIMIS , For the Addition of Arms for 100000 Men , to the Arsenal , or Tower of Emporium — 1000000. FOR the storing of the same with Artillery — 300000. FOR the storing of the same with Ammunition — 200000. FOR beautifying the Citys , Parks , Gardens , Public Walks , and Places for Recreation of Emporium and Hiera , with Public Buildings , Aquaeducts , Statues , and Fountains , &c. — — 1500000. EXTRAORDINARY Embassys — 150000. Sum — 3150000. REMAINING in the Treasury , the Salarys of the Exchequer being defalk'd — 12000000. BY comparison of which Accounts , if a War with an Army of 80000 Men were to be made by the Penny , yet was the Commonwealth able to maintain such a one above three years , without levying a Tax . But it is against all Experience , Sense and Reason , that such an Army should not be soon broken , or make a great progress ; in either of which cases the Charge ceases ; or rather , if a right course be taken in the latter , Profit coms in : for the Romans had no other considerable way but Victory wherby to fill their Treasury , which nevertheless was seldom emty . ALEXANDER did not consult his Purse upon his Design for Persia : It is observ'd by MACCHIAVEL , that LIVY arguing what the event in reason must have bin had that King invaded Rome , and diligently measuring what on each side was necessary to such a War , never speaks a word of Mony. No man imagins that the Gauls , Goths , Vandals , Huns , Lombards , Saxons , Normans , made their Inroads or Conquests by the strength of the Purse ; and if it be thought enough , according to the dialect of our Age , to say in answer to these things , that those times are past and gon ; what Mony did the late GUSTAVUS , the most victorious of modern Princes , bring out of Sweden with him into Germany ? An Army that gos upon a golden Leg , will be as lame as if it were a wooden one ; but proper Forces have Nerves and Muscles in them , such for which , having four or five Millions , a Sum easy enough , with a Revenue like this of Oceana , to be had at any time in readiness , you need never , or very rarely charge the People with Taxes . What influence the Commonwealth by such Arms has had upon the World , I leave to Historians , whose custom it has bin of old , to be as diligent Observers of foren Actions , as careless of those domestic Revolutions which ( less pleasant it may be , as not partaking so much of the Romance ) are to Statesmen of far greater profit ; and this Fault , if it be not mine , is so much more frequent with modern Writers , as has caus'd me to undertake this Work ; on which to give my own Judgment , it is perform'd as much above the time I have bin about it , as below the dignity of the matter . BUT I cannot depart out of this Country , till I have taken leave of my Lord ARCHON , a Prince of immense Felicity , who having built as high with his Counsils , as he dig'd deep with his Sword , had now seen fifty years measur'd with his own inerring Orbs. TIMOLEON ( such a hater of Tyrants , that not able to persuade his Brother TIMOPHANES to relinquish the Tyranny of Corinth , he slew him ) was afterwards elected by the People ( the Sicilians groaning to them from under the like burden ) to be sent to their relief : Wherupon TELECLIDES the Man at that time of most Authority in the Common-wealth of Corinth , stood up , and giving an Exhortation to TIMOLEON , how he should behave himself in his Expedition , told him , that if he restor'd the Sicilians to Liberty , it would be acknowleg'd that he had destroy'd a Tyrant ; if otherwise , he must expect to hear that he had murder'd a King. TIMOLEON taking his leave , with a very small Provision for so great a Design , pursu'd it with a Courage not inferior to , and a Felicity beyond any that had bin known to that day in mortal Flesh , having in the space of eight years utterly rooted out of all Sicily those Weeds of Tyranny , thro the detestation wherof men fled in such abundance from their Native Country , that whole Citys were left desolat ; and brought it to such a pass , that others thro the fame of his Virtues , and the excellency of the Soil , flockt as fast from all Quarters to it , as to the Garden of the World : While he , being presented by the People of Syracusa with his Town-house , and his Country Retreat , the sweetest Places in either , liv'd with his Wife and Children a most quiet , happy , and holy Life ; for he attributed no part of his Success to himself , but all to the Blessing and Providence of the Gods. As he past his time in this manner , admir'd and honor'd by Mankind , LAPHISTIUS an envious Demagog , going to summon him upon som pretence or other to answer for himself before the Assembly , the People fell into such a Mutiny , as could not be appeas'd but by TIMOLEON , who understanding the matter , reprov'd them , by repeating the pains and travel which he had gon thro , to no other end than that every Man might have the free use of the Laws . Wherfore when DAEMENETUS another Demagog , had brought the same Design about again , and blam'd him impertinently to the People for things which he did when he was General , TIMOLEON answer'd nothing , but raising up his hands , gave the Gods thanks for their return to his frequent Prayers , that he might but live to see the Syracusians so free , that they could question whom they pleas'd . NOT long after being old , thro som natural imperfection , he fell blind ; but the Syracusians by their perpetual visits held him , tho he could not see , their greatest Object : if there arriv'd Strangers , they brought them to see this sight . Whatever came in debate at the Assembly , if it were of small consequence , they determin'd it themselves ; but if of importance , they always sent for TIMOLEON ; who being brought by his Servants in a Chair , and set in the middle of the Theater , there ever follow'd a great shout , after which som time was allow'd for the Benedictions of the People ; and then the matter propos'd , when TIMOLEON had spoken to it , was put to the Suffrage ; which given , his Servants bore him back in his Chair , accompany'd by the People clapping their hands , and making all expressions of Joy and Applause , till leaving him at his House , they return'd to the dispatch of their Business . And this was the Life of TIMOLEON , till he dy'd of Age , and drop'd like a mature Fruit , while the Eys of the People were as the Showers of Autumn . THE Life and Death of my Lord ARCHON ( but that he had his Senses to the last , and that his Character , as not the Restorer , but the Founder of a Commonwealth , was greater ) is so exactly the same , that ( seeing by Men wholly ignorant of Antiquity , I am accus'd of writing Romance ) I shall repeat nothing : but tell you that this year the whole Nation of Oceana , even to the Women and Children , were in mourning , where so great or sad a Funeral Pomp had never bin seen or known . Somtime after the performance of the Exequys , a Colossus , mounted on a brazen Horse of excellent Fabric , was erected in the Piazza of the Pantheon , ingrav'd with this Inscription on the Eastern side of the Pedestal : HIS NAME IS AS Precious Ointment . And on the Western with the following : GRATA PATRIA Piae & Perpetuae Memoriae D. D. Olphaus Megaletor Lord ARCHON , and sole LEGISLATOR OF OCEANA . Pater Patriae . Invincible in the Field . Inviolable in his Faith. Vnfained in his Zeal . Immortal in his Fame . The Greatest of Captains . The Best of Princes . The Happiest of Legislators . The Most Sincere of Christians . Who setting the Kingdoms of Earth at Liberty , Took the Kingdom of the Heavens by Violence ; Anno Aetat . suae 116. Hujus Reipub. 50. THE PREROGATIVE OF Popular Government . BEING A POLITICAL DISCOURSE In Two Books . The former Containing the first Preliminary of OCEANA , inlarg'd , interpreted , and vindicated from all such Mistakes or Slanders as have bin alleg'd against it under the Notion of Objections . The Second Concerning Ordination , against Dr. H. HAMMOND , Dr. L. SEAMAN , and the Authors they follow . In which Two Books is contain'd the whole Commonwealth of the Hebrews , or of Israel , Senat , People , and Magistracy , both as it stood in the Institution by MOSES , and as it came to be form'd after the Captivity . As also the different Policys introduc'd into the Church of CHRIST , during the time of the Apostles . Without Council Purposes are disappointed ; but in the multitude of Counsillors they are establish'd . SOLOMON . La multitudine è piu Savia è piu costante ch'un Principe . MACCHIAVEL . EPISTLE to the READER . VVHOSOEVER sheds mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; for in the Image of God made he Man. If this Rule holds as well in shedding the blood of a Turk as of a Christian , then that wherin Man is the Image of God is REASON . Of all Controversys , those of the Pen are the most honorable : for in those of Force , there is more of the Image of the Beast , but in those of the Pen there is more of the Image of God. In the Controversys of the Sword , there is but too often no other Reason than Force ; but the Controversy of the Pen has never any Force but Reason . Of all Controversys of the Pen next those of Religion , those of Government are the most honorable , and the most useful ; the true end of each , tho in a different way , being that the Will of God may be don in Earth as it is in Heaven . Of all Controversys of Government , those in the vindication of Popular Government are the most noble , as being that Constitution alone , from whence all we have that is good is descended to us ; and which , if it had not existed , Mankind at this day had bin but a Herd of Beasts . The Prerogative of Popular Government must either be in an ill hand , or else it is a game against which there is not a Card in the wole pack ; for we have the Books of MOSES , those of the Greecs and of the Romans , not to omit MACCHIAVEL , all for it . What have the Asserters of Monarchy ; what can they have against us ? A Sword ; but that rusts , or must have a Scabbard ; and the Scabbard of this kind of Sword is a good frame of Government . A MAN may be possest of a piece of Ground by force , but to make use or profit of it , he must build upon it , and till it by Reason ; for whatever is not founded upon Reason , cannot be permanent . In Reason there are two parts , Invention and Judgment : As to the latter , In a multitude of Counsillors ( say both SOLOMON and MACCHIAVEL ) there is strength . Nay as for Judgment , there is not that Order in Art or Nature that can compare with a Popular Assembly . THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IS THE VOICE OF GOD. Hence it is that in all well-order'd Policys the People have the ultimat result : but unless there be som other to invent , a Popular Assembly can be of no effect at all but Confusion . Invention is a solitary thing . All the Physicians in the world put together , invented not the Circulation of the Blood , nor can invent any such thing , tho in their own Art ; yet this was invented by one alone , and being invented , is unanimously voted and imbrac'd by the generality of Physicians . The Plow and Wheels were at first , you must think , the invention of som rare Artists ; but who or what shall ever be able to tear the use of them from the People ? Hence , where Government is at a loss , a sole Legislator is of absolute necessity ; nay where it is not at a loss , if well model'd , as in Venice , the Proposers , tho frequently changeable , as in that case is necessary , are very few , as the Counsillors , the Savi , the Provosts . Wherever a Commonwealth is thus propos'd to , the Balance or Popular Assembly will do her duty to admiration , but till then never . Yet so it has bin with us of late years , that altho in Royal Authority there was no more than the right of Proposing , and the King himself was to stand ( legibus & consuetudinibus quas vulgas elegerit ) to the result of the People , yet the popular Council has bin put upon Invention , and they that have bin the prevailing Party have us'd means to keep the Result to themselves , quite contrary to the nature of Popular Administration . Let one speak , and the rest judg . Of whatever any one man can say or do , Mankind is the natural and competent Judg , in which is contain'd the very reason of Parlaments ; thro the want of understanding this came in confusion . Man that is in Honor , and has no understanding , is like the Beasts that perish . Nor can we possibly return to Order , but by mending the Hedg where it was broken . A prudent , intire and sit Proposition made to a free Parlament , recovers all . To them who are of the greatest Eminency or Authority in a Commonwealth , belongs naturally that part of Reason which is Invention ; and using this , they are to propose : but what did our Grandees ever invent or propose , that might shew so much as that themselves knew what they would be at ? and yet how confidently do they lay the fault upon the People , and their unfitness , forsooth , for Government : in which they are wondrous wise ! For , this I will boldly say , Where there was an Aristocracy that perform'd their duty , there never was , nor ever can be a People unfit for Government ; but on the contrary , where the Aristocracy have fail'd , the People being once under Orders , have held very often . But while they are not under Orders , if they fail it is not their fault , but the fault of the Aristocracy ; for who else should model a Government but men of Experience ? There is not in England , I speak it to their shame , one GRANDEE that has any perfect knowlege of the Orders of any one Commonwealth that ever was in the World. Away with this same grave complexion , this huff of Wisdom maintain'd by making faces . The People cannot do their duty consisting in Judgment , but by virtue of such Orders as may bring them together , and direct them ; but the duty of the Aristocracy consisting in Invention , may be don by any one man , and in his study ; and where is that one man among all the Grandees that studys ? They are so far from knowing their own duty , that a man for proposing that in which none can find a flaw , has don enough to be ridiculous to them , who are themselves ridiculous to the whole World , in that they could never yet propose any thing that would hold . BVT if this amounts to a Demonstration , it amounts to a clear detection of your profound Grandees , and a full proof that they are Phanatical Persons , State Jesuits , such as have reduc'd the Politics to mental Reservation and implicit Faith in their nods or nightcaps . GOD , to propose his Commandments to the People of Israel , wrote them on two Tables ; the Decemviri , to propose their Commandments to the People of Rome , wrote them on twelve Tables ; the Athenians propos'd in writing , sign'd with the name of the particular Inventor ; after this pattern do the Venetians , as was said , the same at this day . But no Goosquill , no Scribling : Your Grandees are above this . MOSES , who was the first Writer in this kind , shall be pardon'd ; but MACCHIAVEL , the first in later times that has reviv'd his Principles , or trod in his steps , is deservedly pelted for it by Sermons . They are not for the Scripture , but the Cabala . I WILL tell you a story out of BOCCALINI : APOLLO having spy'd the Philosopher and great Master of Silence HARPOCRATES in the Court of Parnassus , us'd such importunity with him , that for once he was persuaded to speak ; upon which such apparent discovery was made of the Hypocrite , and the gross ignorance he had so long harbor'd under a deceitful silence , that he was immediatly banish'd the Court. Were there cause , I could be modest ; but this Virtue , to the diminution of sound and wholsom Principles , would be none : wherfore let a Grandee write , and I will shew you HARPOCRATES . THVS having sufficiently defy'd Sir GUY , I may with the less impeachment of reputation descend to TOM THUM . Not that I hold my self a fit Person to be exercis'd with Boys play , but that som , who should have more wit , have so little as to think this somthing . A good Rat-catcher is not so great a blessing to any City , as a good Jugglercatcher would be to this Nation . Now because I want an Office , I shall shew my Parts to my Country , and how fit I am for the white Staff , or long Pole of so worshipful a Preferment . Ridiculus ne sis , esto . THE FIRST BOOK , CONTAINING The first Preliminary of OCEANA , inlarg'd , interpreted , and vindicated from all such Mistakes or Slanders as have bin alleg'd against it under the notion of Objections . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A full Answer to all such OBJECTIONS as have hitherto bin made against OCEANA . NEITHER the Author or Authors of the Considerations upon OCEANA , nor any other , have yet so much as once pretended one Contradiction or one Inequality to be in the whole Common-wealth . Now this is certain , That Frame of Government which is void of any contradiction , or any inequality , is void of all internal causes of Dissolution , and must , for so much as it imbraces , have attain'd to full perfection . This by wholesale is a full Answer to the Considerations , with all other Objections hitherto ; and will be ( with any man that comprehends the nature of Government ) to thousands of such Books , or Myriads of such tittel tattel . Nevertheless , because every man is not provided with a Sum , in the following Discourse I shall comply with them that must have things by Retail , or somwhat for their Farthing . The PREFACE . IT is commonly said , and not without incouragement by som who think they have Parnassus by the horns , that the University has lash'd me : so it seems I have to do with the Vniversity , and lashing is lawful ; with both which I am contented . In Moorfields , while the People are busy at their sports , they often and ridiculously lose their Buttons , their Ribbands , and their Purses ; where if they light , as somtimes they do , upon the Masters of that Art , they fall a kicking them a while ( which one may call a rude charge ) and then to their work again . I know not whether I invite you to Moorfields , but ( difficile est Satyram non scribere ) all the favor I desire at your hands is but this , that you would not so condemn one man for kicking , as in the same Act to pardon another for cutting of Purses . A Gentleman that commits a fallacious Argument to writing , or gos about to satisfy others with such Reasons as he is not satisfy'd with himself , is no more a Gentleman but a Pickpocket ; with this in my mind , I betake my self to my work , or rather to draw open the Curtain , and begin the Play. ONE that has written Considerations upon OCEANA , speaks the Prolog in this manner : I beseech you Gentlemen , are not we the Writers of Politics somwhat a ridiculous sort of People ? Is it not a fine piece of Folly for privat men sitting in their Cabinets to rack their brains about Models of Government ? Certainly our Labors make a very pleasant recreation for those great Personages , who , sitting at the Helm of Affairs , have by their large Experience not only acquir'd the perfect Art of Ruling , but have attain'd also to the comprehension of the Nature and Foundation of Government . In which egregious Complement the Considerer has lost his considering Cap. IT was in the time of ALEXANDER , the greatest Prince and Commander of his age , that ARISTOTLE , with scarce inferior Applause and equal Fame , being a privat man , wrote that excellent piece of Prudence in his Cabinet , which is call'd his Politics , going upon far other Principles than those of ALEXANDER'S Government , which it has long outliv'd . The like did TITUS LIVIUS in the time of AUGUSTUS , Sir THOMAS MOOR in the time of HENRY the Eighth , and MACCHIAVEL when Italy was under Princes that afforded him not the ear . These Works nevertheless are all of the most esteem'd and applauded in this kind ; nor have I found any man , whose like Indeavors have bin persecuted since PLATO by DIONYSIUS . I study not without great Examples , nor out of my Calling ; either Arms or this Art being the proper Trade of a Gentleman . A man may be intrusted with a Ship , and a good Pilot too , yet not understand how to make Sea-charts . To say that a man may not write of Government except he be a Magistrat , is as absurd as to say , that a man may not make a Sea-chart , unless he be a Pilot. It is known that CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS made a Chart in his Cabinet , that found out the Indys . The Magistrat that was good at his Steerage never took it ill of him that brought him a Chart , seeing whether he would use it or no , was at his own choice ; and if Flatterers , being the worst sort of Crows , did not pick out the eys of the living , the Ship of Government at this day throout Christendom had not struck so often as she has don . To treat of Affairs , says MACCHIAVEL , which as to the conduct of 'em appertain to others , may be thought a great boldness ; but if I commit Errors in writing , these may be known without danger , wheras if they commit Errors in acting , such com not otherwise to be known , than in the ruin of the Commonwealth . For which cause I presume to open the Scene of my Discourse , which is to change according to the variety of these following Questions . 1. WHETHER Prudence be well distinguish'd into Antient and Modern ? 2. WHETHER a Commonwealth be rightly defin'd to be a Government of Laws , and not of Men ; and Monarchy to be a Government of som Man , or a few Men , and not of Laws ? 3. WHETHER the Balance of Dominion in Land be the natural cause of Empire ? 4. WHETHER the Balance of Empire be well divided into National and Provincial ? and whether these two , or any Nations that are of distinct Balance , coming to depend upon one and the same head , such a mixture creates a new Balance ? 5. WHETHER there be any common Right or Interest of Mankind distinct from the parts taken severally ? and how by the Orders of a Commonwealth this may best be distinguish'd from privat Interest ? 6. WHETHER the Senatusconsulta , or Decrees of the Roman Senat , had the power of Laws ? 7. WHETHER the ten Commandments propos'd by GOD or MOSES were voted by the People of Israel ? 8. WHETHER a Commonwealth coming up to the perfection of the kind , coms not up to the perfection of Government , and has no flaw in it ? 9. WHETHER Monarchy , coming up to the perfection of the kind , coms not short of the perfection of Government , and has not som flaw in it ? in which is also treated of the Balance of France , of the Original of a landed Clergy , of Arms , and their kinds . 10. WHETHER a Commonwealth that was not first broken by it self , was ever conquer'd by any Monarch ? 11. WHETHER there be not an Agrarian , or som Law or Laws of that nature to supply the defect of it , in every Commonwealth ? and whether the Agrarian , as it is stated in Oceana , be not equal and satisfactory to all Interests or Partys ? 12. WHETHER Courses or a Rotation be necessary to a well-order'd Commonwealth ? In which is contain'd the Parembole or Courses of Israel before the Captivity ; together with an Epitome of the whole Commonwealth of Athens , as also another of the Common-wealth of Venice . Antient and Modern Prudence . Chap. 1 CHAP. I. Whether Prudence be well distinguish'd into Antient and Modern . THE Considerer ( where by Antient Prudence I understand the Policy of a Commonwealth , and by Modern Prudence that of King , Lords , and Commons , which introduc'd by the Goths and Vandals upon the ruin of the Roman Empire , has since reign'd in these Western Countrys , till by the predominating of som one of the three parts , it be now almost universally extinguish'd ) thinks it enough for the confutation of this distinction , to shew out of THUCYDIDES that of Monarchy to be a more antient Policy than that of a Commonwealth . Upon which occasion , I must begin here to discover that which , the further I go , will be the more manifest ; namely , that there is a difference between quoting Authors , and saying som part of them without book : this may be don by their words , but the former no otherwise than by keeping to their sense . Now the sense of THUCYDIDES , as he is translated by Mr. HOBBS in the place alleg'd , is thus : The manner , says he , of living in the most antient times of Greece was Thieving ; the stronger going abroad under the conduct of their most puissant Men , both to inrich themselves , and fetch home maintenance for the weak : for there was neither Traffic , property of Lands , nor constant Abode , till MINOS built a Navy , and expelling the Malefactors out of the Islands , planted Colonys of his own , by which means they who inhabited the Seacoasts , becoming more addicted to Riches , grew more constant to their dwellings : of whom som , grown now rich , compass'd their Towns about with Walls . For out of a desire of Gain , the meaner sort underwent Servitude with the Mighty ; and the Mighty ( thus overbalancing at home ) with their Wealth , brought the lesser Citys ( abroad ) into subjection . Thus PELOPS , tho he was a stranger , obtain'd such Power in Peloponnesus , that the Country was call'd after his name . Thus ATREUS obtain'd the Kingdom of Mycenae ; and thus Kingdoms with Honors limited came to be hereditary ; and rising to Power , proceded afterwards to the War against Troy. After the War with Troy , tho with much ado , and in a long time Greece had constant rest ( and Land without doubt came to Property ) for shifting their seats no longer , at length they sent Colonys abroad ; the Athenians into Ionia with the Islands , the Peloponnesians into Italy , Sicily , and other parts . The Power of Greece thus improv'd , and the desire of Mony withal , their Revenues ( in what ? not in Mony , if yet there was no Usury ; therfore except a man can shew that there was Usury in Land ) being inlarg'd , in most of the Citys there were erected Tyrannys . Let us lay this place to the former , when out of a desire of Gain the meaner sort underwent Servitude with the Mighty , it caus'd hereditary Kingdoms with Honors limited , as happen'd also with us since the time of the Goths and Vandals . But when the People came to Property in Land , and their Revenues were inlarg'd , such as assum'd Power over Book I them , not according to the nature of their Property or Balance , were Tyrants : well , and what remedy ? why , then it was , says the Considerer , that the Grecians out of an extreme aversion to that which was the cause of their present Sufferings , slipt into Popular Government , not that upon calm and mature Debates they found it best , but that they might put themselves at the greatest distance ( which Spirit usually accompanys all Reformations ) from that with which they were grown into dislike . Wherby he agrees exactly with his Author in making out the true Force and Nature of the Balance , working even without deliberation , and whether men will or no. For the Government that is natural and easy , being in no other direction than that of the respective Balance , is not of choice but of necessity . The Policy of King , Lords and Commons , was not so much from the Prudence of our Ancestors , as from their necessity . If three hundred men held at this day the like over-balance to the whole People , it was not in the power of Prudence to institute any other than the same kind of Government , thro the same necessity . Thus the meaner sort with THUCYDIDES submitting to the Mighty , it came to Kingdoms with hereditary Honors : but the People coming to be wealthy , call'd their Kings , tho they knew not why , Tyrants ; nay , and using them accordingly , found out means , with as little deliberation it may be as a Bull takes to toss a Dog , or a Hern to split a Hauk ( that is , rather , as at the long-run they will ever do in the like cases , by Instinct , than Prudence or Debate ) to thro down that , which by the mere information of sense they could no longer bear ; and which being thrown down , they found themselves eas'd . But the question yet remains , and that is , forsooth , whether of these is to be call'd Antient Prudence . To this end , never man made a more unlucky choice than the Considerer has don for himself of this Author , who in the very beginning of his Book , speaking of the Peloponnesian War , or that between the Common-wealths of Athens and Lacedemon , says , that the Actions which preceded this , and those again that were more antient , tho the truth of them thro length of time cannot by any means be clearly discover'd ; yet for any Argument that ( looking into times far past ) he had yet lighted on to persuade him , he dos not think they have bin very great either for matter of War , or otherwise ; that is , for matter of Peace or Government . And lest this should not be plain enough , he calls the Prudence of the three Periods , observ'd by Mr. HOBBS , viz. that from the beginning of the Grecian Memory to the Trojan War , that of the Trojan War it self , and that from thence to the present Commonwealths and Wars , wherof he treats , The Imbecillity of antient Times . Whersore certainly this Prevaricator , to give him his own fees , has less discretion than a common Attorny , who will be sure to examin only those Witnesses that seem to make for the Cause in which he is entertain'd . Seeing that which he affirms to be Antient Prudence is depos'd by his own witness to have bin the Imbecillity of antient Times , for which I could have so many more than I have leisure to examin , that ( to take only of the most Authentic ) as you have heard one Greec , I shall add no more than one Roman , and that is FLORUS in his Prolog , where ( computing the Ages of the Romans , in the same manner THUCYDIDES did those of the Greecs ) he affirms the time while they liv'd under their Kings , to have bin their Infancy ; that from the Consuls till they conquer'd Italy , their Youth ; that from hence to their Emperors , their manly age ; and the rest ( with a Complement or Salvo to TRAJAN his present Chap. 1 Lord ) their Dotage . THESE things , tho originally all Government among the Gree●s and the Romans was Regal , are no more than they who have not yet past their Novitiat in story , might have known . Yet says the Considerer , It seems to be a defect of experience to think that the Greec and the Roman Actions are only considerable in Antiquity . But is it such a defect of Experience to think them only considerable , as not to think them chiefly considerable in Antiquity , or that the name of Antient Prudence dos not belong to that Prudence which was chiefest in Antiquity ? True , says he , it is very frequent with such as have bin conversant with Greec and Roman Authors , to be led by them into a belief that the rest of the World was a rude inconsiderable People , and , which is a term they very much delight in , altogether Barbarous . This should be som fine Gentleman that would have Universitys pull'd down ; for the Office of a University is no more than to preserve so much of Antiquity as may keep a Nation from stinking , or being barbarous ; which Salt grew not in Monarchys , but in Commonwealths : or whence has the Christian World that Religion and those Laws which are now common , but from the Hebrews and Romans ? or from whence have we Arts but from these or the Greecs ? That we have a Doctor of Divinity , or a Master of Arts , we may thank Popular Government ; or with what Languages , with what things are Scholars conversant that are otherwise descended ? will they so plead their own Cause as to tell us it is possible there should be a Nation at this day in the world without Universitys , or Universitys without Hebrew , Greec and Latin , and not be Barbarous , that is to say , rude , unlearn'd , and inconsiderable ? Yes , this humor even among the Greecs and Romans themselves was a servil addiction to narrow Principles , and a piece of very pedantical Pride . What , man ! the Greecs and the Romans that of all other would not serve , servil ! their Principles , their Learning , with whose scraps we set up for Batchelors , Masters , and Doctors of fine things , narrow ! their inimitable Eloquence a piece of very pedantical Pride ! The World can never make sense of this any otherwise than that since Heads and Fellows of Colleges became the only Greecs and Romans , the Greecs and Romans are becom servily addicted , of narrow Principles , very Pedants , and prouder of those things they do not understand , than the other were of those they did : For , say they , in this Question , the Examples of the Babylonians , Persians and Egyptians ( not to omit the antient and like modern Discoverys of the Queen of the Amazons , and of the King of China ) cannot without gross partiality be neglected . This is pretty ; they who say nothing at all to the Policy of these Governments , accuse me , who have fully open'd it , of negligence . The Babylonian , Persian , and , for ought appears to the contrary , the Chinese Policy , is sum'd up , and far excell'd by that at this this day of Turky ; and in opening this latter , I have open'd them all , so far from neglect , that I every where give the Turc his due , whose Policy I assert to be the best of this kind , tho not of the best kind . But they will bear me down , and but with one Argument , which I beseech you mark , that it is absolutely of the best kind ; for say they , it is of a more absolute form ( has more of the Man and less of the Law in it ) than is to be met with in any Kingdom of Europe . Book I I AM amaz'd ! This is that kind of Goverment which to hold Barbarous , was in the Greecs and Romans Pedantical Pride , but would be in us who have not the same Temtation of Interest , downright Folly. The Interest of a People is not their Guide but their Temtation ! We that hold our Land divided among us , have not the same Temtation of Interest that had the servil Hebrews , Greecs , and Romans ; but the same that had the free People of Babylon , Persia , and Egypt , where not the People but the Prince was sole Landlord ! O the Arts in which these men are Masters ! To follow the pedantical Pride of MOSES , LYCURGUS , SOLON , ROMULUS , were with us downright Folly ; but to follow humble and learned MAHOMET or OTTOMAN , in whose only Model the Perfection of the Babylonian , Persian , Egyptian Policy is consummated , is Antient Prudence ! Exquisit Politicians ! egregious Divines , for the leading of a People into Egypt or Babylon ! These things consider'd , whether Antient Prudence , as I have stated it , be downright Folly , or as they have stated it , be not downright Knavery , I appeal to any Court of Claims in the world , where the Judges , I mean , have not more in their Caps than in their Heads , and in their Sleeves than the Scarlet . And wheras Men love compendious works , if I gain my Cause , the Reader , for an answer to the Oxford Book , needs look no further than this Chapter . For if Riches and Freedom be the end of Government ; and these Men propose nothing but Slavery , Beggery , and Turcism , what need more words ? CHAP. II. Whether a Commonwealth be rightly defin'd to be a Government of Laws and not of Men , and a Monarchy to be the Government of som Man , or a few Men , and not of Laws ? THAT part of the Preliminarys which the Prevaricator , as is usual with him , recites in this place falsly and fraudulently , is thus : Relation had to these two times ( that of Antient and that of Modern Prudence ) the one , as is computed by JANOTTI , ending with the Liberty of Rome , the other beginning with the Arms of CESAR ( which extinguishing Liberty , became the Translation of Antient into Modern Prudence , introduc'd in the Ruin of the Roman Empire by the Goths and Vandals ) GOVERNMENT ( to define it de jure , or according to Antient Prudence ) is an Art wherby a civil Society of Men is instituted and preserv'd , upon the Foundation of Common Right or Interest ; or ( to follow ARISTOTLE and LIVY ) it is an Empire of Laws , and not of Men. AND Government , to define it de facto , or according to Modern Prudence , is an Art wherby som Man , or som few Men , subject a City or a Nation , and rule it according to his or their privat Interest ; which , because Laws in such cases are made according to the Interest of a Man , or som few Familys , may be said to be an Empire of Men , and not of Laws . HEREBY it is plain , whether in an Empire of Laws , and not of Men , as a Commonwealth ; or in an Empire of Men , and not of Laws , as Monarchy : First , That Law must equally procede from Will , that is either from the Will of the whole People , as in a Commonwealth ; Chap. 2 from the Will of one Man , as in an Absolute , or from the Will of a few Men , as in a Regulated Monarchy . SECONDLY , That Will , whether of one , or more , or all , is not presum'd to be , much less to act without a Mover . THIRDLY , That the Mover of the Will is Interest . FOURTHLY , That Interests also being of one , of more , or of all ; those of one Man , or of a few Men , where Laws are made accordingly , being more privat than coms duly up to the Law , the nature wherof lys not in Partiality but in Justice , may be call'd the Empire of Men , and not of Laws : And that of the whole People coming up to the public Interest ( which is no other than common Right and Justice , excluding all Partiality or privat Interest ) may be call'd the Empire of Laws , and not of Men. By all which put together , wheras it is demonstrable that in this division of Government I do not stay at the Will , which must have som Motive or Mover , but go to the first and remotest Notion of Government , in the Foundation and Origination of it , in which lys the Credit of this Division , and the Definition of the several Members , that is to say , of Interest , whether privat or public ; the Prevaricator tells me , That this division of Government having ( he knows not how ) lost its Credit , the definitions of the several Members of it need not be consider'd further , than that they com not at all up to the first and remotest Notion of Government in the Foundation and Origination of it , in which lys all the difficulty ; and being here neglected , there is little hope the subsequent Discourse can have in it the light of probable Satisfaction , much less the Force of infallible Demonstration . VERY good ! Interest it should seem then is not the first and remotest Notion of Government , but that which he will outthrow ; and at this cast , by saying , that the Declaration of the Will of the Soverain Power is call'd Law : which if it outlives the Person whose Will it was , it is only because the Persons who succede in Power are presum'd to have the same Will , unless they manifest the contrary , and that is the Abrogation of the Law ; so that still the Government is not in the Law , but in the Person whose Will gave a being to that Law. I might as well say , The Declaration to all men by these presents that a man ows Mony is call'd a Bond ; which if it outlives the Person that enter'd into that Bond , it is only because the Persons that succede him in his Estate , are presum'd to have the same Will , unless they manifest the contrary , and that is the abrogation or cancelling of the Bond ; so that still the Debt is not in the Bond , but in his Will who gave a being to that Bond. If it be alleg'd against this example , that it is a privat one , the case may be put between several Princes , States , or Governments , or between several States of the same Principality or Government , whether it be a Regulated Monarchy or a Commonwealth ; for in the like Obligation of the States ( as of the King , the Lords , and Commons ) or Partys agreeing , Authoritate Patrum & jussu Populi , till the Partys that so agreed to the Obligation , shall agree to repeal or cancel it , lys all Law that is not merely in the Will of one Man , or of one State , or Party , as the Oligarchy . But not to dispute these things further in this place , let the Government be what it will , for the Prevaricator to fetch the Origination of Law no further than the Will ( while he knows very well that I fetch'd it from Interest , the Antecedent of Will ) and yet Book I to boast that he has outthrown me , I say he is neither an honest Man , nor a good Bowler . No matter , he will be a better Gunner ; for where I said that the Magistrat upon the Bench is that to the Law , which a Gunner upon his Platform is to his Cannon , he gos about to take better aim , and says , If the proportion of things be accuratly consider'd , it will appear that the laden Cannon answers not to the Laws , but to the Power of the Person whose Will created those Laws : Which if som of them that the Power of the Person whose Will created them , intended should be of as good Stuff or Carriage as the rest , do nevertheless according to the nature of their Matter or of their Charge , com short or over , and others break or recoil ; sure this Report of the Prevaricator is not according to the bore of my Gun , but according to the bore of such a Gunner . Yet again , if he be not so good a Gunner , he will be a better Anatomist : for wheras I affirm , that to say , ARISTOTLE and CICERO wrote not the Rights or Rules of their Politics from the Principles of Nature , but transcrib'd them into their Books out of the practice of their own Commonwealths , is as if a man should say of famous HARVEY , that he transcrib'd his Circulation of the Blood , not out of the Principles of Nature , but out of the Anatomy of this or that Body : He answers , that the whole force of this Objection amounts but to this , that because HARVEY in his Circulation has follow'd the Principles of Nature , therfore ARISTOTLE and CICERO have don so in their Discourses of Government . PRETTY ! It is said in Scripture , Thy Word is sweet as Hony : Amounts that but to this , Because Hony is sweet , therfore the Word of God is sweet ? To say that my Lord Protector has not conquer'd many Nations , were as if one should say , that CESAR had not conquer'd many Nations : Amounts that but to this , that because CAESAR conquer'd many Nations , therfore my Lord Protector has conquer'd many Nations ? What I produce as a Similitude , he calls an Objection ; where I say , as , he says , because : what ingenuous man dos not detest such a cheat ! A Similitude is brought to shew how a thing is or may be , not to prove that it is so ; it is us'd for Illustration , not as an Argument : The Candle I held did not set up the Post , but shew where the Post was set , and yet this blind Buzzard has run his head against it . Nor has he yet enough ; if he be not the better Naturalist , he will be the better Divine , tho he should make the worse Sermon . My Doctrin and Use upon that of SOLOMON , I have seen Servants upon Horses , and Princes walking as Servants upon the Ground , discovers the true means wherby the Principles of Power and Authority , the Goods of the Mind and of Fortune , may so meet and twine in the Wreath or Crown of Empire , that the Government standing upon Earth like a holy Altar , and breathing perpetual Incense to Heaven in Justice and Piety , may be somthing , as it were , between Heaven and Earth ; while that only which is propos'd by the best , and resolv'd by the most , becoms Law ; and so the whole Government an Empire of Laws , and not of Men. This he says , is a goodly Sermon ; it is honest , and sense . But let any man make sense or honesty of this Doctrin , which is his own ; To say that Laws do or can govern , is to amuse our selves with a Form of Speech , as when we say Time , or Age , or Death , dos such a thing ; to which indeed the Phansy of Poets , and Superstition of Women , may adapt a Person , and give a Power of Action : but wise Men know they are only Expressions of such Actions or Qualifications as belong to Things or Chap. 3 Persons . SPEAK out ; Is it the Word of God , or the Knavery and Nonsense of such Preachers that ought to govern ? Are we to hearken to that of the Talmud , There is more in the word of a Scribe , than in the words of the Law ; or that which Christ therupon says to the Pharisees , You have made the Word of God of no effect by your Traditions ? Say , is the Commonwealth to be govern'd in the Word of a Priest or a Pharisee , or by the Vote of the People , and the Interest of Mankind ? CHAP. III. Whether the Balance of Dominion in Land be the natural Cause of Empire ? THE Doctrin of the Balance is that , tho he strains at it , which choaks the Prevaricator : for this of all others is that Principle which makes the Politics , not so before the invention of the same , to be undeniable throout , and ( not to meddle with the Mathematics , an Art I understand as little as Mathematicians do this ) the most demonstrable of any whatsoever . FOR this cause I shall rather take pleasure than pains to look back , or tread the same path with other , and perhaps plainer steps : as thus ; If a man having one hundred pounds a year may keep one Servant , or have one man at his command , then having one hundred times so much , he may keep one hundred Servants ; and this multiply'd by a thousand , he may have one hundred thousand men at his command . Now that the single Person , or Nobility of any Country in Europe , that had but half so many men at command , would be King or Prince , is that which I think no man will doubt . But * no Mony , no Switzers , as the French speak : If the Mony be flown , so are the Men also . Tho Riches in general have Wings , and be apt to bate ; yet those in Land are the most hooded , and ty'd to the Perch , wheras those in Mony have the least hold , and are the swiftest of flight . A Bank where the Mony takes not wing , but to com home seiz'd , or like a Coyduck , may well be great ; but the Treasure of the Indys going out , and not upon returns , makes no Bank. Whence a Bank never paid an Army ; or paying an Army , soon became no Bank. But where a Prince or a Nobility has an Estate in Land , the Revenue wherof will desray this Charge , there their Men are planted , have Toes that are Roots , and Arms that bring forth what Fruit you please . THUS a single Person is made , or a Nobility makes a King , not with difficulty , or any great prudence , but with ease , the rest coming home , as the Ox that not only knows his Master's Crib , but must starve or repair to it , Nor for the same reason is Government acquir'd with more ease than it is preserv'd ; that is , if the Foundation of Property Book I be in Land : but if in Mony , lightly com , lightly go . The reason why a single Person , or the Nobility that has one hundred thousand men , or half so many at command , will have the Government , is that the Estate in Land , wherby they are able to maintain so many , in any European Territory , must overbalance the rest that remains to the People , at least three parts in four , by which means they are no more able to dispute the Government with him or them , than your Servant is with you . Now for the same reason , if the People hold three parts in four of the Territory , it is plain there can neither be any single Person nor Nobility able to dispute the Government with them ; in this case therfore , except Force be interpos'd , they govern themselves . So by this computation of the Balance of Property or Dominion in Land , you have according to the threefold Foundation of Property , the Root or Generation of the threefold kind of Government or Empire . IF one man be sole Landlord of a Territory , or overbalance the whole People , three parts in four , or therabouts , he is Grand Signior ; for so the Turc , not from his Empire , but his Property is call'd ; and the Empire in this case is absolute Monarchy . IF the Few , or a Nobility , or a Nobility with a Clergy , be Landlords to such a proportion as overbalances the People in the like manner , they may make whom they please King ; or if they be not pleas'd with their King , down with him , and set up whom they like better ; a HENRY the Fourth , or the Seventh , a GUISE , a MONTFORT , a NEVIL , or a PORTER , should they find that best for their own ends and purposes : For as not the Balance of the King , but that of the Nobility in this case is the cause of the Government , so not the Estate or Riches of the Prince or Captain , but his Virtue or Ability , or fitness for the ends of the Nobility , acquires that Command or Office. This for Aristocracy , or mix'd Monarchy . But if the whole People be Landlords , or hold the Land so divided among them , that no one man or number of men within the compass of the Few , or Aristocracy overbalance them , it is a Commonwealth . Such is the Branch in the Root , or the Balance of Property naturally producing Empire ; which not confuted , no man shall be able to batter my Superstructures , and which confuted , I lay down my Arms. Till then , if the cause necessarily precede the effect , Property must have a being before Empire , or beginning with it , must be still first in order . PROPERTY coms to have a being before Empire or Government two ways , either by a natural or violent Revolution . Natural Revolution happens from within , or by Commerce , as when a Government erected upon one Balance , that for example of a Nobility or a Clergy , thro the decay of their Estates coms to alter to another Balance ; which alteration in the Root of Property , leaves all to confusion , or produces a new Branch or Government , according to the kind or nature of the Root . Violent Revolution happens from without , or by Arms , as when upon Conquest there follows Confiscation . Confiscation again is of three kinds , when the Captain taking all to himself , plants his Army by way of military Colonys , Benefices , or Timars , which was the Policy of MAHOMET ; or when the Captain has som Sharers , or a Nobility that divides with him , which was the Policy introduc'd by the Goths and Vandals ; or when the Captain divides the Inheritance by Lots , or otherwise , to the whole People ; which Policy was instituted by GOD or MOSES in the Common-wealth Chap. 3 of Israel . This triple distribution , whether from natural or violent Revolution , returns as to the generation of Empire to the same thing that is to the nature of the Balance already stated and demonstrated . Now let us see what the Prevaricator will say , which first is this . THE Assertion , that Property producing Empire consists only in Land , appears too positive . A Pig of my own Sow ; this is no more than I told him , only there is more imply'd in what I told him , than he will see ; which therfore I shall now further explain . The balance in Mony may be as good or better than that of Land in three cases . First , where there is no Property of Land yet introduc'd , as in Greece during the time of her antient Imbecillity ; whence , as is noted by THUCYDIDES , the meaner sort thro a desire of Gain underwent the Servitude of the Mighty . Secondly , in Citys of small Territory and great Trade , as Holland and Genoa , the Land not being able to feed the People , who must live upon Traffic , is overbalanc'd by the means of that Traffic , which is Mony. Thirdly , in a narrow Country , where the Lots are at a low scantling , as among the Israelits , if care be not had of Mony in the regulation of the same , it will eat out the balance of Land. For which cause tho an Israelit might both have Mony , and put it to Usury ( Thou shalt lend [ upon usury ] to many Nations ) yet might he not lend it upon usury to a Citizen or Brother : whence two things are manifest : First , that Usury in it self is not unlawful : And next , that Usury in Israel was no otherwise forbidden , than as it might com to overthrow the Balance or Foundation of the Government : for where a Lot as to the general amounted not perhaps to four Acres , a man that should have had a thousand Pounds in his Purse , would not have regarded such a Lot in comparison of his Mony ; and he that should have bin half so much in debt , would have bin quite eaten out . Usury is of such a nature , as , not forbidden in the like cases , must devour the Government . The Roman People , while their Territory was no bigger , and their Lots , which exceded not two Acres a man , were yet scantier , were flead alive with it ; and if they had not help'd themselves by their Tumults , and the Institution of their Tribuns , it had totally ruin'd both them and their Government . In a Common-wealth , whose Territory is very small , the Balance of the Government being laid upon the Land , as in Lacedemon , it will not be sufficient to forbid Usury , but Mony it self must be forbidden . Whence LYCURGUS allow'd of none , or of such only as being of old , or otherwise useless Iron , was little better , or , if you will , little worse than none . The Prudence of which Law appear'd in the neglect of it , as when LYSANDER , General for the Lacedemonians in the Peloponnesian War , having taken Athens , and brought home the spoil of it , occasion'd the Ruin of that Commonwealth in her Victory . The Land of Canaan compar'd with Spain or England , was at the most but a Yorkshire , and Laconia was less than Canaan . Now if we imagin Yorkshire divided , as was Canaan , into six hundred thousand Lots , or as was Laconia , into thirty thousand ; a Yorkshire man having one thousand Pounds in his Purse , would , I believe , have a better Estate in Mony than in Land ; wherfore in this case , to make the Land hold the Balance , there is no way but either that of Israel by forbidding Usury , or that of Lacedemon by forbidding Mony. Where a small Sum may com to Book I overbalance a man's Estate in Land , there I say Usury or Mony for the preservation of the Balance in Land , must of necessity be forbidden , or the Government will rather rest upon the Balance of Mony , than upon that of Land , as in Holland and Genoa . But in a Territory of such extent as Spain , or England , the Land being not to be overbalanc'd by Mony , there needs no forbidding of Mony or Usury . In Lacedemon Merchandize was forbidden , in Israel and Rome it was not exercis'd ; wherfore to these Usury must have bin the more destructive : but in a Country where Merchandize is exercis'd , it is so far from being destructive , that it is necessary ; else that which might be of profit to the Commonwealth would rust unprofitably in privat purses , there being no man that will venture his Mony but thro hope of som Gain ; which if it be so regulated that the Borrower may gain more by it than the Lender , as at four in the hundred , or therabouts , Usury becoms a mighty Profit to the Public , and a Charity to privat Men ; in which sense we may not be persuaded by them that do not observe these different causes , that it is against Scripture . Had usury to a Brother bin permitted in Israel , that Government had bin overthrown : but that such a Territory as England or Spain cannot be overbalanc'd by Mony , whether it be a scarce or a plentiful Commodity , whether it be accumulated by Parsimony , as in the purse of HENRY the 7 th , or presented by Fortune , as in the Revenue of the Indys , is sufficiently demonstrated , or shall be . FIRST , by an Argument ad hominem , one good enough for the Prevaricator , who argues thus ; The Wisdom or the Riches of another man can never give him a Title to my Obedience , nor oblige Mr. HARRINGTON to give his Clothes or Mony to the next man he meets , wiser or richer than himself . IF he had said stronger , he had spoil'd all ; for the parting with a mans Clothes or Mony in that case , cannot be help'd : now the richer , as to the case in debate , is the stronger , that is , the advantage of Strength remains to the Balance . But well ; he presumes me to have Clothes and Mony of my own , let him put the same case in the People , or the similitude dos not hold . But if the People have Clothes and Mony of their own , these must either rise ( for the bulk ) out of Property in Land , or at least out of the cultivation of the Land , or the Revenue of Industry ; which if it be dependent , they must give such a part of their Clothes and Mony to preserve that dependence out of which the rest arises to him or them on whom they depend , as he or they shall think fit , or parting with nothing to this end , must lose all ; that is , if they be Tenants , they must pay their Rent , or turn out . So i● they have Clothes and Mony dependently , the Balance of Land is in the Landlord or Landlords of the People : but if they have Clothes and Mony independently , then the Balance of Land must of necessity be in the People themselves , in which case they neither would , if there were any such , nor can , because there be no such , give their Mony or Clothes to such as are wiser , or richer , or stronger than themselves . So it is not a mans Clothes and Mony or Riches , that oblige him to acknowlege the Title of his Obedience to him that is wiser or richer , but a man 's no Clothes or Mony , or his Poverty , with which , if the Prevaricator should com to want , he could not so finely prevaricat but he must serve som body , so he were rich , no matter if less wise than himself . Wherfore seeing the People cannot be said to have Clothes and Mony of their own without the balance in Land , Chap. 3 and having the balance in Land , will never give their Clothes , or Mony , or Obedience to a single Person , or a Nobility , tho these should be the richer in Mony ; the Prevaricator by his own Argument has evinc'd that in such a Territory as England or Spain , Mony can never com to overbalance Land. FOR a second Demonstration of this Truth , HENRY the Seventh , tho he miss'd of the Indys , in which for my part I think him happy , was the richest in Mony of English Princes . Nevertheless this accession of Revenue did not at all preponderat on the King's part , nor change the balance . But while making Farms of a Standard he increas'd the Yeomanry , and cutting off Retainers he abas'd the Nobility , began that Breach in the balance of Land , which proceding has ruin'd the Nobility , and in them that Government . FOR a third , the Monarchy of Spain , since the Silver of Potosi sail'd up the Guadalquivir , which in English is , since that King had the Indys , stands upon the same balance in the Lands of the Nobility on which it always stood . AND so the learned Conclusion of the Prevaricator ( That it is not to be doubted but a Revenue sufficient to maintain a Force able [ to cry ware horns ] or beat down all opposition , dos equally conduce to Empire , whether it arises from Rents , Lands , Profits of ready Mony , Dutys , Customs , &c. ) asks you no more than where you saw her Premises . For unless they ascended his Monti , and his Banks , it is not to be imagin'd which way they went ; and with these , because he is a profest Zealot for Monarchy , I would wish him by no means to be montebanking or meddling : for the purse of a Prince never yet made a Bank , nor , till spending and trading Mony be all one , ever shall . The Genoese , which the King of Spain could never do with the Indys , can make you a Bank out of Letters of Exchange , and the Hollander with Herrings . Let him com no more here ; where there is a Bank , ten to one there is a Commonwealth . A King is a Soldier , or a Lover , neither of which makes a good Merchant ; and without Merchandize you will have a lean Bank. It is true , the Family of the MEDICI were both Merchants , and made a Bank into a Throne : but it was in Commonwealth of Merchants , in asmall Territory , by great purchases in Land , and rather in a mere confusion than under any settl'd Government ; which Causes , if he can give them all such another meeting , may do as much for another man. Otherwise let it be agreed and resolv'd , that in a Territory of any extent , the balance of Empire consists in Land , and not in Mony ; always provided that in case a Prince has occasion to run away , as HENRY the Third of France did out of Poland , his Balance in ready Mony is absolutely the most proper for the carrying on of so great and sudden an Enterprize . IT is an excellent way of disputing , when a man has alleg'd no experience , no example , no reason , to conclude with no doubt . Certainly upon such occasions it is not unlawful nor unreasonable to be merry . Reasons , says one Comedian , are not so common as Blackberrys . For all that , says another Comedian , no doubt but a Revenue in Taxes is as good as a Revenue in Feesimple ; for this , in brief , is the sense of his former particular , or that part of it , which , the Monti and the Banks being already discharg'd , remains to be answer'd . Yet that the Rents and Profits of a man's Land in Feesimple or Property , com Book I in naturally and easily , by common consent or concernment , that is , by virtue of the Law founded upon the public Interest , and therfore voluntarily establish'd by the whole People , is an apparent thing . So a man that will receive the Rents and Profits of other mens Land , must either take them by mere force , or bring the People to make a Law devesting themselves of so much of their Property ; which upon the matter is all one , because a People possest of the Balance , cannot be brought to make such a Law , further than they see necessary for their common defence , but by force , nor to keep it any longer than that Force continues . It is true , there is not only such a thing in nature as health , but sickness too : nor do I deny that there is such a thing as a Government against the Balance . But look about , seek , find where it stood , how it was nam'd , how lik'd , or how long it lasted . Otherwise the comical Proposition coms to this , It is not to be doubted but that Violence may be permanent or durable , and the Blackberry , for it is because Nature is permanent or durable ! What other construction can be made of these words ? It is not to be doubted but a Revenue sufficient to maintain a Force able to beat down all opposition ( that is , a Force able to raise such a Revenue ) dos equally ( on which word grows the Blackberry ) conduce to Empire ; that is , as much as could any natural Balance of the same ! He may stain mouths , as he has don som , but he shall never make a Politician . The Earth yields her natural increase without losing her heart ; but if you com once to force her , look your Force continue , or she yields you nothing : and the balance of Empire consisting of Earth , is of the nature of her Element . DIVINES are given to speak much of things which the Considerer balks in this place that would check them , to the end he may fly out with them in others , wherto they do not belong , as where he says , that Government is foun●ed either upon Paternity , and the natural Advantage the first Father had over all the rest of Mankind , who were his Sons ; or else from the increase of Strength and Power in som Man or Men , to whose Will the rest submit , that by their submission they may avoid such mischief , as otherwise would be brought upon them . Which two Vagarys are to be fetch'd home to this place . FOR the former ; If ADAM had liv'd till now , he could have seen no other than his own Children ; and so that he must have bin King by the right of Nature , was his peculiar Prerogative . But whether the eldest Son of his House , if the Prevaricator can find him at this time of day , has the same right , is somwhat disputable ; because it was early when ABRAHAM and LOT dividing Territorys , became several Kings : and not long after when the Sons of JACOB being all Patriarchs , by the appointment of God , whose Right sure was not inferior to that of ADAM , tho he had liv'd , came under Popular Government . Wherfore the advantage of the first Father is for grave men a pleasant fancy ; nevertheless if he had liv'd till now , I hope they understand that the whole Earth would have bin his Demeans , and so the Balance of his Property must have answer'd to his Empire , as did that also of ABRAHAM and LOT to theirs . Wherfore this way of Deduction coms directly home again to the Balance . Paterfamilias Latifundia possidens , & neminem aliâ lege in suas terras recipiens quam ut ditioni suae , qui recipiuntur , se subjiciant , est Rex , says GROTIUS . Fathers of Familys are of three sorts , either a sole Landlord , as ADAM , and then he is an absolute Monarch ; or a few Landlords , as LOT and ABRAHAM , with the Patriarchs of those days ; who if Chap. 3 they join'd not together , were so many Princes ; or if they join'd , made a mix'd Monarchv ; or , as GROTIUS believes , a kind of Commonwealth administer'd in the Land of Canaan by MELCHISEDEC , to whom as King and Priest ABRAHAM paid Tithes of all that he had . Such a Magistracy was that also of JETHRO , King and Priest in the Commonwealth of Midian . Fathers of Familys for the third sort , as when the Multitude are Landlords ( which happen'd in the division of the Land of Canaan ) make a Commonwealth . And thus much , however it was out of the Prevaricator's head in the place now deduc'd , he , excepting no further against the Balance than that it might consist as well in Mony as in Land , had confest before . HIS second Vagary is in his deduction of Empire from increase of Strength , for which we must once more round about our ●oalsire . The strength wherby this effect can be expected , consists not in a pair of Fists , but in an Army ; and an Army is a Beast with a great Belly , which subsists not without very large pastures : so if one man has sufficient pasture , he may feed such a Beast ; if a few have the pasture , they must feed the Beast , and the Beast is theirs that feed it . But if the People be the Sheep of their own pastures , they are not only a flock of Sheep , but an Army of Lions , tho by som accidents , as I confest before , they be for a season confinable to their dens . So the advantage or increase of Strength depends also upon the Balance . There is nothing in the world to swear this Principle out of countetenance , but the fame of PHALARIS , GELON , DIONYSIUS , AGATHOCLES , NABIS , &c. with which much good do them that like it . It is proper to a Government upon the Balance to take root at home , and spread outwards ; and to a Government against the Balance to seek a root abroad , and to spread inwards . The former is sure , but the latter never successful . AGATHOCLES for having conquer'd Africa , took not the better root in Syracusa . Parvi sunt arma foras , nisi sit consilium domi . To conclude this Chapter ; the Prevaricator gives me this thanks for finding out the Balance of Dominion ( being as antient in Nature as her self , and yet as new in Art as my Writing ) that I have given the world cause to complain of a great disappointment , who , while at my hand that Satisfaction in the Principles of Government was expected , which several great Wits had in vain study'd , have in diversifying Riches in words only , as Property , Dominion , Agrarian , Balance , made up no more than a new Lexicon , expressing the same thing that was known before ; seeing the opinion that Riches are Power is ( as antient as the first Book of THUCYDIDES , or the Politics of ARISTOTLE , and ) not omitted by Mr. HOBBS , or any other Politician . Which is as if he had told Dr. HARVEY , that wheras the Blood is the Life was an Opinion as antient as MOSES , and no Girl ever prick'd her finger , but knew it must have a course ; he had given the world cause to complain of great disappointment in not shewing a Man to be made of Gingerbread , and his Veins to run Malmsy . Book I CHAP. IV. Whether the Balance of Empire be well divided into National and Provincial ; And whether these two , or any Nations that are of distinct Balance , coming to depend upon one and the same Head , such a mixture creates a new Balance . THE Balance of Empire that is National , as it is stated in the former Chapter , stands in a regulated or mix'd Monarchy upon the Property or native Interest of the Nobility ; in a Commonwealth , upon the Property or native Interest of the People ; so these are very natural . But the Balance of absolute Monarchy , partaking of Force as well as Nature , is a mix'd thing , and not much different from the Balance of Provincial Empire , or the manner of holding a Province or conquer'd Country . In a Province , if the Native that is rich be admitted to Power , the Power grows up native , and overtops the foren : therfore you must either not plant your Citizens in your Provinces , where in time they will becom native ; or , so planting them , neither trust them with Power nor with Arms. Thus the provincial Balance coms to be contrary to the National . And as where Empire is native or national , the administration of it can be no otherwise than according to the national Balance ; so where Empire is foren or provincial , the administration of it can be no otherwise than contrary to the national Balance . That this may be admitted without opposition the Considerer is inclining to allow , always provided he be satisfy'd in this demand , Whether distinct Balances under the same Head or Governor , as those of Castile and Arragon , the Power of the King ( I presume he means by the Balance of a Nobility ) being greater in the one , and that of the People in the other , may not so poise one the other , as to produce a new Balance . To which I answer , That no one Government whatsoever has any more than one of two Balances ; that , except in the cases excepted , of Land which is national , or that of Arms which is provincial . Wherfore if the King of Spain by his War against the Commons alter'd the Balance of Arragon , it must have bin one of two ways , either by strengthning the Balance of the Nobility , and governing the Arragonian People by them , in which case their Balance , tho alter'd , remain'd yet National ; or by holding both Nobility and People by a provincial Governor and an Army , in which case his Empire in that Kingdom is provincial . There is no third way ; nor , putting the case that the Balance of Castile be national , and that of Arragon provincial , dos this any more create in the Monarchy of Spain a third Balance of Empire , than did the multiplication of Associations and Provinces , divers for their Balances , in the Commonwealth of Rome . England and Scotland being united in one Prince , made , if it had bin rightly us'd , an increase of Strength , but not a third Balance ; nor do the Kingdoms in Spain . Whether a Soverainty has many Territorys and Provinces in subjection , or in League , it is all one as to this point ; the stronger Union or League will give the stronger Balance : and the case of the present Soveraintys in Europe being no other , the more nice than wise Speculation of the Considerer , who has not bin able to discern the Balance of a League from that of Empire , is a Mares nest . CHAP. V. Chap. 5 Whether there be any common Right or Interest of Mankind distinct from the parts taken severally ; and how by the Orders of a Commonwealth it may best be distinguish'd from privat Interest . IN the next place the Prevaricator dos not go about to play the man , but the unlucky boy . Where I say that the Soul of Man is Mistress of two potent Rivals , Reason and Passion ; he dos not stand to weigh the truth of the thing , or the fitness of the comparison , either of which had bin fair ; but tumbles Dick upon Sis , the Logic upon the Rhetoric , the Sense upon the Figure , and scuds away in this manner : If I could be perswaded Mr. HARRINGTON was so far in earnest , as to expect any man should be convinc'd by the metaphorical use of two or three words , som farther consideration might be propos'd . This is to use his Readers as the Fox dos the Dogs , when having pist upon his Tail , and flapt it in their Eys , he gets away . Dos not his Book deserve to be gilded and carry'd in Statesmens Pockets ? Alas ! mine are nothing ? Quis leget haec ? vel duo vel nemo : they break the Stationer . And yet let me comfort my self , Whose are better ? the Prevaricator seems to set every whit as light by those of HOOKER and GROTIUS , at least where they favor me . The Opinions of GROTIUS , says he , cannot oblige us beyond the Reasons wheron they are founded ; and what are those ? he will dispute against that which he dares not repeat : that his Comment may take you by the Nose , he has left out the Text. The words of GROTIUS are of this sense : Tho it be truly said that the Creatures are naturally carry'd to their proper Vtility , this ought not to be taken in too general a sense , seeing divers of them abstain from their own Profit , either in regard of those of the same kind , or at least of their Young. Which words , says the Prevaricator , carry a great restriction in them , and the way of producing Actions in Beasts is so different from the emanation of human Reason ( mark the Impostor ! the Author is speaking of natural Affection , and he wipes out that , and puts in human Reason ) that the Inferences from ( the natural Affection of ) the one , to the ( degree of Reason which is in the ) other , must needs be very weak . Excellent ! dos it therfore follow that the eminent degree of Reason , wherewithal God has indu'd Man , must in him deface that natural Affection , and desertion in som cases of privat for common good , which is apparent even in Beasts ? What do reverend Divines mean to cry up this Infidel ? Nay , is not he worse than an Insidel that provides not for his own Family ? A Commonwealth is but a great Family ; and a Family is a little Commonwealth . Even Beasts , in sparing out of their own mouths , and exposing themselves to danger for their young , provide for their Familys ; and in providing for their Familys , provide for their whole Commonwealth ; that is , forsake in som things their privat good and safety , for the good of the public , or of the kind . In this case it is that even Stones or heavy things , says HOOKER , forsake their ordinary wont or center , and fly upwards to relieve the distress of Nature in common . Wretch that he is , shall a Stone upon this occasion fly upwards , and will he have a Man to go Book I downwards ! Yes , Mr. HOOKER'S Expression , says he , is altogether figurative ; and it is easier to prove from thence that things wanting Sense make Discourses , and act by Election , than that there is such a thing as a common Interest of Mankind . This is like the rest , HOOKER speaks of the necessity that is in Nature , and this Gentleman translates that Sense into the word Election . So because a Stone is necessitated to comply with the common interest of Nature , without Discourse or Election ; therfore it rather follows from hence , that things wanting Sense make Discourses , and act by Election , than that there is such a thing as a common Interest of Mankind . His old Trick . I do not say , that because it is so with the other Creatures , therfore it must be so with Man : but as we see it is with the Creatures in this part , so we find it to be with Man. And that so , and more than so , we find it to be with Man ( who tho he be evil , gives good things to his Children , will work hard , lay up , deny himself , venture his Life for his little Commonwealth ) is thus further demonstrated . All civil Laws acknowlege that there is a common Interest of Mankind , and all civil Laws procede from the Nature of Man ; therfore it is in the Nature of Man to acknowlege that there is a common Interest of Mankind . Upon this acknowlegement of Mankind , a Man that steals is put to death , which certainly is none of his privat Interest ; nor is a man put to death for any other Man's privat Interest : therfore there is a common Interest of Mankind distinct from the parts taken severally . But this , tho acknowleg'd in part by all Governments , yet thro their natural frailty is nothing so well provided for in som as in others : for if the Power be in one or a few Men , one or a few Men , we know , may be Thieves , and the rather , because applying Mony that is public , without a consideration that is public , to uses that are privat , is thieving . But such Thieves will not be hang'd ; in this case therfore the Government gos not upon public but privat Interest . In the frame of such a Government as can go upon no other than the public Interest , consists that whole Philosophy of the Soul which concerns Policy : and this whole Philosophy of the Soul being throout the Commonwealth of Oceana demonstrated ; for the Prevaricator to insinuat that I have omitted it , is to shew what it is that he loves more than Truth . The main of this Philosophy consists in deposing Passion , and advancing Reason to the Throne of Empire . I expected news in this place , that this were to promise more for the Magistrat or the People than has bin perform'd by the Stoics ; but two Girls , meaning no body any harm , have provok'd his Wrath , forsooth , to such extravagancy by the way , that tho in all modesty it were forbid , as he confesses , by their cheeks , which discovering the Green-sickness , shew'd that they were past the rod , he has taken them up ! Tantaene animis coelestibus irae ! What he may have in School-Divinity for so rude a charge , I do not know ; but he shall never be able to shew any Maxim for this kind of Disciplin or Philosophy of the Soul , either in Chevalry or the Politics . The offence of the Girls was no more , than that having a Cake ( by the gift of an Uncle or Aunt , or by purchase , or such a one perhaps as was of their own making ) in common , or between them , the one had most accuratly divided , and the other was about to chuse ; when in coms this rude fellow : How now Gentlewomen , says he , What , dividing and chusing ! Will no less serve your turn than the whole Mystery of a well-order'd Commonwealth ? Who has taught you to cast away Passion , an 't please you , like the Bran , and work up Reason as pure as the Flower of your Cake ? Chap. 5 Are you acquainted with the Author of Oceana , that has seen foren Countrys , convers'd with the Speculativi , learn'd of the most serene Lady VENETIA to work with Bobbins , makes you a Magistracy like a Pippin Py , and sells Butterprints with S. P. Q. R. ? Have don , as you dread Ballads , fusty Pamphlets , or the Ostracism of Billingsgate . Have don , I say ; will you vy that green in your Cheeks with the purple of the State ? must your Mother , who was never there her self , seek you in the Oven ? Com , when I live to see MACCHIAVEL in pufpaste , a Commonwealth com out of a Bakehouse , where Smocks were the Boulters , let me be a Mil-horse . — But now you must know coms the best Jest of all , and I need not say that it coms from Oxford ; he tells them that their Cake is Dow ( let it not be lost I beseech you ) and so snatching it away , eats it , for all the world as Jackpudding eats the Custard . Did you ever see such a Bestia ? BUT wheras either office , that of dividing or chusing , was communicable to either of the Girls , it is not indifferent in the distribution of a Commonwealth , because dividing is separating one thing , one reason , one interest , or consideration from another , which they that can so discern in privat affairs are call'd discrete , but they that can do it in public are prudent ; and the way of this kind of dividing in the language of a Commonweath is Debating . But they that are capable of this kind of dividing or debating are few among many , that when things are thus divided and debated , are able enough to chuse , which in the language of a Commonwealth is to resolve . Hence it is that the Debate of the Few , because there be but few that can debate , is the wisest Debate ; and the Result of the Many ( because every man has an Interest what to chuse , and that choice which sutes with every man's Interest , excludes the distinct or privat Interest or Passion of any man , and so coms up to the common and public Interest or Reason ) is the wisest Result . To this end , God , who dos nothing in vain , has so divided Mankind into the Few or the natural Aristocracy , and the Many or the natural Democracy , that there can hardly be upon any occasion a meeting of twenty men , wherin it will not be apparent , or in which you may not see all those Lines which are requisit to the face of a beautiful Commonwealth . For example , among any twenty men , occasionally met , there will be som few , perhaps six , excelling the fourteen in greatness of Parts . These six falling into discourse of business , or giving their judgment upon Persons or Things , tho but by way of mere Conversation , will discover their Abilitys ; wherupon they shall be listen'd to and regarded by the Fourteen ; that is , the Six will acquire an Authority with , and imprint a Reverence upon the Fourteen : which Action and Passion in the Roman Commonwealth were call'd Authoritas Patrum , & Verecundia Plebis . Nevertheless if the Six indeavor to extend the Authority , which they find thus acquir'd , to Power , that is , to bring the Fourteen to terms or conditions of Obedience , or such as would be advantageous to the Few , but prejudicial to the Many ; the Fourteen will soon find , that consenting , they hurt not only themselves by indamaging their own Interests , but hurt the Six also who by this means com to lose their Virtue , and so spoil their Debate , which , while such advantages are procurable to themselves , will go no further upon the common Good , but their privat Benefit . Wherfore in this case they Book I will not consent , and not consenting , they preserve not only their own Liberty , but the integrity of the Six also , who perceiving that they cannot impair the common Interest , have no other interest left but to improve it . And neither any Conversation , nor any People , how dull soever and subject by fits to be deluded , but will soon see thus much , which is enough , because what is thus propos'd by the Authority of the Six or of the Senat , and resolv'd by the Fourteen , or by the People , is enacted by the Whole , and becoms that Law , than which , tho Mankind be not infallible , there can be nothing less fallible in Mankind . Art is the imitation of Nature ; by observation of such Lines as these in the face of Nature , a Politician limns his Commonwealth . But says the Prevaricator , the Paralogism lys in this , that the twenty men are first suppos'd to be a Commonwealth , and then it is consider'd how they would dispose of the Government . What is this ? Art is the imitation of Nature ; therfore Art presumes Nature to be Art. A Picture is the representation of a Face ; therfore the Picturedrawer presum'd the Face to be a Picture ; and in this same , there is lying , being , or squatting , a thing call'd a Paralogism . Did you ever hear such a Paraketism ? for to speak a word without understanding the sense of it , is like a Parrat . And yet I wrong the Parrat in this comparison ; for she , tho she do not understand her self , is understood by others , wheras neither can this Prevaricator tell what he means , nor any man else . Or riddle me , riddle me what is this ? The sense of want among men that are in equality of Power may beget a desire of exchange ; as let me have your Horse , and you shall have my Cow , which is the fountain of privat Contracts : but it is not to be with reason imagin'd , that this should be enough to make a man part with a natural Freedom , and put himself into the hands of a Power from which he can afterwards have no shield , tho it should be us'd to his own destruction . MOST victorious Nonsense ! for he that says nothing , cannot be answer'd . It should seem , if the twenty men were indeed a Commonmonwealth , or in equality of Power , for so he puts the case , they might truck Horses and Cows , but not by any means consider , or once let it enter into their heads , how by Art to make good their natural Freedom : That ( unless they set up a Prince , as you shall see anon ) were to part with their natural Freedom , and put themselves into the hands of a Power from which ( there being no other Power but themselves ) they can afterwards have no shield . To read it throughly for the understanding , as is intimated in his Epistle , will be more , I doubt , than his Book will obtain of any Reader . Yet is he , in his own conceit , as surefooted as any Mule , and knows the Road. But Mr. HARRINGTON has not lost his way without company ; his Brother GROTIUS complains , that they who treat of Jus Gentium , do commonly mistake som part of the Roman Jus Civile for it : and even so he laments ( an 't please you ) that while men profess to consider the Principles of Government , they fall upon Notions which are the mere effects of Government . But as an Ape is the more ugly for being like a Man ; so this Prevaricator , for making Faces like GROTIUS . I , who am complain'd of , deriving Government from the true Principle of the same , in the Balance or Foundation , set the Superstructures accordingly ; and he who complains forsooth , never so much as proposes any thing like a Principle or Superstructure , but runs altogether upon mere Notions : As where he asks me , What Security will you give , that the Six in their Consultations shall not rather aim at their own advantage , than that of Chap. 5 the Fourteen , and so make use of the eminence of their Parts to circumvent the rest ? In another place he can answer himself and say , that the Fourteen , or the People in this Constitution , have the Vote and the Sword too . How then should the Six circumvent them ? What Security has a Prince , that his People will not pull him out of his Throne ? why , a Nobility or an Army : And are not the People in a Common-wealth their own Army ? Is this to mind Principles ? On the other side , How , says he , shall we be satisfy'd that the Fourteen will not soon begin to ihink themselves wise enough to consult too , and making use of their excess in Power , pull the Six off their Cushions ? As if there were any experience public or privat , any sense or reason , that men having the whole Power in their own hands , would deprive themselves of Counsillors ; or that ever a Commonwealth depos'd the Senat , or can depose the Senat , and remain a Commonwealth . The People of Capua being inrag'd to the full height , resolv'd and assembl'd together ( the Senat , if the People will , being always in their power ) on purpose to cut the throats of the Senators , when PACUVIUS CALAVIUS exhorted them that ere they went upon the design , they would first make election among themselves of a new Senat , which , the throats of the old being cut , might for the safety of the Commonwealth immediatly take their places ; for , said he , * You must either have a King , which is to be abhor'd ; or whatever becoms of this , you must have som other Senat : for the Senat is a Council of such a nature as without it no free City can subsist . By which Speech of PACUVIUS , the People , who thought themselves , as the Considerer has it , wise enough to consult , being convinc'd , sell to work for the Election of a succeding Senat out of themselves ( the Prevaricator should not tell me of Notions , but learn that in a Commonwealth there must be a Senat , is a Principle ) while the People of Capua were intent upon chusing this new Senat , the Partys propos'd seem'd to them to be so ridiculously unsit for such an Office , that by this means coming to a nearer sight of themselves , they were secretly so fill'd with the shame of their Enterprize , that slinking away , they would never after be known so much as to have thought upon such a thing . Nor ever went any other People so far , not the Florentins themselves , tho addicted to Innovation or changing of the Senat beyond all other examples . Sons of the University , Brothers of the College , Heads and Points ; you love fine words . Whether tends to bring all things into servitude , my Hypothesis , or his † Hypothytes ? For says he , I am willing to gratify Mr. HARRINGTON with his partition of the twenty men into six and fourteen ; but if I had bin in a humor of contradiction , it had bin as free for me to have said that som one of the twenty would have excel'd all the rest in Judgment , Experience , Courage , and height of Genius , and then told him , that this had bin a natural Monarchy , establish'd by God himself over Mankind : As if the twenty would give their Clothes or Mony to the next man they meet wiser or richer than themselves , which before he deny'd ; Oportet mendacem esse memorem . God establish'd Kings no otherwise than by election of the People ; and the twenty will neither give their Clothes nor Mony : How then ? why in coms a Gallant with a file Book I of Musketeers ; What , says he , are you dividing and chusing here ? Go to , I will have no dividing , give me all . Down go the pots , and up go their heels : What is this ? why a King ! What more ? by Divine Right ! As he took the Cake from the Girls ! CHAP. VI. Whether the Senatusconsulta , or Decrees of the Roman Senat , had the Power of Laws . AMONG divers and weighty Reasons why I would have that Prince look well to his file of Musketeers , this is no small one , that he being upon no balance , will never be able to give Law without them . For to think that he succedes to the Senat , or that the power of the Senat may serve his turn , is a presumtion that will fail him . The Senat , as such , has no power at all , but mere Authority of proposing to the People , who are the makers of their own Laws ; whence the Decrees of the Senat of Rome are never Laws , nor so call'd , but Senatusconsulta . It is true that a King coming in , the Senat , as there it did , may remain to his aid and advantage ; and then they propose not as formerly to the People , but to him , who coms not in upon the right of the Senat , but upon that of the People : whence says JUSTINIAN ; * The Princes Pleasure has the force of Law , since the People have by the Lex Regia concerning his Power , made over to him all their own Empire and Authority . Thus the Senatusconsultum Macedonicum , with the rest that had place allow'd by JUSTINIAN in compilement of the Roman Laws , were not Laws in that they were Senatusconsulta , or propos'd by the Senat , but in that they were allow'd by JUSTINIAN or the Prince , in whom was now the right of the People . Wherfore the Zealot for Monarchy has made a pas de clerc , or foul step in his procession , where he argues thus out of CUJACIUS : It was soon agreed that the distinct Decrees of the Senat and People should be extended to the nature of Laws ; therfore the distinct Decrees of the Senat are Laws , whether it be so agreed by the People , or by the Prince , or no. For thus he has no sooner made his Prince , than he kicks him heels over head ; seeing where the Decrees of the Senat are Laws without the King , that same is as much a King as the Prevaricator a Politician . A Law is that which was past by the Power of the People , or of the King. But out of the Light ; in this place he takes a Welsh Bait , and looking back , makes a muster of his Victorys , like the bussing Gascon , who , to shew what he had thrown out of the windows in his Debauchery , made a formal repetition of the whole Inventory of the House . CHAP. VII . Chap. 7 Whether the Ten Commandments were propos'd by GOD or MOSES , and voted by the People of Israel . ONE would think the Gascon had don well ; Is he satisfy'd ? No , he will now throw the House out of the windows . The principal stones being already taken from the Foundation , he has a bag of certain Winds wherwithal to reverse the Superstructures . The first Wind he lets go is but a Puff , where he tells me , that I bring Switzerland and Holland into the enumeration of the Heathen Commonwealths : which if I had don , their Libertys in many parts and places being more antient than the Christian Religion in those Countrys ( as is plain by TACITUS , where he speaks of CIVILIS , and of the Customs of the Germans ) I had neither wrong'd them nor my self ; but I do no such matter , for having enumerated the Heathen Commonwealths , I add that the Procedings of Holland and Switzerland , tho after a more obscure manner , are of the like nature . The next is a Storm , while reproaching me with Rudeness , he brings in Dr. FERN and the Clergy by head and shoulders , who till they undertake the quarrel of Monarchy , to the confusion of the Commonwealth of Israel , at least so far that there be no weight or obligation in such an Example , are posted . As if for a Christian Commonwealth to make so much use of Israel as the Roman did of Athens , whose Laws she transcrib'd , were against the Interest of the Clergy , which , it seems , is so hostil to popular Power , that to say the Laws of Nature , tho they be the Fountains of all Civil Law , are not the Civil Law , till they be the Civil Law ; or thus , that thou shalt not kill , thou shalt not steal , tho they be in natural Equity , yet were not the Laws of Israel or of England , till voted by the People of Israel , or the Parlament of England , is to assert the People into the mighty Liberty of being free from the whole moral Law ; and , inasmuch as to be the Adviser or Persuader of a thing , is less than to be the Author or Commander of it , to put an Indignity upon God himself . In which Fopperys the Prevaricator , boasting of Principles , but minding none , first confounds Authority and Command or Power ; and next forgets that the dignity of the Legislator , or , which is all one , of the Senat succeding to his Office , as the Sanhedrim to MOSES , is the greatest dignity in a Commonwealth : and yet that the Laws or Orders of a Commonwealth derive no otherwise , whether from the Legislator , as MOSES , LYCURGUS , SOLON , &c. or the Senat , as those of Israel , Lacedemon , or Athens , than from their Authority receiv'd and confirm'd by the Vote or Command of the People . It is true , that with Almighty God it is otherwise than with a mortal Legislator , but thro another Nature which to him is peculiar , from whom as he is the cause of being , or the Creator of Mankind , Omnipotent Power is inseparable ; yet so equal is the goodness of this Nature to the greatness therof , that as he is the cause of welbeing by way of Election , for example in his chosen People Israel , or of Redemption , as in the Christian Church , himself has prefer'd his Authority or Proposition before his Empire . What else is the Book I meaning of these words , or of this proceding of his ? Now therfore if ye will obey my Voice indeed , and keep my Covenant , ye shall be to me a Kingdom , or I will be your King ; which Proposition being voted by the People in the Affirmative , God procedes to propose to them the ten Commandments in so dreadful a manner , that the People being excedingly afrighted , say to MOSES , Speak thou with us , and we will hear thee : that is , be thou henceforth our Legislator or Proposer , and we will resolve accordingly ; but let not God speak with us , lest we dy . From whenceforth God proposes to the People no otherwise than by MOSES , whom he instructs in this manner ; These are the Judgments which thou shalt propose or set before them . Wherfore it is said of the Book of Deuteronomy , containing the Covenant which the Lord commanded MOSES to make with the Children of Israel in the Land of Moab , besides the Covenant which he made with them in Horeb ; This is the Law which MOSES set before the Children of Israel . Neither did GOD in this case make use of his Omnipotent Power , nor CHRIST in the like , who also is King after the fame manner in his Church , and would have bin in Israel , where when to this end he might have muster'd up Legions of Angels , and bin victorious with such Armys , or Argyraspides , as never Prince could shew the like , he says no more than , O Jerusalem , Jerusalem , how often would I have gather'd thee and thy Children , as a Hen gathers her Chickens under her wings , and ye would not ? where it is plain that the Jews rejecting CHRIST , that he should not reign over them , the Law of the Gospel came not to be the Law of the Jews ; and so if the ten Commandments came to be the Law of Israel , it was not only because God propos'd them , seeing Christ also propos'd his Law , which nevertheless came not to be the Law of the Jews , but because the People receiv'd the one , and rejected the other . It is not in the nature of Religion that it should be thought a profane saying , that if the Bible be in England , or in any other Government , the Law or Religion of the Land , it is not only because God has propos'd it , but also because the People or Magistrat has receiv'd it , or resolv'd upon it ; otherwise we must set lighter by a Nation or Government than by a privat Person who can have no part nor portion in this Law , unless he vote it to himself in his own Conscience , without which he remains in the condition he was before , and as the Heathen , who are a Law to themselves . Thus wheras ▪ in a Covenant there must be two Partys , the Old and New Testament being in sum the Old and New Covenant ; these are that Authority and Proposition of GOD and CHRIST , to which they that refuse their Vote or Result may be under the Empire of a Clergy , but are none of his Commonwealth . Nor , seeing I am gon so far , dos this at all imply Freewil , but , as is admirably observ'd by Mr. HOBBS , the freedom of that which naturally precedes Will , namely , Deliberation or Debate , in which , as the Scale by the weight of Reason or Passion coms to be turn'd one way or other , the Will is caus'd , and being caus'd , is necessitated . When God coms in thus upon the Soul of Man , he gives both the Will and the Deed ; from which like Ossice of the Senat in a Commonwealth , that is , from the excellency of their Deliberation and Debate , which prudently and faithfully unsolded to the People , dos also frequently cause and necessitat both the Will and the Deed. GOD himself has said of the Senat , that they are Gods : an expression , tho divine , yet not unknown to the Heathens ; Homo homini Deus , one man , for the excellency of his Aid , may be a God to Chap. 8 another . But let the Prevaricator look to it ; for he that leads the blind out of his way , is his Devil . FOR the things I have of this kind , as also for what I have said upon the words Chirotonia and Ecclesia , the Prevaricator is delighted to make me beholden underhand to Mr. HOBBS , notwithstanding the open enmity which he says I profess to his Politics . As if JOSEPHUS upon that of SAMUEL , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them , had not said of the People ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that they unchirotoniz'd or unvoted God of the Kingdom . Now if they unchirotoniz'd or unvoted God of the Kingdom , then they had chirotoniz'd or voted him to the Kingdom ; and so not only the Doctrin that God was King in Israel by Compact or Covenant , but the use of the word Chirotonia also in the sense I understand it , is more antient than Mr. HOBBS . I might add that of CAPELLUS , * God was a Political King and Civil Legislator of the Jews . And for the use I have made of the word Ecclesia , as no man can read such as have written of the Grecian Commonwealths , and miss it , so I do not remember that Mr. HOBBS has spoken of it . To these things fuller satisfaction will be given in the second Book ; which nevertheless I do not speak to the end I might wave Obligation to so excellent an Author in his way . It is true , I have oppos'd the Politics of Mr. HOBBS , to shew him what he taught me , with as much disdain as he oppos'd those of the greatest Authors , in whose wholsom Fame and Doctrin the good of Mankind being concern'd , my Conscience bears me witness that I have don my duty . Nevertheless in most other things I firmly believe that Mr. HOBBS is , and will in future Ages be accounted the best Writer , at this day , in the world . And for his Treatises of human Nature , and of Liberty and Necessity , they are the greatest of new Lights , and those which I have follow'd , and shall follow . CHAP. VIII . Whether a Commonwealth coming up to the perfection of the kind , coms not up to the perfection of Government , and has no flaw in it . WHAT a Commonwealth coming up to the perfection of the kind is , I have shewn both by the definition of an equal Commonwealth , and the Exemplification of it in all the parts . THE Definition is contain'd in the first of my Preliminarys ; which , because it is short , I shall repeat . An equal Commonwealth is a Government establish'd upon an equal Agrarian , arising into the Superstructures or three Orders , the Senat debating and proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing , by an equal Rotation , or interchangeable Election , thro the suffrage of the People given by the Ballot . The Exemplification is the whole Common-wealth Book I of Oceana . Each of which by him , who , if his Doctrin of pure and absolute Monarchy be observ'd , can be no Englishman , is call'd an Irish Bog ; as in som sense it is , seeing the Prevaricator has set never a foot in it that will stand , nor has more to say , than that Where there is one ambitious poor man , or one vicious rich man , it is impossible there should be any such Government as can be secure from Sedition . WHICH , First , is rather to make all Governments ineffectual , or to make all Governments alike , than to object against any , seeing That there should not be one ambitious poor man , or one vicious rich man , is equally , if not more , improbable in a Monarchy than in a Common-wealth . SECONDLY , That one man alone , whether he be rich or poor , should without a Party be able to disturb a Commonwealth with Sedition , is an absurdity ; nor is such a party , as may be able in som sort to disturb the Peace by robbing upon the Highway , or som such disorder , always able to disturb a Government with Sedition . Wherfore this feat gos not so much upon the ability of any one man , rich or poor , as the Power of the Party he is able to make ; and this strength of the Party gos upon the nature of the Government , and the content or discontents thence deriving to the Few , or the Many . The Discontents , whether of the Few or the Many , derive from that which is , or by them is thought to be som bar to their Interest ; and those Interests which are the causes of Sedition are three , the desire of Liberty , the desire of Power , and the desire of Riches ; nor be there any more : for where the People thro want of Bread , thro Violence offer'd to their Women , or Oppression , rise up against their Governors , it relates to the desire of Liberty ; those also under the name of Religion make not a fourth , but com to one of the three . NOW to speak in the first place of the Many , and anon of the Few ; the People in an equal Commonwealth have none of these three Interests : Not the desire of Liberty , because the whole Frame of an equal Commonwealth is nothing else but such a method wherby the Liberty of the People is secur'd to them : Not of Power , because the Power which otherwise they could not exercise , is thus estated in them : Nor of Riches , because where the Rich are so bounded by an Agrarian that they cannot overbalance ( and therfore neither oppress the People , nor exclude their Industry or Merit from attaining to the like Estate , Power , or Honor ) the whole People have the whole Riches of the Nation already equally divided among them ; for that the Riches of a Commonwealth should not go according to the difference of mens Industry , but be distributed by the Poll , were inequal . Wherfore the People in an equal Commonwealth having none of those Interests which are the causes of Sedition , can be subject to no such effect . TO affirm then with the Considerer , that the whole of this Libration is reduc'd to the want of Power to disturb the Commonwealth , must needs be a mistake , seeing in the Commonwealth propos'd the People have the Power , but can have no such Interest ; and the People having no such Interest , no Party can have any such Power , it being impossible that a Party should com to overbalance the People , having their Arms in their own hands . The whole matter being thus reduc'd to the want of Power to disturb the Government ; this , according to his own Argument , will appear to be the Libration in which the Power , wherof the Governor is possest , so vastly excedes the Power remaining with those Chap. 8 who are to obey ( which in case of contest must be so small a Party ) that it would be desperatly unreasonable for them to hope to maintain their Cause . If the true method then of attaining to perfection in Government be to make the Governor absolute , and the People in an equal Commonwealth be absolute , then there can be none in this Government , that upon probable terms can dispute the Power with the Governor , and so this State by his own Argument must be free from Sedition . Thus far upon occasion of the ambitious poor Man objected . I have spoken of the Many ; and in speaking of the Many , implicitly of the Few : for as in an equal Commonwealth , for example in England during the Peerage or Aristocracy , the Many depended upon or were included in the Few ; so in an equal Commonwealth the Few depend upon or are included in the Many , as the Senat of Venice depends upon , or is included in the Great Council , by which it is annually elected in the whole or in som part . So what was said in an equal Common-wealth of the Many or the poorer sort , is also said of the Few or of the Richer ; who , thro the virtue of the Agrarian , as in Oceana , or of other Orders supplying the defect of an Agrarian , as in Venice , not able to overbalance the People , can never have any Power to disturb the Commonwealth in case they had such an Interest , nor can have any such Interest in case they had such Power . For example in Oceana , putting the case that the Few were as powerful as it is possible they should be ; that is , that the whole Land was fallen into five thousand hands : The five thousand , excluding the People , could get no more Riches by it , because they have the whole Land already ; no more Liberty by it , because they were in perfect Liberty before ; nor any more Power by it , because thro the equality of the Balance , or of their Estates , they can be no more by themselves than an equal Commonwealth , and that they were already with the People : but would be much less , the Power or Commonwealth , in which there be five thousand Equals , being not greater , but much less than the Power or Commonwealth wherin the whole People are equal ; because the Power or Effect of a greater People is proportionably greater than the Power or Effect of a lesser People , and the Few by this means would get no more than to be the lesser People . So the People being no bar to the Riches , Liberty , nor Power of the five thousand , and the desire of Liberty , Riches , and Power , being the only causes of Sedition ; there could arise no Sedition in this Commonwealth by reason of the Nobility , who have no such Interest if they had the Power , nor have any such Power if they had the Interest , the People being equally possest of the Government , of the Arms , and far superior in number . In sum , an equal Commonwealth consists but of one hereditary Order , the People , which is by election divided into two Orders , as the Senat and the Congregation in Lacedemon , or the Senat and the Great Council in Venice ; for the Gentlemen of Venice , as has bin often said , are the People of Venice , the rest are Subjects . And an inequal Commonwealth consists of two Hereditary Orders , as the Patricians and Plebeians in Rome , wherof the former only had a hereditary Capacity of the Senat : whence it coms to pass that the Senat and the People in an equal Commonwealth having but one and the same Interest , never were nor can be at variance ; and that the Senat and the People in an inequal Commonwealth having two distinct Interests , Book I never did nor can agree . So an equal Commonwealth cannot be seditious , and an inequal Commonwealth can be no other than seditious . IF a man be resolv'd , as the Considerer is , to huddle these things together , there is no making any thing of this kind of Policy ; of which therfore it will be a folly to talk . For example , Lacedemon is either to be consider'd as not taking in the Helots ; and then in her self she was an equal Commonwealth void of any Sedition , or cause of it , how much soever she were troubl'd with the Helots : So the Objection made by him , of her Troubles by the Helots , is impertinently urg'd , to shew that she was a seditious Commonwealth : Or if he will needs have it , that she took in the Helots , it is undeniable that she took them in inequally , and so was inequal ; whence the Troubles by the Helots must needs be impertinently urg'd against an equal Commonwealth . AGAIN , when I allege Venice from PIERO GRADENIGO , that is , for the space of about four hundred years from the present date , at which time the Reformation , yet in force , began , as an Example of an equal Commonwealth ; for him to instance in the times before , when tho the Commonwealth , according to the intention , was as equal as now , yet being not bound by sufficient Orders to give her self Security of her native Liberty , her Dukes on the one side did what they pleas'd , and the inrag'd People on the other side banish'd , condemn'd to death , or murder'd them ; who sees not the Imposture ? Indeed he blushes at it himself . Wherfore my Assertion being not yet knock'd on the head , he promises to kill it better , first by the example of Lacedemon leaving out the Helots , and next by that of Venice since the time of PIERO GRADENIGO . FOR the first you must know that once upon a time there was a quarrel between CLEOMENES and DEMARATUS Kings of Lacedemon about Succession , which was determin'd by the Ephori , that is , by a Court of Justice , and not by the Sword ; the like happen'd in LEOTYCHIDES the known Bastard of ALCIBIADES , or so confest to be by his Mother to divers of her Maids . Now this is a Maxim in the Politics , Where the differences of Kings can go no further than a Court of Justice , there the Government is seditious . Most ridiculous ! Is there a stronger Argument that such a Government is not seditious ? No matter , give him room ; Much more fatal was the contest between CLEONYMUS and his Brother AREUS the Son of ACROTATUS , by whose War ZARAX was ruin'd , and PYRRHUS came into the game , who besieg'd the Capital City : the Reign of AGIS and CLEOMENES was so full of turbulency , as would put a man out of breath to relate . Fair and softly : was not all this after LYSANDER , and the Spoils of Athens had broken the Agrarian , and so ruin'd Lacedemon ? I affirm there can be no Sedition in an equal Commonwealth ; and he to oppose me , shews that there was Sedition in an inequal one ; whether dos this affirm his Assertion or mine ? BUT for better luck in Venice . This City by Mr. HARRINGTON'S own confession is possest of several Advantages . Yes , I say that the Commonwealth of Venice , thus seated , is like a man in a Citadel , who therby may be the safer from his Enemys , but ne're a whit the safer from diseases . What conclusion would you expect he should infer from hence ? Why among these therfore there is good cause to reckon her Immunity from Seditions : Dos not our Logician repeat faithfully , and Chap. 8 dispute honestly ? Again , Sir , she is like a Ship ready to be boarded by Pirats , has the Turc on this Frontier , the Pope on that , the King of Spain on another . As if this were an Argument every Government must not be void of Sedition , seeing there is none except they be Ilands , whose Frontiers are not bounded by the Territorys of other Princes . Well , but since the last Reglement ( in English , Reformation ) in the time of GRADENIGO , you have had three Seditions in Venice , that of MARINO BOCCONI , that of BAIAMONTE TIEPOLO , and that of MARINO FALERIO . BODIN has bin long since beaten for this like Stockfish , and yet our Author will be serving it up for a Courtly dish . BOCCONI would have kill'd the Duke , but was hang'd before he could do it . FELTON kill'd a Duke that had greater power here than the other in Venice , and was hang'd afterwards , therfore England was a seditious Government ; for this must either be undeniable for FELTON'S sake , or why must the other be so for BOCCONI'S ? Again , FALERIO and his Complices would have destroy'd the Great Council , but were hang'd before they could do it . VAUX and his Accomplices would have blown up the Parlament but were hang'd before they could do it ; therfore England was in this relation a seditious Government , else why was Venice ? There passes not a month but there dy Rogues at Tyburn , is the Government therfore seditious ? or is this one regard in which it is not ? Where all that so invade the Government are by virtue of the same brought to that end , there the Commonwealth , or the Orders of it , are not the cause but the cure of Sedition ; and so these are undeniable Arguments that Venice is not seditious , where , since the Reformation , there has not bin a cut finger upon this score , save only thro the conspiracy of BAIAMONTE , which indeed came to blows . Nor for this yet can Venice be call'd a seditious Common-wealth . You find no man accusing Rome of Sedition , in that she had a MANLIUS or a MELIUS that dangerously affected Monarchy , because to these her Orders , by which they suffer'd Death , as soon apply'd the Remedy . But Rome was a seditious Commonwealth , because the perpetual feud that was between the Senat and the People sprung out of her Orders , and was that to which there was no Remedy to apply . England was not a seditious Government because it had a VAUX or a FELTON , but because the Power antiently of the Nobility , and late of the People , was such by the Orders of the same as might at any time occasion Civil War. Put the case a Slave or som desperat fellow has kill'd the Great Turc , the Government for that cannot be said to be seditious , but in this , that thro the very nature of the Policy , the Janizarys at any time may do as much , it is undeniably seditious . BAIAMONTE'S Conspiracy he will not say was of this nature . It was not a Disease in the Bones of the Commonwealth , but a thing that no sooner appear'd , or broke out ( tho it be true , there happen'd a little scratching first ) than it fell off like a Scab ; such an accident may besal the best Constitution , and Venice never had the like but once : if he could say as much of a Monarchy , he gains no advantage ; yet let him say it , and prove it , I give him all . I omit many Falshoods and Absurditys in the proceding of the Prevaricator , as where he intimats the Power of the Dukes to have bin that wherby Venice gain'd I know not what , and yet to have Book I bin that also by which FALERIO had like to have spoil'd all : each of which , the Duke of Venice having no power at all , is known to be false . Why should I stay to put you in mind that having affirm'd Venice to derive her Immunity from intestin Discord no otherwise than a Ship that is ready to be boarded by Pirats , he instances in such examples to the contrary , as took occasion by the hair of a soren scalp , while in those of BOCCONI and TIEPOLO the Common-wealth by her Wars with the Genoeses and Ferrara , was put to her plunges , and in that of FALERIO reduc'd to the last extremity ? I shall only note , that if such sudden flashes as these may com under the name of Sedition , he has don a fine Office for Monarchy , seeing no Senat is so much expos'd to like blows as any Prince . WELL ; but for all this it is confest that there may be such a thing as a seditious Commonwealth , in that the feud between the Senat and the People of Rome could not be cur'd ; What Security , says he , will you give us , that the like may not happen in Oceana , or that the whole body of the People being intrusted with giving a Vote , and keeping a Sword , may not by way of Counsil or Arms , fall to such work as levelling the five thousand , or bringing the Agrarian from two to one thousand pounds a year , or less , as they fancy ? TO which I answer by a like question , What security will he give me that the People of any Commonwealth shall not cast themselves into the Sea ? A Prince may be mad , and do so , but the People are naturally incapable of such madness . If men will boast of their knowlege in Principles , and yet talk of nothing but effects , why may not a Man fly as well as a Bird ? but if Causes may be regarded , let him once shew how the Will , seeing it is not free , nor mov'd without som Object , should move the People in such a manner ; or for what , they having all the Liberty and all the Power that can be had , should it strive ? Well , that is soon don , for the Land may com into the hands of five thousand , and so the Booty may be great , and the resistance small . Good : The Romans being the wisest of all People , went no further towards the Remedy of their Grievances , than to strive for the introduction of an Agrarian , in which they fainted too , even to the destruction of that Government . Except these , none have bin so wise ; and if there be any such thing familiar with the nature of the People , why appear'd it but once , and then vanish'd without effect ? why did not the People for example under the late Monarchy ( when the Dominion or Freehold of the Nation , by greater shares , was in a smaller Party , and they had not only Riches , but Liberty and Power too , to whet them on ) ever so much as think of levelling three hundred Men ? for the Nobility and Clergy , in whom was the Balance , were no more . If it be reply'd that the People were not arm'd ; by whom did the Barons make War with the Kings ? If they were not trusted with a Vote ; what was that of the House of Commons ? Let Dominion or Freehold stand upon what balance you will , inequal or equal , from the beginning of the world you shall never find a People turning Levellers . And as Reason is Experience in the root , so Experience is Reason in the branch , which might therfore be sufficient in the case . Nevertheless for clearer satisfaction in a point of such concernment , I shall indeavor to dig up and discover the root of this branch , or the reason of this Experience . That which in Beasts is Instinct , wherof they can give no account , is in it self that Wisdom of God wherby he provides for them ; so it is with the People , they are not Chap. 8 Levellers , nor know they why , and yet it is , because to be Levellers were to destroy themselves . For , seeing I must repeat , to repeat briefly ; There is no Territory of any Extent and Populousness where the Revenue of Industry is not twice as much as the dry Rent . This has bin demonstrated in Oceana . The Revenue of Industry is in those that work , that is , the People : Wherfore the Revenue of the People , where their Industry is not obstructed , is twofold to that of the Nobility , holding the whole Territory in Freehold . But where their Industry is obstructed , their Revenue is nothing . Civil War being of all other the greatest Obstruction of Industry , the People in taking Arms must venture all they have , for that , which if they obtain they lose two for one ; and if they obtain not , all for nothing . Wherfore a People never will , nor ever can ; never did , nor ever shall take Arms for Levelling . But they are intrusted with a Vote ; and therfore taking away the Lands of the five thousand , or diminishing the Agrari●n by way of Counsil , they need not obstruct their Industry : but , preserving the Revenue of that , may bring themselves into the possession of the Land too . This will they , this can they less do , because being in Counsil they must propose somthing for the advantage of the Commonwealth , or of themselves , as their end in such an Action . But the Land coming to be in the possession of five thousand , falls not into a number that is within the compass of the Few , or such a one as can be Princes , either in regard of their Number , or of their Estates ; but to such a one as cannot consent to abolish the Agrarian , because that were to consent to rob one another : nor can they have any Party among them , or against their common Interest , strong enough to force them , or to break it ; which remaining , the five thousand neither are nor can be any more than a Popular State , and the Balance remains every whit as equal , as if the Land were in never so many more hands . Wherfore the Commonwealth being not to be better'd by this means , the People by Counsil can never go about to level , nor diminish the Agrarian for the good of the Common-wealth . Nor can they undertake it for the inrichment of themselves , because the Land of Oceana , as has bin demonstrated , being level'd or divided equally among the Fathers of Familys only , coms not to above ten pounds a year to each of them , wheras every Footman costs his Master twenty pounds a year ; and there is not a Cottager having a Cow upon the Common , but with his own Labor , at one shilling a day , gets twenty pounds a year ; which , the Land being level'd , were impossible , because there would be no body able to set a Laborer on work , o● to keep a Servant : wherfore neither would , nor could the People by Counsil go about any such business . So there being no possible cause of Disagreement between the Few and the Many , the Senat and the People , there can be no such effect ; whence this is the Government , which being perfectly equal , has such a Libration in the frame of it , that no man in or under it can contract such an Interest or Power , as should be able to disturb the Common-wealth with Sedition . Yet after all this , the Prevaricator will only tell Mr. HARRINGTON ( for to deny the Conclusion is a fair way of disputing ) that this Libration is of the same nature with a Perpetual Motion in the Mechanics . But let me tell him , that in the Politics there is nothing mechanic , or like it . This is but an Idiotism of som Mathematician Book I resembling his , who imagin'd the Stream of a River to be like that of his Spiggot . Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis , at ille Labitur & labetur in omne volubilis aevum . The silly Swain upon a River stood , In hope the rolling bottom of the Flood Would once unwind it self , whose liquid Clew The silver Thred for ever shall renew . THE Mathematician must not take God to be such a one as he is . Is that of the Sun , of the Stars , of a River , a perpetual Motion ? Even so one Generation gos and another coms . Nature , says GALEN , has a tendency to make her Creature immortal , if it were in the capacity of the matter on which she has to work ; but the People never dys . This motion of theirs is from the hand of a perpetual Mover , even God himself , in whom we live , and move , and have our being ; and to this Current the Politician adds nothing but the Banks , to which end , or none , the same God has also created human Prudence . Wherfore there is not any thing that raises it self against God or right Reason , if I say that it is in human Prudence so to apply these Banks , that they may stand as long as the River runs ; or let this Considerer consider again , and tell me out of Scripture or Reason , why not . Mathematicians , it is true , pretended to be the Monopolists of Demonstration ; but speak ingenuously , have they , as to the Politics , hitherto given any other Demonstration , than that there is a difference between Seeing , and making of Spectacles ? Much more is that comparison of the Politics , going upon certain and demonstrable Principles , to Astrologers and Fortunetellers , who have none at all , vain and injurious . For as in relation to what DAVID has said , and Experience confirm'd , of the Age of Man , that it is threescore years and ten ; I may say , that if a Man lys bedrid , or dys before threescore years and ten , of any natural Infirmity or Disease , it was not thro any imperfection of Mankind , but of his particular Constitution : So in relation to the Principles and Definition of an equal Commonwealth yet unshaken , nay untouch'd by this Prevaricator , I may safely affirm , that a Commonwealth is a Government , which if it has bin seditious , it has not bin from any imperfection in the kind , but in the particular Constitution , which where the like has happen'd , must have bin inequal . My Retreat to these Principles is call'd running into a Bog ; as if such as have no Principles were not Bogs , Informis limus , Stygiaeque paludes . CHAP. IX . Chap. 9 Whether Monarchy coming up to the perfection of the kind , coms not short of the perfection of Government , and has not som flaw in it . In which is also treated of the Balance of France ; of the Original of a landed Clergy ; of Arms , and their kinds . ON Monarchy I have said , that wheras it is of two kinds , the one by Arms , the other by a Nobility ; for that by Arms , as ( to take the most perfect model ) in Turky , it is not in Art or Nature to cure it of this dangerous flaw , that the Janizarys have frequent Interest , and perpetual Power to raise Sedition , or tear the Magistrat in pieces . For that by a Nobility , as ( to take the most perfect Model ) of late in Oceana , it was not in Art or Nature to cure it of that dangerous flaw , that the Nobility had frequent Interest and perpetual Power by their Retainers and Tenants to raise Sedition , and levy War : whence I conclude that Monarchy reaching the perfection of the kind , reaches not the perfection of Government , but must still have som dangerous flaw in it . THIS place ( tho I did not intend by it to make work for a Tinker ) could not be of less concernment , than it proves to the Prevaricator , who , as if he were oblig'd to mend all , falls first to patching with a Monarchy by Arms , then with a Monarchy by a Nobility ; at length despairing , throws away each , and betakes himself with egregious confidence , to make out of both a new Monarchy , which is neither . By observation of these three flourishes , the present Chapter may be brought into some method . The first blow of his Hammer , or that wherby he intends the flaw or hole in Monarchy by Arms shall henceforth be mended and tite , is this : That the Guards of the King's Person be not increas'd beyond the necessity of security ; that they be not suffer'd to stagnat at Court , but be by a perpetual circulation drawn out upon service ; and chiefly that they consist not of one intire Body united under the same Head , but be divided into distinct Partys and Commands ; as we may see in France , where tho ( in proportion to the extent of their Dominions ) the King's Guards be more numerous than those of the Roman or Turkish Emperors , yet being divided into distinct Bodys of French , Scots and Switzers , under their several Colonels and Captains , they have never bin the Authors of any the least Sedition . And in Turky of late years they begin to learn the Art of poisoning the Janizarys by the Spahys , and so have frequently evaded the danger of their Mutinys . Which fine work at first view gos upon this false ground , that the Foundation of Monarchy by Arms is laid upon the Princes Guards , or the Court Militia , wheras Monarchy by Arms consists in no other Balance than the Princes being sole Landlord , which , where imperfect , as it was in that of the Roman Emperors , the Empire is the most troubl'd , and where perfect , as in Turky , the Empire is less seditious . For that which he says of France , it relates to Monarchy by a Nobility ; and therfore is not to be confounded , according to his method , with this , but refer'd to the next branch . Book I AS to Monarchy by Arms , tho it be true that the balance of Dominion in any of the three kinds may be said to be natural , in regard of the effect ; yet seeing God has given the Earth to the Sons of Men , that of a sole Landlord , as Turky , is not so natural in the cause or foundation , as the Timars , and therfore requires the application of som kind of force , as the Janizarys , who are not the root of the Government , that being planted in the Earth of the Timars , or military Farms and Colonys ( for that the Janizarys are not the Foundation of this Empire , which was founded long before , is plain , in that this Order was not introduc'd till AMURATH the Second ) but the Dragon that lys at that root , and without which the Fruit would fall into the mouths of the Timariots by way of Property ( as when the Knights Fees granted first for life , became afterwards hereditary in Oceana ) which would cause such a fall from Monarchy , that it would becom , as we have seen , the rise of popular Power ( the Lots , in case this should happen , of the Timariots , little differing from those divided by JOSHUA to the Children of Israel ) wherfore when this happens in the Turkish Monarchy , it is at an end . And that this dos not happen , tho there be divers other concurrent Policys , I would have any man shew me , how it could be but for the Janizarys . Otherwise it is plain that the Janizarys being a flying Army , on wing at all games , and upon all occasions , are not so much the Guard of the Prince , as of the Empire ; which ruin'd , the Prey falls to the Timariots , as those that are in possession , except these be ruin'd too , who being all Horse , and far greater in number than the Janizarys that are Foot , would ( in case the aw of the Prince , and the Policy of the Government which holds them divided , were broken ) be invincible by the Janizarys , who nevertheless by these aids can easily contain them . Whence the Sedition of the Janizarys , like that of a Nobility , may be dangerous to the Prince , but never threatens the Throne ; wheras the Sedition of the Timariots , like that of a People , would be more against the Throne than the Prince . These things consider'd , and in them the Nature , Constitution , or Disease of Monarchy by Arms , we may consult the more rationally with the Considerer upon the Applications or Remedys by him offer'd , which are three . FIRST , That the Guards of the King's Person be not increas'd beyond the necessity of Security . But of what Security , that of his Person , or of his Empire , or of both ? for speaking of a Monarchy by Arms , in this latter sense only it is true ; and if so , then this singular Maxim of State ( Frustra fit per plura , quod fieri potest per pauciora ) might have bin spar'd ( Cela s'en va sans le dire , comme les heures de nostre curè . ) SECONDLY , That they be not suffer'd to stagnat at Court , but be by a perpetual circulation drawn out upon service ; for if there be not perpetual service , it should seem , men might be apt to think that Government was instituted for Peace as well as War. I add no more than is imply'd in his words , which as to this of Turky have chanc'd well ; where not the Stagnation of the Janizarys only , but of the Court it self ( which by the institution should always be in exercise of Arms ) is the cause of that present decay , so perceivable in this Empire . But the Prince sitting still or stagnating , to what the Circulation of the Janizarys ( whose Alienation from the Government , or Intelligence with the Timariots , must needs be of dangerous consequence ) could tend , should have bin thought on : otherwise to expose the Empire to Chap. 9 danger for the safety of the Prince , is no cure of the Government . BUT his chief Remedy remains : This Court Militia must not consist of one intire body united under the same head , but be divided under several Colonels , Captains , Partys , Brigades , and distributed to several Quarters . As if this were a cure , there were any Army that could be mutinous : but where he says , not united under the same Head , he intimats perhaps divers Generals , and divers Armys ; now such are the Turkish Beglerbegs , and the Provinces under their Governments . That these therfore be kept divided , so that not any two of them can lay their heads together without having them cut off , nor any Son succede the Father in Government , requires that there be always a sufficient force ( distinct from the Interest of the Timariots and Beglerbegs ) united , and still ready upon occasion of this service ; and the Janizarys with the Spahys or Court-Horse being united , are no more than sufficient for this service . Wherfore if these also were so divided as therby to be weaken'd , they could not be sufficient for this service ; and their division , except such as might weaken them , would be of no security to the Prince . That the Provinces , under this aw , are less apt to rebel , than the Court-Guards to mutiny , is no wonder ; but the Court-Guards being cur'd by the prescription of this Physician , of the possibility of Mutiny , which without weakening them is impossible , the Provinces , if Liberty , or Riches , or Power be desirable , would never indure the yoke of this Government . Wherfore it being inavoidable in the Turkish Empire , that either the Janizarys , or the Timariots may do what they list ( in regard that whether of them be able to give Law to the other , must at the same time be able to give Law to the Prince ; and to bring them to an equal Balance , were to make a Civil War , or at least to sow the Seed of it ) the native Wound of Monarchy by Arms remains incur'd and incurable . What more may be don for Monarchy , founded upon a Nobility , coms next to be try'd . In this the Considerer gives his word , that there never rises any danger to the Crown , but when either a great part of the Soverain Power is put into the hands of the Nobility , as in Germany and Poland ( where it should seem by him , that the Electors and the Gentry do not put Power into the hands of the Emperor , or King , but the Emperor or King puts Power into the hands of the Electors or Gentry ) or when som Person or Family is suffer'd to overtop the rest in Riches , Commands , and Dependence , as the Princes of the Blood and Lorrain , not long since , in France ; and of old the MONTFORTS and NEVILS in England . The first of these he declares to be a vicious Government , and a Monarchy only in name : The second he undertakes shall easily admit of this Remedy ; That the great ones be reduc'd ( decimo sexto ) to a lesser Volum , and level'd into an Equality with the rest of their Order . HIS Putpin is pretty : The Emperor puts Power into the hands of the Electors ; and the King of Poland puts Power into the hands of the Gentlemen : Which Governments therfore ( and all such like , as when the King of England did put Power into the hands of the Barons , at such a time as he was no longer able to keep it out of their fingers , by which means the antient and late Government of King , Lords and Commons , was restor'd ) are vicious Constitutions , and Monarchys only in name ; such as he will not meddle with , and therfore let them go . Well ; but where is the Patient then ? if these be not Monarchys by Nobility , Book I what do we mean by that thing ? or what Government is it that we are to cure ? Why such a one , where som Person or Family is suffer'd to overtop the rest in Riches , Commands , and Dependence , as the Princes of the Blood and Lorrain , not long since , in France ; and of old the MONTFORTS and the NEVILS in England . So then the same again ( for these are no other ) upon recollection , are those that admit of this easy cure . Let the great Ones be reduc'd to a lesser Volum , and level'd with the rest of their Order . But how ? if they be the weaker Party , they are not the Great Ones ; and if they be the stronger Party , how will he reduce them ? Put the case a man has the Gout , his Physician dos not bid him reduce his overtopping Toes to the Volum of the other Foot , nor to level them to equality with the rest of their Order , but prescribes his Remedys , and institutes the Method that should do this feat . What is the Method of our AESCULAPIUS ? Point de Novelle ; or where are we to find it ? e'en where you please . The Princes of the Blood , and of Lorrain in France ; the MONTFORTS and the NEVILS in England , overtop'd not their Order by their own Riches or Power , but by that of the Party , which for their Fidelity , Courage , or Conduct , intrusted them with the managing of their Arms or Affairs . So the Prince that would have level'd them , must have level'd their Party ; which in case the Controversy be upon the Right , or pretended Right of the Nobility in the Government , which commonly makes them hang together , may com to the whole Order : what then ? Why then , says he , the Prince must preserve his Nobility weighty enough to keep the People under , and yet not tall enough in any particular Person to measure with himself : which , abating the figure , is the same again ; and so I have nothing to answer but the figure . Now for this , the Prince himself is no otherwise tall , than by being set upon the shoulders of the Nobility ; and so if they set another upon the same shoulders ( as in HENRY the 4 th or the 7 th , who had no Titles to the Crown , nor could otherwise have measur'd with the Prince ) be he never so low , he coms to be tall enough in his particular person to measure with the Prince , and to be taller too , not only by those old examples , but others that are younger than our selves , tho such ( the Nobility having not of late bin weighty enough to keep the People under ) as derive from another Principle , that of popular Balance . A Prince therfore preserving his Nobility weighty enough to keep the People under , must preserve in them the balance of that kind of Empire : and the balance containing the Riches , which are the Power , and so the Arms of the Nation ; this being in the Nobility , the Nobility , when willing , must be able to dispose of the King , or of the Government . Nor under a less weight is a Nobility qualify'd to keep down the People , as by an Argument from the contrary . HENRY the 7 th having found the strength of his Nobility , that set him in a Throne to which he had no right , and fearing that the Tide of their Favor turning , they might do as much for another , abated the dependence of their Tenants , and cut off their Train of Retainers ; which diminution of their weight , releasing the People by degrees , has caus'd that Plain or Level into which we live to see the Mountain of that Monarchy now sunk and swallow'd : wherfore the Balance of the Nobility being such as failing , that kind of Monarchy coms to ruin ; and not failing , the Nobility , if they join , may give Law to the King , the inherent disease of a Monarchy by a Nobility remains also uncur'd , and incurable . Chap. 9 THESE are points to which I had spoken before ; but somthing concerning France and foren Guards was mumbl'd by the Prevaricator in a wrong place , while he was speaking of Turky , where there is no such thing . This , lest I be thought to have courted opposition for nothing , shall open a new Scene ; while I take the occasion in this place to speak first of the Balance of the French Monarchy , and next of the Nature and Use of Foren Guards . THE whole Territory of France , except the Crown Lands , which on this account are not considerable , consists of three shares or parts , wherof the Church holds one , the Nobility another ; and the Presidents , Advocats , other Officers of the Parlaments , Courts of Justice , the Citizens , Merchants , Tradesmen , the Treasures , Receivers of the Customs , Aids , Taxes , Impositions , Gabels , all which together make a vast body , hold a third : by how equal Portions I am sorry that I do not know , nor where to learn ; but this is the Balance of the French Monarchy , to which the Peasant holding nothing , but living ( tho in one of the best Countrys of the World ) in the meanest and most miserable condition of a Laborer , or Hynd , is of no account at all . THE Partys that hold the Balance in a Territory are those of whom the Government dos naturally consist , wherfore these are call'd Estates ; so the Clergy , the Nobility , and the Commons , are the three Estates of France . Tho the third , because the Peasant partaking not of the Balance can ( in relation to Government ) be of no account , is not call'd the Commons , but only the third Estate : wheras the Yeomanry and Gentry in England having weigh'd as well in the Balance as the Church and the Nobility , the three Estates of England ( while the Monarchy was in vigor ) were the Clergy , the Nobility , and the Commons . The Consent of Nations evinces that the Function of the Clergy , or Priest , except where otherwise determin'd by Law , appertains to the Magistrat . By this right NOAH , ABRAHAM , JOB , with the rest of the Patriarchs , instructed their Familys , or sacrific'd . There seems to have bin a kind of Commonwealth in Canaan , while MELCHISEDEC was both King and Priest . Such also was MOSES till he consecrated AARON , and confer'd the Priesthood upon the Levits , who are expresly said to succede to the firstborn , that is to the Patriarchs , who till then exercis'd that Function . Nor was it otherwise with the Gentils , where they , who had the Soverain Power , or were in eminent Magistracy , did also the Priestly Office ( omnino apud veteres qui rerum potiebantur , iidem Auguria tenebant : ut enim sapere , sic divinare , regale ducebant , says CICERO ; and VIRGIL , REX ANIUS , Rex idem hominum , PHOEBIQUE Sacerdos . ) You find the Heros , that is Princes , in Poets , sacrificing . The Ethiopian , Egyptian , Lacedemonian Kings did the like . In Athens constantly and in Rome , when they had no Kings , occasionally they elected a Rex sacrorum , or King Priest . So that a free People had thus far Power of electing their Priests , is not deny'd by any man. This came , it should seem , to be otherwise establish'd by the Law in Egypt , where the Priests ( whose Lands JOSEPH when he bought those of the People did not buy ) being great Landlords , it may be to the Third of the whole Territory , were one of the three Estates of the Realm . And it is clear in Scripture that the People , till they sold their Lands , became not Servants to Book I PHARAOH . While AGESILAUS was in Egypt they depos'd their King , which implys the recovery of their Balance ; but so , seeing they set up another , as withal shews the Balance of the Nobility to have bin predominant . These Particulars seem to com near to the account of DIODORUS SICULUS , by whom the Balance of Egypt should have stood thus : The whole Revenue was divided into three Parts , wherof the Priest had the first , the King had the second , and the Nobility had the third . It seems to me that the Priests had theirs by their antient Right and Title , untouch'd by JOSEPH ; that the Kings had all the rest by the purchase of JOSEPH ; and that in time , as is usual in like cases , a Nobility came thro the bounty of succeding Kings to share with them in one half . But however it came about , Egypt by this means is the first example of a Monarchy upon a Nobility , at least distributed into three Estates by means of a Landed Clergy , which by consequence came to be the greatest Counsillors of State , and , fitting Religion to their uses , to bring the People to be the most superstitious in the whole World. WERE it not for this Example , I should have said , that the Indowment of a Clergy or religious Order with Lands , and the erecting of them into an Estate of the Realm or Government , were no antienter than the Goths and Vandals , who introducing a like Policy , which to this day takes place throout the Christian World , have bin the cause ; FIRST , Why the Clergy have bin generally great Counsillors to Kings , while the People are led into Superstition . SECONDLY , By planting a religious Order in the Earth , why Religion has bin brought to serve worldly ends . AND , Thirdly , by rendring the Miter able to make War ; why of latter Ages we have had such a thing as War for Religion , which till the Clergy came to be a third State or Landlords , was never known in the World : For that som Citys of Greece , taking Arms upon the Usurpation or Violation of som Temple , have call'd it the Holy War ; such Disputes having bin put upon matter of Fact , and not of Faith , in which every man was free , came not to this account . MOSES was learn'd in all the Learning of the Egyptians ; but a Landed Clergy introduc'd he not in Israel : nor went the Apostles about to lay any such Foundation of a Church . Abating this one example of Egypt , till the Goths and Vandals , who brought in the third Estate , a Government , if it were inequal , consisted but of two Estates ; as that of Rome , whether under the Kings or the Commonwealth , consisted of the Patricians and Plebeians , or of the Nobility and the People . And an equal Commonwealth consists but of one , which is the People : for example of this you have Lacedemon and Venice , where the People being few , and having many Subjects or Servants , might also be call'd a Nobility , as in regard of their Subjects they are in Venice , and in regard of their Helots or Servants , they might have bin in Lacedemon . That , I say , which , introducing two Estates , causes Division , or makes a Commonwealth inequal , is not that she has a Nobility , without which she is depriv'd of her most special Ornament , and weaken'd in her Conduct , but when the Nobility only is capable of Magistracy , or of the Senat ; and where this is so order'd , she is inequal , as Rome . But where the Nobility is no otherwise capable of Magistracy , nor of the Senat , than by Election of the People , the Commonwealth consists but of one Order , and is equal , as Chap. 9 Lacedemon or Venice . BUT for a Politician commend me to the Considerer , he will have Rome to have bin an equal Commonwealth , and Venice to be an inequal one , which must be evinc'd by wiredrawing . For having elswhere , as has bin shewn , admitted without opposition that the Balance of Empire is well divided into national and provincial , the humor now takes him to spin that wedg into such a thred , as by intangling of these two , may make them both easy to be broken . Hereto he betakes himself in this manner . As Mr. HARRINGTON has well observ'd ( p. 40. ) where there are two Partys in a Republic with equal Power ( as in that of Rome , the People had one half , and the Nobility had the other half ) Confusion and Misery are there intail'd . For remedy wherof , or to avoid this , there can be no way but to make the Commonwealth very inequal . IN answer to this , there will need no more than to repeat the same things honestly . Mr. HARRINGTON speaks of the national Balance of Empire ( p. 40. ) to this sense : Where the Nobility holds half the Property , or about that proportion , and the People the other half ( the shares of the Land may be equal ; but in regard the Nobility have much among Few , and the People little among Many , the Few will not be contented to have Authority , which is all their proper share in a Commonwealth , but will be bringing the People under Power , which is not their proper share in a Commonwealth ; wherfore this Commonwealth must needs be inequal . And except by altering the Balance , as the Athenians did by the Sisacthia , or recision of Debts ; or as the Romans went about to do by an Agrarian , it be brought to such an equality , that the whole Power be in the People , and there remain no more than Authority to the Nobility ) there is no remedy but the one ( with perpetual feud ) will eat out the other , as the People did the Nobility in Athens , and the Nobility the People in Rome . Where the Carcase is , there will be the Eagles also ; where the Riches are , there will be the Power . So if a few be as rich as all the rest , a few will have as much Power as all the rest ; in which case the Common-wealth is inequal , and there can be no end of staving and tailing , till it be brought to equality . Thus much for the national Balance ; For the provincial , there Power dos not follow Property , but the contrary : This the Prevaricator having acknowledg'd , le ts slip , to the end he may take a gripe of Venice , which ( because the three or four thousand of which originally consisted , and now consists that whole Government , having acquir'd Provinces , and increase of their City by later comers , do not admit these to participation of Power ) he says is an inequal Commonwealth . He will be a Mill-horse , whether the Cake be dow or not ; for this is to draw in a circle : and Rome , which by his former Arguments should have bin equal , by this again must be inequal , seeing Rome as little admitted her Provinces into the body of the Commonwealth , as dos Venice . This clash is but by way of Parenthesis ; to return therfore to the business in present agitation . THE Estates , be they one , or two , or three , are such ( as was said ) by virtue of the Balance , upon which the Government must naturally depend . Wherfore constitutively the Government of France ( and all other Monarchys of like Balance ) was administer'd by an Book I Assembly of the three Estates ; and thus continu'd till that Nation being vanquish'd by the English , CHARLES the 7 th was put to such shifts as , for the recovery of himself in the greatest distress , he could make . To which recovery , while the Estates could not be legally call'd , he happening to attain without them , so order'd his affairs , that his Successors , by adding to his Inventions , came to rule without this Assembly ; a way not suting with the nature of their Balance , which therfore requir'd som Assistance by force , and other concurring Policys of like nature , wherof the foren Guards of that Monarchy are one ; the great baits alluring the Nobility another ; and the emergent Interest of the Church a third . TO begin with the last of these ; the Church ( except it be in a War for Religion , as when they join'd with the Princes of Lorrain , and what Party of the French Nobility were made , or they could make against the King of Navar ) are not of themselves so hot at hand , or promt to Arms : but the King being ( to use their word ) no Heretic , thro their great apprehension of the third Estate , as that which is most addicted to the Protestant Religion , may be confident they will never side with the People . So by this emergent Interest or Accident he has the Church sure enough . FOR the Nobility , which is exceding gallant , this Change has the greatest baits ; for wheras the Church being not spar'd , the third Estate is laden , and the Peasant overladen with Taxes , the Nobility is not only at better ease in this regard , but for the greater or more considerable part , receives advantage by it : the King having always , whether in Peace or War , a great Cavalry , than which there is no better in the world for the Exercise , Entertainment , and Profit of the Nobility ; Governments of Citys , Castles , Provinces in abundance , which he rarely distributes to any other . The greater Nobility are Marechals , Generals ; the less Officers in the Armys , specially of the Horse , the Emoluments wherof they receive also in time of Peace ; and many of this Order being Pensioners , taste of the King's Liberality , without taking pains , or having any Imployment at all . By which both that France is a Monarchy by a Nobility , and how she holds her Nobility , is apparent . NOW the Church and the Nobility standing thus ingag'd to the King , by which means he has two parts of the Balance to one , it is demonstrable that the Government must be quiet . Nor , seeing the Church for the reason shewn is sure enough , coms the Government ( since the Protestant Citys and Holds were demolish'd ) to be otherwise disquieted than by the flying out of the Nobility , which , whenever it happens in any party considerable , either for the Number , or the Interest , causes the Crown to shake ; for it seldom coms to pass upon this occasion , but the third Estate , or som part of it , takes Arms immediatly . In which place it is worthy to observ'd , that Wealth , according to the distribution of the Balance , has contrary motions . The third Estate in France having Riches , and those laden with Taxes , com to have somthing to lose , and somthing to save : which keeps them in continual fear or hope . The Nobility holding to the King , the third Estate has somthing ▪ to lose , which withholds them from Arms thro fear ; but the Nobility flying out , the third Estate has somthing to save , which precipitats them into Arms thro hope : wheras the Peasant having nothing to save or to lose , to hope or to fear , never stirs . The case standing thus , the sufficiency of the French Chap. 9 Politician ( since the Masterpiece of Cardinal RICHLIEU , in demolishing those Walls of the Protestants , which had otherwise by this time bin a Refuge for the third Estate , and perhaps overturn'd the Monarchy ) lys altogether in finding for the Nobility work abroad , or balancing them in such sort at home , that if a Party flys out , there may be a stronger within to reduce it , or at least to be oppos'd to it . In this case , lest the native Interest of the Nobility , since the Assemblys of the three Estates were abolish'd , might cool the remaining Party , or make them slower in the redress of such Disorders or Discontents than were requisit , the King is wisely provided of Foren Guards ; which being always in readiness , and not obnoxious to the native Interest , may upon like occasions be of more Expedition and Trust . Being com thus to foren Arms , which is the point I more especially propos'd to my self in the present Discourse , one Objection in relation to what has bin already said , seems to interpose it self . Seeing France , while it is not govern'd by the Assembly of States , is yet of the same Balance it was when govern'd by the Assembly of States ; it may be said that a Government of the same Balance may admit of divers Administrations . TO which I need make no other answer , than to put you in mind that while this Government was natural , or administer'd by the Assembly of States , it is celebrated by MACCHIAVEL to have bin the best order'd of any Monarchy in the world ; and that what it is , or has bin of later times , you may believe your own eys or ears . THERE be yet , before I can com to foren Guards , som previous Considerations . All Government , as is imply'd by what has bin already shewn , is of these three kinds : A Government of Servants : A Government of Subjects ; or , a Government of Citizens . The first is absolute Monarchy , as that of Turky : The second Aristocratical Monarchy , as that of France : The third a Commonwealth , as those of Israel , of Rome , of Holland . Now ( to follow MACCHIAVEL in part ) of these , the Government of Servants is the harder to be conquer'd , and the easier to be held : The Government of Subjects is the easier to be conquer'd , and the harder to be held . To which I shall presume to add , that the Government of Citizens is both the hardest to be conquer'd , and the hardest to be held . MY Authors Reasons , why a Government of Servants is the hardest to be conquer'd , com to this , that they are under perpetual Disciplin and Command , void of such Interests and Factions , as have Hands or Power to lay hold upon Advantages or Innovation ; whence he that invades the Turk must trust to his own strength , and not rely upon Disorders in the Government , or Forces which he shall be sure enough to find united . HIS Reasons why this Government , being once broken , is easily held , are , that the Armys once past hope of rallying , there being no such thing as Familys hanging together , or Nobility to stir up their Dependents to further Reluctancy for the present , or to preserve themselves by complacence with the Conquerors for future Discontents or Advantages , he that has won the Garland has no more to do but to extinguish the Royal Line , and wear it ever after in security . For the People having bin always Slaves , are such whose condition he may better , in which case they are Gainers by their Conqueror , but can Book I never make worse , and therfore they lose nothing by him . Hence ALEXANDER having conquer'd the Persian Empire , he and his Captains after him could hold it without the least dispute , except it arose among themselves . Hence MAHOMET the Second having taken Constantinople , and put PALAEOLOGUS the Greec Emperor ( whose Government was of like nature with the Persian ) together with his whole Family , to the Sword , the Turk has held that Empire without reluctancy . ON the other side , the Reasons why a Government of Subjects is easilier conquer'd , are these : That it is supported by a Nobility so antient , so powerful , and of such hold and influence upon the People , that the King without danger , if not ruin to himself or the Throne ( an example wherof was given in HEN. 7 th of England ) can neither invade their Privileges , nor level their Estates ; which remaining , they have power upon every discontent to call in an Enemy , as ROBERT Count of Artois did the English , and the Duke of Guise the Spaniard into France . THE Reasons why a Government of Subjects being so easily conquer'd , is nevertheless the harder to be held , are these : That the Nobility being soon out of countenance in such a case , and repenting themselves of such a bargain , have the same means in their hands wherby they brought in the Enemy , to drive him out , as those of France did both the English and the Spaniard . FOR the Government of Citizens , as it is of two kinds , an equal or an inequal Commonwealth , the Reasons why it is the hardest to be conquer'd , are also of two kinds ; as first , the Reasons why a Government of Citizens , where the Commonwealth is equal , is hardest to be conquer'd , are , that the Invader of such a Society must not only trust to his own strength , inasmuch as the Commonwealth being equal , he must needs find them united , but in regard that such Citizens , being all Soldiers or train'd up to their Arms , which they use not for the defence of Slavery , but of Liberty ( a condition not in this world to be better'd ) they have more specially upon this occasion the highest Soul of Courage , and ( if their Territory be of any extent ) the vastest Body of a well disciplin'd Militia that is possible in nature : wherfore an example of such a one overcom by the Arms of a Monarch , is not to be found in the World. And if som small City of this Frame has happen'd to be vanquish'd by a potent Commonwealth , this is her Prerogative , her Towers are her Funeral Pile , and she expires in her own flame , leaving nothing to the Conqueror but her Ashes , as Saguntum overwhelm'd by Carthage , and Numantia by Rome . THE Reasons why a Government of Citizens , where the Commonwealth is inequal , is , next the former , the hardest to be conquer'd , are the same , with this difference , that tho her Peace be not perfect within , her condition is not to be better'd by any thing without . Wherfore Rome in all her strife never call'd in an Enemy ; and if an Enemy upon occasion of her strife , and hopes of advantage by it , came without calling , he presented her with her most Soverain Cure , who had no leisure to destroy her self , till having no Enemy to find her work , she became her own . — Nondum tibi defuit hostis , In te verte manus — Nor is there any example that a Government of this kind was ever Chap. 9 subdu'd by the Arms of a Monarch ; tho som indeed may be found that have call'd or suffer'd foren Princes or Force to com in , as Holland by Marriages of their Princes , and Genoa thro her Factions , as those of the FIESCI and ADORNI. TO conclude this part as to the Reasons why a Government of Citizens so acquir'd or possest , as thro Marriage , or Faction , is the hardest to be held , there needs no more than that men accustom'd to their Arms and their Libertys will never indure the Yoke . Wherfore the Spaniard , tho a mighty King , no sooner began in Holland , a small Commonwealth , to innovat or break her Orders , than she threw him off with such Courage and Disdain , as is admirable to the World. And somwhat of the like kind did Genoa by the help of her DORIA in the vindication of her Liberty from France . TO com by this farthest way about as I think the nearest way home : Arms are of two sorts , Proper or Improper ; that is , Native or Foren . PROPER and Native Arms are , according to the triple nature of Government , of three kinds ; Servants in Arms , as the Helots in Lacedemon , the Timariots and Janizarys in Turky ; Subjects in Arms , as the Horse in France , and the Seaguards or Forces in Venice ; or Citizens in Arms , as those upon the Lexiarcha in Athens , of the Morae in Lacedemon , and the Legions in Rome . IMPROPER or Foren Arms are of two sorts ; Auxiliarys , and Mercenarys AUXILIARYS are such as are supply'd by virtue of som League , as were those of the Latins and Italians to the Romans ; and those of the Cantons of Swiss ( except Zuric ) to the King of France : or they may be such as are occasionally lent freely , or let forth for Mony by one State to another , the latter wherof differ not much from Mercenarys . MERCENARYS are Soldiers of Fortune that have no other Trade than their Arms , and let out themselves for Mony ; of such consisted the greatest part of the Carthaginian Strength , such is the Land Force of Venice , and , notwithstanding the antient League of France with those Nations , such at this day are the Swiss and Scotish Guards ( and somtimes a good part of the Foot ) in France . MACCHIAVEL discourses upon these Particulars in his Art of War , to admiration : by whom I shall therfore steer . WHERE the Arms in bulk are proper , and consisting of Citizens , they have other Trades , and therfore are no Soldiers of Fortune ; and yet because the Commonwealth has Arms for her Trade ( in regard she is a Magistrat given for the good of Mankind , and bears not her Sword in vain ) they are all educated as well in Military as Civil Disciplin , taking their turns in service of either nature according to the occasion , and the Orders of the Commonwealth , as in Israel , Athens , Lacedemon , and Rome , which had ( if their Territorys permitted , and somtimes , as I may say , whether their Territorys permitted or no , as in Israel ) the vastest , the highest temper'd , and the best disciplin'd Militia , that is to be found in the whole compass of Story . Som Armys of Israel have consisted of three or four hundred thousand men : Rome upon the rumor of a Gallic Tumult , arm'd in Italy only , without foren Aid , seventy thousand Horse and seven hundred thousand Foot ; Book I things in our days ( when the Turk can hardly arm half so many ) not to be credited . HENCE that a Commonwealth , which had not first broken her self , or bin broken by som other Commonwealth , should not be found to have bin conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch , is not miraculous , but a natural effect of an apparent Cause . In this place , or upon this Text , Divines whom I would desire not to be Enemys of popular Power , but to give MACCHIAVEL his due , shall , if they please , hear him make a goodly Sermon , in these words : If antient Commonwealths and Governments us'd Diligence in any other Order to make their People lovers of Peace , faithful to their Country , and to have the fear of God before their eys , they doubl'd it in this of their Militia : for of whom should your Country expect greater Faith , than of such as have offer'd themselves to dy for her ? Whom should she indeavor to make greater Lovers of Peace , than them who only can inslave her by force ? In whom should there be greater Fear of God , than in such as carry their Lives in their hands ? This , when Lawgivers and Captains rightly cinsider'd , was the cause why Soldiers were esteem'd , honor'd , follow'd , and imitated above all men in the World ; wheras since such Orders are broken , and Custom is altogether deviated from the course of antient Prudence , men are com to detest the Iniquity of the Camp , and fly the Conversation of such as are in Arms , as the Pestilence . Where the Arms in bulk are proper , but consist of Subjects , they are the best next ; and but the best next , as appears by all Examples antient and modern . The Arms with which PYRRHUS Prince of Epyrus invaded the Romans , were of Subjects ; yet that Prince , tho he was not vanquish'd by the Romans , confest their advantage , and gave them over . The Spaniard being a far more potent King than was PYRRHUS , has acknowleg'd as much to the Hollanders , tho a far less Commonwealth than Rome : So have the Princes of Austria , and of Burgundy , to the Switzers . That the Arms of Subjects are nevertheless as much superior to the Arms of Servants , as inferior to the Arms of Citizens , is as plain ; seeing as ALEXANDER , with thirty thousand Subjects , vanquish'd DARIUS , having innumerable Slaves ; so thirty thousand Christians are at this day a match for any Army of Turks : and we see Venice , whose Force by Sea consists of Subjects , to have made him quit that Element near as fully to her Dominion or Empire , as did the Persian to Athens . TO Arms that are proper , but consist of Servants , all the preeminence that can be given is , that they are better than foren Arms ; a proof wherof we have in those of SELIMUS , wherby he conquer'd the Mamalucs ; who being but a foren Force that held Egypt in subjection , the Country was irrecoverably lost , and , for the reasons already shewn , as easily kept . IMPROPER Arms , whether Auxiliary or Mercenary , where the Force of a Prince or of a Commonwealth consists , for the bulk or greater part , of no other , are the least effectual , and the most dangerous of all . For Auxiliarys , or what effect has bin found of them by Princes or Commonwealths , it was seen in France during the League by the Spaniard ; and in Holland during the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH by the English ; but especially in the Goths and Vandals , who having bin Auxiliarys or Mercenarys , rely'd upon by the later Emperors , came therby to ruin the Roman Empire . MERCENARYS who make their Arms their Trade , must of Chap. 9 all others be the most pernicious ; for what can we expect less of such whose Art is not otherwise so profitable , than that they should ( as MACCHIAVEL shews ) be breakers of their Faith , given up to Rapin , Enemys of Peace and Government ? TO instance in som Commonwealths , that of Carthage after her first War with the Romans , fell thro the Rebellion of SPENDIUS and MATHO , Ringleaders of her Mercenarys , into another that was far more dangerous . Of such a Dilemma were the Arms of this State , that if HANNIBAL had conquer'd Rome , he must have bin King of Carthage ; and not conquering Rome , Carthage was ruin'd . The Commonwealth of Milan , trusting her self to F. SFORZA and his Mercenarys , became the Subject of her Servant , and he her Duke . Nor is Venice , whose Land-Forces are of the same kind , otherwise in safety as to these , than by her Situation . To give som instances of the same nature in Princes ▪ The Father of F. SFORZA being Captain of a like mercenary Army , forc'd JOAN Queen of Naples , whom he left disarm'd in the midst of her Enemys , to lay her self at the feet of the King of Arragon ; and BRACCIO by such another Treachery had plainly possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples , had he not bin broken at Aquila , where Death intercepted his design . From what has bin said ( first of Government , and then of Arms ) if a Government of Servants be harder to be conquer'd , and easier to be held , then in this foren Arms must needs be least necessary , and most dangerous . IF a Government of Subjects be easier to be conquer'd , and harder to be held , then in this foren Arms may be more necessary , but must be less dangerous . BUT tho a Government of Citizens be both hardest to be conquer'd , and hardest to be held , yet as it is again in this regard of two kinds , this cannot be said of each kind alike ; wherfore I must distinguish . IN a Government of Citizens , if the Commonwealth be not for increase , but preservation only , as Lacedemon , Carthage , Venice , foren Arms are both necessary and dangerous ; but in a Government of Citizens , where the Commonwealth is both for increase and preservation , as Rome , foren Arms are neither necessary nor dangerous . TO repeat the parts of this Conclusion , which being brief is obscure , more fully and particularly . THE Empire of Turky is of the harder kind to be conquer'd , wherfore the Turk needs not foren Guards to defend him , but it is of the easier to be held ; wherfore let him take heed of intrusting his Person with foren Guards , who having a foren Interest , may have a foren Nation to assist them : and so the Person of the Prince being in their hands , they have no more to do than to extinguish the Royal Line ; and the Empire being easily held , is their own thenceforth with security . Thus the Mamalucs which were at first foren Guards , extinguishing the Royal Line of the Kings of Egypt , came to possess and hold that Realm without opposition . Who well considers this point , will never enough admire the Policy of the Turk in the creation ( as it were ) of his Janizarys , free from any national Interest that might make them dream of , or desire Liberty ; and yet so void of all foren Interest or Knowlege , that they know not what , or who were their Country or Parents . Hence tho they have Interest to murder the Book I Turk , and somtimes do accordingly , they have no further Interest in the world but what depends upon the Government ; and so the Empire is safe , tho the Prince be in danger : wheras if they were foren Guards , or had any native Interest , not only the Prince , but the Empire too would be in danger , the rest being Servants , and such whose condition might be better'd by a change , but could be no worse . Wherfore a Government of Servants must by no means admit of foren Guards or Mamalucs . BUT the Empire of France , where the Nobility are not only subject to fly out , but to call in Strangers , may have use of foren Guards , which not obnoxious to native Interest and Factions , as those of the Nobility , are the readiest and best help at this lift ; yet not dangerous , tho having the Prince in their power , because by him they are safe from the Nobility , who , were it not for the Prince , would be so far from bearing or brooking foren Guards , that in case a Forener came in upon their call , having the same means to help themselves wherby they brought him in , they would shake the Yoke , and the ends why they call'd him in , being satisfy'd or repented of , drive him out again , as they did the Spaniard and the English . But if this Government being invaded or conquer'd , be so hard to be kept , how much harder being surpriz'd ? Wherfore in a Government by Subjects , foren Arms may be more necessary , but must be less dangerous . IN a Commonwealth for preservation , as Lacedemon , Carthage , Venice , foren Arms are necessary : So Lacedemon , tho able to defend her self by her proper Forces against any one City , yet the Wars in Greece going much upon Leagues and Confederats , was forc'd also to make use of her Confederats , and somtimes of her Helots . BUT as antiently to Carthage , so now to Venice , foren or mercenary Forces are essential , because for Land-service such a Constitution can have no other : Yet is this course extremely dangerous , as appear'd by Lacedemon , who ( being ever in fear of her Helots ) when she had acquir'd upon the matter the whole Empire of Greece , came , by the Rebellion of her Confederats , not only to lose all , but likewise to ruin . For Carthage , upon the Mutiny of SPENDIUS and MATHO , she escap'd , as at other times upon like occasions , very narrowly . That such an Accident neither has befaln Venice , nor can befal her , is to be attributed to her Situation , by which , in this regard , she is secure : Nevertheless , her Progress or Increase , which by this means either cannot be great , or being great , must render her but the more infirm , is fully bar'd . TO a Commonwealth for increase , which always takes in the whole body of the People , foren Arms ( seeing she abounds above all other kinds of Policy , with such as are proper ) must needs be the least necessary ; and they are the most safe , because never admitting them , but for her mere convenience and frugality in expence of native Blood , she receives no such charge of them as can recoil , but must carry point blank , and as vigorously at her proper Interest , very near as her proper Arms. Thus did the Latin and Italian Auxiliarys , of which , join'd with the Roman Legions , consisted a Consular Army . BY thus much it seems that an inference from the success of Arms to the perfection of Government , and from the perfection of Government to the success of Arms , should be no fallacious way of disputing . BUT this being sweaty work with the Considerer , who loves his Chap. 9 ease , it is enough to argue thus : The Switz , Scotish , and French Guards , have never bin the Authors of any Sedition , therfore the Seditiousness of a Nobility may be mended by foren Guards : which is , as if one should say , such a Physician has never bin the cause of the Gout ; therfore the Gout may be cur'd by such a Physician . That foren Arms may be well enough apply'd in the case of a seditious Nobility , and have som good effects , is not deny'd : but is France therfore cur'd of her Sedition , or remains she , notwithstanding her foren Guards , the most seditious Example in the world ? If thus she has not bin , nor be , what has he read of the Princes of the Blood in former times , or heard of late from them ? But if thus she has bin , and be , is it not a fine way of Cure to give us an example of the Disease for the Remedy ? Nor are her Guards so void of Sedition neither ; but the Switzer , if he wants his pay , dares threaten Paris : the Scot , at least of late years , has not bin so bold ; but if a Prince flys out , the Ensigns of the French Guards will one way or other be Captains , while Soldier and Officer too follows his Affections or Interests , which way soever they frame . I should be glad to know when a Dragon fell from that Court , that did not bear down Stars with his Train . But the Prevaricator is set upon it : wheras of late years the Janizarys are known to have bin far more imbru'd in the Blood of their Princes than ever ; he gives us his honest word , that of late years in Turky they begin to learn the art of poising the Janizarys ( who are the Foot of the Princes Guard ) by the Spahys ( who are the Horse of the same ) and so have frequently evaded the danger of their Mutinys . At which rate , seeing every Army consists of Horse and Foot , no Army could be mutinous . If these had not bin meer slights , and so intended , he might have don well to have shewn us one Mutiny of the Janizarys appeas'd by the Spahys . But all the parts of his Politics , as was said of those in Rhetoric , consist of Pronunciation . THUS the Wounds of Monarchy , notwithstanding the former , or this last Remedy of foren Guards , are still bleeding or festering . BUT his Courage is undaunted ( aut viam inveniet aut faciet ) he will either mend a Government , or make one , by asserting without any example , but with egregious confidence , That the perfection of Monarchy is free from those flaws which are charg'd upon it , and that it consists in governing by a Nobility , weighty enough to keep the People under , yet not tall enough in any particular Person to measure with the Prince ; and by a moderat Army kept under the notion of Guards and Garisons , which may be sufficient to strangle all Sedition in the Cradle : from which mixture , or counterpoise of a Nobility and an Army , arises the most excellent form of Monarchical Government . THERE 's for your learning now , A Model which is a short Horse , and a Legislator that has soon curry'd him . To the parts of it , consisting of a Nobility , and in force , I have already spoken severally . I shall now speak to the whole together ; that is , to the imagin'd mixture or counterpoise of a Nobility and an Army ; and because there is nothing in Nature that has not had a natural effect by som example . THE scale of Arms , or of Iron , continu'd in the Line of WILLIAM the Conqueror ; and the scale of Property , or Gold , continu'd in the Barons of England , and their Successors . But in this before the Barons Wars consisted not the perfection of the Monarchy , Book I because it preponderated too much on the side of Arms ; nor after the Barons Wars , because the King , putting Power ( which he could not keep out of their fingers ) into the hands of the Nobility , it became a vicious Constitution , and a Monarchy only in name ( so says the Considerer ) therfore the Balance being then only even , when neither the King could overbalance or get the better of the Barons , nor the Barons overbalance or get the better of the King ; the perfection of Monarchy consisted in the Barons Wars ! LYCURGUS the Second ! MARK ; the King by all means must have a Nobility weighty enough to keep down the People ; and then he must have an Army to hold Gold weight with his Nobility : as if the Nobility in that case would keep down the People , and not fetch them up ( as did the Barons ) into their Scale , that so together they might weigh down the Army ; which sooner or later is the infallible consequence of this Phansy , or let it be shewn where it was ever otherwise . To instance in France is quite contrary , where all the considerable Offices and Commands being in the Nobility , or the richer sort of that Nation , the Balance of Arms and of Property are not two , but one and the same . There is no way for Monarchy , but to have no Army , or no other than the Nobility , which makes the regulated Monarchy , as in France , Spain , &c. or to have an Army that may weigh down Nobility and People too ; that is , destroy them both , which makes the absolute way of Monarchy , as in Turky : the wit of man never found , nor shall find a third , there being no such thing in Nature . THIS Chapter is already with the longest , and yet I must give you a Corollary , pouce de roy , or a piece above measure ; relating to a Question on which the greenest Politician that ever brought his Verjuce to the Press , has spur'd me . WHERE he desires to know my opinion of the way of governing by Councils , which he confesses he has always thought admirable ; he dos not mean such as are coordinat with the Prince ( which have bin seen in the World ) but such as those of Spain , purely of Advice and Dispatch , with power only to inform and persuade , but not limit the Princes Will. For almost all the Weaknesses which have bin thought incident to Monarchy , are by this course prevented ; and if there be any steadiness and maturity in the Senat of a Commonwealth , this takes it all in . TO give my Counsil without a Fee , and deal sincerely with a Prevaricator : Let the Prince ( that is , such a one as his ) hold himself contented with his Divan , or Cabinet . If this be that he means , we are agreed ; but if he would have more , I can make no less of his words , than a hankering after such Councils as I have propos'd , and that these are such as he always thought admirable , such as prevent almost all the Weaknesses incident to Monarchy , and take in the steadiness and maturity of a Commonwealth . HOW may we make this agree with that other place , where he says , that there is no frame of Laws , or Constitution of Government , which will not decay and com to ruin , unless repair'd by the Prudence and Dexterity of them that govern ? Now that this may not be expected from a Monarch , as well as from a Senat or Assembly of Men , he has not yet met with any conviction , but rather finds it reasonable to think that where Debates are clearest , the result of them most secret , and the execution sudden ( which are the advantages of Monarchy ) there the disorders of a State will soonest be discover'd , and the necessary Remedys best apply'd . Chap. 9 In that former place he bethought himself , that the Debates of Rome were as clear as those of ANTIOCHUS , that her Results were as secret as those of PHILIP or PERSEUS , and of more sudden execution than either of theirs . He doubted it might be true , which is affirm'd by good Authors , and commonly enough known , that for the clearness of Debate , and secresy of Result , the world never saw any thing like the Senat of Venice ; and that in all appearance they are for execution as quick with the Divan , as the Divan can be with them . Now when all this is don , to banish so generous Thoughts without shewing us for what cause , and knock under the table , is sad news . But he shall sind me , in any thing that is reasonable , most ready to serve him . To the Question then , how such Councils as I have propos'd would do with a Prince ; I answer , truly the best of them , I doubt , but untowardly . One , that is the popular Assembly , has no mean , but is either the wisest in Nature , or has no brains at all . * When affairs go upon no other than the public Interest , this having no other Interest to follow , nor eys to see withal , is the wisest Council : but such ways are destructive to a Prince , and they will have no Nay . The Congregation of Israel , when REHOBOAM would not hearken to their advice , depos'd him : and we know what popular Councils , so soon as they came to sufficient Power , did in England . If a Prince put a popular Council from this Ward , he dos a great matter , and to little purpose ; for they understand nothing else but themselves . Wherfore the Kings of France and of Spain have dissolv'd all such Assemblys . It is true , where a Prince is not strong enough to get Mony out of them but by their consent , they are necessary ; yet then they are not purely of Advice and Dispatch , but share in the Government , and he cannot be medling with their Purses , but they will be medling with his Laws . The Senat is of sitter use for a Prince , and yet , except he has the way of TIBERIUS , but a ticklish piece , as appears by MAXIMINUS , who was destroy'd by PUPIENUS and BALBINUS , Captains set up against him by this Order . To go to the root : These things are not otherwise in Prudence or Choice than by direction of the Balance ; where this is popular , no Remedy but the Prince must be advis'd by the People , which if the late King would have indur'd , the Monarchy might have subsisted somwhat longer : but while the Balance was Aristocratical , as during the great Estates of the Nobility and the Clergy , we find not the People to have bin great or wise Counsillors . In sum , if a King governs by a popular Council , or a House of Commons , the Throne will not stand long : If he governs by a Senat , or a House of Lords , let him never fear the Throne , but have a care of himself : there is no third , as I have said often enough , but the Divan . Book I CHAP. X. Whether a Commonwealth that was not first broken by her self , was ever conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch ? I COM in this Chapter to resume the Discourse , where I broke off in the former , making good my assertion , That a Commonwealth is the Government , which from the beginning of the world to this day was never conquer'd by any Monarch ; for if the Commonwealths of Greece came under the yoke of the Kings of Macedon , they were first broken by themselves . WHEN I speak of a Commonwealth , in relation to this point , I am no more to be argu'd against out of the little Citys in Asia , or those of Ragusa , and San Marino , which cannot be shewn to have had the command of any considerable Army , than I argue against the Prevaricator , where he asserts Monarchy to consist of a mixture of Arms and of a Nobility , from the King of Yuetot , who had neither . THIS Assertion in the judgment of any rational man ought not to be incounter'd , but where there was a natural possibility of defence , in regard that a City which has no Army at all , as Geneva ( which yet being invaded by the Duke of Savoy , found means to defend her self ) or such a one as is not considerable , should be subdu'd by som potent Monarch ( if we could find the example ) concerns the Government no more , than if it had bin overwhelm'd by som Inundation , or swallow'd up by som Earthquake . And yet all that is oppos'd by the Considerer , amounts not to thus much . The Testimony he brings out of PAUSANIAS coms far short ; for it is recorded ( says the Author speaking of the Lacedemonians ) that being corrupted by the Bounty of CRAESUS , they were the first that contracted Amity with the Barbarians at the time when that King added the Territorys inhabited by the Dorians upon the border of Caria , with other Commonwealths in Asia , to his Empire . So that CRAESUS corrupted the Lacedemonians with Gifts , PAUSANIAS is express ; but whether he obtain'd the Asiatic Citys ( likely in this case to have bin easilier corrupted than the Lacedemonians ) by Arms or by Purchase , he is not express : and the presumtion of the latter , as in other regards , so in this , is the stronger , that CRAESUS by the testimony of SOLON , was more potent in Gold than in Iron . Now if it were so ( and if otherwise , let the Considerer shew ) that these Commonwealths , inveigl'd by the Treasure of CRAESUS , came first under the Lydian , and fell with that under the Persian Empire , when CRAESUS was subdu'd by CYRUS ; all I can learn by this example is no more than that CRAESUS , for ought that is perceivable , might have bought those Commonwealths as COSIMO of MEDICIS did Florence ; from whom it is affirm'd by MACCHIAVEL , that there was not a considerable Man in the whole City that had not receiv'd som considerable Sum. So this example presumes ; but in the next , which is of Sicily , there is not so much as a Presumtion in favor of the Assertor : the State of Sicily , before that which the Romans call the first Carthaginian War , being clear in Story against his design . For that Africa for the generation of Monsters is not more famous than Sicily for that of Tyrants , Chap. 10 they who have pass'd their Novitiat in Story are not ignorant ; nor how when TIMOLEON had freed her of this Vermin , and with Liberty she had recover'd som strength and virtue , she relaps'd under AGATHOCLES and his horrid violation of Faith , while he was trusted with the Arms of her Citizens : how after him PYRRHUS was call'd in from Epirus ; after PYRRHUS , HIERO usurp'd ; all by the same Arts , getting first into trust or charge , and then recoiling upon them that would take no warning : by which it is apparent that the Commonwealths of Sicily , like those of Greece , were ruin'd by themselves , and their own Disorders ; and no more subdu'd upon these changes by foren Arms , than was Israel by the Canaanites , or Rome by the Gauls or Decemvirs . ISRAEL , having broken her Orders , was indeed somtimes opprest by the Canaanites ; Rome was sack'd by the Gauls , and usurp'd by the Decemvirs . But as the man that having got a fall in a Duel , throws off his Adversary , recovers himself and his Sword , is not conquer'd , so neither the Commonwealth : wherfore neither Holland nor Genoa , tho they have bin under , being yet standing , can be said to be conquer'd by the Arms of Spain or France , but rather the contrary ; seeing the Liberty of Holland ( in many Citys more antient than any Records or other Monuments there can witness , and in it self than that of Tacitus , wherby CIVILIS , born of Princely Blood , is affirm'd to have vindicated the Batavian Freedom ) is still the same ; and Genoa , tho happy in her DORIA , remains as she was before he was born . Nor did the Family of the MEDICIS banish'd out of Florence ( where , by virtue of their prodigious Wealth , and the inevitable consequence of the Balance , their Ancestors had bin Princes many years before CHARLES the Fifth was a Soldier ) any more by the help of his Arms , those of the Pope ( at that time of the same Family ) and their Party at home , than get into their known saddle . To insist a little more at large upon the Storys of Genoa and Florence ( because upon these the Prevaricator sets up his rest that Mr. HARRINGTON must needs be afflicted ) Genoa was and is an Oligarchy consisting of twenty eight Familys , making the Great Council , or Aggregation , as they call it , none but these being capable of the Senat or of Magistracy ; and if ever it could be said of a Commonwealth , that she had broken her self , it might be said , at the time related to , of Genoa , where not only the Faction of the Guelphs and Gibelins , which had destroy'd many Citys in Italy , then reign'd ; but the feud between the People included , and the Subject excluded , was as great as ever had bin between the Nobility and the People in Rome . Besides the quarrel of the FIESCHI and the ADORNI , two Familys , like CAESAR and POMPEY , which having many years together as it were ingrost the Magistracy of Duke , were nevertheless perpetually striving each with other , which should have it ; and if one of these ( as it did ) brought in the King of France , there is nothing plainer than that this Commonwealth was subdu'd by her own Sedition , nor is there a man knowing any thing of her affairs , that makes any doubt of it . That of Florence indeed , if the Prevaricator could shew it had bin ever up , I should grant were down ; but to relate the Story of this City , I must relate that of the House of MEDICIS . From COSIMO , a Citizen famous throout Europe both for his Wisdom and Book I his Riches , this Family for the space of sixty years exercis'd , under the pretext of som Magistracy , very great Power in Florence . To COSIMO succeded PETER , to PETER LAURENCE , a man in Prudence and Liberality resembling his Grandfather , save that he us'd more absolute Power in managing the Commonwealth ; yet with gentleness , and not altogether to the suppression of Liberty . Nevertheless he obtain'd of the Signory ( which did for the most part as he would have them ) som small Guard for his Person ; he was a man renown'd thro Italy , and look'd upon by foren Princes with much respect . To him succeded his Son , another PETER , who thro Youth and Rashness conceiving the Power exercis'd by his Predecessors to be no more than his due , took upon him the Government as absolute Lord of all ; and standing most formidably upon his Guard , grew sottishly profuse of the public Mony , and committed many Absurditys and Violences : By which means having incurr'd the hatred of the Citizens , he was banish'd by the Signory , with Cardinal JOHN and JULIAN his Brothers . This JOHN coming after to be Pope LEO the Tenth , requir'd the revocation of his Brother's Banishment , and the restitution of the House of MEDICIS ; to which finding the prevailing Party of the Florentins to be refractory , he stir'd up the Arms of the Emperor CHARLES the Fifth against them , by whose joint aid the City , after a long siege , was reduc'd to her old Ward , and ALEXANDER of MEDICIS , Nephew to the Pope and Son in law to the Emperor , set in the known Saddle of his Ancestors . This is the ▪ Action for which the Prevaricator will have a Common-wealth to have bin conquer'd by the Arms of a Monarch , tho whoever reads the Story may very safely affirm , First , That Florence never attain'd to any such Orders as could deserve the name of a Common-wealth ; and next , That the Purse of COSIMO had don that long before , which is here attributed to the Arms of the Pope and the Emperor . Reason and Experience , as I said , are like the Roots and the Branches of Plants and Trees : As of Branches , Fruits , and Flowers , being open and obvious to the ey , the smell , the touch , and taste , every Girl can judg ; so examples to vulgar capacitys are the best Arguments . Let him that says a Commonwealth has bin at any time conquer'd by a Monarch , to it again , and shew us the example . But tho Fruits and Flowers be easily known each from other , their Roots are latent , and not only so , but of such resemblance , that to distinguish of these a man must be a Gardiner or a Herbalist . In this manner , the reason why a Commonwealth has not bin overcom by a Monarch , has bin shewn in the distribution of Arms , those of a Prince consisting of Subjects or Servants , and those of a Common-wealth rightly order'd of Citizens , which difference relates plainly to the perfection or imperfection of the Government . BVT , says the Prevaricator , this seems intended for a trial of our Noses , whether they will serve us to discover the fallacy of an inference from the prosperous success of Arms to the perfection of Government . If the University , who should have som care of the Vinyard of Truth , shall ly pigging of wild Boars , to grunt in this manner and fear with their tusks , and I happen to ring som of them ( as I have don this Marcassin for rooting ) there is nothing in my faith why such trial of their Noses should be Sin ; but for fallacious Inferences , such I leave to them whose Caps are squarer than their Play. FOR all that , Great and well policy'd Empires , says he , have bin Chap. 10 subverted by People so eloign'd from the perfection of Government , that we scarce know of any thing to ty them together , but the desire of Booty . Where , or how came he to know this ? What Reason or Experience dos he allege for the proof of it ? May we not say of this , it is for the trial of our Noses , whether they will serve us to discover that a Conclusion should have som Premises ? He gives us leave to go look , and all the Premises that I can find are quite contrary . THE Arms of Israel were always victorious , till the death of JOSHUA , wherupon the Orders of that Commonwealth being neglected , they came afterwards to be seldom prosperous . ISOCRATES in his Oration to the Areopagits , speaks thus of Athens : The Lacedemonians , who when we were under Oligarchy , every day commanded us somthing ; now while we are under popular Administration , are our Petitioners that we would not see them utterly ruin'd by the Thebans . Nor did Lacedemon fall to ruin till her Agrarian , the Foundation of her Government , was first broken . The Arms of Rome ( ever noted by Historians , and clearly evinc'd by MACCHIAVEL to have bin the result of her Policy ) during the popular Government were at such a pitch , as if Victory had known no other wings than those of her Eagles : nor seeing the Goths and Vandals are the Legislators , from whom we derive the Government of King , Lords , and Commons , were these when they overcame the Roman Empire , a People so cloign'd from the perfection of Government , but their Policy was then far better than that of the Emperors , which having bin at first founded upon a broken Senat , and a few military Colonys , was now com to a Cabinet , and a mercenary Army . The Judgment of all Ages and Writers upon the Policy of the Roman Emperors , is in this place worthy , and thro the pains already taken by ERASMUS and SLEIDAN , easy to be inserted . O miserable and deplorable State , says ERASMUS , the Authority of the Senat , the Power of the Law , the Liberty of the People being trod underfoot ! to a Prince , that got up in this manner , the whole World was a Servant , while he himself was a Servant to such , as no honest man would have indur'd the like Servants in his House : the Senat dreaded the Emperor , the Emperor dreaded his execrable Militia : the Emperor gave Laws to Kings , and receiv'd them from his Mercenarys . To this is added by SLEIDAN , That the condition of these Princes was so desperat , it was a wonderful thing Ambition it self could have the Courage to run such a hazard ; seeing from CAIUS CAESAR slain in the Senat to CHARLES the Great , there had bin above thirty of them murder'd , and four that had laid violent hands upon themselves : For there was always somthing in them that offended the Soldiery , which whether they were good or bad , was equally subject to pick Quarrels , upon the least occasion rais'd Tumults , and dispatch'd even such of them as they had forc'd to accept of that Dignity , for example , AELIUS PERTINAX . But if this be true , that of the Goths and Vandals , when they subdu'd this Empire , must have bin the better Government ; for so ill as this never was there any , except that only of the Kings of Israel , which certainly was much worse . Those of the Britans and the Gauls were but the dregs of this of Rome , when they were overcom by the Saxons and Franks , who brought in the Policy of the Goths and Vandals . Book I WHEN TAMERLAN overcame BAJAZET , the Turkish Policy had not attain'd to that extent of Territory which is plainly necessary to the nature of it , nor was the Order of the Janizarys yet instituted . The Hollander , who under a potent Prince was but a Fisherman , with the restitution of the popular Government , is becom the better Soldier ; nor has he bin match'd but by a rising Commonwealth , whose Policy you will say was yet worse , but then her Balance ( being that especially which produces men ) was far better . For Vastness , for Fruitfulness of Territory , for Bodys of Men , for Number , for Courage , Nature never made a Country more potent than Germany : yet this Nation , antiently the Seminary of Nations , has of late years , merely thro the defect of her Policy ( which intending one Commonwealth , has made a hundred Monarchys in her Bowels , whose cross Interests twist her guts ) bin the Theater of the saddest Tragedys under the Sun ; nor is she curable , unless som Prince falling to work with the Hammer of War , be able totally to destroy the old , and forge her a Government intirely new . But if this coms to pass , neither shall it be said , that a well-policy'd Empire was subverted , nor by a People so eloign'd from perfection of Government , but theirs must be much better than the other . Let me be as ridiculous as you will , the World is ( in faece Romuli ) ripe for great Changes which must com . And look to it , whether it be Germany , Spain , France , Italy , or England . that coms first to fix her self upon a firm Foundation of Policy , she shall give Law to , and be obey'd by the rest . There was never so much fighting as of late days to so little purpose ; Arms , except they have a root in Policy , are altogether fruitless . In the War between the King and the Parlament , not the Nation only , but the Policy of it was divided ; and which part of it was upon the better Foundation ? BVT , says he , Ragusa and San Marino are commended for their upright and equal frame of Government , and yet have hardly extended their Dominion beyond the size of a handsom Mannor . HAVE Ragusa or San Marino bin conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch ? For this ( I take it ) is the question ; tho , if they had , these being Commonwealths unarm'd , it were nothing to the purpose . The question of Increase is another point . Lacedemon could not increase ( because her frame was of another nature ) without ruin ; yet was she not conquer'd by any Monarch . COM , com , says he , for all this ; It is not the perfection of Government , but the populousness of a Nation , the natural valor of the Inhabitants , the abundance of Horses , Arms , and other things necessary for equipping of an Army , assisted with a good military Disciplin , that qualify a People for Conquest ; and where these concur , Victory is intail'd upon them . Very fine ! AS if these could concur any otherwise than by virtue of the Policy . For example , there is no Nation under Heaven more populous than France : Yet , says Sir FRANCIS BACON , If the Gentlemen be too many , the Commons will be base , and not the hundredth Poll fit for a Helmet , as may be seen by comparison of England with France , wherof the former , tho far less in Territory and Populousness , has bin nevertheless the overmatch ; in regard the middle People in England make good Soldiers , which the Peasants in France do not . This therfore was from the Policy , by which the one has bin the freest , and the other the most inslav'd Subject in the World ; and not from Populousness , in Chap. 10 which case France must have bin the Overmatch . THE like is observable in the natural valor of the People , there being no greater courage of an Infantry , than that of the middle People in England , wheras the Peasant having none at all , is never us'd in Arms. Again , France has one of the best Cavalrys in the World , which the English never had , yet it avail'd her not . Victory is more especially intail'd upon Courage , and Courage upon Liberty , which grows not without a Root planted in the Policy or Foundation of the Government . ALEXANDER with a handful of Freemen overcame the greatest abundance of Horses , Arms , and other things necessary for the equipping of an Army , the hugest Armys , the most vast and populous Empire in the World ; and when he had don , could not by all these subdue that handful of freer men ( tho he kill'd CLYTUS with his own hand in the quarrel ) to the servil Customs of that Empire . And that the best military Disciplin deriv'd from the Policy of the Romans , I intimated before , and have shewn at large in other places . BUT the Prevaricator neither minds what is said , nor cares what he says ; to affirm that a Commonwealth was never conquer'd by any Monarch , and that a Commonwealth has conquer'd many Monarchs , or frequently led mighty Kings in triumph , is to run upon the foil , the second Proposition being with him no more than only the conversion of the first . As if that Rome was not conquer'd by the World , and that the World was conquer'd by Rome , were but a simple conversion . So the World having not conquer'd Venice , it must follow , that Venice has conquer'd the World. Do we take , or are we taken ? Nor is he thus satisfy'd to burn his fingers , but he will blister his tongue . WHERE I said that the Commonwealth of Venice , consisting of all them that first fled from the main Land to those Ilands where the City is now planted , at the Institution took in the whole People , he would make you believe I had said that the Senat of Venice , at the first Institution , took in the whole People : It is matter of fact , and that in which his Integrity will be apparent to every man's judgment . I pray see the places . And yet when he has put this trick upon me , he tells me , perhaps it is not true ; and this only I grant him past peradventure is false , whether that I said it , or that the thing is possible . For how is it possible , that the Senat , which is no otherwise such than as it consists of the Aristocracy , or select part of the People , should take in the whole People ? It is true , that good Authors , both antient and modern , when they speak of the Senat of Rome , or of Venice historically , imply the People . MACCHIAVEL speaks of the Magistracy of PUBLILIUS PHILO , as prolong'd by the Senat of Rome , without making any mention of the People , by whom nevertheless it was granted : the like is usual with other Authors . THUANUS seldom mentions the Commonwealth of Venice , but by the name of the Senat ; which not understood by the learned Considerer , where CONTARINI speaks in the same manner of the Courses taken by the Commonwealth of Venice , for withholding the Subject in the City from Sedition , he takes him to be speaking of the means wherby the Senat ( an 't please you ) keeps the People under : and so having put one trick upon me , and another upon Book I CONTARINI , these two are his Premises , whence he draws this Conclusion , That Venice is as much as any in the World an inequal Common-wealth . Now the Conclusion you know no body can deny . CHAP. XI . Whether there be not an Agrarian , or som Law or Laws of that nature , to supply the defect of it in every Commonwealth : and whether the Agrarian , as it is stated in Oceana , be not equal and satisfactory to all Interests . IN this Chapter the Prevaricator's Devices are the most welfavor'd : for wheras the Agrarian of Oceana dos no more than pin the basket , which is already fill'd , he gets up into the Tree where the Birds have long since eaten all the Cherrys , and with what Clouts he can rake up , makes a most ridiculous Scarcrow . This pains he needed not to have taken , if he had not slighted overmuch the Lexicon , of which he allows me to be the Author ; yet will have it , that he understood the words before , som of which nevertheless his ill understanding requires should be further interpreted in this place , as Property , Balance , Agrarian , and Levelling . PROPERTY is that which is every mans own by the Law of the Land ; and of this there is nothing stir'd , but all intirely left as it was found by the Agrarian of Oceana . PROPERTY in Mony ( except , as has bin shewn , in Citys that have little or no Territory ) coms not to the present account . But Property in Land , according to the distribution that happens to be of the same , causes the political Balance producing Empire of the like nature : that is , if the Property in Lands be so diffus'd thro the whole People , that neither one Landlord , nor a few Landlords overbalance them , the Empire is popular . If the Property in Lands be so ingrost by the Few , that they overbalance the whole People , the Empire is Aristocratical , or mix'd Monarchy ; but if Property in Lands be in one Landlord , to such a proportion as overbalances the whole People , the Empire is absolute Monarchy . So the political Balance is threefold , Democratical , Aristocratical , and Monarchical . EACH of these Balances may be introduc'd either by the Legislator at the institution of the Government , or by civil Vicissitude , Alienation , or Alteration of Property under Government . EXAMPLES of the Balance introduc'd at the Institution , and by the Legislator , are first those in Israel and Lacedemon , introduc'd by GOD or MOSES , and LYCURGUS , which were Democratical or Popular . Secondly , Those in England , France and Spain , introduc'd by the Goths , Vandals , Saxons , and Franks , which were Aristocratical , or such as produc'd the Government of King , Lords , and Commons . Thirdly , Those in the East and Turky , introduc'd by NIMROD , and MAHOMET or OTTOMAN , which were purely Monarchical . EXAMPLES of the Balance introduc'd by civil Vicissitude , Alienation , or Alteration of Property under Government , are in Florence , where the MEDICI attaining to excessive wealth , the Balance alter'd Chap. 11 from Popular to Monarchical : In Greece , where the Argives being lovers of Equality and Liberty , reduc'd the Power of their Kings to so small a matter , that there remain'd to the Children and Successors of CISUS little more than the Title , where the Balance alter'd from Monarchical to Popular . In Rome , about the time of CRASSUS , the Nobility having eaten the People out of their Lands , the Balance alter'd from Popular , first to Aristocratical , as in the Triumvirs , CESAR , POMPEY and CRASSUS ; and then to Monarchical , as when CRASSUS being dead , and POMPEY conquer'd , the whole came to CESAR . In Tarentum , not long after the War with the Medes , the Nobility being wasted , and overcom by Iapyges , the Balance , and with that the Commonwealth , chang'd from Aristocratical to Popular : The like of late has discover'd it self in Oceana . When a Balance coms so thro civil Vicissitude to be chang'd , that the change cannot be attributed to human Providence , it is more peculiarly to be ascrib'd to the hand of God ; and so when there happens to be an irresistible change of the Balance , not the old Government which God has repeal'd , but the new Government which he dictats as present Legislator , is of Divine Right . THIS Volubility of the Balance being apparent , it belongs to Legislators to have eys , and to occur with som prudential or legal Remedy or Prevention ; and the Laws that are made in this case are call'd Agrarian . So An Agrarian is a Law sixing the Balance of a Government in such a manner that it cannot alter . THIS may be don divers ways , as by intailing the Lands upon certain Familys , without power of Alienation in any case , as in Israel and Lacedemon ; or , except with leave of the Magistrat , as in Spain : But this , by making som Familys too secure , as those in possession , and others too despairing , as those not in possession , may make the whole People less industrious . WHERFORE the other way , which by the regulation of Purchases ordains only that a mans Land shall not excede som certain proportion ; for example , two thousand Pounds a year ; or , exceding such a proportion , shall divide in descending to the Children , so soon as being more than one , they shall be capable of such a division , or subdivision , till the greater share excedes not two thousand pounds a year in Land , lying and being within the native Territory , is that which is receiv'd and establish'd by the Commonwealth of Oceana . BY Levelling , they who use the word seem to understand , when a People rising invades the Lands and Estates of the richer sort , and divides them equally among themselves ; as for example , — No where in the World ; this being that , both in the way and in the end , which I have already demonstrated to be impossible . Now the words of this Lexicon being thus interpreted , let us hearken what the Prevaricator will say , and out it coms in this manner . TO him that makes Property , and that in Lands , the Foundation of Empire , the establishing of an Agrarian is of absolute necessity , that by it the Power may be fix'd in those hands to whom it was at first committed . WHAT need we then procede any further , while he , having no where disprov'd the Balance in these words , gives up the whole Cause ? For as to that which he says of Mony , seeing neither the vast Treasure of HENRY the 7 th alter'd the Balance of England , nor the Revenue of Book I the Indys alters that of Spain , this Retrait ( except in the Cases excepted ) is long since barricado'd . But he is on and off , and , any thing to the contrary notwithstanding , gives you this for certain . THE Examples of an Agrarian are so infrequent , that Mr. HARRINGTON is constrain'd to wave all but two Commonwealths ; and can find in the whole extent of History only Israel and Lacedemon to fasten upon . A MAN that has read my Writings , or is skill'd in History , cannot chuse but see how he slurs his Dice ; nevertheless to make this a little more apparent , It has seem'd to som ( says ARISTOTLE ) the main point of Institution in Government , to order Riches right ; whence otherwise derives all civil Discord . Vpon this ground PHALEAS the Chalcedonian Legislator made it his first work to introduce equality of Goods ; and PLATO in his Laws allows not increase to a possession beyond certain bounds . The Argives and the Messenians had each their Agrarian after the manner of Lacedemon . If a man shall translate the words ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , virtus & facultas civilis ) Political Virtue or Faculty , where he finds them in ARISTOTLE'S Politics ( as I make bold , and appeal to the Reader whether too bold to do ) by the words Political Balance , understood as I have stated the thing , it will give such a light to the Author , as will go nearer than any thing alleg'd ( as before by this Prevaricator ) to deprive me of the honor of that invention . For example , where ARISTOTLE says , If one man , or such a number of men , as to the capacity of Government com within the compass of the Few , excel all the rest ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in balance , or in such a manner , that the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Political Facultys or Estates of all the rest be not able to hold weight with him or them , they will never condescend to share equally with the rest in power , whom they excel in Balance ; nor is it to any purpose to give them Laws , who will be as the Gods , their own Laws , and will answer the People as the Lions are said by ANTISTHENES to have answer'd the Hares , when they had concluded , that every one ought to have an equal Portion . For this cause ( he adds ) Citys that live under Popular Power , have instituted the Ostracism for the preservation of Equality ; by which , if a man increase in Riches , Retinue , or Popularity , above what is safe , they can remove him ( without loss of Honor or Estate ) for a time . IF the Considerer thinks that I have strain'd courtesy with ARISTOTLE ( who indeed is not always of one mind ) further than is warrantable , in relation to the Balance , be it as he pleases ; I who must either have the more of Authority , or the less of Competition in the point , shall lose neither way . However , it is in this place enough that the Ostracism being of like nature , was that which supply'd the defect , in the Grecian Citys , of an Agrarian . To procede then to Rome , that the People there , by striving for an Agrarian , strove to save their Liberty , is apparent , in that thro the want of such a Law , or the nonobservance of it , the Commonwealth came plainly to ruin . If a Venetian should keep a Table , or have his House furnish'd with Retainers , he would be obnoxious to the Council of Ten ; and if the best of them appear with other State or Equipage than is allow'd to the meanest , he is obnoxious to the Officers of the Pomp : which two Orders in a Commonwealth , where the Gentry have but small Estates in Land , are as much as needs be in lieu of an Agrarian . But the German Republics have no more to supply the place of this Law , than that Estates descending are divided among the Children ; which sure no man but will say must needs be Chap. 11 both just and pious : and we ask you no more in Oceana , where grant this , and you grant the whole Agrarian . Thus had I set him all the Commonwealths in the World before ; and so it is no fault of mine , that he will throw but at three of them : These are Israel , Lacedemon , and Oceana . FIRST at Israel : Mr. HARRINGTON ( says he ) thinks not upon the Promise of GOD to ABRAHAM ( whence the Israelites deriv'd their Right to the Land of Canaan ) but considers the division of the Lands as a Politic Constitution upon which the Government was founded , tho in the whole History of the Bible there be not the least footstep of such a design . WHAT means the man ! the Right of an Israelite to his Land deriv'd from the Promise of GOD to ABRAHAM , therfore the Right of an Oceaner to his Land must derive from the Promise of GOD to ABRAHAM ? Or , why else should I in speaking of Oceana ( where Property is taken as it was found , and not stirr'd a hair ) think on the Promise to ABRAHAM ? Nor matters it for the manner of division , seeing that was made , and this was found made , each according to the Law of the Government . But in the whole Bible ( says he ) there is not the least footstep that the end of the Israelitish Agrarian was Political , or that it was intended to be the Foundation of the Government . THE Footsteps of God , by the Testimony of DAVID , may be seen in the deep Waters , much more , by the consent of the whole Bible , in Land , or in the foundation of Empire ; unless we make the Footsteps of God to be one thing , and his ways another , which as to Government are these . GOD by the Ballot of Israel ( more fully describ'd in the next Book ) divided the Land ( som respect had to the Princes and Patriarchs for the rest ) to every one his inheritance , according to the number of names , which were drawn out of one Urn first , and the Lots of Land ( the measure with the goodness of the same consider'd ) drawn afterwards out of the other Urn to those names . Wherfore God ordaining the Cause , and the Cause of necessity producing the Effect , God in ordaining this Balance intended Popular Government . But when the People admitting of no Nay , would have a King , God therupon commanding SAMUEL to shew them the manner of the King , SAMUEL declar'd to the People concerning the manner or policy of the King , saying , He will take your Fields and your Vinyards , and your Oliveyards , even the best of them , and give to his Servants ( which kind of proceding must needs create the Balance of a Nobility ; ) over and above this , he will take the tenth of your Seed , and of your Vinyards , and of your Sheep ( by way of Tax , for the maintenance of his Armys ) and thus your Daughters shall com to be his Cooks and Confectioners , and your Sons to run before his Chariot . There is not from the Balance to the Superstructures a more perfect description of a Monarchy by a Nobility . For the third Branch , the People of Egypt in time of the Famin , which was very sore , com to JOSEPH , saying , Buy us and our Land for Bread , and we and our Land will be Servants to PHARAOH . And JOSEPH bought all the Land of Egypt ( except that of the Priests ) for PHARAOH . So the Land became PHARAOH'S : who , lest the remembrance of their former Property by lively marks and continual remembrancers should stir them up ( as the Vandals in Africa , strip'd in like manner of their Property , and yet remaining in their antient Book I Dwellings , were stir'd up by their Women ) to Sedition , remov'd the People thus sold , or drave them like Cattel even from one end of the borders of Egypt to the other end therof . In which you have the Balance of a sole Landlord or absolute Prince , with the miserable , and yet necessary consequence of an inslav'd People . Now the Balance of Governments throout the Scriptures being of these kinds , and no other , the Balance of Oceana is exactly calculated to the most approv'd way , and the clearest Footsteps of God in the whole History of the Bible : and wheras the Jubile was a Law instituted for preservation of the popular Balance from alteration , so is the Agrarian in Oceana . BUT says the Prevaricator , Hocus Pocus , or in the name of Wonder , how can this Agrarian be the Foundation of that Government which had subsisted more than forty five years without it ? For they were so long after the giving of this Law for the division of the Land , before they had the Land to divide . WHICH is as if one should say upon that other Law of the like date , Judges and Officers shalt thou make thee in all thy gates ; Hocus Pocus , or in the name of Wonder , how should the Children of Israel make them Judges and Officers in their gates , before they had any gates to make them in ? fine sport to be play'd by an Attorny for the Clergy with Scripture , where it is plain enough that the Laws of a Commonwealth were given by MOSES to an Army , to be put in execution when that Army should becom a Commonwealth , as happen'd under JOSHUA . BUT no saying will serve his turn . If this Agrarian were meant as fundamental to the Government , the Provision ( he will have it ) was weak , and not proper for attaining the end propos'd , there being nothing in the nature of the Agrarian to hinder , but that the whole Country might for the space of near fifty years , that is , the time between the two Jubiles , have com into the hands of one man , and so have destroy'd Balance , Agrarian , Government and all . THIS they that boast of their Mathematics might have taken the pains ( before they had bin so confident ) to have demonstrated possible ; as how or by what means one Lot could com in fifty years to be multiply'd six hundred thousand times , and that without Usury , which bar ( the Israelits being no Merchants ) was thought sufficient to be given : or thus to call the Prudence of God by their impracticable Phansys in question , is abominable . I WOULD have Divines ( as this Prevaricator persuades , and it should seem has persuaded som of them ) to overthrow the Commonwealth of Israel ; for otherwise I will give them my word they shall never be able to touch that of Oceana , which , except in the hereditary Succession and Dignity of the Princes of the Tribes , and the Patriarchs , and that the Senat was for life , differs not from the former : for as to the divers working up of the Superstructures in divers Commonwealths , according to the diversity of occasions , it coms to no accountable difference ; and much , I conceive , of this carving or finishing in Israel ( which had it bin extant , would perhaps have shewn a greater resemblance ) is lost . For the Senats , as to their numbers , that of the 300 in Oceana , considering the bulk of the People , excedes not that of the Seventy in Israel ; the Succession and Dignity of the Princes of the Tribes and of the Patriarchs was ordain'd for the preservation of the Pedigrees , which ( CHRIST being born ) are not any more to be of like consequence ; and that the Senators were for life , deriv'd from a Chap. 11 former Custom of such a number of Elders exercising som Authority in Egypt ( tho not that of the Senat till it was instituted by God ) from the descent of the Patriarchs into that Land , who being at their descent seventy Persons , and governing their Familys by the right of Paternity , as the People increas'd , and they came to dy , had their Successors appointed in such a manner that the number of Seventy , in remembrance of those Patriarchs , was diligently preserv'd . And forasmuch as the Patriarchs governing their own Familys ( which at first were all ) in their own right , were consequently for life , this also pleas'd in the substitution of others . These things rightly consider'd , I have not vary'd from the Authority of Israel in a tittle , there being neither any such necessary use of Pedigrees , nor uninterrupted Succession of Elders for life in Oceana ; and unless a man will say , That we ought to have the like Effect where there is not the like Cause ( which were absurd ) the Authority of a Commonwealth holds no otherwise than from the Cause to the Effect . OCEANA , I say , cannot be wounded but by piercing the Authority of Israel , with which she is arm'd Cap a Pe. It is true , as the Prevaricator says in another place , that Law can oblige only those to whom it was given ; and that the Laws of Israel were given , as to the Power or Obligation of them , only to the Children of Israel . But the Power , as has bin shewn , of a Commonwealth , and her Authority , are different things ; her Power extends no further than her own People , but her Authority may govern others , as that of Athens did Rome , when the latter wrote her twelve Tables by the Copy of the former . In this manner , tho a Man , or a Commonwealth , writing out of antient Governments , have liberty to chuse that which sutes best with the occasion , out of any ; yet ( whether we consider the Wisdom and Justice of the Legislator supremely good , or the excellency of the Laws ) the Prerogative of Authority , where the nature of the thing admits it , must needs belong to Israel . That this opinion should go sore with Divines , is strange ; and yet , if there be any feeling of their pulse by this their Advocat or Attorny , it is as true . FOR while he finds me writing out of Venice , he tells me , I have wisely put my self under her Protection or Authority , against whom he dares not make War , lest he should take part with the Turk . BUT when he finds me writing out of Israel , he tells me , that he is not aware of any Prerogative of Authority belonging to the Israelitish more than any other Republic : which is to take part with the Devil . SO much for Israel . Now for Lacedemon ; but you will permit me to shake a Friend or two by the hand , as I go . THE first is ARISTOTLE , in these words : INEQUALITY is the source of all Sedition , as when the Riches of one or the few com to cause such an Overbalance as draws the Common-wealth into Monarchy or Oligarchy ; for prevention wherof the Ostracism has bin of use in divers places , as at Argos and Athens . But it were better to provide in the beginning , that there be no such Disease in the Commonwealth , than to com afterwards to her Cure. Book I THE second is PLUTARCH , in these words : LYCURGUS judging that there ought to be no other inequality among Citizens of the same Commonwealth than what derives from their Virtues , divided the Land so equally among the Lacedemonians , that on a day beholding the Harvest of their Lots lying by Cocks or Ricks in the field , he laughing said , that it seem'd to him they were all Brothers . THE third should have bin the Considerer , but he is at feud with us all . THE Design of LYCURGUS , he professes , was not so much to attain an Equality in the frame of his Government , as to drive into exile Riches , and the effects of them , Luxury and Debauchery . GENTLEMEN , What do you say ? you have the Judgment of three great Philosophers , and may make your own choice ; only except he that has but one hundred pounds a year , can have Wine and Women at as full command , and Retainers in as great plenty , as he that has ten thousand , I should think these advantages accru'd from Inequality , and that LYCURGUS had skill enough in a Commonwealth to see as much . No , says the Prevaricator , it appears far otherwise , in that he admitted of no Mony but old Iron , a Cartload of which was worth little . Well , but in Israel , where Silver and Gold was worth enough , my Gentleman would have it , that one man in the compass of fifty years might purchase the whole Land , tho that Country was much larger than this : and yet where , if the People had us'd Mony , they would have us'd Trade , and using both , such a thing , thro the straitness of the Territory , might have happen'd , he will not conceive the like to have bin possible . No , tho he has an example of it in LYSANDER , who by the spoil of Athens ruin'd the Agrarian , first by the overbalance that a mans Mony came to hold to his Lot ; then by eating out the Lots themselves , and in those the Equality of the Commonwealth . But these things he interprets pleasantly , as if the Vow of voluntary Poverty ( so he calls it ) being broken , the Common-wealth , like a forsworn Wretch , had gon and hang'd her self : a Phansy too rank , I doubt , of the Cloyster , to be good at this work . BUT wheras PLUTARCH , upon the narrowness of these Lots ( which had they bin larger , must have made the Citizens fewer than thirty thousand , and so unable to defend the Commonwealth ) and use of this same old and rusty Iron instead of Mony , observes it came by this means to pass that there was neither a fine Orator , Fortuneteller , Baud , nor Goldsmith to be found in Lacedemon ; our Considerer professes , THAT it is to him as strange as any thing in History , that LYCURGUS should find credit enough to settle a Government , which carry'd along with it so much want and hardship to particular men , that the total absence of Government could scarce have put them into a worse condition ; the Laws that he made prohibiting the use of those things , which to injoy with security , is that only to other men that makes the Yoke of Laws supportable . HERE he is no Monk again ; I would ask him no more , than that Chap. 11 he would hold to somthing , be it to any thing . It is true , we , who have bin us'd to our Plumpottage , are like enough to make faces ( as did the King of Pontus ) at the Lacedemonian black broth : But who has open'd his mouth against Plumpottage , gilded Coaches , Pages , Lacquys , fair Mannorhouses , good Tables , rich Furniture , full Purses , Universitys , good Benefices , Scarlet Robes , square Caps , rich Jewels , or said any thing that would not multiply all this ? Why , says he , you are so far right , that the Voice of LYCURGUS'S Agrarian was , Every man shall be thus poor ; and that of yours is , That no man shall be more than thus rich . This is an Argument ( an 't please you ) by which he thinks he has prov'd , that there is no difference between the Agrarian that was in Lacedemon , and that which is in Oceana : For , Sir , whatsoever is thus and thus , is like : But the Agrarian of Lacedemon was thus , A man could have no Mony , or none that deserv'd that name ; and the Agrarian of Oceana is thus , A mans Mony is not confin'd : Therfore the Agrarian of the one , and of the other , are like . Was it not a great grievance in Lacedemon , think you , that they had no such Logic nor Logician ? Be this as it will , It had bin impossible , says he , for LYCURGUS to have settl'd his Government , had he not wisely obtain'd a Response from the Oracle at Delphos , magnifying and recommending it : After which all resistance would have bin downright Impiety and Disobedience , which concerns Mr. HARRINGTON very little . The Bible then is not so good an Oracle as was that at Delphos . But this Reflection has a tang with it , that makes me think it relates to that where he says , I know not how , but Mr. HARRINGTON has taken up a very great unkindness for the Clergy . He will know nothing ; neither that the Oracle of the Scripture is of all other the clearest for a Commonwealth , nor that the Clergy being generally against a Commonwealth , are in this below the Priests of Delphos , who were more for LYCURGUS than these are for MOSES . But hav'at the Agrarian of Oceana with the whole bail of Dice , and at five throws . THE first throw is , That it is unjust : For , IF it be truly asserted ( in Oceana , Page the 39th ) that Government is founded on Property , then Property consists in Nature before Government , and Government is to be fitted to Property , not Property to Government . How great a Sin then would it be against the first and purest notion of Justice , to bring in a Government not only different from but directly destructive to the settl'd Property of Oceana , where ( in the 107th Page ) there are confest to be three hundred Persons , whose Estates in Land excede the Standard of two thousand pounds a year . Let me not be chok'd with the Example of Lacedemon , till Mr. HARRINGTON has shewn us the Power of his Persuasion with the Nobility of Oceana , as LYCURGUS with them of Lacedemon , to throw up their Lands to be parcel'd by his Agrarian ( as Page 111. ) and when that is don , I shall cease to complain of the Injustice of it . Nor need any one of these three hundred be put to own a shame , for preferring his own Interest before that of a whole Nation ; for tho when Government is once fix'd , it may be fit to submit privat to public Vtility , yet when the question is of chusing a Government , every particular man is left to his own native Right , which cannot be prescrib'd against by the Interest of all the rest of Mankind . Book I HOW many false Dice there are in this throw ( because you see I have little to do ) will be worth counting . WHERAS I no where deny Property to derive her being from Law ; he insinuats that I presume Property to be in Nature . There 's One. WHERAS in natural and domestic Vicissitude , I assert , That Empire is to follow the Legal State of Property ; he imposes , as if I had asserted , that Empire must follow the natural state of Property . Two. WHERAS in violent or foren Vicissitude ( as when the Israelits possest themselves of the Land of Canaan , the Goths and Vandals of Italy , the Franks of France , the Saxons of England ) Property , in order to the Government to be introduc'd , is alterable ; he insinuats as if I had said , that Empire must always follow the state of Property , not as it may be alter'd in that relation , but as it is found . Three . WHERAS the Government of Oceana is exactly fitted to Property , as it was settl'd before ; he insinuats it to be destructive to the settl'd Property . Four. WHERAS I say , that to put it with the most , they that are Proprietors of Land in Oceana , exceding two thousand pounds a year , do not excede three hundred Persons ; he says , that I have confest they be three hundred . Five . WHERAS I shew that the Nobility of Lacedemon , upon the persuasion of LYCURGUS , threw up their Estates to be parcel'd by his Agrarian ; but that in Oceana , it is not needful or requir'd that any man should part with a Farthing , or throw up one shovelful of his Earth : he imposes , as if I went about to persuade the Nobility to throw up their Lands . Six . WHERAS I have shewn that no one of those within the three hundred can have any Interest against the Agrarian ; he , without shewing what such an Interest can be , insinuats that they have an Interest against it . Seven . WHERAS the Government of Oceana gos altogether upon consent , and happens not only to fit privat to public , but even public to privat Utility , by which means it is void of all Objection ; he insinuats , that it is against privat Utility . Eight . WHERE he says , that in chusing a Government every man is left to his own native Right ; he insinuats that the Agrarian ( which dos no more than fix Property , as she found it ) is against native Right . Nine . WHERAS God has given the Earth to the Sons of men , which native Right ( as in case a man for hunger takes so much as will feed him , and no more , of any other mans meat or herd ) prescribes against legal Property , and is the cause why the Law esteems not such an Action to be Theft ; he insinuats that there is a native Right in legal Property , which cannot be prescrib'd against by the Interest of all the rest of Mankind . Ten. WHILE he pleaded the case of Monarchy , Levelling was concluded lawful ; in the case of a Commonwealth , which asks no such favor , Levelling is concluded unlawful . Eleven . IN the Reformation or Level as to Monarchy , tho Property subsisted before that Level , yet Property was to be fitted to the Government , and not the Government to Property ▪ but in the case of a Commonwealth the Government is to be fitted to Property , and not Property Chap. 11 to the Government . Twelve . IN that , any man was bound to relinquish his native Right , else how could a Prince level his Nobility ? In this , no man is bound to relinquish his native Right . Thirteen . IN that , this same native Right might be prescrib'd against by the Prince ; in this , it cannot be prescrib'd against by the Interest of Mankind . Fourteen . IN that , no Nobleman but ought to own a shame if he prefer'd his Interest before that of the Prince ; in this , no Nobleman ought to own a shame for preferring his own Interest before that of a whole Nation . Fifteen . WOULD you have any more ? these fifteen majors and minors , or false Dice , are soop'd up again , and put all into this Conclusion or Box , like themselves . THVS the Interest of the three hundred is not balanc'd with that of a whole Nation , but that of som few extravagant Spirits ; who , by making Dams in the Current of other mens Estates , hope to derive som Water to their own parch'd Fortunes . CALVMNIARE fortiter , nihil adhaerebit . If a River has but one natural Bed or Channel , what Dam is made in it by this Agrarian ? but if a River has had many natural Beds or Channels , to which she has forgot to reach her Breast , and whose Mouths are dry'd up or obstructed ; these are Dams which the Agrarian dos not make , but remove : and what parch'd Fortunes can hereby hope to be water'd , but theirs only , whose Veins having drunk of the same Blood , have a right in Nature to drink of the same Milk ? The Law of MOSES allow'd the firstborn but a double portion : was his an extravagant Spirit ? HIS second throw is , That the nature of the Agrarian is such as cannot be fix'd , in regard that the People being intrusted with a Vote and a Sword , may alter it for the less , or com to downright Levelling . But as to this , in the 8 th Chapter I have bar'd his Dice , that being the place in which I thought most proper to give a full Answer to this Objection . AT the third throw , he is extreme aukward . For wheras the Israelits ( notwithstanding the Voyages of SOLOMON , and what is said of the Ships of Tharsis ) during their Agrarian , or while they had Land , were a Commonwealth of Husbandmen , and not of Merchants , nor came to the exercise of this Trade , till they had no Land , or after their dispersion by the Emperor ADRIAN ; he scrues it in , after this manner — As the Jews who have no Lands , are every where great Traders ; so the possession of Lands being limited by this Agrarian , men who are either covetous or ambitious ( as if Estates were not got by Industry , but by Covetousness and Ambition ) will imploy themselves and their Estates in foren Traffic , which being in a manner wholly ingrost by the Capital City of Oceana , that City , already too great , will immediatly grow into an excess of Power and Riches , very dangerous to the Commonwealth ; Amsterdam being com by such means to exercise of late a Tyranny in the disposal of som public Affairs , much to the prejudice both of the Liberty and Interest of the rest of the Vnion . An equal , if not greater Incommodity to Oceana , would b● created by the Agrarian , which making Emporium a City of Princes , would render the Country a Commonwealth of Book I Cottagers , able to dispute Precedence with the Beggers Bush . NEWS , not from Tripoli , nor any other corner of the whole World but one . Bate me this , and shew me in what other City increase of Houses or new Foundations was ever held a Nusance . This sure is a Phansy that regards not the old Folks , or antient Prudence . ONE of the Blessings that God promis'd to ABRAHAM , was , that his Seed should be multiply'd as the Stars of Heaven : And the Commonwealth of Rome , by multiplying her Seed , came to bound her Territory with the Ocean , and her Fame with the Stars of Heaven . That such a Populousness is that without which there can be no great Commonwealth , both Reason and good Authors are clear ; but whether it ought to begin in the Country , or in the City , is a scruple I have not known them make . That of Israel began in the Country , that of Rome in the City . Except there be obstruction or impediment by the Law , as in Turky where the Country , and in England where the City is forbid to increase ; wherever there is a populous Country , for example France , it makes a populous City , as Paris ; and wherever there is a populous City , as Rome after the ruin of Alba , and Amsterdam after the ruin ( as to Trade ) of Antwerp , it makes a populous Territory , as was that of the Rustic Tribes , and is that of Holland . BUT the ways how a populous City coms to make a populous Country , and how a populous Country coms to make a populous City , are contrary ; the one happening thro sucking , as that of the City , and the other thro weaning , as that of the Country . FOR proof of the former : the more mouths there be in a City , the more meat of necessity must be vented by the Country , and so there will be more Corn , more Cattel , and better Markets ; which breeding more Laborers , more Husbandmen , and richer Farmers , bring the Country so far from a Commonwealth of Cottagers , that where the Blessings of God , thro the fruitfulness of late years with us , render'd the Husbandman unable to dispute Precedence with the Beggers Bush , his Trade thus uninterrupted , in that his Markets are certain , gos on with increase of Children , of Servants , of Corn , and of Cattel : for there is no reason why the Fields adjoining to Emporium , being but of a hard soil , should annually produce two Crops ; but the Populousness of the City . THE Country then growing more populous , and better stock'd with Cattel , which also increases Manure for the Land , must proportionably increase in fruitfulness . Hence it is that ( as the Romans also were good at such works ) in Holland there is scarce a puddle undrain'd , nor a bank of Sand cast up by the Sea , that is not cover'd with Earth , and made fruitful by the People ; these being so strangely , with the growth of Amsterdam , increas'd , as coms perhaps to two parts in three : nor , the Agrarian taking place in Oceana , would it be longer disputed , whether she might not destroy Fishes to plant Men. Thus a populous City makes a Country milch , or populous by sucking ; and wheras som may say , that such a City may suck from foren parts , it is true enough , and no where more apparent than in Amsterdam . But a City that has recourse to a foren Dug , ere she had first suck'd that of her proper Nurse or Territory dry , you shall hardly find ; or finding ( as in som Plantation not yet wean'd ) will hardly be able to make that Objection hold , seeing it will not ly so much against Chap. 11 the Populousness of the place , as the contrary . BUT a populous Country makes a populous City by weaning ; for when the People increase so much , that the dug of Earth can do no more , the overplus must seek som other way of Livelihood : which is either Arms , such were those of the Goths and Vandals ; or Merchandize and Manufacture , for which ends it being necessary that they lay their Heads and their Stock together , this makes populous Citys . Thus Holland being a small Territory , and suck'd dry , has upon the matter wean'd the whole People , and is therby becom as it were one City that sucks all the World. BUT by this means , says the Considerer , Emporium being already too great ( while indeed Amsterdam , considering the narrowness of the Territory , or the smalness of Holland , is much more populous ) would immediatly grow into an excess of Power and Riches , very dangerous to Liberty , an example wherof was seen in the late Tyranny of that City : As if it were not sufficiently known that Amsterdam contributes , and has contributed more to the desence of the Commonwealth , or United Provinces , than all the rest of the League , and had in those late Actions which have bin scandaliz'd , resisted not the Interest of Liberty , but of a Lord. That the increase of Rome , which was always study'd by her best Citizens , should make her Head too great for her Body , or her Power dangerous to the Tribes , was never so much as imagin'd ; and tho she were a City of Princes , her rustic Tribes were ever had in greatest Esteem and Honor ; insomuch , that a Patrician would be of no other . BUT the Authority of antient Commonwealths is needless ; the Prevaricator by his own Argumentation or Might , lays himself neck and heels . FOR , says he , Were this Agrarian once settl'd , Emporium would be a City of Princes , and the Nobility so throly plum'd , that they would be just as strong of wing , as wild Fowl in moulting time . There would be a City of Princes , and yet no Nobility . He is so fast that I have pity on him , if I knew but which way to let him loose . He means perhaps , that the Merchants growing rich , would be the Nobility ; and the Nobility growing poor , would be Grasiers . BUT so for ought I know it was always , or worse , that is , men attain'd to Riches and Honors by such or worse Arts , and in Poverty made not always so honest Retreats . To all which Infirmitys of the State , I am deceiv'd if this Agrarian dos not apply the proper Remedys . For such an Agrarian makes a Commonwealth for increase : the Trade of a Commonwealth for increase , is Arms ; Arms are not born by Merchants , but by Noblemen and Gentlemen . The Nobility therfore having these Arms in their hands , by which Provinces are to be acquir'd , new Provinces yield new Estates ; so wheras the Merchant has his returns in Silk or Canvas , the Soldier will have his return in Land. He that represents me as an Enemy to the Nobility , is the man he speaks of ; for if ever the Commonwealth attains to five new Provinces ( and such a Commonwealth will have Provinces enow ) it is certain , that ( besides Honors , Magistracys , and the Revenues annex'd ) there will be more Estates in the Nobility of Oceana , of fourteen thousand pounds Land a year , than ever were , or can otherwise be of four ; and that without any the least danger to the Book I Commonwealth : for if Rome had but look'd so far to it , as to have made good her Agrarian in Italy , tho she had neglected the rest , the Wealth of her Nobility might have suck'd her Provinces , but must have inrich'd the People ; and so rather have water'd her Roots , than starv'd and destroy'd them , as it did . In this case therfore the Nobility of Oceana would not moulter like wild Fowl , but be strong of wing as the Eagle . ONE Argument more I have heard urg'd against the Populousness of the Capital City , which is , That the Rich in time of sickness forsaking the place , by which means the Markets com to fail , the Poor , lest they should starve , will run abroad , and infect the whole Country . But should a man tell them at Paris , or Grand Cairo ( in the latter wherof the Plague is more frequent and furious than happens with us ) that they are not to build Houses , nor increase so much , lest they should have the Plague ; or that Children are not to be born so fast , lest they dy , they would think it strange news . A Commonwealth is furnish'd with Laws , and Power to add such as she shall find needful . In case a City be in that manner visited , it is the duty of the Country , and of the Government , to provide for them by contribution . THE difficulty in making the Agrarian equal and steddy thro the rise or fall that may happen in Mony , which is the fourth throw of the Prevaricator , is that which it might have bin for his ease to have taken notice was long since sufficiently bar'd , where it is said , That if a new Survey at the present Rent was taken ▪ an Agrarian ordaining that no man should thenceforth hold above so much Land as is there valu'd at the rate , however Mony might alter , would be equal and steddy enough . HIS last cast is , That the Agrarian would make War against universal and immemorial Custom ; which being without doubt more prevalent than that of Reason , there is nothing of such difficulty as to persuade men at once , and crudely , that they and their Forefathers have bin in an Error . WISE men , I see , may differ in Judgment or Counsil : for , says Sir FRANCIS BACON , Surely every Medicin is an Innovation , and he that will not apply new Remedys must expect new Evils : for Time is the greatest Innovator ; and if Time of course alters things to the worse , and Wisdom and Counsil may not alter them to the better , what must be the end ? BUT the case of the Agrarian receives equal strength from each of these Counsillors or Opinions : from the latter , in that it gos upon grounds which Time has not innovated for the worse , but for the better ; and so according to the former coms not to have bin at once , and crudely persuaded , but introduc'd by Custom , now grown universal and immemorial . For who remembers the Gentry of this Nation to have worn the blew Coats of the Nobility , or the lower sort of ▪ People to have liv'd upon the smoak of their Kitchins ? On the contrary , Is it not now a universal Custom for men to rely upon their own Fortunes or Industry , and not to put their Trust in Princes , seeking in their Liberality or Dependence the means of living ? The Prevaricator might as well jump into his great Grandfather's old Breeches , and persuade us that he is a la mode , or in the new cut , as that the ways of our Forefathers would agree with our Customs . Dos not every man now see , that if the Kings in those days had settl'd the Estates of the Chap. 12 Nobility by a Law , restraining them from selling their Land , such a Law had bin an Agrarian , and yet not warring against their antient Customs , but preserving them ? Wherfore neither dos the Agrarian propos'd , taking the Balance of Estates as she now finds them , make War against , but confirm the present Customs . The only Objection that can seem in this place to ly , is , that wheras it has bin the Custom of Oceana that the bulk of the Estate should descend to the eldest Son , by the Agrarian he cannot , in case he has more Brothers , inherit above two thousand pounds a year in Land , or an equal share . But neither dos this , whether you regard the Parents or the Children , make War with Custom . For putting the case the Father has twenty thousand pounds a year in Land , he gos not the less in his custom or way of Life for the Agrarian , because for this he has no less : and if he has more or fewer Sons to whom this Estate descends by equal or inequal portions , neither do they go less in their ways or customs of Life for the Agrarian , because they never had more . But , says ARISTOTLE ( speaking of the Ostracism as it supplys the defect of an Agrarian ) this course is as necessary to Kings as to Commonwealths . By this means the Monarchys of Turky and of Spain preserve their Balance ; thro the neglect of this has that of the Nobility of Oceana bin broken : and this is it which the Prevaricator , in advising that the Nobility be no further level'd than will serve to keep the People under , requires of his Prince . So , That an Agrarian is necessary to Government , be it what it will , is on all hands concluded . CHAP. XII . Whether Courses or a Rotation be necessary to a well-order'd Commonwealth . In which is contain'd the Courses or Parembole of Israel before the Captivity , together with the Epitome of Athens and Venice . ONE bout more and we have don : This ( as reason good ) will be upon Wheels or Rotation : For , AS the Agrarian answers to the equality of the Foundation or Root , so dos Rotation to the equality of the Superstructures or Branches of a Commonwealth . EQUAL Rotation is equal Vicissitude in , or Succession to Magistracy confer'd for equal terms , injoining such equal Vacations , as case the Government to take in the Body of the People , by parts succeding others , thro the free Election or Suffrage of the whole . THE contrary wherto is prolongation of Magistracy , which , trashing the wheel of Rotation , destroys the Life or natural Motion of a Commonwealth . THE Prevaricator , whatever he has don for himself , has don this for me , that it will be out of doubt whether my Principles be capable of greater Obligation ▪ or Confirmation , than by having Objections made against them . Nor have I bin altogether ingrateful , or nice of my Labor , but gon far ( much farther than I needed ) about , that I might return with the more valuable Present to him that sent me on the Book I errand : I shall not bo short of like proceding upon the present Subject , but rather over . ROTATION in a Commonwealth is of the Magistracy , of the Senat , of the People ; of the Magistracy and the People ; of the Magistracy and the Senat ; or of the Magistracy , of the Senat , and of the People : which in all com to six kinds . FOR example of Rotation in the Magistracy , you have the Judg of Israel , call'd in Hebrew Shophet . The like Magistracy after the Kings ITHOBAL and BAAL came in use with the Tyrians ; from these , with their Posterity the Carthaginians , who also call'd their supreme Magistrats , being in number two , and for their Term Annual , Shophetim , which the Latins by a softer Pronunciation render Suffetes . THE Shophet or Judg of Israel was a Magistrat , not , that I can find , oblig'd to any certain term , throout the Book of Judges ; nevertheless , it is plain , that his Election was occasional , and but for a time , after the manner of a Dictator . TRUE it is , that ELI and SAMUEL rul'd all their lives ; but upon this such impatience in the People follow'd , thro the corruption of their Sons , as was the main cause of the succeding Monarchy . THE Magistrats in Athens ( except the Areopagits , being a Judicatory ) were all upon Rotation . The like for Lacedemon and Rome , except the Kings in the former , who were indeed hereditary , but had no more Power than the Duke in Venice , where all the rest of the Magistrats ( except the Procuratori , whose Magistracy is but mere Ornament ) are also upon Rotation . FOR the Rotation of the Senat you have Athens , the Achaeans , Aetolians , Lycians , the Amphictionium ; and the Senat of Lacedemon reprov'd , in that it was for life , by ARISTOTLE : Modern Examples of like kind are the Diet of Switzerland , but especially the Senat of Venice . FOR the Rotation of the People , you have first Israel , where the Congregation ( which the Greecs call Ecclesia ; the Latins , Comitia , or Concio ) having a twofold capacity ; first , that of an Army , in which they were the constant Guard of the Country ; and , secondly , that of a Representative , in which they gave the Vote of the People , at the creation of their Laws , or election of their Magistrats , was Monthly . Now the Children of Israel after their Number , to wit , the chief Fathers and Captains of thousands and hundreds , and their Officers that serv'd the King in any matter of the Courses , which came in and went out month by month , throout all the months of the year , of every Course were twenty and four thousand . SUCH a multitude there was of military Age , that without inconvenience , four and twenty thousand were every month in Arms , whose term expiring , others succeded , and so others ; by which means the Rotation of the whole People came about in the space of one year . The Tribuns , or Commanders of the Tribes in Arms , or of the Prerogative for the month , are nam'd in the following part of the Chapter , to the sixteenth Verse ; where begins the enumeration of the Princes ( tho GAD and ASHUR , for what reason I know not , be omitted ) of the Tribes , remaining in their Provinces , where they judg'd the People , and as they receiv'd Orders , were to bring or send such farther Inforcement or Recruits as occasion requir'd to the Army : after these , some other Officers are mention'd . There is no question to be made but this Chap. 12 Rotation of the People , together with their Prerogative or Congregation , was preserv'd by the monthly Election of two thousand Deputys in each of the twelve Tribes , which in all came to four and twenty thousand ; or let any man shew how otherwise it was likely to be don , the nature of their Office being to give the Vote of the People , who therfore sure must have chosen them . By these the Vote of the People was given to their Laws , and at Elections of their Magistrats . TO their Laws , as where DAVID proposes the reduction of the Ark : And DAVID consulted with the Captains of thousands and hundreds , and with every Leader . And DAVID said to all the Congregation of Israel , If it seems good to you , and it be of the Lord God , let us send abroad to our Brethren every where ( the Princes of Tribes in their Provinces ) that are left in the Land of Israel , and with them also to the Priests and Levites , which are in the Citys and Suburbs , that they may gather themselves to us ; and let us bring again the Ark of our God to us , for we inquir'd not at it in the days of SAUL . And all the Congregation ( gave their Suffrage in the Affirmative ) said that they would do so ; for the thing was right in the eys of the People . Nulla lex sibi soli conscientiam Justitiae suae debet , sed eis a quibus obsequium expectat . Now that the same Congregation or Representative gave the Vote of the People also in the Election of Priests , Officers and Magistrates ; Moreover DAVID and the Captains of the Host separated to the Service of the Sons of ASAPH , and of HEMAN , and of JEDUTHUN , who should prophesy with Harps , with Psalterys , and with Cymbals . But upon the occasion to which we are more especially beholden for the preservation and discovery of this admirable Order ( DAVID having propos'd the business in a long and pious speech ) the Congregation made SOLOMON the Son of DAVID King the second time , and anointed him to the Lord to be chief Governor , and ZADOK to be Priest . For as to the first time that SOLOMON was made King , it happen'd , thro the Sedition of ADONIJAH , to have bin don in hast and tumultuously by those only of Jerusalem ; and the reason why ZADOK is here made Priest , is , that ABIATHAR was put out for being of the Conspiracy with ADONIJAH . I MAY expect ( by such Objections as they afford me ) it should be alleg'd , that to prove an Order in a Commonwealth , I instance in a Monarchy ; as if there were any thing in this Order monarchical , or that could , if it had not bin so receiv'd from the Commonwealth , have bin introduc'd by the Kings , to whom in the judgment of any sober man ( the Prevaricator only excepted , who has bin huckling about som such Council for his Prince ) no less could have follow'd upon the first frown of the People , than did in REHOBOAM , who having us'd them roughly , was depos'd by the Congregation , or the major part . It is true , that while Israel was an Army , the Congregation , as it needed not to assemble by way of Election or Representative , so I believe it did not ; but that by all Israel assembl'd to this end , should be meant the whole People after they were planted upon their Lots , and not their Representative , which in a political sense is as properly so call'd , were absurd and impossible . Nor need I go upon presumtion only , be the same never so strong , seeing it is said in Scripture of the Korathites , that they were keepers of the Gates of the Tabernacle , and their Fathers being over the Host of the Lord , were keepers of the Entry : That is , ( according to the Interpretation of GROTIUS ) the Korathites were Book I now keepers of the Gates , as it appears in the Book of Numbers , their Ancestors the Kohathites had bin in the Camp , or while Israel was yet an Army . But our Translation is lame in the right foot , as to the true discovery of the antient manner of this service , which according to the Septuagint and the vulgar Latin was thus , they were keepers of the Gates of the Tabernacle ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & familiae eorum per vices ) and their Fathers by turns , or Rotation . So that Offices and Services by Courses , Turns , or Rotation , are plainly more antient than Kings in the Commonwealth of Israel ; tho it be true that when the Courses or Rotation of the Congregation or Representative of the People were first introduc'd , is as hard to shew , as it would be how , after the People were once planted upon their Lots , they could be otherwise assembl'd . If Writers argue well and lawfully from what the Sanhedrim was in the institution by JEHOSAPHAT , to what it had more antiently bin ; to argue from what the Congregation was in the institution by DAVID , to what it had more antiently bin , is sufficiently warranted . THESE things rightly consider'd , there remains little doubt but we have the courses of Israel for the first example of Rotation in a popular Assembly . Now to com from the Hebrew to the Grecian Prudence , the same is approv'd by ARISTOTLE , which he exemplifys in the Commonwealth of THALES MILESIUS , where the People , he says , assembl'd ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by turns or Rotation . Nor is the Roman Prudence without som shadow of the like Proceding , where the Prerogative ( pro tempore ) with the jure vocatae , being made by Lot , gave frequently the Suffrage of the whole People . But the Gothic Prudence in the Policy of the third State , runs altogether upon the Collection of a Representative by the Suffrage of the People ( tho not so diligently regulated , by Terms and Vacations , as to a standing Assembly were necessary , by Turns , Rotation , Parembole or Courses ) as in the election of the late House of Commons , and the constitutive Vicissitude of the Knights and Burgesses , is known by sufficient experience . WHEN the Rotation of a Commonwealth is both in the Magistracy and the People , I reckon it to be of a fourth kind , as in Israel , where both the Judg and the Congregation were so elected . THE fifth kind is when the Rotation of a Commonwealth is in the Magistracy and the Senat , as in those of Athens , of the Achaeans , of the Aetolians , of the Lycians , and of Venice ; upon which Examples , rather for the influence each of them , at least Athens , may have upon the following Book , than any great necessity from the present occasion , I shall inlarge in this place . THE Commonwealth of Athens was thus administer'd . THE Senat of the Bean being the proposing Assembly ( for that of the Areopagits , call'd also a Senat , was a Judicatory ) consisted of four hundred Citizens chosen by Lot , which was perform'd with Beans . These were annually remov'd all at once : By which means Athens became frustrated of the natural and necessary use of an Aristocracy , while neither her Senators were chosen for their parts , nor remain'd long enough in this Function to acquire the right understanding of their proper Office. These thus elected , were subdivided by Lot into four equal parts , call'd Prytanys , each of which for one quarter of the year was in office . The Prytany , or Prytans in office , elected ten Presidents , Chap. 12 call'd Proedri , out of which Proedri or Presidents they weekly chose one Provost of the Council , who was call'd the Epistata . The Epistata and the Proedri were the more peculiar Proposers to the Prytans , and to the Prytans it belong'd especially to prepare business ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for the Senat. They gave also audience to any that would propose any thing concerning the Common-wealth , which if , when reported by the Prytans , it were approv'd by the Senat , the party that propos'd might promulgat the business ; and Promulgation being made , the Congregation assembl'd , and determin'd of it . Sic data concio Laelio est , processit ille , & Graecus apud Graecos non de culpa sua dixit , sed de poena questus est ; porrexerunt manus , Psephisma natum est . THE Prytans and their Magistrats had right to assemble the Senat , and propose to them ; and what the Senat determin'd upon such a Proposition , if forthwith to be offer'd to the People , as in privat cases , was call'd Proboulema ; but if not to be propos'd till the People had a years trial of it , as was the ordinary way in order to Laws to be enacted , it was call'd Psephisma ; each of which words , with that difference , signifys a Decree . A Decree of the Senat in the latter sense had for one year the power of a Law , after which trial it belong'd to the Thesmothetae ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to hang it in writing upon the Statues of the Heros , and assemble the Congregation . These Magistrats were of the number of the Archons , which in all were nine ; the chief , more peculiarly so call'd , was ARCHON EPONYMUS , he by whose name the year was reckon'd or denominated ( his Magistracy being of a Civil concernment ) the next was the King ( a Magistrat of a Spiritual concernment ) the third the Polemarch ( whose Magistracy was of a Military concernment ) the other six were the Thesmothetae , who had several Functions common with the nine ; others peculiar or proper to themselves , as ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to give the People ( by Placarts ) notice when the Judicatorys were to assemble , that is , when the People were to assemble in that capacity , and to judg according to the Law made ; or , when the Senat or the People were to assemble upon an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Crime that was not provided against by the Law , as that of ALCIBIADES ( the Wits about that time in Athens being most of them Atheists ) for laughing at CERES , discovering her Secrets , and shaving of the MERCURYS . If an Archon or Demagog was guilty of such a Crime , it belong'd to the cognizance of the Senat , otherwise to that of the People , whom the Thesmothetae were also in like manner to warn , when they were to com to the Suffrage . THESE six , like the Electors in Venice , presided at all Elections of Magistrats , whether made by the Lot as the Judges , or by Suffrage as the new Archons , the Strategus or General , and most of the rest . They also had the hearing and introducing of all Causes into the Judicatorys . BUT the right of assembling the Ecclesia or Congregation belong'd to the Prytans , by whom the Senat propos'd to the People . THE Congregation consisted of all them that were upon the Roll of the Lexiarcha , that is to say , of the whole People having right to the City . The Prytans seated upon a Tribunal , were Presidents of this Assembly ; the Assembly having sacrific'd and made Oath of Fidelity to the Commonwealth , the Proedri or Presidents of the Prytans Book I propos'd by Authority of the Senat to the People in this manner : July the 16th POLICLES being Archon , and the Tribe of Pandion in the Prytaneat , DEMOSTHENES PAEANEUS thought thus , or was of this opinion . The same Custom wherby the first Proposer subscribes his Opinion or Part with his Name , is at this day in Venice . Proposition being made , such of the People as would speak were call'd to the Pulpit ; they that were fifty years of Age , or upwards , were to com first , and the younger afterwards ; which custom of prating in this manner made excellent Orators or Demagogs , but a bad Common-wealth . FROM this , that the People had not only the Result of the Commonwealth , but the Debate also , Athens is call'd a Democracy ; and this kind of Government is oppos'd to that of Lacedemon , which , because the People there had not the power of Debate , but of Result only , was call'd an Aristocracy , somtimes an Oligarchy : thus the Greecs commonly are to be understood , to distinguish these two ; while according to my Principles , if you like them , Debate in the People makes Anarchy ; and where they have the Result and no more , the rest being manag'd by a good Aristocracy , it makes that which is properly and truly to be call'd Democracy , or Popular Government . Neither is this Opinion of mine new , but according to the Judgment of som of the Athenians themselves ; for says ISOCRATES in his Oration to the Areopagits for Reformation of the Athenian Government , I know the main reason why the Lacedemonians flourish to be , that their Commonwealth is popular . But to return . As many of the People as would , having shew'd their Eloquence , and with these the Demagogs , who were frequently brib'd , conceal'd their Knavery ; the Epistata , or Provost of the Proedri , put the Decree or Question to the Vote , and the People gave the Result of the Commonwealth by their Chirotonia , that is , by holding up their hands : the Result thus given , was the Law or Psephisma of the People . NOW for the Functions of the Congregation , they were divers ; as first , Election of Magistrats ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ) namely , the Archons , the Strategus or General , the Field Officers , the Admirals , with divers others , all , or the chief of them annual , and commonly upon Terms and Vacations ; tho it be true , as PLUTARCH has it , that PHOCION was Strategus four years together , having that Honor still put upon him by the Congregation , without his seeking . The next Office of this Assembly was to elect Judges into five Courts or Judicatorys ; for the People being in the Bulk too unweildy a Body for the performance of this duty , they exercis'd the supreme Judicature by way of Representative , into which Election was made by Lottery , in such a manner that five hundred , one thousand , or 1500 of them ( according to the importance of the occasion ) being above thirty years of Age , and within the rest of the Qualifications in that case provided by the Law , became the Soverain Judicatory , call'd the Heliaea . In all Elections , whether by Lot or Suffrage , the Thesmothetae were Presidents , and order'd the Congregation . Furthermore , if they would amend , alter , repeal , or make a Law , this also was don by a Representative , of which no man was capable that had not bin of the Heliaea , for the rest elected out of the whole People : this amounting to one thousand , was call'd the Nomothetae or Legislators . No Law receiv'd by the People could be abrogated but Chap. 12 by the Nomothetae ; by these any Athenian , having obtain'd leave of the Senat , might abrogat a Law , provided withal he put another in the place of it . These Laws the Proedri of the Prytans were to put to the Suffrage . FIRST , the old , whether it agreed with the Athenian People , or not ? then the new ; and whether of these happen'd to be chirotoniz'd or voted by the Nomothetae , was ratify'd , according to that piece of the Athenian Law cited by DEMOSTHENES against TIMOCRATES , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What has bin said of the Commonwealth of Athens , in relation to the present purpose , amounts to thus much , That not only the Senat and the Magistracy in this Policy was upon Rotation , but even the People also , at least as to the Nomothetae , or their Legislative Power , and the Supreme Judicatory of the Heliaea , each of these being a Representative , constituted of one thousand , or fifteen hundred Citizens . BUT for what follows in the second Book , it is necessary that I observe in this place the proceding of certain Divines , who indeavor to make use of this Commonwealth for ends of their own , as particularly Dr. SEAMAN ; who in his Book call'd Four Propositions , argues after this manner . CHIROTONIA ( as SUIDAS has it ) signifys both Plebiscitum , a Law made by the People , and Psephisma . Now , says he , Psephisma is the ordinary word us'd in the Attic Laws , and in DEMOSTHENES for Senatusconsultum , a Law made by the Senat : whence he draws this Conclusion ; As , when the People make a Law , they are said to Chirotonize ; so may the Rulers , in like manner , in those Laws that are made by themselves alone . THESE ways with Divines are too bad . The words of SUIDAS are these ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Chirotonia is Election or Ratification by the Many : which expresly excludes the Few or the Senat from being otherwise contain'd by the word Chirotonia , than a part is by the whole . Nor has the Author the word Psephisma or Plebiscitum in the place . I would fain know what other word there is in Greec for Plebiscitum but Psephisma ; and yet the Doctor puts it upon SUIDAS , that he distinguishes between these two , and taking that for granted where he finds Psephisma in DEMOSTHENES and the Attic Laws , will have it to signify no more than a Decree of the Senat . It is true that som Decrees of the Senat were so call'd , but those of the People had no other name ; and whenever you find Psephisma in DEMOSTHENES or the Attic Laws , for a Law , there is nothing more certain than that it is to be understood of the People : for to say that a Law in a Popular Commonwealth can be made without the People , is a Contradiction . THE second Passage is a What think you of these words of POLLUX , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which the Doctor having english'd in this manner , The Thesmothetae do privatly prescribe when Judgment is to be given , and promulge public Accusations and Suffrages to the People , asks you whose Suffrages were these , if not the Rulers ? By which strange Construction , where POLLUX Book I having first related in what part the function of the Thesmothetae was common with that of the nine Archons , coms ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to shew you what was peculiar to themselves , namely , to give notice when the Heliaea or other Judicatorys were to assemble ; the Doctor renders it , they do privatly prescribe : as if the Session of a Court of Justice , and such a one as contain'd a thousand Judges , being the Representative of the whole People , were to be privatly prescrib'd . Then to this privat prescribing of Justice , he adds , that they do publicly promulge ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Citations upon Crimes not within the written Law ; as if privat Prescription and public Promulgation could stand together . Next , wheras Promulgation in the very nature of the word signifys an Act before a Law made , he presumes the Law to be first made by the Rulers , and then promulgated by the Thesmothetae to the People , kim kam to the experience of all Commonwealths , the nature of Promulgation , and the sense of his Author , whose words , as I shew'd before , declare it to have bin the proper or peculiar office of the Thesmothetae to give the People notice when they were to assemble for Judicature , or when for giving their Chirotonia or Suffrage , by Promulgation of the Cause ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) upon which they were to determin . FOR the fourth passage , the Doctor quoting a wrong place for these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Nomothetae ( being a Representative , as I shew'd , of the whole People , chosen by Lot , and in number one thousand ) chirotoniz'd , or gave the Legislative Suffrage ; thence infers , that the Rulers chirotoniz'd , voted or made Laws by themselves without the People : which is as if one should say , that the Prerogative Tribe in Rome , or the House of Commons in England , gave their Vote to such or such a Law , therfore it was made by the Rulers alone , and not by the People of Rome or of England . FOR the fourth Passage , STEPHANUS quotes DEMOSTHENES at large in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This the Doctor interprets of an Officer ; to which I shall say more , when he shews me where the Sentence is , or what went before : for as yet I do not know of an Officer in any Commonwealth , whose Election was indifferently made , either by the Senat or by the People ; nor do I think the Doctor has look'd further for this than STEPHENS , who has not interpreted it . THE fifth passage is , That a Decree of the Senat in Athens had the force of a Law for one year , without the People . So had the Edicts of the Praetors in Rome : but I would fain know , whence the Senat in Athens , or the Praetors in Rome , originally deriv'd this Right ( which was no more than that such Laws might be Probationers , and so better understood when they came to the vote ) but from the Chirotonia , or Suffrage of the People . THE sixth passage stops the mouths of such as having nothing to say to the matter of my writing , pick quarrels with the manner or freedom of it , the Liberty I take in the defence of Truth ; seeing the Doctor takes a greater liberty upon other terms , while he bids his Antagonist ( one that defended the Cause now in my hand ) go and consult his Authors , namely , STEPHENS and BUDAEUS again : for , says he , you wrong those learned Men , while you would have us believe that they were as ignorant of the Greec Story as your self , or that things are to be found in them which are not . To which Confidence I have better leave to say , that the Doctor should do well to take no worse Counsil Chap. 12 than he gives . BUT what is becom of my Prevaricator ? I have quite lost him , else I should have intreated him to compare his Notes out of my Sermon , with these out of the Doctor 's ; or retract that same affectation , in saying , I know not how , but Mr. HARRINGTON has conceiv'd a great unkindness for the Clergy . As if these their Stratagems , with which they make perpetual War against the unwary People , did not concern a man that has undertaken the cause of Popular Government . THE Policy of the Achaeans consisted of divers Commonwealths under one , which was thus administer'd . The Citys sent their Deputys twice every year of course , and oftner if they were summon'd by their Strategus , or their Demiurges , to the place appointed . The Strategus was the Supreme Magistrat both Military and Civil , and the Demiurges being ten , were his Council , all Annual Magistrats elected by the People . This Council thus constituted , was call'd the Synarchy , and perform'd like Dutys , in relation to the Senat , consisting of the Deputys sent by their peculiar Soveraintys or Citys , as the Prytans to that in Athens . The Policys of the Aetolians and Lycians are so near the same again , that in one you have all . So both the Senats and the Magistracy of these Commonwealths were upon Rotation . To conclude with Venice . THE Commonwealth of Venice consists of four parts ; the Great Council , the Senat , the College , and the Signory . THE Great Council is the aggregat Body of the whole People , or Citizens of Venice , which , for the paucity of their number , and the Antiquity of their Extraction , are call'd Gentlemen , or Noble Venetians . Every one of them at five and twenty years of age has right of Session and Suffrage in this Council ; which right of Suffrage , because throout this Commonwealth , in all Debates and Elections , it is given by the Ballot , is call'd the right of Balloting , wherby this Council being the Soverain Power , creates all the rest of the Orders , Councils , or Magistracys ; and has constitutively the ultimat Result , both in cases of Judicature , and the Constitution of Laws . THE Senat , call'd also the Pregati , consists of sixty Senators properly so stil'd , wherof the Great Council elects six on a day , beginning so long before the month of October , that these being all chosen by that time , then receive their Magistracy : it consists also of sixty more , call'd the Junta , which are elected by the Scrutiny of the Old Senat , that is , by the Senat proposing , and the Great Council resolving ; the rest of their Creation is after the same manner with the former . In the Sixty of the Senat , there cannot be above three of any one Kindred or Family , nor in the Junta so many , unless there be fewer in the former . These Magistracys are all annual , but without interval , so that it is at the pleasure of the Great Council , whether a Senator having finish'd his year , they will elect him again . THE College is a Council consisting more especially of three Orders of Magistrats , call'd in their Language Savi ; as the Savi grandi , to whose cognizance or care belong the whole affairs of Sea and Land ; the Savi di Terra ferma , to whose care and cognizance belong the affairs of the Land ; and the Savi di Mare , to whose cognizance appertain Book I the affairs of the Sea , and of the Ilands . These are elected by the Senat , not all at once ; but for the Savi grandi , who are six , by three at a time , with the interposition of three months ; and for the Savi di Terra ferma , and the Savi di Mare , who are each five , after the same manner , save only that the first Election consists of three , and the second of two . Each Order of the Savi elects weekly one Provost , each of which Provosts has Right in any affair belonging to the cognizance of his Order , to propose to the College . Audience of Embassadors , and matters of foren Negotiation , belong properly to this Council . THE Signory consists of the Duke and of his Counsillors . The Duke is a Magistrat created by the Great Council for life , to whom the Commonwealth acknowleges the Reverence due to a Prince , and all her Acts run in his name ; tho without the Counsillors he has no Power at all , while they can perform any Function of the Signory without him . The Counsillors , whose Magistracy is annual , are elected by the Scrutiny of the Senat , naming one out of each Tribe ( for the City is locally divided into six Tribes ) and the Great Council approving ; so the Counsillors are six , whose Function in part is of the nature of Masters of Requests , having withal power to grant certain Privileges : but their greatest preeminence is , that all or any one of them may propose to any Council in the Commonwealth . THE Signory has Session and Suffrage in the College , the College has Session and Suffrage in the Senat , and the Senat has Session and Suffrage in the Great Council . The Signory , or the Provosts of the Savi , have power to assemble the College , the College has power to assemble the Senat , and the Senat has power to assemble the Great Council ; the Signiori , but more peculiarly the Provosts of the Savi , in their own Offices and Functions , have power to propose to the College , the College has power to propose to the Senat , and the Senat has power to propose to the Great Council . Whatever is thus propos'd and resolv'd , either by the Senat ( for somtimes , thro the security of this Order , a Proposition gos no further ) or by the Great Council , is ratify'd , or becoms the Law of the Commonwealth . Over and above these Orders , they have three Judicatorys , two Civil and one Criminal , in each of which forty Gentlemen elected by the Great Council are Judges for the term of eight months ; to these Judicatorys belong the Avogadori and the Auditori , who are Magistrats , having power to hear Causes apart , and , as they judg fitting , to introduce them into the Courts . IF a man tells me , that I omit many things , he may perceive I write an Epitome , in which no more should be comprehended , than that which understood may make a man understand the rest . But of these principal parts consists the whole body of admirable Venice . THE Consiglio de' Dieci , or Council of Ten , being that which partakes of Dictatorian Power , is not a limb of her but as it were a Sword in her hand . This Council ( in which the Signory has also Session and Suffrage ) consists more peculiarly of ten annual Magistrats , created by the Great Council , who afterwards elect three of their own number by Lot , which so elected are call'd Capi de' Dieci , their Magistracy being monthly : Again , out of the three Capi , one is taken by Lot , whose Magistracy is weekly : this is he , who over against the Tribunal in the Great Council sits like another Duke , and is call'd the Provost of the Dieci . It belongs to these three Magistrats to assemble Chap. 12 the Council of Ten , which they are oblig'd to do weekly of course , and oftner as they see occasion . The Council being assembl'd , any one of the Signory , or two of the Capi may propose to it : the power which they now exercise ( and wherin for their assistance they create three Magistrats call'd the Grand Inquisitors ) consists in the punishment of certain heinous Crimes , especially that of Treason ; in relation wherto they are as it were Sentinels , standing upon the guard of the Commonwealth : But constitutively ( with the addition of a Junta , consisting of other fifteen , together with som of the chief Magistráts having Right in cases of important speed or secrecy to this Council ) they have the full and absolute Power of the whole Commonwealth as Dictator . THAT Venice either transcrib'd the whole and every part of her Constitution out of Athens and Lacedemon , or happens to be fram'd as if she had so don , is most apparent . The Result of this Common-wealth is in the Great Council , and the Debate in the Senat : so was it in Lacedemon . A Decree made by the Senat of Athens had the power of a Law for one year without the People , at the end wherof the People might revoke it : A Decree of the Senat of Venice stands good without the Great Council , unless these see reason to revoke it . The Pryians were a Council preparing business for the Senat ; so is the Collegio in Venice : the Presidents of the Prytans were the ten Proedri ; those of the Collegio are the three Provosts of the Savi . The Archons or Princes of Athens being nine , had a kind of Soverain Inspection upon all the Orders of the Commonwealth ; so has the Signory of Venice , consisting of nine besides the Duke . The Quarancys in Venice are Judicatorys of the nature of the Heliaea in Athens ; and as the Thesmothetae heard and introduc'd the causes into that Judicatory , so do the Avogadori and the Auditori into these . The Consiglio de' Dieci in Venice is not of the Body , but an Appendix of the Commonwealth ; so was the Court of the Ephori in Lacedemon : and as these had power to put a King , a Magistrat , or any Delinquent of what degree soever to death , so has the Consiglio de' Dieci . This again is wrought up with the Capi de' Dieci , and the weekly Provost , as were the Prytans with the Proedri , and the weekly Epistata ; and the Ballot is lineally descended from the Bean : yet is Venice in the whole , and in every part , a far more exquisit Policy than either Athens or Lacedemon . A POLITICAL is like a natural Body . Commonwealths resemble and differ , as Men resemble and differ ; among whom you shall not see two Faces , or two Dispositions , that are alike . PETER and THOMAS in all their parts are equally Men , and yet PETER and THOMAS of all Men may be the most unlike ; one may have his greater strength in his Arms , the other in his Legs ; one his greater Beauty in his Soul , the other in his Body ; one may be a fool , the other wise ; one valiant , the other cowardly . These two , which at a distance you will not know one from the other , when you look nearer , or com to be better acquainted with , you will never mistake . Our Considerer ( who in his Epistle would make you believe that Oceana is but a mere Transcription out of Venice ) has Companions like himself ; and how near they look into matters of this nature is plain , while one knows not JETHRO from MOSES , and the Book I other takes a state of Civil War to be the best model of a Civil Government . LET a Man look near , and he shall not find any one Order in Oceana ( the Ballot only excepted ) that has not as much difference from , or resemblance to any one Order in Rome or Venice , as any one Order in Rome or Venice has from , or to any one Order in Athens or Lacedemon : Which different temper of the parts must of necessity in the whole yield a Result , a Soul or Genius , altogether new in the World , as imbracing both the Arms of Rome , and the Counsils of Venice ; and yet neither obnoxious to the Turbulency of the one , nor the narrowness of the other . BUT the sum of what has bin said of Venice , as to the business in hand , coms to no more than that the Senat and the Magistracy of this Commonwealth are upon Rotation . No more : nay I am well if it coms to so much . For the Prevaricator catching me up , where I say , that for all this the greater Magistracys in Venice are continually wheel'd thro a few hands , tells me , that I have confest it to be otherwise . I have indeed confest , that tho the Magistracys are all confer'd for certain terms , yet those terms do not necessitat Vacations ; that is , the term of a Magistracy being expir'd , the Party that bore it is capable upon a new Election of bearing it again without interval or vacation : which dos not altogether frustrat the Rotation of the Commonwealth , tho it renders the same very imperfect . This infirmity of Venice derives from a complication of Causes , none of which is incident to a Commonwealth consisting of the Many : wherfore there lys no obligation upon me to discover the reason in this place . But on the contrary , seeing , let me shew things never so new , they are slighted as old , I have an obligation in this place , to try whether I may get esteem by concealing somthing . What is said , every body knew before ; this is not said , who knows it ? RIDDLE me , Riddle me , what is this ? The Magistracys in Venice ( except such as are rather of Ornament than of Power ) are all annual , or at most biennial . No man whose term is expir'd , can hold his Magistracy longer , but by a new Election . The Elections are most of them made in the Great Council , and all by the Ballot , which is the most equal and impartial way of Suffrage . And yet the greater Magistracys are perpetually wheel'd thro a few hands . IF I be worthy to give advice to a man that would study the Politics , let him understand Venice ; he that understands Venice right , shall go nearest to judg ( notwithstanding the difference that is in every Policy ) right of any Government in the World. Now the assault of the Considerer deriving but from som Pique or Emulation which of us should be the abler Politician , if the Council of State had the curiosity to know either that , or who understands Venice , this Riddle would make the discovery ; for he that cannot easily unfold this Riddle , dos not understand her . THE sixth kind of Rotation is when a Commonwealth gos upon it in all her Orders , Senat , People , and Magistracy . Such a one taking in the Many , and being fix'd upon the foot of a steady Agrarian , has attain'd to perfect Equality . But of this an example there is none , or you must accept of Oceana . THE Rotation of Oceana is of two parts , the one of the Electors Chap. 12 which is annual , and the other of the Elected which is triennial . SPEAKING of Electors in this sense , I mean as the great Council in Venice are Electors of all other Orders , Councils or Magistrats . But the Commonwealth of Oceana taking in the whole People , cannot , as dos the Great Council of Venice ( wherin they that have right are but a few ) attain to this capacity at one step : for which cause she takes three steps ; one at the Parishes , where every fifth Elder is annually elected by the whole People . There is no doubt but there was som such Order in Israel wherby the monthly Rotation of her Congregation or Prerogative , by election of two thousand in each Tribe , was preserv'd . The next step she takes is at the Hundred , wherby election of Officers and Magistrats , the Troops chosen at the Parishes , are very near form'd . Her third step is at the Tribe , where the whole body of her Deputys are in exact Form , Disciplin and Function , headed by proper Officers and Magistrats , these altogether consisting of one fifth part of the whole People . This Rotation being in it self annual , coms in regard of the body of the People to be quinquennial , or such as in the space of five years gives every man his turn in the power of Election . BUT tho every man be so capable of being an Elector , that he must have his turn ; yet every man is not so capable of being elected into those Magistracys that are Soverain , or have the leading of the whole Commonwealth , that it can be safe to lay a necessity that every man must take his turn in these also : but it is enough that every man , who in the Judgment and Conscience of his Country is fit , may take his turn . Wherfore upon the Conscience of the Electors , so constituted as has bin shewn , it gos to determin who shall partake of Soverain Magistracy , or be at the Assembly of a Tribe elected into the Senat or Prerogative ; which Assemblys are so triennial , that one third part of each falling every year , and another being elected , the Parlament is therby perpetuated . SUCH was the Constitution of those Councils which the Prevaricator has confest he always thought admirable , but now the toy takes him to be quite of another mind ; for , says he , That antient Republics have thro a malicious Jealousy ( let them take it among them ) made it unlawful even for Persons of the clearest merit to continue long in command , but have by perpetual vicissitude substituted new men in the Government , is manifest enough ; but with what success they did this , will best appear by VETURIUS , VARRO , and MANCINUS . He is still admirable : One would wonder what he means ; if it be that there were but three weak or unfortunat Generals in the whole course of Rome , how strange is it to urge this as an Argument against Rotation , which is as strong a one as can be urg'd for Rotation ? If the Romans by this way of Election having experience of an able General , knew ever after where to have him ; or lighting upon one they found not so fit for their purpose , could in the compass of one year be rid of him of course , without dishonor or reproach to him , taking therby a warning to com no more there ; was this a proceding to favor malice ? or such as one as , removing the cause of malice , left no root for such a branch or possibility of like effect ? Certainly by this assertion the Prevaricator has jolted his presumtuous Head not only against the prudence of antient Commonwealths , but of God himself in that of Book I Israel . VETURIUS , VARRO , and MANCINUS ( tho som of them cannot be at all points excus'd ) by this mark upon them , may be thought hardlier of than is needful ; for which cause there being that also in their Storys which is neither unpleasant nor unprofitable , I shall indeavor to make the Reader somwhat better acquainted with them . One of the greatest blows Rome ever receiv'd was by PONTIUS , Captain General of the Samnits , who having drawn her Consuls , POSTHUMIUS and VETURIUS , by Stratagem into the Straits of Caudium , a Vally of narrow entrance , and shut up the mouth of it by possessing himself of the only Passage , the rest being inviron'd with insuperable Rocks , the Samnit came to have both the Armys , and so upon the matter the whole strength ( in those days ) of Rome inevitably at his discretion . Hereupon , having leisure , and being desirous ( in a matter of such moment ) of good advice , he dispatch'd a Messenger to his Father HERENNIUS , the ablest Counsillor in Samnium , to know what might be his best course with the Romans now inavoidably at his mercy , who answer'd , that he should open the Pass , and let them return untouch'd . The young General amaz'd at this Counsil , desir'd farther direction ; wherupon HERENNIUS for the second time made answer , that he should cut them off to a man. But the General , upon the strange disagreement of such opinions , having his Fathers Age ( for he was very old ) in suspicion , took a third course , which neither ( according to the first advice of wise HERENNIUS ) making Friends , nor , according to the second , destroying Enemys , became as he prophesy'd the utter Ruin of the Commonwealth of Samnium . For the Romans being dismist safe , but ignominiously , the Senat upon their return fell into the greatest strait and consternation that had bin known among them . On the one side , to live and not revenge such an affront was intolerable ; on the other , to revenge it was against the Faith of the Consuls , whose necessity ( the loss of two Armys lying upon it ) had in truth forc'd them to accept of a dishonorable League with the Samnits . Now not the Armys , but the Senat it self was in Caudium , not a man of them could find the way out of this Vale inviron'd with Rocks , but he only that could not find it out of the other ; POSTHUMIUS , who having first shew'd , that neither War nor Peace could be so made , as to ingage the Commonwealth ( injussu Populi ) without the Command of the People , declar'd that the Senat returning the Consuls , with such others as had consented to so wicked and dishonorable a Peace , naked , and bound to the Samnits , were free : nor ceas'd he till the Senat ( therto prest by the necessity of the Commonwealth ) resolving accordingly , He , VETURIUS , and som of the Tribuns were deliver'd to the Samnits ; who , nevertheless , to hold the Romans to their League , dismist them with safety . The Disputes on either side that arose hereupon , and , coming to Arms , ended with the destruction of Samnium , I omit . That which as to the present occasion is material , is the Reputation of the Consuls ; and VETURIUS , tho he were not the leading man , being for the rest as deep in the Action as POSTHUMIUS , the People were so far from thinking themselves deceiv'd in this choice , that the Consuls were more honor'd in Rome for having lost , than PONTIUS in Samnium for having won the day at Caudium . I DO not rob Graves , nor steal Windingsheets ; my Controversys Chap. 12 are not but with the Living , with none of these that have not shew'd themselves best able for their own defence ; nor yet with such , but in the prosecution of Truths oppos'd by them to the damage of Mankind : yet the Prevaricator accuses me of rude charges . What are his then in defence of Falshood , and against such as cannot bite ? or whether of these is the more noble ? FOR VARRO , who being Consul of Rome , lost the Battel of Cannae to HANNIBAL , Captain General for the Carthaginians , tho without Cowardice , yet by Rashness , he is not so excusable . BUT for MANCINUS , brought ( as was POSTHUMIUS by the Samnits ) to dishonorable conditions by MEGERA , Captain General of the Numantins , there be excuses : As first , the Numantins , for their number not exceding four thousand fighting men , were the gallantest of so many , on which the Sun ever shone . FOURTEEN years had their Commonwealth held tack with the Romans , in Courage , Conduct , and Virtue , having worsted POMPEY the Great , and made a League with him , when she might have made an end of him , e're ever MANCINUS ( of whom CICERO gives a fair Character ) came in play : So his Misfortunes , having great examples , cannot want som excuse . But suppose none of them deserv'd any excuse , what is it at which these examples drive ? against a Commonwealth ? Sure the Samnits , the Carthaginians , the Numantins were as well Commonwealths as the Romans ; and so wherever the advantage gos , it must stay upon a Commonwealth : or if it be Rotation that he would be at ( for we must guess ) granting PONTIUS the Samnit , and MEGERA the Numantin , to have bin no more upon Rotation , than HANNIBAL the Carthaginian ; yet is it plain that Rome upon her Rotation overcame not only PONTIUS , HANNIBAL and MEGERA , but Samnium , Carthage , and Numantia . So much for Rome ; but , says he , No less appears by the Rabble of Generals often made use of by the Athenians , while men of Valor and Conduct have lain by the walls : A RABBLE of Generals did I never hear of before ; but not to meddle with his Rhetoric , wheras each of his Objections has at least som one Contradiction in it , this has two ( one à priori , another à posteriori ) one in the snout , another in the tail of it . For had there bin formerly no Rotation in Athens , how should there have have bin men of Valor and Conduct to ly by the Walls ? And if Rotation thenceforth should have ceas'd , how could those men of Valor and Conduct have don otherwise than ly by the Walls ? So this inavoidably confesses , that Rotation was the means wherby Athens came to be stor'd with Persons of Valor and Conduct , they to be capable of Imployment , and the Commonwealth to imploy the whole Virtue of her Citizens : And it being , in his own words , an Argument of much imperfection in a Government not to dare to imploy the whole Virtue of the Citizens , this wholly routs a standing General ; for the Government that dares imploy but the Virtue of one , dares not imploy the Virtue of all . Yet he jogs on . THOSE Orders must needs be against Nature , which , excluding Persons of the best Qualifications , give admission to others , who have nothing to commend them but their Art in canvassing for the suffrage of the People . He never takes notice that the Ballot bars Canvassing beyond all possibility Book I of any such thing ; but we will let that go . Canvassing , it is confest , was more frequent in Rome and Athens than is laudable , where nevertheless it is the stronger Argument for the integrity of popular Suffrage , which , being free from any aid of Art , produc'd in those Commonwealths more illustrious examples ( if a man gos no further than PLUTARCH'S Lives ) than are to be found in all the rest of Story . YET , says he , this Law has bin as often broken as a Commonwealth has bin brought into any exigence ; for the hazard of trusting Affairs in weak hands then appearing , no scruple has bin made to trample upon this Order , for giving the Power to som able man at that time render'd incapable by the Vacation this Law requires . The continuation of the Consulship of MARIUS is sufficient to be alleg'd for the proof of this , tho , if occasion were , it might be back'd by plenty of examples . His choice confutes his pretended variety , who jests with edg'd tools : this example above all will cut his fingers ; for by this prolongation of Magistracy , or , to speak more properly , of Empire ( for the Magistracy of the Consul was Civil , and confer'd by the People Centuriatis Comitiis , but his Empire was Military , and confer'd Curiatis ) Rome began to drive those wheels of her Rotation heavily in MARIUS , which were quite taken off in CAESAR . I HAVE heretofore in vain persuaded them upon this occasion , to take notice of a Chapter in MACCHIAVEL , so worthy of regard , that I have now inserted it at length , as follows : THE Procedings of the Roman Commonwealth being well consider'd , two things will be found to have bin the causes of her dissolution . The Contention that happen'd thro the indeavor of the People ( always oppos'd or eluded by the Nobility ) to introduce an Agrarian , and the damage that accru'd from the prolongation of Empire ; which Mischiefs , had they bin foreseen in due time , the Government by application of fit Remedys might have bin of longer life and better health . The Diseases which this Commonwealth , from contention about the Agrarian , contracted , were acute and tumultuous ; but those being slower , and without tumult , which she got by promulgation of Empire , were Chronical , and went home with her giving a warning by her example , how dangerous it is to States that would injoy their Liberty , to suffer Magistracy ( how deservedly soever confer'd ) to remain long in the possession of the same man. Certainly if the rest of the Romans , whose Empire happen'd to be prolong'd , had bin as virtuous and provident as LUCIUS QUINTIUS , they had never run into this inconvenience . Of such wholsom example was the goodness of this man , that the Senat and the People , after one of their ordinary Disputes , being com to som accord , wheras the People had prolong'd the Magistracy of their present Tribuns , in regard they were Persons more fitly oppos'd to the Ambition of the Nobility , than by a new Election they could readily have found ; when hereupon the Senat ( to shew they needed not be worse at this game ) would have prolong'd the Consulat to QUINTIUS , he refus'd his consent , saying , that ill examples were to be corrected by good ones , and not incourag'd by others like themselves ; nor could they stir his Resolution , by which means they were necessitated to make new Consuls . Had this Wisdom and Virtue , I say , bin duly regarded , or rightly understood , it might have sav'd Rome , which thro this neglect came to ruin . The first whose Empire happen'd to be prolong'd was PUBLILIUS PHILO , his Consulat expiring at the Camp before Palaepolis , while it seem'd to the Senat that he had the Victory in his hand ( actum cum Tribunis Plebis est , ad Populum Chap. 12 ferrent ut cum Philo Consulatu abiisset , Proconsul rem gereret ) they sent him no Successor , but prolong'd his Empire , by which means he came to be the first Proconsul . An Expedient ( tho introduc'd for the public good ) that came in time to be the public bane : For by how much the Roman Armys march'd further off , by so much the like course seeming to be the more necessary , became the more customary ; whence insu'd two pernicious consequences : The one , that there being fewer Generals , and Men of known Ability for Conduct , the Art with the reputation of the same came to be more ingrost , and obnoxious to Ambition : the other , that a General standing long , got such hold upon his Army , as could take them off from the Senat , and hang them on himself . Thus MARIUS and SYLLA could be follow'd by the Soldiery to the detriment of the Commonwealth , and CESAR to her perdition . Wheras had Rome never prolong'd Empire , she might perhaps not so soon have arriv'd at Greatness or Acquisition , but would have made less haste to destruction . ALL the Dilemma that MACCHIAVEL observes in these words is , that if a Commonwealth will not be so slow in her acquisition as is requir'd by Rotation , she will be less sure than is requisit to her preservation . But the Prevaricator ( not vouchsafing to shew us upon what reasons or experience he grounds his Maxim ) is positive , That the Dilemma into which a Commonwealth is in this case brought , is very dangerous ; for either she must give her self a mortal blow by gaining the habit of infringing such Orders as are necessary for her preservation , or receive one from without . THIS same is another Parakeetism : these words are spoken by me , after MACCHIAVEL , in relation to Dictatorian Power , in which they are so far from concluding against Rotation , that this in case of a Dictator is more especially necessary ( maxima libertatis custodia est , ut magna imperia diuturna non sint , & temporis modus imponatur , quibus juris imponi non potest ) which could not be more confirm'd than by him , who in the example of MARIUS shews that the contrary course spoil'd all . THE Romans , if they had sent a Successor to PUBLILIUS PHILO at Palaepolis , it may be might have let the Victory slip out of his hands , it may be not ; however this had bin no greater wound to the Commonwealth , than that her Acquisition would have bin slower , which ought not to com in competition with the safety of a Government , and therfore amounts not to a Dilemma , this being a kind of Argument that should not be stub'd of one horn , but have each of equal length and danger . Nor is it so certain that increase is slower for Rotation , seeing neither was this interrupted by that , nor that by this , as the greatest Actions of Rome , the Conquest of Carthage by SCIPIO AFRICANUS , of MACEDON by FLAMINIUS , and of ANTIOCHUS by ASIATICUS , are irrefragable Testimonys . I WOULD be loth to spoil the Considerer's preferment ; but he is not a safe Counsillor for a Prince , whose Providence not supplying the defect of Rotation , whether in civil or military affairs , with somthing of like nature , exposes himself if not his Empire as much to danger as a Commonwealth . Thus the Sons of ZERVIAH , JOAB Captain of the Host , and ABISHAI his Brother , were too strong for DAVID ; thus the Kings of Israel and of Juda fell most of them Book I by their Captains or Favorits , as I have elswhere observ'd more particularly . Thus BRUTUS being standing Captain of the Guards , could cast out TARQUIN ; thus SEJANUS had means to attemt against TIBERIUS ; OTHO to be the Rival of GALBA , CASPERIUS AELIANUS of NERVA , CASSIUS of ANTONINUS , PERENNIS of COMMODUS , MAXIMINUS of ALEXANDER , PHILIPPUS of GORDIAN , AEMILIANUS of GALLUS ; INGEBUS LOLLIANUS , AUREOLUS , of GALLIENUS ; MAGNESIUS of CONSTANTIUS , MAXIMUS of GRATIAN , ARBOGASTES of VALENTINIAN , RUFFINUS of ARCADIUS , STILICO of HONORIUS . Go from the West into the East : upon the death of MARCIANUS , ASPARIS alone , having the command of the Arms , could prefer LEO to the Empire ; PHOCAS deprive MAURITIUS of the same ; HERACLIUS depose PHOCAS ; LEO ISAURIUS do as much to THEODOSIUS ADRAMYTTENUS ; NICEPHORUS to IRENE , LEO ARMENIUS to MICHAEL CUROPALATES , ROMANUS LAGAPENUS to CONSTANTIN , NICEPHORUS PHOCAS to ROMANUS PUER , JOHANNES ZISMISCES to NICEPHORUS PHOCAS , ISAAC COMNENUS to MICHAEL STRATIOTICUS , BOTONIATES to MICHAEL the Son of DUCAS , ALEXIUS COMNENUS to BOTONIATES : which work continu'd in such manner till the destruction of that Empire . Go from the East to the North : GUSTAVUS attain'd to the Kingdom of Sweden , by his Power and Command of an Army ; and thus SECECHUS came near to supplant BOLESLAUS the Third of Poland . If WALLESTEIN had liv'd , what had becom of his Master ? In France the Race of PHARAMOND was extinguish'd by PIPIN ; and that of PIPIN in like manner , each by the Major of the Palace , a standing Magistracy of exorbitant Trust . Go to the Indys : You shall find a King of Pegu to have bin thrust out of the Realm of Tangu by his Captain General . Nay go where you will , tho this be pretty well , you shall add more than one example . But as to the Prevaricator , if he was not given to make such mouths , as eat up nothing else but his own words , I needed not have brought any other Testimony to absolve a Commonwealth of Malice in this order than his own , where he says , that when som Person overtops the rest in Commands , it is a Disease of Monarchy which easily admits of this cure , that he be reduc'd to a less Volum , and level'd to an equality with the rest of his Order . Now a Prince can no otherwise level a Nobleman , that excels the rest thro Command , to equality with his Order , than by causing those of the same Order to take their turns in like command . Good Wits have ill Memorys . But , says he , I know not what advantage Mr. HARRINGTON may foresee from the Orders of this Rotation , for my part I can discover no other effect of it than this , that in a Commonwealth like that of Oceana , taking in the Many ( for in Venice he confesses it to be otherwise ) where every man will press forward towards Magistracy , this Law by taking off at the end of one year som Officers , and all at the end of three , will keep the Republic in a perpetual Minority : No man having time allow'd him to gain that Experience , which may serve to lead the Commonwealth to the understanding of her true Interest either at home or abroad . WHAT I have confest to be otherwise in Venice , I have shewn Chap. 12 already at least so far as concerns the present occasion , the causes of that defect being incompatible with a Commonwealth consisting of the Many ; otherwise why was not the like found in Athens or Rome ? where tho every man prest forward towards Magistracy , yet the Magistrats were , for illustrious examples , more in weight and number than are to be found in all the rest of the world . IF where Elections were the most expos'd to the Ambition of the Competitor , and the humors of the People , they yet fail'd not to excel all others that were not popular , what greater Vindication can there be of the natural integrity of popular Suffrage even at the worst ? But this , where it is given by the Ballot , is at the best , and free from all that pressing for Magistracy in the Competitor , or Faction of the People that can any ways be laid to the former : or let the Considerer consider again , and tell me by what means either of these in such a State can be dangerous or troublesom ; or if at worst the Orders for Election in Oceana must not perform that part , better than a Croud and a Sherif . Well ; but putting the case the Elections which were not quarrel'd much withal be rightly stated , yet this Law for Terms and Vacations , by taking off at the end of one year som Officers , and all at the end of three , will keep the Republic in perpetual Minority , no man having time allow'd him to gain that Experience , which may serve to lead the Commonwealth to the understanding of her true Interest at home or abroad . Because every man will press forward for Magistracy , therfore there ought not to be Terms and Vacations , lest these should keep the Commonwealth in perpetual Minority . I would once see an Argument that might be reduc'd to Mode and Figure . The next Objection is , that these Orders take off at the end of one year som Officers , which is true , and that at the end of three years they take off all , which is false ; for wheras the Leaders of the Commonwealth are all triennial , the Orders every year take off no more than such only as have finish'd their three years term , which is not all , but a third part . Wherfore let him speak out ; three years is too short a term for acquiring that knowlege which is necessary to the leading of a Commonwealth . To let the courses of Israel which were monthly , and the annual Magistracys of Athens and Rome go ; if three years be too short a term for this purpose , what was three months ? A Parlament in the late Government was rarely longer liv'd than three months , nor more frequent than once in a year ; so that a man having bin twelve years a Parlament-man in England , could not have born his Magistracy above three years , tho he were not necessarily subject to any Vacation . Wheras a Parlament in Oceana may in twelve years have born his Magistracy six , notwithstanding the necessity of his Vacations . Now which of these two are most straiten'd in the time necessary to the gaining of due experience or knowlege for the leading of a Commonwealth ? Nevertheless the Parlament of England was seldom or never without men of sufficient Skill and Ability ; tho the Orders there were more in number , less in method , not written , and of greater difficulty than they be in Oceana . There , if not the Parlament man , the Parlament it self was upon Terms and Vacations , which to a Council of such a nature is the most dangerous thing in the world , seeing Dissolution , whether to a Body natural or political , is Death . For if Parlaments happen'd to rise again and again , this was Book I not so much coming to themselves ( seeing a Council of so different Genius has not bin known ) as a new Birth ; and a Council that is every year new born indeed must keep a Commonwealth in perpetual Minority , or rather Infancy , always in danger of being overlaid by her Nurse , or strangl'd by her Guardian : wheras an Assembly continu'd by Succession , or due Rotation regulated by Terms , giving sufficient time for digestion , grows up , and is like a man , who tho he changes his Flesh , neither changes his Body nor his Soul. Thus the Senat of Venice changing Flesh , tho not so often as in a Common-wealth consisting of the Many were requisit , yet oftenest of any other in the world , is , both in Body and Soul , or Genius , the most unchangeable Council under Heaven . Flesh must be cháng'd , or it will stink of it self ; there is a Term necessary to make a man able to lead the Commonwealth to her Interest , and there is a Term that may inable a man to lead the Commonwealth to his Interest . In this regard it is , that , according to MAMERCUS , the Vacations are ( maxima libertatis custodia ) the Keepers of the Libertys of Oceana . THE three Regions into which each of the leading Councils is divided , are three Forms , as I may say , in the School of State : for them of the third , tho there be care in the choice , it is no such great matter what be their Skill ; the Ballot which they practis'd in the Tribe being that in the performance wherof no man can be out : and this is all that is necessary to their Novitiat or first year , during which time they may be Auditors . By the second , they will have seen all the Scenes , or the whole Rotation of the Orders , so facil , and so intelligible , that at one reading a man understands them as a Book , but at once acting as a Play ; and so methodical , that he will remember them better . Tell me then what it is that can hinder him for the second year from being a Speaker ; or why for the third , should he not be a very able Leader . THE Senat and the Prerogative , or Representative of the People , being each of like constitution , drop annually four hundred , which in a matter of ten years amount to four thousand experienc'd Leaders , ready upon new Elections to resume their leading . ANOTHER thing which I would have consider'd is , whether our most eminent men found their Parts in Parlament , or brought them thither . For if they brought them , think you not the military Orders of the Youth , the Disciplin of the Tribes , the eight years Orb of the Embassadors , the provincial Armys of Oceana , likely to breed men of as good Parts , as to such matters ? Nor have Astronomers that familiarity with the Stars , which men without these Orbs will have with such as are in them . He is very dull , who cannot perceive that in a Government of this frame the Education must be universal , or diffus'd throout the whole Body . Another thing which is as certain as comfortable , is that the pretended depth and difficulty in matters of State is a mere cheat . From the beginning of the World to this day , you never found a Commonwealth where the Leaders having honesty enough , wanted skill enough to lead her to her true Interest at home or abroad : that which is necessary to this end , is not so much Skill as Honesty ; and let the Leaders of Oceana be dishonest if they can . In the leading of a Commonwealth aright , this is certain , Wisdom and Honesty are all one : and tho you shall find defects in their Virtue , those that have had the fewest , have ever bin , and for ever shall be , the wisest . ROME was never ruin'd , till her Balance being broken , the Nobility Chap. 12 forsaking their antient Virtue , abandon'd themselves to their Lusts ; and the Senators , who , as in the case of JUGURTHA , were all brib'd , turn'd Knaves ; at which Turn all their Skill in Government ( and in this never men had bin better skill'd ) could not keep the Commonwealth from overturning . CICERO , an honest man , labor'd might and main ; POMPONIUS ▪ ATTICUS , another , despair'd ; CATO tore out his own Bowels ; the Poigniards of BRUTUS and CASSIUS neither consider'd Prince nor Father : But the Commonwealth had sprung her Planks , and spilt her Ballast ; the world could not save her . FOR the close , the Prevaricator , who had judg'd before , that there was much reason to expect som of the Clergy ( against all of whom Mr. HARRINGTON has declar'd War ) would undertake the Quarrel , tells me in the last line , that there be to whom he has recommended the Disquisition of the Jewish Commonwealth . IT is a miserable thing to be condemn'd to the perpetual Budget ; once turn an honest man to me . In the mean time , that it may be further seen , how much I am delighted in fair play , since som Divines , it may be , are already at work with me , and I have not so fully explain'd my self upon that Point , which with them is of the greatest concernment , that they can yet say , they have peep'd into my hand , or seen my game ; as I have won this trick , Gentlemen , or speak , so I play them out the last Card in the next Book for Up. An Advertisment to the Reader , or a Direction contain'd in certain Querys , how the Common-wealth of Oceana may be examin'd or answer'd by divers sorts of men , without spoiling their high Dance , or cutting off any part of their Elegance , or freeness of Expression . To the Scholar that has pass'd his Novitiat in Story . I. WHETHER the Balance of Property in Land coming thró Civil Vicissitude by slow and undiscern'd degrees , to alter as it did , and to stand as it dos in Oceana , any other Government could have bin introduc'd , otherwise than by the interposition of foren Arms , that could have subsisted naturally without Violence or Reluctancy , or steddily without frequent Changes , Alterations , and Plunges , except that only of the Commonwealth propos'd ? II. WHETHER the Balance in Land so standing , as has bin shewn , the Commonwealth propos'd , being once establish'd , were without the immediat hand of God , as by Pestilence , Famin , or Inundation , to be alter'd or broken ; and which way ? To the Godly Man. I. WHETHER Human Prudence be not a Creature of God , and to what end God made this Creature ? II. WHETHER the Commonwealth of Israel in her main Orders , that is to say , the Senat , the People , and the Magistracy , was not erected by the same Rules of human Prudence with other Commonwealths ? III. WHETHER JETHRO were not a Heathen ? IV. WHETHER God did not approve of the Advice of JETHRO , in the Fabric of the Commonwealth of Israel ? V. WHETHER the natural Body of a Godly Man can any otherwise be said to support and nourish it self in the Air , or between Heaven and Earth , than by a figurative Speech ? or whether it be any more possible for the Political Body of a People so to do , than for the natural Body of a Godly Man ? To the Grandee , or Learned Commonwealthsman . I. WHETHER a noble Housekeeper has a Horsekeeper , that is as well to live as himself ; and whether the Housekeeper , should he lose his Estate , would not be a Horsekeeper rather than want Bread ? II. WHETHER Riches and Poverty , more or less , do not introduce Command or Obedience , more or less , as well in a public as in a privat Estate ? III. WHETHER the Introduction of Command or Obedience , more or less , either in a public or private Estate , dos not form or change the Genius of a Man , or of a People accordingly ? Or what is the reason why the Peasant in France is base , and the lower People in England of a high Courage ? IV. WHETHER the Genius of the People of Oceana has bin of late years , or be devoted or addicted to the Nobility and the Clergy as in former times ? V. WHETHER the Genius of the People of Oceana , not being addicted to the Nobility and Clergy as formerly , can be said to be for Monarchy , or against it ? VI. WHETHER the People be not frequently mistaken in Names , while as to Things they mean otherwise ; or whether the People of Oceana desiring Monarchy in Name , do not in Truth desire a Government of Laws , and not of Men ? VII . WHETHER for these Reasons , not to know how to hold the Balance or Foundation of a Government steddy , nor yet to reform , or vary the Orders of the same ( as the Foundation coms to vary ) be not to deliver a Nation to certain Ruin and Destruction ? To the Rational Man. I. WHETHER there be any thing in this Fabric or Model that is contradictory to it self , to Reason , or to Truth ? II. WHETHER a Commonwealth that is fram'd intire or complete in all her necessary Orders , without any manner of contradiction to her self , to Reason , or to Truth , can yet be false or insufficient ? THE SECOND BOOK ; OR , A Political Discourse CONCERNING ORDINATION : Against Dr. H. HAMMOND , Dr. L. SEAMAN , And the Authors they follow . Optat Aprum aut fulvum descendere monte Leonem . E. W. Advertisment to the READER . BOOKS , especially whose Authors have got themselves Names , are Leaders ; wherfore in case any of these err in Leading , it is not only lawful , but matter of Conscience to a man that perceives it , as far as he is able , to warn others . This were Apology enough for my writing against Dr. HAMMOND and Dr. SEAMAN ; and yet I have happen'd to be brought under a farther Obligation to this enterprise , their Books having bin sent me by way of Objection against what I have formerly said of Ordination , and am daily more and more confirm'd I shall make good . However , there can be no great hurt in this Essay , Truth being , like Venison , not only the best Quarry , but the best Game . Order of the Discourse . TO manage the present Controversy with the more Clearness , I have divided my Discourse into five Parts or Chapters . THE First , explaining the words Chirotonia and Chirothesia , paraphrasticaly relates the Story of the Perambulation made by the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS thro the Citys of Lycaonia , Pisydia , &c. by way of Introduction . THE Second shews those Citys , or most of them , at the time of this Perambulation , to have bin under popular Government . In which is contain'd the whole Administration of a Roman Province . THE Third shews the Deduction of the Chirotonia from Popular Government , and of the Original Right of Ordination from the Chirotonia . In which is contain'd the Institution of the Sanhedrim or Senat of Israel by MOSES , and of that at Rome by ROMULUS . THE Fourth shews the Deduction of the Chirothesia from Monarchical or Aristocratical Government , and the second way of Ordination from the Chirothesia . In which is contain'd the Commonwealth of the Jews as it stood after the Captivity . THE Fifth debates whether the Chirotonia , us'd in the Citys mention'd , was ( as is pretended by Dr. HAMMOND , Dr. SEAMAN , and the Authors they follow ) the same with the Chirothesia , or a far different thing . In which are contain'd the divers kinds of Church-Government introduc'd and exercis'd in the age of the Apostles . I AM entring into a Discourse to run much , for the Words , upon a Language not vulgar , which therfore I shall use no otherwise than by way of Parenthesis , not obstructing the Sense ; and for the Things , upon Customs that are foren , which therfore I shall interpret as well as I can . Now so to make my way into the parts of this discourse , that ( wheras they who have heretofore manag'd it in English , might in regard of their Readers have near as well written it in Greec ) I may not be above the vulgar capacity , I shall open both the Names wherof , and the Things wherupon we are about to dispute , by way of Introduction . A Chap. 1 Political Discourse CONCERNING ORDINATION . The INTRODUCTION , OR First Chapter . THE Names or Words wherof we are about to dispute are Greec , the one Chirotonia , the other Chirothesia . The first signification of the word Chirotonia , in SUIDAS , imports a certain leud action of the hand , which seems also by the Greec that renders it by the same word , to have bin intimated in Isa . 5. 9. In the second signification with SUIDAS , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Election ( that is no say of Magistrats ) or Ratification ( that is to say of Laws ) by the Many : which amounts both by his Testimony , and that generally of antient Authors , to this , that the most usual and natural signification of the word Chirotonia is Popular Suffrage , whether given , as when they speak of Athens , by the holding up of hands ; or as when they speak ( as dos SUIDAS in the place mention'd ) of Rome , and other Commonwealths ( whose Suffrage was not given with this Ceremony ) without holding up of hands . CHIROTHESIA ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is a word that in the strict signification imports laying on of hands , and no more : but the Jews using to confer their Ordination most commonly by laying on of hands , and yet somtimes by word of mouth , or by letter , the word both as it relates to the custom of the Jewish Commonwealth , and Ordination thence transplanted into the Church of CHRIST , signifys Ordination confer'd by one man , or a few men , that is to say , by som distinct Order from the People , whether with imposition of hands , or without it . THESE words thus interpreted , I shall throout my discourse ( which else must have run altogether upon the Greec ) presume , as already I have don , to take for good English , and so procede to the things wherof we are to dispute ; first , by opening the Scene of this Perambulation , which will be don best by the help of ERASMUS , a man as for his Learning not inferior to any , so for his freedom not addicted to Interests or Partys . For the remainder then of this Introduction , I shall begin with the nineteenth Verse of the eleventh , and continue my discourse to the end of the fourteenth Chapter of the Acts ; interweaving the Text where it is darker with the Paraphrase of that excellent Author , for light , and his Paraphrase with the Text , where it is clearer , for brevity , in manner following . Book II THEY whom the heat of Persecution from the Death of STEPHEN had dispers'd , travel'd thro the Citys and Villages as far as Phenice , and the adjacent Iland of Cyprus ; as also thro Antiochia , which lies between Phenice and Cilicia , preaching the Gospel receiv'd from the Apostles , which nevertheless they dar'd not to communicat but to such only as were of the Jewish Nation , not out of Envy , but a kind of Superstition , they believing that to do otherwise were to give the Childrens Bread to Dogs , which Christ had forbid . BVT som of them that believ'd , being of Cyprus and Cyrene , when they came to Antioch , had the boldness to speak of CHRIST to the Greecs , preaching the Lord JESUS , in which they made such progress thro the Blessing of God upon them and their Labors , that a great number of these also believing the Gospel , were turn'd to the Lord. The tidings of these things coming to the ears of the Church which was at Jerusalem , a man of Apostolical Sincerity , BARNABAS the Levite , a Cyprian born , was sent by the Apostles to take a view of what was don upon the places ; and if he found it to be according to the will of God , to approve of it , by authority of the Apostles . So great caution in receiving the Gentils to the Gospel was not , that the thing was not greatly desir'd by the Apostles ; but lest it should afterwards be repeal'd or made void by the Jews , as don rashly , or that the Gentils should rely less upon what was don , as conceiving it needed ratification by the Law. Wherfore BARNABAS so soon as he came to Antioch , and found the Greecs by Faith , and without profession of the Law , to have receiv'd the same Grace of God with the Jews , was very much joy'd that the number of Believers increas'd , and exhorted them to remain constant in their Enterprize of adhering to the Lord. For he was a good man , and full of the Holy Spirit , and of Faith. Wherfore thro his ministry it came to pass , that a multitude of other Believers were added to the former . Now Antioch being not far from Cilicia , the Neighborhood of the place invited him to seek PAUL , the fittest helper in this work , as chosen by CHRIST to preach his Name to the Gentils and Kings of the Earth . For when PAUL fled from Jerusalem , the Disciples had conducted him to Cesarea of Phenice , whence he went to Tarsus ; whom therfore when BARNABAS had found there , he brought to Antioch , hoping in a City both famous and populous ( but with a confus'd mixture of Jews and Greecs ) to receive the better fruit thro the aid of an Apostle more peculiarly design'd to this work . These two being conversant a whole year in the Church of Antioch , which by the confluence both of Jews and Greecs became very numerous , so many were added by their preaching , that wheras hitherto , not exposing the name of CHRIST to envy , they had bin call'd Disciples , they now began first at Antioch from the name of their Founder to be call'd Christians . In these times certain Prophets came from the City of Jerusalem to Antioch , wherof one named AGABUS standing up in the Congregation , signify'd by inspiration , that there should be a great Dearth thro the whole world ; which came to pass under CLAUDIUS CESAR , the Successor of CALIGULA . At this time they at Jerusalem , partly because they were poor at their conversion to the Gospel , partly because they had deposited their Goods in common , and partly because they had bin spoil'd by the Priests for their profession of CHRIST , ordain'd that by the contribution of such as had wherwithal , especially among the believing Gentils , Mony should be sent to the relief of the Christians dwelling in Judea ; but so that this Contribution was not to be forc'd but free , and according to every mans ability . This Mony thus gather'd was sent by PAUL and BARNABAS to the Elders at Jerusalem , to be distributed at their discretion to such as were in need . Chap. 1 While PAUL and BARNABAS were thus imploy'd , King HEROD , the same that beheaded JOHN , and returned CHRIST cloth'd , thro derision , in white , to PILAT , being griev'd to see this kind of People increase , and the Name of JESUS King of the Jews to grow famous in divers Nations , became concern'd to root out such a Faction , and so spreading ; wherfore he stretch'd forth his hand to vex certain of the Church , kil'd JAMES the Brother of JOHN with the Sword ; and because he saw it pleas'd the Jews , proceded further to take PETER also , who being imprison'd , was afterward miraculously deliver'd . But PAUL and BARNABAS having perform'd the Trust committed to them by the Brethren , and deliver'd the Contribution for relief of the Poor to the Apostles , return'd from Jerusalem to Antioch , taking with them JOHN , whose Sirname was MARC . NOW the Church of Antioch flourish'd in such manner , that she had som fill'd with the gift of Prophecy , and others with that of Teaching ; among whom was BARNABAS and SIMEON , alias NIGER , together with LUCIAS a Cirenian , and MANAEN who had bin brought up with HEROD the Tetrarch , whom he left to com to CHRIST : but the chief of them was SAUL , indow'd with all the Gifts and Graces Apostolical . While all these were intent upon the Ministry of the Church , imploying their several Gifts to the Glory of God , and in his most acceptable Service , the Salvation of Souls , with fasting and prayer , the Holy Ghost being stir'd up by their Zeal , signify'd his Will by the Prophets , saying , Separat me BARNABAS and PAUL for the Work wherto I have call'd them , namely , to be Doctors of the Gentils , that by them I may propagat the Gospel . The command of the Spirit was obey'd , and BARNABAS with PAUL , to the end that every one might see who were chosen , were separated from the rest ; and when the Congregation had unanimously implor'd the favor of God by prayer and fasting , the most eminent in Authority among them laid their hands upon the Persons so separated , and sent them wherever the Spirit of God should direct them . By this impulse therfore BARNABAS and PAUL went to Seleucia , being a Promontory of Antiochia , and thence sail'd into the Iland of Cyprus , where they landed at Salamis , a famous City upon the Eastern part of the Iland ; they preach'd not human Inventions , but the Word of God , nor that by stealth , but in the Synagogs of the Jews , wherof thro the Neighborhood of Syria there was store . This Honor by the Commandment of CHRIST was always defer'd to the Jews ▪ that the Gospel should be first offer'd to them , lest they being a querulous and repining Nation , should complain that they were despis'd . Thus travel'd these Apostles thro the whole Iland till they came to Paphos , a City consecrated to VENUS upon the Western Coast of Cyprus . Here they found a certain Magician call'd BARJESUS , that is , the Son of JESUS a Jew , both by Nation and Religion , under which color he falsly pretended to the gift of Prophesy . This man follow'd the Court of SERGIUS PAULUS , Proconsul or Governor of the Iland for the Romans , otherwise a prudent man ; but this sort of Vermin insinuats it self into the best to chuse , that so their Corruption may do the greater and more compendious mischief to mankind . The Proconsul nevertheless having understood the Gospel to be planting throout Cyprus , not only forbore to stop the ears of others , but by sending for BARNABAS and PAUL seem'd desirous to open his own . Wherfore BARJESUS indeavoring to resist the growth of the Word , as an Enemy to CHRIST , and resisting the Truth with Falshood , a strife arose between the true Prophets and a false one ( for such is the Interpretation Book II of the Syriac word ELYMAS ) whom PAUL at length confuted of spiritual blindness , by taking away the eys of his body , miraculously struck in the presence of the Proconsul , who at the same time receiving the light of the Gospel , imbrac'd the Christian Faith. This being don at Paphos , PAUL imbark'd there with his Associats for the lesser Asia , and came to Perga , being a City of Pamphylia ; here JOHN , whose Sirname was MARC , left them , and return'd to Jerusalem , while they , when they had visited Pamphylia , travel'd to Antiochia , a City of Pisidia , where having enter'd a Synagog , they sat after the usual manner with the rest , attentive to the Law and the Prophets ; wherof when the Parts appointed were read , and no man stood up , the Rulers of the Synagog perceiving that the Strangers by their habit were Jews , and such as by their aspect promis'd more than ordinary , sent to them , desiring that if they had any word of exhortation for the People , they would speak . Wherupon PAUL standing up , preach'd to them CHRIST ; whence came the Word of the Lord to be divulg'd throout that Region , tho the Jews out of envy to the Gentils , stirring up the devoutest Matrons ( an Art not unknown in these times ) and by them the chief of the City , rais'd such Sedition in it , and Tumult against the Apostles , that PAUL and BARNABAS being cast out , shook off the dust from their feet against them , and went thence to Iconium a City of Lycaonia . When they were com to Iconium , entring with the Jews after the custom into the Synagog , they preach'd , as they had at Antioch , the Gospel of Jesus Christ , and with such efficacy , that multitudes both of the Jews and Greecs believ'd . Here again the Envy of the Jews became the Author of Sedition , by which means the City was divided into two Parts or Factions , wherof one stood for the unbelieving Jews , and the other for the Apostles . At length when such of the Gentils as were join'd with the Jews , and the Rulers of the City , made an assault upon the Apostles , to offer violence and stone them ; they being aware of it , fled to Lystra ( a City of Lycaonia , which is a part of Pamphylia ) and Derbe . At Lystra there was a man lame of his feet from the Womb , who having listen'd to PAUL with great Attention and Zeal , was miraculously cur'd by the Apostle ; when the People seeing what PAUL had don , cry'd out , The Gods were descended in the likeness of men : a persuasion that might gain the more easily upon the minds of the Lycaonians for the Fable of JUPITER and MERCURY , said to have descended in human shape , and bin entertain'd by LYCAON , from whom the Lycaonians receiv'd their name . Wherfore they call'd BARNABAS , for the gravity of his aspect , JUPITER ; PAUL for his Eloquence , MERCURY : and the Priest of JUPITER , who dwelt in the Suburbs , brought Bulls and Garlands to the Gates of the House where the Apostles were , to have offer'd Sacrifice with the People , which the Apostles abhorring , vigorously dissuaded . In the mean time certain Jews by Nation that were Vnbelievers , coming from Antioch of Pisidia , and Iconium , drew the People to the other extreme , who from sacrificing to the Apostles fell on stoning them ; a work which was brought so near to an end , that PAUL being drawn by them out of the City , was left for dead , tho he soon after recover'd , and went thence with BARNABAS to Derbe : when they had propagated the Gospel there also , they return'd to Lystra , Iconium , and Antiochia , confirming the Disciples whom they had converted . Now because the propagation of the Gospel requir'd that the Apostles should be moving thro divers Nations , they chirotonizing them Elders in every Congregation or Church , that is , ordaining them Elders by the Votes of the People in every City , left them to perform the Dutys of the absent Apostles , and when they had fasted and pray'd , commended them to the Lord. These Chap. 2 things being brought to a conclusion , or finish'd at Antioch in Pisidia , when they had perambulated this Country , they also visited Pamphylia , sowing the Gospel where it was not yet sow● , and confirming those who already believ'd , till they came to Perga : where having order'd their affairs , they proceded to Attalia , being a maritim City of Pamphylia ; and from thence they sail'd back to Antioch of Syria , whence first they set out , with Commission from the Elders , to preach the Gospel to the Gentils , and where by the Chirothesia , or Imposition of hands , Prayer and Fasting , they had bin recommended to the Grace of God , and design'd to the Work now finish'd . IN this Narrative you have mention both of the Chirotonia and of the Chirothesia , or Imposition of hands , but of the former as of Ordination ; for by that such were made Presbyters or Church-Officers as were not so before : of the latter not , I think , as of Ordination , at least in the sense we now take it ; but as of designation of Persons to an occasional and temporary imployment , that had bin ordain'd before , for so sure had PAUL at least . However , that which is offer'd by this Narrative to present consideration , is no more than the bare Story . CHAP. II. That the Citys , or most of them nam'd in the Perambulation of the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS , were at that time under popular Government . In which is contain'd the ●dministration of a Roman Province . THE Romans of all Nations under Heaven were indow'd , as with the highest Virtues , so with the greatest human Glory ; which proceded from this especially , that they were in love with such as were in love with their Liberty . To begin with their dawn , the Privernates ( a free People inhabiting the City and Parts adjoining , which at this day is call'd Piperno , som fifty miles from Rome , and five from Sesse ) being the second time conquer'd by the Romans , it was consulted in the Senat what course should be taken with them ; where while som , according to the different temper of men , shew'd themselves hotter , and others cooler , one of the Privernates more mindful of the condition wherin he was born , than of that wherin he was faln , happen'd to render all more doubtful : for being ask'd by a Senator of the severer judgment , what Punishment h● thought the Privernates might deserve , Such ( says he ) as they deserve who believe themselves worthy of Liberty . At the courage of which answer , the Consul ( perceiving in them that had bin vehement enough before against the Privernates but the greater animosity , to the end that by a gentler Interrogatory he might draw som softer answer from him ) reply'd , And what if we inflict no punishment at all , but pardon you ; what Peace may we expect of you ? Why if you give us a good one ( said the other ) a steady and perpetual Peace , but if an ill one , not long . At which a certain Senator falling openly upon ruffling and threatning the Privernat , as if those words of his tended to som practice or intention to stir up the Citys in Peace to Sedition , the better part of the Fathers being quite of another mind , declar'd , That they had heard the voice of a Man , and of a Freeman . For why , said they , Book II should it be thought that any Man or People will remain longer under such a Burden as they are not able to bear , than till they can throw it down ? There a Peace is faithful , where it is voluntary ; if you will have Slaves , you are not to trust them , but their Fetters . To this opinion the Consul especially inclining , inclin'd others , while he openly profest , That they who had no thought but upon their Liberty , could not but be thought worthy to be Romans : wherupon the Decree past by Authority of the Fathers , which was afterwards propos'd to the Congregation , and ratify'd by the Command of the People , wherby the Privernates were made Citizens of Rome . Such was the Genius of the Roman Commonwealth ; where by the way you may also observe the manner of her Debate and Result ( Authoritate Patrum & Jussu Populi ) by the Advice of the Senat , and the Chirotonia of the People . BUT that which in this place is more particularly offer'd to consideration , is her usual way of proceding in case of Conquest with other Nations : for tho bearing a haughty brow towards such as , not contented to injoy their Liberty at home , would be her Rivals abroad , she dealt far otherwise , as with Carthage ; this case excepted , and the pilling and polling of her Provinces , which happen'd thro the Avarice and Luxury of her Nobility , when the Balance of popular Power being broken , her Empire began towards the latter end to languish and decline ; the way which she to●k with the Privernates was that which she usually observ'd with others throout the course of her Victorys , and was after the Change of Government made good at least in som part by the Roman Emperors , under whom were now those Citys mention'd in the present Perambulation of the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS . STRABO for his credit among human Authors is equal to any ; he liv'd about the time of this Perambulation , and being a Greec , is less likely to be partial : Of that therfore which I have affirm'd to have bin the course of the Romans in their Victorys , I shall make choice of this Author for a witness ; first where he epitomizes the Story of Athens after this manner : When the Carians by Sea , and the Boeotians by Land wasted Attica , CECROPS the Prince , to bring the People under shelter , planted them in twelve Citys , Cecropia , Tetrapolis , Epacrea , Decelea , Eleusis , Aphydna , Thoricus , Brauron , ●ytherus , Sphettus , Cephissia , Phalerus ; which THESEUS is said to have contracted into one call'd Athens . The Government of this City had many changes ; at first it was Monarchical , then Popular : This again was usurp'd by the Tyrants PISISTRATUS and his Sons , whence recover'd , it fell afterwards into the hands of the Few , as when the four hundred once , and again the thirty Tyrants were impos'd by the Lacedemonians , in the War of Peloponnesus : which Yoke the Athenians ( by means of their faithful Army ) shaking off , restor'd their popular Government , and held it till the Romans attain'd to the Dominion of Greece . Now tho it be true that they were not a little disturb'd by the Kings of Macedon , to whom they were forc'd to yield som kind of obedience ; they nevertheless preserv'd the form of their Common-wealth so intire , that there be who affirm it never to have bin better administred , than at such time as Macedon was govern'd by CASSANDER : for this Prince , tho in other things more inclining towards the Tyrant , having taken Athens by surrender , us'd not the People ill , but made DEMETRIUS PHALEREUS the Disciple of THEOPHRASTUS the Philosopher , chief Magistrat among them ; a man so far from ruining their popular State ( as in the Commentarys he wrote upon this kind of Government is attested ) that he repair'd it . Nevertheless , whether suspected Chap. 2 or envy'd for his Greatness without support by the Macedonians , after the death of CASSANDER he fled into Egypt , while his Enemys breaking down his Statues ( as som say ) made homely Vessels of them . But the Romans having receiv'd the Athenians under their popular form , left them their Lavs and Libertys untouch'd , till in the war with MITHRIDATES they were forc'd to receive such Tyrants as that King was pleas'd to give them ; wherof ARISTION the greatest , when the Romans had retaken the City from him , being found trampling upon the People , was put to death by SYLLA , and the City pardon'd , which to this day ( he wrote about the Reign of TIBERIUS ) not only injoys her Libertys , but is high in honor with the Romans . This is the Testimony of STRABO agreing with that of CICERO , where disputing of Divine Providence , he says , that to affirm the World to be govern'd by Chance , or without God , is as if one should say that Athens were not govern'd by the Areopagits . Nor did the Romans by the deposition of the same Author ( or indeed of any other ) behave themselves worse in Asia ( the scene of our present Discourse , where the same PAUL , of whom we are speaking , being born at Tarsus , a City o● Cilicia , that had acquir'd like or greater Privilege by the same bounty , was also a Citizen of Rome ) than in Greece . Asia is understood in three significations : First , for the third part of the World answering to Europe and Africa . Secondly , for that part of Asia which is now call'd Natolia . Thirdly , for that part of it which ATTALUS King of Pergamum , dying without Heirs , bequeath'd and left to the People of Rome : this contain'd Mysia , Phrygia , Aeolis , Ionia , Caria , Doris , Lydia , Lycaonia , Pisidia , and by consequence the Citys wherof we are speaking . To all these Countrys the Romans gave their Liberty , till in favor of ARISTONICUS , the Bastard of EUMENES , many of them taking Arms , they were recover'd , brought into subjection , and fram'd into a Province . WHEN a Consul had conquer'd a Country , and the Romans intended to form it into a Province , it was the custom of the Senat to send ( decem Legatos ) ten of their Members , who with the Consul had power to introduce and establish their provincial way of Government . In this manner Asia was form'd by MARCUS AQUILLIUS Consul ; afterwards so excellently reform'd by SCAEVOLA , that the Senat in their Edicts us'd to propose his example to succeding Magistrats , and the Inhabitants to celebrat a Feast to his Name . Nevertheless MITHRIDATES King of Pontus ( all the Romans in this Province being massacred in one day ) came to possess himself of it , till it was recover'd at several times by SYLLA , MURENA , LUCULLUS and POMPEY . The Romans in framing a Country into a Province , were not accustom'd to deal with all the Inhabitants of the same in a like manner , but differently according to their different merit . Thus divers Citys in this were left free by SYLLA , as those of the Ilienses , the Chians , Rhodians , Lycians , and Magnesians , with the Cyzicens , tho the last of these afterwards for their practices against the Romans forfeited their Liberty to TIBERIUS , in whose Reign they were for this reason depriv'd of the same . TAKING Asia in the first sense , that is , for one third part of the World , the next Province of the Romans in this Country was Cilicia , containing Pamphylia , Isauria , and Cilicia more peculiarly so call'd . Here CICERO was somtimes Proconsul , in honor to whom part of Book II Phrygia , with Pisidia and Lycaonia , were taken from the former , and added to this Jurisdiction , by which means the Citys wherof we are speaking came to be of this Province . Adjoining hereto was the Commonwealth of the Lycians , which the Romans left free : into this also the City of Attalia by som is computed , but Iconium both by STRABO and CICERO ; the latter wherof being Proconsul , in his Journy from Laodicea , was receiv'd by the Magistrats and Deputys of this City . Lys●ra and Derbe , being Citys of Lycaonia , must also have bin of the same Province . Next to the Province of Cilicia was that of Syria , containing Comagene , Seleucis , Phoenicia , Coelosyria , and Judea or Palestin . In Seleucis were the four famous Citys , Seleucia , Antiochia , Apamea ( the last intire in her Liberty ) and Laodicea . Comagene and Judea were under Kings , and not fram'd into Provinces , till in the time of the Emperors . THE fourth Province of the Romans in Asia was that of Bithynia with Pontus : these were all acquir'd or confirm'd by the Victorys of POMPEY the Great . STRABO , who was a Cappadocian born at Amasia , relates a story worthy to ●e remember'd in this place . From the time , says he , that the Romans , having conquer'd ANTIOCHUS , became Moderators of Asia , they contracted Leagues of Amity with divers Nations ; where there were Kings , the honor of address was defer'd to them , with whom the Treatys that concern'd their Countrys were concluded . But as concerning the Cappadocians , they treated with the whole Nation , for which cause the Royal Line of this Realm coming afterwards to fail , the Romans gave the People their freedom or leave to live under their own Laws : and when the People hereupon sending Embassadors to Rome , renounc'd their Liberty , being that to them which they said was intolerable , and demanded a King ; the Romans amaz'd there should be men that could so far despair , permitted them to chuse , of their Nation , whom they pleas'd ; so ARIOBARZANES was chosen , whose Line again in the third Generation coming to fail , ARCHELAUS was made King by ANTONY ( where you may observe , in passing , that the Romans impos'd not Monarchical Government , but for that matter us'd to leave a People as they found them ) Thus at the same time they left PONTUS under King MITHRIDATES , who not containing himself within his bounds , but extending them afterwards as far as Colchis and Armenia the Less , was reduc'd to his terms by POMPEY ; who devesting him of those Countrys which he had usurp'd , distributed som part of them to such Princes as had assisted the Romans in that War , and divided the rest into twelve Common-wealths , of which , added to Bithynia , he made one Province . When the Roman Emperors became Monarchs , they also upon like occasions made other distributions , constituting Kings , Princes , and Citys , som more , som less , som wholly free , and others in subjection to themselves . Thus came a good , if not the greater part of the Citys in the Lesser Asia , and the other adjoining Provinces , to be som more , som less free ; but the most of them to remain Commonwealths , or to be erected into popular Governments , as appears yet clearer by the intercourse of PLINY , while he was Pretor or Governor of Bithynia , with his Master the Emperor TRAJAN ; a piece of which I have inserted in the Letters following . PINY to TRAJAN . Chap. 2 SIR ; IT is provided by POMPEY'S Laws for the Bithynians , that no man under thirty years of Age be capable of Magistracy , or of the Senat : by the same it is also establish'd , that they who have born Magistracy may be Senators . Now because by a latter Edict of AUGUSTUS , the lesser Magistracys may be born by such as are above one and twenty ; there remains with me these doubts , whether he that being under thirty , has born Magistracy , may be elected by the Censors into the Senat ; and if he may , whether of those also that have not born Magistracy , a man being above one and twenty , seeing at that age he may bear Magistracy , may not by the same interpretation be elected into the Senat , tho he has not born it : which is here practis'd and pretended to be necessary , because it is somwhat better , they say , that the Senat be fill'd with the Children of good Familys , than with the lower sort . My opinion being ask'd upon these points by the new Censors , I thought such as being under thirty have born Magistracy , both of POMPEY'S Laws , and the Edict of AUGUSTUS , to be capable of the Senat ; seeing the Edict allows a man under thirty to bear Magistracy , and the Law , a man that has born Magistracy , to be a Senator . But as to those that have not born Magistracy , tho at the age in which they may bear it , I demur till I may understand your Majestys pleasure , to whom I have sent the Heads both of the Law and of the Edict . TRAJAN to PLINY . YOU and I , dearest PLINY , are of one mind . POMPEY'S Laws are so far qualify'd by the Edict of AUGUSTUS , that they who are not under one and twenty may bear Magistracy , and they who have born Magistracy may be Senators in their respective Citys : but for such as have not born Magistracy , tho they might have born it , I conceive them not eligible into the Senat till they be thirty years of age . PLINY to TRAJAN . SIR ; POWER is granted to the Bithynian Citys by POMPEY'S Law , to adopt to themselves what Citizens they please , so they be not Foreners , but of the same Province ; by the same Law it is shewn in what cases the Censors may remove a man from the Senat : Among which nevertheless it is not provided what is to be don in case a foren Citizen be a Senator . Wherfore certain of the Censors have thought fit to consult me , whether they ought to remove a man that is of a foren City for that cause out of the Senat. Now because the Law , tho it forbids the adoption of a Forener , commands not that a Forener for that cause should be remov'd out of the Senat , and I am inform'd there be foren Citizens almost in every Senat ; so that many , not only Men , but Citys might suffer Concussion by the Book II restitution of the Law in that part , which thro a kind of consent seems to be now grown obsolete ; I conceive it necessary to have your Majestys Resolution in the case , to which end I have sent a Breviat of the Law annex'd . TRAJAN to PLINY . WITH good cause , dearest PLINY , have you doubted what answer to return to the Censors , inquiring whether they ought to elect a man into the Senat that is of another City , tho of the same Province ; seeing on the one side the Authority of the Law , and of Custom on the other to the contrary , might well disorder you . To innovat nothing for the time past , I think well of this expedient : they who are already elected Senators , tho not according to the Law , of what City soever they be , may remain for the present ; but for the future POMPEY'S Laws should return to their full virtue , which if we should cause to look back , might create trouble . THIS might serve , but there will be no hurt in being a little fuller in the discovery of Provincial Government . THE Provinces so fram'd , as has bin shewn , were subdivided into certain Circuits call'd Dioceses ; that of Asia had six , Alabandae , Sardes ( antiently the Senat of CRAESUS ) Smyrna , Ephesus , Adramytis , Pergamum . That of Cilicia had also six , the Pamphylian , Isaurian , and Cilician , the Metropolis wherof was Tarsus , a free City ; to these were taken out of the Province of Asia , Cibyra , Sinnadae , Apamea : what were the Dioceses of the other two SIGONIUS , whom I follow , dos not shew . At these in the Winter ( for the Summer was spent commonly with the Army ) the People of the Province assembl'd at set times , as at our Assizes , where the Roman Governors did them Justice . THE Governors or Magistrats , to whose care a Province was committed , were of two kinds : the first and chief was Consul or Pretor , which appellations differ'd not in Power , but in Dignity , that of Consul being more honorable , who had twelve Lictors , wheras the Pretor had but six ; if the annual Magistracy of either of these came to be prorogu'd , he was call'd Proconsul or Propretor . THE second kind of Magistrat in a Province was the Questor , Receiver or Treasurer , who being also annual , was attended by Lictors of his own ; if he dy'd within his year , the Consul , Proconsul , or Pretor might appoint one for that time in his place , who was call'd Proquestor . The Power of the Consul , Proconsul , or Pretor , was of two kinds , the one Civil , the other Military ; the former call'd Magistracy , the latter Empire . THE Pomp of these assuming and exercising their Magistracy was reverend ; the Consul or Proconsul had Legats , somtimes more , but never under three , appointed him by the Senat : these were in the nature of Counsillors to assist him in all Affairs of his Province ; he had Tribuns , Colonels , or Field Officers , for the military part of his Administration ; he had also Secretarys , Serjeants , Heralds or Criers , Lictors or Insignbearers , Interpreters , Messengers , Divines , Chamberlains , Physicians ; and besides these his Companions , which for the most part were of the younger sort of Gentlemen or Gallants that accompany'd Chap. 2 him for his Ornament , and their own Education . Into this the som what like Train of the Questor ( who by the Law was in place of a Son to the Proconsul , and to whom the Proconsul was to give the regard of a Father ) being cast , it made the Pretorian Cohort or Guard always about the Person of the Proconsul , who in this Equipage having don his Devotions at the Capitol , departed the City , Paludatus , that is in his Royal Mantle of Gold and Purple , follow'd for som part of the way with the whole Train of his Friends , wishing him much joy and good speed . IN his Province he executed his twofold Office , the one of Captain General , the other of the supreme Magistrat . In the former relation he had an Army either receiv'd from his Predecessor , or new levy'd in the City ; this consisted in the one half of the Legions ( as I have elsewhere shewn ) and in the other of Associats : for the greatness of the same , it was proportion'd to the Province , or the occasion ; to an ordinary Province in times of Peace , I believe an Army amounted not to above one Legion with as many Auxiliarys , that is , to a matter of twelve thousand Foot , and twelve hundred Horse . The Magistracy or Jurisdiction of the Proconsul , or Pretor , was executed at the Metropolitan City of each Dioecis , which upon this occasion was to furnish the Pretorian Cohort with Lodging , Salt , Wood , Hay , and Stable-room at the charge of the Country . These , tho CICERO would hardly receive any of them , were , towards the latter time of the Commonwealth , extended by the Provincial Magistrats to so great a burden to the People , that it caus'd divers Laws to be pass'd in Rome ( de repetundis ) for restitution to be made to the Provinces , by such as had injur'd them . Upon such Laws was the prosecution of VERRES by CICERO . When and where this kind of Court was to be held , the Consul , Proconsul , ●or Pretor , by Proclamation gave timely notice . Being assembl'd at the time , and the City appointed , in the Townhal stood a Tribunal ; upon this the Sella Curulis , or Chair of State , in which sat the Consul , Proconsul , or Pretor , with his Pretorian Cohort or Band about him , furnish'd with all manner of Pomp , and Officers requisit to the Ornament or Administration of so high a Magistracy . The Jurisdiction of this Court was according to the Laws made for the administation of the Province ; but because they could not foresee all things ( as appear'd by the Questions which PLINY put upon the Laws of POMPEY , to TRAJAN ) it came to pass , that much was permitted to the Edicts of the Provincial Pretors , as was also in use at Rome with the Pretors of the City : and if any man had judg'd otherwise in his Province , than he ought to have don in the City , made an Edict contrary to the Law of his Province , or judg'd any thing otherwise than according to his own Edict , he was held guilty of , and questionable for a hainous Crime . But what the Law of this or that Province ( which differed in each ) was , would be hard particularly to say ; only in general it was for the main very much resembling that of Sicily , call'd Rupilia . LEGE Rupilia , or by the Law of RUPILIUS , a Cause between one Citizen and another being of the same City , was to be try'd at home by their own Laws . A Cause between one Provincial and another being of divers Citys , was to be try'd by Judges whom the Pretor should appoint by lot . What a privat man claim'd of a People , or a People of a privat man , Book II was to be refer'd to the Senat of som third City . Vpon what a Roman claim'd of a Provincial , a Provincial was to be appointed Judg. Vpon what a Provincial claim'd of a Roman , a Roman was to be appointed Judg. For decision of other Controversys , select Judges from among the Romans ( not out of the Pretorian Cohort , but out of such Romans , or other Citizens free of Rome , as were present in the same Court ) were to be given . In criminal Causes , as Violence , Peculat , or Treason , the Law , and the manner of proceding was the same in the Provinces , as in Rome . FOR the Tributs , Customs , Taxes , levys of Men , Mony , Shipping , ordinary or extraordinary , for the common defence of the Roman Republic , and her Provinces , the Consuls , Proconsuls , or Pretors , proceding according to such Decrees of the Senat as were in that case standing or renew'd upon emergent occasions ; in gathering these lay the Magistracy or office of the Questor : if the Proconsul were indispos'd , or had more business than he could well turn his hand to , Courts of this nature might be held by one or more of his Legats . With matter of Religion they meddl'd not ; every Nation being so far left to the liberty of Conscience , that no violence for this cause was offer'd to any man : by which means both Jews and Christians , at least till the time of the persecuting Emperors , had the free exercise of their Religion throout the Roman Provinces . This the Jews lik'd well for themselves , nor were they troubl'd at the Heathens ; but to the Christians they always g●udg'd the like privilege . Thus when they could no otherwise induce PILAT to put Christ to death , they accus'd Christ of affecting Monarchy , and so afrighted PILAT , being a mean condition'd fellow , while they threaten'd to let TIBERIUS know he was not Cesar's Friend , that he comply'd with their ends . But when at Corinth where GALLIO ( a man of another temper ) was Proconsul of Achaia , they would have bin at this sport again , and with a great deal of Tumult had brought PAUL before the Tribunal , GALLIO took it not well , that they should think he had nothing else to do than to judg of Words , and Names , and Questions of their Law ; for he car'd no more for the Disputes between the Christians and the Jews , than for those between the Epicureans and the Stoics Whe●fore his Lictors drave them from the Tribunal , and the officious Corinthians , to shew their love to the Proconsul , fell on knocking them out of the way of other business . NOW tho the Commonwealth of the Achaeans , being at this time a Roman Province under the Proconsul GALLIO , injoy'd no longer her common Senat , Strategus , and Demiurges , according to the model shown in the former Book ; yet remain'd each particular City under her antient form of Popular Government , so that in these , especially at Corinth , many of the Greecs being of the same judgment , the Jews could not dispute with the Christians without Tumult . Of this kind was that which happen'd at Ephesus , where Christianity growing so fast , that the Silversmiths of DIANA'S Temple began to fear they should lose their Trade ; the Jews liking better of Heathenism than Christianity , set ALEXANDER , one of their pack , against PAUL . THIS place ( in times when men will understand no otherwise of human story than makes for their ends ) is fallen happily unto my hand ; seeing that which I have said of a Roman Province , will be thus no less than prov'd out of Scripture . For the Chancellor of Ephesus perceiving the Ecclesia ( so it is in the Original ) or Assembly ( as in our Translation ) uncall'd by the Senat , or the Magistracy to Chap. 2 be tumultuously gather'd in the Theater ( their usual place , as in Syracusa and other Citys , of meeting ) betakes himself to appease the People with divers arguments : among which he has these . First , as to matter of Religion , You have brought hither , says he , these men which are neither robbers of Temples ( Churches our Bible has it , before there was any Church to be robb'd ) nor yet blasphemers of the Goddess : In which words ( seeing that they offering no scandal , but only propagating that which was according to their own judgment , were not obnoxious to Punishment ) he shews that every man had liberty of Conscience . Secondly , as to Law : If DEMETRIUS and the Craftsmen which are with him have a matter against any man , the Law , says he , is open . Thirdly , as to the matter of Government , which appears to be of two parts , the one Provincial , the other Domestic : For the former , says he , there are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Proconsuls ( he speaks in the plural number with relation to the Legats , by whom the Proconsul somtimes held his Courts ; otherwise this Magistrat was but one in a Province , as at this time for Asia PUBLIUS SUILIUS ) and to the latter , says he , if you desire any thing concerning other matters , that is , such as appertain to the Government of the City ( in which the care of the Temple was included ) it shall be determin'd in a lawful Ecclesia , or Assembly of the People . By which you may see that notwithstanding the Provincial Government , Ephesus , tho she was no free City , ( for with a free City the Proconsul had nothing of this kind to do ) had ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Government of her self ( as those other Citys mention'd in PLINY'S Epistles ) by the Senat , and the People ; for wherever one of these is nam'd , as the Senat by PLINY , or the People by LUKE , the other is understood . When the Chancellor had thus spoken , he dismiss'd the Ecclesia . It is LUKE'S own word , and so often as I have now repeated it , so often has he us'd it upon the same occasion . Wherfore I might henceforth expect two things of Divines ; first , that it might be acknowleg'd that I have good Authors , LUKE and the Chancellor of Ephesus , for the word Ecclesia in this sense ; and secondly , that they would not persuade us , the word Ecclesia has lost this signification , lest they condemn this place of Scripture to be no more understood . The manner of Provincial Government being thus prov'd , not only out of profane Authors , but out of Scripture it self ; and the Citys that were least free having had such power over themselves , and their Territorys ; why , if the Romans took no more of them for this protection , than was paid to their former Lords , did they not rather undertake the patronage of the World than the Empire ; seeing Venice , and Dantzic , while the one was tributary to the Turk , the other to the King of Poland , were nevertheless so free Estates , that of a King , or a Commonwealth that should have put the rest of the world into the like condition , no less in our day could have bin said ? And yet that the Romans , when the nature of the Eastern Monarchys shall be rightly consider'd , took far less of these Citys than their old Masters , will admit of little doubt . CICERO surely would not ly ; he , when Proconsul of Cilicia , wrote in this manner concerning his Circuit , to his friend SERVILIUS : Two days I staid at Laodicea , at Apamea five , at Sinnadae three , at Pilomelis five , at Iconium ten ; than which Jurisdiction or Government there is nothing more just or equal . Why then had not those Citys their Senats and their Book II Ecclesiae , or Congregations of the People , as well as that of Ephesus , and those wherof PLINY gives an account to TRAJAN ? CORINTH was in Achaia ; Perga of Pamphylia , Antioch of Pisidia , Iconium , Lystra , Derbe of Lycaonia , were in Cilicia ; and with these , as som reckon , Attalia . Ephesus and the other Antioch were in Syria . Achaia , Cilicia , and Syria , were Roman Provinces at the time of this Perambulation of the Apostles : The Citys under Provincial Administration , whether free or not free , were under Popular Government ; whence it follows , that Corinth , Ephesus , Antioch of Syria , Antioch of Pisidia , Perga , Iconium , Lystra , Derbe , Attalia , being at this time under Provincial Administration , were at the same time under Popular Government . There has bin no hurt in going about , for the proof of this ; tho indeed to shew that these Citys ( had quandam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) were under Popular Government , we needed to have gon no further than the Text , as where the Chancellor of Ephesus , to get rid of a tumultuous Ecclesia or Assembly of the People , promises them a lawful one . In Iconium , Lystra , Derbe , and the rest , you hear not of any King ( as where HEROD stretch'd out his hand to please the Jews , and vex the Church ) but of the People , of their Rulers , of their Assemblys , and of their Tumults . The People at Lystra are now agreed to give the Apostles divine Honors : and anon , both at Iconium and Lystra , to stone them . Now to determin of divine Honor , or of Life and Death , are acts of Soverain Power . It is true , these nevertheless may happen to be usurp'd by a mere Tumult ; but that cannot be said of these Congregations , which consisted as well of the Magistrats and Rulers , as of the People , and where the Magistrats shew that they had no distinct Power wherby to restrain the People , nor other means to prevail against them , than by making of Partys : Which Passages , as they prove these Commonwealths on the one side to have bin ill constituted , evince on the other , that these Citys were under Popular Government . CHAP. III. The Deduction of the Chirotonia from Popular Government , and of the Original Right of Ordination from the Chirotonia . In which is contain'd the Institution of the Sanhedrim or Senat of Israel by MOSES , and of that of Rome by ROMULUS . DIVINES generally in their way of disputing have a bias that runs more upon Words than upon Things ; so that in this place it will be necessary to give the Interpretation of som other Words , wherof they pretend to take a strong hold in their Controversys . The chief of these has bin spoken to already : Chirotonia being a word that properly signifys the Suffrage of the People , wherever it is properly us'd , implys Power ; wherfore tho the Senat decrees by Suffrage as well as the People , yet there being no more in a Decree of the Senat than Authority , the Senat is never said to Chirotonize , or very seldom and improperly , this word being peculiar to the People . And thus much is imply'd in what went before . THE next Word in Controversy is Psephisma , which signifys a Decree Chap. 3 or Law ; and this always implying Power , always implys the Suffrage of the People , that is , where it is spoken of popular Government : for tho a Psephisma or Decree of the Athenian Senat was a Law for a year before it came to the Suffrage or Chirotonia of the People , yet the Law or Constitution of SOLON , wherby the Senat had this Power , originally deriv'd from the Chirotonia of the People . THE third Word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifys to constitute or ordain ; this in the political sense of the same implys not Power , but Authority : for a man that writes or proposes a Decree or Form of Government , may be said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to propose or constitute it , whether it be confirm'd by the Chirotonia of the People or not ; nay with HALICARNASSAEUS the Word signifys no more than barely to call or assemble the Senat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . NOW if these Words be somtimes otherwise taken , what Words be there in any Language that are not often us'd improperly ? But that understood politically , they must of necessity be understood as I have shewn , or will so intangle and disorder Government , that no man shall either make head or foot of it , is that which I make little question to evince in the surest way , that is , by opening the nature of the Things whence they derive , and wherof they are spoken by the best Authors . AND because the Words ( tho the Things they signify were much more antient ) derive all from Athens , I shall begin by this Constitution to shew the proper use of them . Chirotonia in Athens , as has bin shewn out of SUIDAS ( who speaking of Rome refers to this ) was Election of Magistrats , or enacting Laws by the Suffrage of the People ; which , because they gave by holding up their hands , came thence to be call'd Chirotonia , which signifys holding up of hands . The Legislative Assembly , or Representative of the People , call'd the Nomothetae , upon occasion of repealing an old Law , and enacting a new one , gave the Chirotonia of the People : And yet says the Athenian Law ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Let the Proedri give or make the Chirotonia to either Law. The Proedri , as was shewn in the former Book , were the ten Presidents of the Prytans ; which Prytans upon this occasion were Presidents of the Nomothetae . Again , wheras it was the undoubted Right and Practice of the People to elect their Magistrats by their Chirotonia ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) it is nevertheless shewn by POLLUX to have bin the peculiar Office of the Thesmothetae ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to chirotonize the Magistrats . For as the Proedri were Presidents of the People in their Legislative Capacity , so were the Thesmothetae , upon occasion of Elections : thus the Chirotonia of the Proedri or of the Thesmothetae , signifys nothing else but the Chirotonia of the People , by which they enacted all their Laws , and elected all their Civil or Ecclesiastical Magistrats or Priests , as the Rex Sacrificus , and the Orgeones , except som by the Lot ; which Ordination , as is observ'd by ARISTOTLE , is equally popular . This , whether ignorantly or wilfully unregarded , has bin , as will be seen hereafter , the cause of great absurdity ; for who sees not that to put the Chirotonia , or Soverain Power of Athens upon the Proedri or the Thesmothetae , is to make such a thing of that Government as can no wise be understood ? Book II WHAT the People had past by their Chirotonia , was call'd Psephisma , an Act or Law. And because in the Nomothetae there were always two Laws put together to the Vote , that is to say , the old one , and that which was offer'd in the room of it , they that were for the old Law were said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to pronounce in the Negative ; and they that were for the new ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to pronounce for the Affirmative . THESE Laws , these Propositions , or this frame of Government , having bin propos'd first by SOLON , and then ratify'd or establish'd by the Chirotonia of the Athenian People ; ARISTOTLE says of him ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that he instituted or constituted the popular Government ; which Constitution implys not any Power in SOLON , who absolutely refus'd to be a King , and therfore the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as to him implys no more than Authority . I have shew'd you the Words in controversy , and the Things together in the Mint ; now whether they that as to Athens introduc'd them both , understood either , I leave my Reader by comparing them to judg . IT is true that the Things exprest by these Words have bin in som Commonwealths more , in others less antient than the Greec Language ; but this hinders not the Greecs to apply the Words to the like Constitutions or Things , wherever they find them , as , by following HALICARNASSAEUS , I shall exemplify in Rome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ROMULUS , when he had distributed the People into Tribes and Parishes , proceded to ordain the Senat : in this manner the Tribes were three , and the Parishes thirty ; out of every Tribe he elected three Senators , and out of every Parish three more , all by the Suffrage of the People . These therfore came to ninety nine chosen by the Chirotonia ; to which he added one more , not chosen by the Chirotonia , but by himself only : Which Election we may therfore say was made by the Chirothesia ; for as in this Chapter I am shewing that the Chirotonia is Election by the Many , so in the next I shall shew that the Chirothesia is Election by One , or by the Few . But to keep to the matter in hand ; the Magistrat thus chosen by ROMULUS was ( praefectus urbi ) the Protector of the Commonwealth , or he who , when the King was out of the Nation or the City , as upon occasion of war , had the exercise of Royal Power at home . In like manner with the Civil Magistracy were the Priests created ( tho som of them not so antiently ) for the Pontifex Maximus , the Rex Sacrificus , and the Flamens , were all ordain'd by the Suffrage of the People ( Pontifex Tributis , Rex Centuriatis , Flamines Curiatis ) the latter of which , being no more than Parish Priests , had no other Ordination than by their Parishes . All the Laws , and all the Magistrats in Rome , even the Kings themselves , were according to the Orders of this Commonwealth to be created by the Chirotonia of the People ; which nevertheless is by APPIAN somtimes call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Chirotonia of the Tribuns , whether these Magistrats were Presidents of the Assemblys of the People , or elected by them . Sic Romani Historici non raro loquuntur , Consulem qui comitia habuerit creasse novos Magistratus , non aliam ob causam nisi quia suffragia receperit , & Populum moderatus est in eligendo . WHAT past the Chirotonia of the People , by the Greecs is call'd Psephisma : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ When the Congregation of the People was to be dismist , MARCUS standing up , said , Your Psephisma , Chap. 3 that is your Act , is exceding good , &c. THIS Policy , for the greater part , is that which ROMULUS ( as was shewn ) is said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to have instituted or ordain'd , tho it be plain that he ordain'd it no otherwise than by the Chirotonia of the People . THUS you have another example of the three words in controversy ( Chirotonia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Psephisma ) still apply'd in the same sense , and to the same things . Have I not also discover'd already the original Right of Ordination , whether in civil or religious Orders ? This will be scandalous . How ! derive Ordination as it is in the Church of CHRIST , or as it was in the Church of the Jews , from the Religion , or rather Superstition of the Heathens ! I meddle not with their Religion , nor yet with their Superstition , but with their Ordination which was neither , but a part of their Policy . And why is not Ordination in the Church or Commonwealth of CHRIST , as well a political thing as it was in the Churches or Commonwealths of the Jews , or of the Heathens ? Why is not Election of Officers in the Church as well a political thing , as Election of Officers in the State ? and why may not this be as lawfully perform'd by the Chirotonia in the one , as in the other ? THAT MOSES introduc'd the Chirotonia , is expresly said by PHILO ; tho he opposes it to the Ballot , in which I believe he is mistaken , as not seeing that the Ballot including the Suffrage of the People , by that means came as properly under the denomination of the Chirotonia , as the Suffrage of the Roman People , which tho it were given by the Tablet , is so call'd by Greec Authors . All Ordination of Magistrats , as of the Senators or Elders of the Sanhedrim , of the Judges or Elders of inferior Courts , of the Judg or Su●fes of Israel , of the King , of the Priests , of the Levits , whether with the Ballot or viva voce , was perform'd by the Chirotonia or Suffrage of the People . In this ( especially if you admit the Authority of the Jewish Lawyers , and Divines call'd the Talmudists ) the Scripture will be clear , but their Names are hard ; wherfore not to make my Discourse more rough than I need , I shall here set them together . The Authors or Writings I use , by way of Paraphrase upon the Scripture , are the Gemara Babylonia , Midbar Rabba , Sepher Siphri , Sepher Tanchuma , Solomon Jarchius , Chiskuny , Abarbanel , Ajin Israel , Pesiktha Zotertha . These and many more being for the Election of the Sanhedrim by the Ballot , I might have spoken them more briefly ; for the truth is , in all that is Talmudical I am assisted by SELDEN , GROTIUS , and their Quotations out of the Rabbys , having in this Learning so little Skill , that if I miscall'd none of them , I shew'd you a good part of my acquaintance with them . NOR am I wedded to GROTIUS or SELDEN , whom somtimes I follow , and somtimes I leave , making use of their Learning , but of my own Reason . As to the things in this present Controversy , they were no other in Athens and Rome than they had bin in the Common-wealth of Israel . WHEN MOSES came to institute the Senat , he ask'd counsil of God. And the Lord said , Gather to me seventy men of the Elders of Israel ; and MOSES went out and told the People the words of the Lord : that is , propos'd the Dictat of the supreme Legislator to the Chirotonia of the Congregation . What else can we make of these words of MOSES Book II to the People ? Take ye wise men , and understanding , and known among your Tribes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and I will constitute them Rulers over you . Now how the People could otherwise take or chuse these Rulers or Magistrats thus propos'd , than by their Chirotonia , let Divines — shew ; or notwithstanding the constitution of MOSES , both the Senat of Israel , and the inferior Courts , were decreed by the Chirotonia of the People . For the People upon this Proposition resolv'd in the Affirmative , or answer'd and said , The thing which thou hast spoken is good for us to do . This then was the Psephisma or Decree of the People of Israel , wherupon says MOSES ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) I constituted or ordain'd them Governors . In which example you have the three words , or the three things again ; nor as to the things , is it , or ever was it , otherwise in any Commonwealth . Whence it is admirable in our Divines , who will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constituted , to be the word of Power ; that they do not see by this means they must make two Powers in the same Government ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Constitution of the Legislator , and the Chirotonia or Suffrage of the People : or else say that the Commonwealth of Israel was instituted by the Power of the Legislator , and the Authority of the People , than which there is nothing more absurd . But the People staid not upon their first Psephisma , or Result , that the thing was good for them to do , but did accordingly . The manner of their proceding at different times was somwhat different ; for it was somtimes viva voce , somtimes by the Lot , without the Suffrage , and somtimes by the Ballot , which confisted not of the Lot only , but of the Suffrage . Each of these are equally popular ( for neither of them gives an advantage to any Person or Party ) but not equally prudent ways of proceding ; the Lot committing too much to Fortune , except in som kinds of businesses , as first in the division of Lands , whence the Suffrage was properly excluded : for the Divisions being made by three Deputys out of each Tribe , if there happen'd to fall som advantage or disadvantage to any man by the Lot , it was equal or impartial ; wheras if it had fallen by the Suffrage , it must have bin inequal , or partial . Such was the cause why the Lot in the Division of the Land of Canaan was us'd without the Suffrage . In case of a Crime committed by an unknown Author , but among many of whom som one or more must have bin guilty , as in the cases of ACHAN and JONATHAN , the Lot was also us'd without the Suffrage , somwhat after the manner of Decimation in an Army , when many that are guilty throw the Dice , and he on whom the Lot falls is punish'd ; yet with considerable difference , for wheras Decimation is not us'd but for punishment , where the Persons are as well known as the Guilt ; this use of the Lot in Israel was for the discovery of the unknown Author of som known Crime , that som one of many being put to the question ( who if either by his own confession , or other proof he were found guilty , was punish'd accordingly , otherwise not ) Men might have less incouragement that their Crimes would be the more hidden , or less punishable for company , or the shadow of it . WHEN the People were set upon the introduction of a new Magistracy , and car'd not at all who should be the man , as in the Election of SAUL , at which time the Phitistins lay hard upon them , and they look'd upon the Ease they hop'd from a King , without coveting the trouble which he was like to have ; it seems to me there was a third use of the Lot without the Suffrage . BUT that the common use of the Lot in Israel imply'd also the Chap. 3 Suffrage , and was of the nature of the Ballot at this day in Venice , is little to be doubted ; or you may satisfy your self , when you have consider'd the manner how the Senat or Sanhedrim was first elected ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or constituted by MOSES . UPON the Psephisma , or decree of the Legislator and the People , The thing which thou hast spoken is good for us to do , they proceded to election of Competitors in this manner . Each of the twelve Tribes ( to be hereafter as well locally , as they were yet but genealogically divided ) were to make the Election , not excluding the Thirteenth , nor yet nominally taking it in ; for LEVI , tho genealogically as distinct a Tribe as any of them , yet was not design'd locally so to be , but to have the right of promiscuous Inhabiting , Cohabiting , or Marriage with all or any of the rest , and with right of Suffrage accordingly ; for this cause the Tribes being Thirteen , are reckon'd but Twelve . So each of the twelve Tribes elected among themselves by their Suffrages , six wise men , and understanding , and known among them ; who being elected , were written ; and being written , were deliver'd each in a several Scrol to MOSES . MOSES having receiv'd all the Scrols , had seventy two Competitors , which caus'd a Fraction ; for the Senat , as is plain by the Text ( gather me seventy men , that they may stand with thee ) was to consist but of Seventy with MOSES , that is , in all , of seventy one . So MOSES having two Competitors more than he needed , caus'd two Urns to be brought , into one of which he cast the seventy two Competitors , or Names written in the Scrols ; and into the other seventy two Scrols , of which two were blanks , and seventy were inscrib'd with the word Presbyter . This being don , the whole Congregation pray'd , and when they had pray'd , gave forth their Lots . THE Lots were given forth after this manner . First a Lot was drawn out of the Urn of the Magistracys , then another out of the Urn of the Competitors . The Competitor to whose name a Blank was drawn , departed : but he to whose name a Prize was drawn , or given forth , became a Magistrat . THEY who had thus gain'd Magistracy were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by this Psephisma decreed to be together of the number of the seventy Elders . But wheras in the Urn of Magistracys there were two Blanks , two that had bin written Competitors must of necessity have fail'd of Magistracy . So ELDAD and MEDAD being of them that were written Competitors by the Tribes , yet went not up to the Tabernacle ; that is , attain'd not to be ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) numbred among the seventy , who were to sit in the Court of the Tabernacle ; as afterwards they did in the Pavement , or stone-Chamber , in the Court of the Temple . IN this place I shall mind you but once more of the three Words in controversy . MOSES the Legislator ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) constituted , the People chirotoniz'd ; and that which they had chirotòniz'd , was Psephisma , their Decree . THERE be in these times that are coif'd with such Opinions , that to shew Scripture to be Reason , is to make it lose weight with them ; and to talk of the Talmudists , is to profane it : Of these I shall only desire to know how they understand that place of ELDAD and MEDAD ; for if they can no otherwise make sense of it than as Book II I have don , it is a sufficient proof ( letting the Talmudists go ) of all that I have said . What therfore has the Hierarchy , and the Presbytery for their opinion that the Sanhedrim was instituted by the Chirothesia , or Imposition of Hands ? THERE is in the Old Testament no mention of laying on of Hands by way of Ordination , or Election , but only by MOSES in the designation of JOSHUA for his Successor : and in this MOSES did first as ROMULUS afterwards in the Election of the Prefect or Protector of Rome , but upon a far greater exigence ; for the Common-wealth of Rome , when ROMULUS did the like , was seated or planted , but the Commonwealth of Israel , when MOSES did this , was neither seated nor planted , nor indeed a Commonwealth , but an Army design'd to be a Commonwealth . Now between the Government that is necessary to an Army , and that which is necessary to a Common-wealth , there is a vast difference . The Government even of the Armys of Rome , when she was a Commonwealth , was nevertheless Monarchical : in this regard MOSES himself exercis'd a kind of Dictatorian Power for his life ; and the Commonwealth being not yet planted , nor having any Balance wherupon to weigh her self , must either have bin left at his death to the care of som Man whom he knew best able to lay her Foundation , or to extreme hazard . Wherfore this Ordination , which was but accidental , regarding the present military condition of the People , MOSES most prudently distinguishes from the other ; in that he shew'd them how they should manage their Commonwealth , in this he bequeaths them the Man whom he thinks the most likely to bring them to be a Commonwealth : of which judgment and undertaking of MOSES , JOSHUA the next illustrious Example , most worthily acquitted himself . THERE is in these Elections another remarkable passage , but such a one as , being so far from political that it is supernatural , dos not properly appertain to this discourse , and so I shall but point at it . When the Elders , thus chosen , were set round about the Tabernacle , the Lord came down in a cloud , and took of the spirit of MOSES , and gave it unto the seventy Elders ; and it came to pass , that when the Spirit rested upon them , they prophesy'd and did not cease . So JOSHUA was full of the spirit of Wisdom , for MOSES had laid his hands upon him . And PAUL minds TIMOTHY , Stir up the gift of God which is in thee by the laying on of my hands . But the Talmudists themselves do not pretend that their Ordination was further accompany'd with supernatural indowments than the first Institution ; and if Divines were as ingenuous , no less might be acknowleg'd of theirs . MOSES was a Prophet , the like to whom has not bin in Israel ; and has there bin an Apostle like PAUL in the Christian Church ? Every body cannot do Miracles , we see they can't . Take heed how you deny Sense , for then bread may be flesh . If we be not to make choice of a political Institution without a miraculous test or recommendation ; either Ordination was at first accompany'd with supernatural Gifts , and from thenceforth , as I conceive , neither . Divines methinks as such should not be so much concern'd in the Ordination of the Sanhedrim , or of JOSHUA , who were Magistrats , as the People or the Magistrat : yet if these should hence infer that their Election , Ordination , or Designation of persons confer'd supernatural Gifts , Divines would hardly allow of it ; and why are the People , or the Magistrat oblig'd to allow more to that of a Clergy ? To return . Chap. 3 SUCH as I have shewn was the Ordination of the Senat , or great Sanhedrim , that of the lesser Sanhedrim , or inferior Courts , was of like nature , for it follows ; I took the chief of your Tribes , wise men and known ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and made them Heads over you , Captains of thousands , and Captains of hundreds , &c. which were other Magistrats than , according to our custom , we should readily expect to be intimated by such words , for they were the Judges of the inferior Courts , those that sat in the gates of each City , and others that appertain'd to the Villages , as in the next Verse : And I charg'd your Judges at that time , saying , Hear the Causes , and judg righteously . THE next Magistrat whose Election coms to be consider'd is the Dictator , or Judg of Israel . Where it is said of this People , that the Lord rais'd them up Judges , which deliver'd them out of the hands of those that spoil'd them , it is to be understood , says SIGONIUS , that God put it into the mind of the People to elect such Magistrats , or Captains over them . For example , when the Children of Ammon made war against Israel , God rais'd up JEPHTHA , whose Election was after this manner : The Elders went to fetch JEPHTHA out of the Land of Tob , and when they had brought him to Mizpeh ( which in those days was the place , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Congregation of Israel usually assembl'd ) the People made him Head and Captain over them . Now that the Election of the King was as much in the Chirotonia of the People , as that of the Judg , is past all controversy , seeing the Law speaking of the People says thus : One from among thy Brethren shalt thou set King over thee ; and accordingly when the Government was chang'd to Monarchy , it was not SAMUEL , but the People that would have it so ; thus SAUL was chosen King by the Lot. Where the contradiction of GROTIUS is remarkable , who in this place to shew that the Lot is of Popular Institution , quotes ARISTOTLE ; and yet when he coms to speak of the Lots that were cast at the Election of MATTHIAS , says it was that it might appear not whom the Multitude , but whom God had ordain'd ; as if the Magistrat lawfully elected by the People , were not elected by God , or that the Lot which thus falls into the lap were not at the disposing of the Lord. But if the League by which the People receiv'd DAVID into the Throne , or the Votes by which first the People of Jerusalem , and afterwards the Congregation of Israel ( as was shewn in the former Book ) made SOLOMON King , were of the Lord ; then Election by the People was of the Lord , and the Magistrat that was elected by the Chirotonia of the People , was elected by the Chirotonia of God : for as the Congregation of Israel is call'd in Scripture ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Ecclesia or Congregation of God ; so the Chirotonia of this Congregation is call'd by JOSEPHUS ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Chirotonia of God , who as I noted before out of CAPELLUS , was in this Commonwealth Political King , or Civil Legislator ( Sans comparaison ) as SOLON in Athens , and ROMULUS in Rome ; that is to propose to the People ( Haec est lex quam MOSES proposuit ) and whatever was propos'd by God , or the lawful Magistrat under him , and chirotoniz'd or voted by the People , was Law in Israel , and no other . Nay , and the People had not only power to reject any Law that was thus propos'd , but to repeal any Law that was thus enacted : for if God intending Popular Government should have ordain'd it otherwise , he must have contradicted Book II himself ; wherfore he plainly acknowleges to them this power , where ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) they rejected him ( whom they had formerly chirotoniz'd or chosen King ) that he should not reign over them ; and elected SAUL . This if God had withstood by his Power , he must have introduc'd that kind of Monarchy which he had declar'd against ; wherfore he chose rather to abandon this sottish and ingrateful People to the most inextricable yoke of deserv'd slavery , telling them , when he had warn'd them and they would not hear him , that they should cry to him and he would not hear them , one tittle of whose words pass'd not unfulfil'd . BY this time I have shewn that all the Civil Magistrats in Israel were chosen by the Chirotonia of the People , or , to follow JOSEPHUS , by the Chirotonia of God , which is all one ; for the Chirotonia of the President of the Congregation , as I have instanc'd in that of the Proedri , of the Thesmothetae , of the Consuls , of the Tribuns , and the Chirotonia of the Congregation is the same thing ; and of the Congregation of Israel God , except only at the voting of a King , was President . TO com then from the Civil Magistrats to the Priests and Levits , these were chosen in two ways , either by the Lot , or by the Chirotonia . THE office and dignity of the High Priest being the greatest in Israel , and by the institution to be hereditary , caus'd great disputes in the Election : to this MOSES by the command of God had design'd AARON his Brother ; which Designation , the Command of God being at first either not so obvious as that relation , or the ambition of others so blind that they could not or would not see it , caus'd great combustion . First , thro the conspiracy of KORAH , DATHAN , and ABIRAM ; and next by the murmuring of the Princes of the Tribes , all emulous of this Honor. KORAH being not only a great man , but of the Tribe of Levi , could not see why he was not as worthy of the Priesthood , consideration had of his Tribe , as AARON ; and if any other Tribe might pretend to it , DATHAN and ABIRAM being descended from REUBEN were not only of the elder House , but troubl'd to see a younger prefer'd before them . Wherfore these having gain'd to their party three hundred of the most powerful men of the Congregation , accus'd MOSES of affecting Tyranny , and doing those things which threaten'd the Liberty of the Commonwealth ; as under pretence of Divination to blind the eys of the People , preferring his Brother to the Priesthood without the Suffrage of the Congregation : of which charge MOSES acquitting himself in the Congregation , tells the People that AARON was chosen both by God , and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by their Suffrages , which ( KORAH being upon this occasion miraculously destroy'd ) were therupon once more given by the People . Nevertheless the Princes of the Tribes continuing still discontented , and full of murmur , God decided the Controversy by a second miracle , the budding of AARON 's Rod : ( and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) being thrice confirm'd by the Chirotonia of God , he was confirm'd in that honor . Now that the Chirotonia of God in this place of JOSEPHUS signifys the Chirotonia of the People , is plain by that in Scripture , where they made SOLOMON King , and ZADOCK to be Priest . After the Captivity , as in other things , so in this power the Sanhedrim came , as I conceive , Chap. 3 to overreach the People : JOSHUA the Son of JOSEDECH being thus elected High Priest by the Sanhedrim , and this Honor thenceforth ( as appears by MAIMONIDES ) being at the disposing of this Court. Nor could any inferior Priest serve at the Altar , except he had acquir'd that right by the Lot , as is not only deliver'd by the same Author , and by JOSEPHUS , but in Scripture . Now the Lot , as was shewn , giving no Prerogative either to any person or party , is as popular an Institution as the Chirotonia . So in election of Priests , the Orders of Israel differ'd not from human Prudence , nor those of other Commonwealths , the Priest of JUPITER having bin elected after the same manner in the Commonwealth of Syracusa ; the Augustales , and the Vestals in that of Rome : and if the right of bearing holy Magistracy , being in Israel confin'd to one Tribe or Order , may seem to make any difference , it was for som time no otherwise in Athens , nor in Rome , where the Patricians or Nobility assum'd these Offices , or the greatest of them to themselves , till the People in those Citys disputed that Custom , as introduc'd without their consent , which the People of Israel could not fairly do , because it was introduc'd by their consent . TO com to the Levits in their original Ordination , God commanded MOSES saying , Thou shalt bring the Levits before the Tabernacle of the Congregation , and thou shalt gather the whole assembly of the Children of Israel , and they shall put their hands upon the Levits . This in the sound of the words may seem to imply the Chirothesia , or Imposition of Hands , but take heed of that ; Divines will not allow the Chirothesia to be an Act of the People : but in this proceding the whole people acted in the Ordination of the Levits , wherfore the Levits also were ordain'd by the Chirotonia , Consent , Vote , or Suffrage of the whole People imply'd in this action . But for the Ordination of Priests and Levits , whatever it was , it is not to the present purpose ; Divines deriving not theirs from Priests and Levits , but from Dukes , Generals and Magistrats , from that of JOSHUA and of the Sanhedrim , always provided , that this were of the same nature with the former , that is , by the Chirothesia , or Imposition of Hands , and not by the Chirotonia of the People . However the Ordination of the Magistracy was certainly Political ; and so in this deduction they themselves confess that their Ordination also is a Political Constitution : yet wheras MOSES is commanded by God to bring AARON and his Sons to the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation , and having wash'd them there , to adorn them with the Priestly Robes , with the Miter , and to anoint them ; wheras he is commanded ( the Children of Israel having first laid their Hands upon the Levits ) to cleanse them , and offer them for an Offering ; Divines of the Hierarchy and the Presbytery ( tho it be otherwise with WALLAEUS and such as acknowlege Popular Government ) give the Congregation , or Consent of the People for nothing , and put the whole Ordination of the Priests and Levits upon the washing and cleansing , or other Ceremonys of Consecration : as if to put the Ordination of SAUL upon the Ceremony of anointing by SAMUEL , tho perform'd by the immediat Command of God , were not absolutely contradictory to Scripture , and to the known Law of Israel , which speaking of the People , expresly says , One from among thy Brethren shalt thou set King over thee ; Book II upon which place says PHILO , Most wise MOSES never intended that the Royal Dignity should be acquir'd by lot , but chose rather that the Kings should be elected by the Chirotonia , or Suffrage of the whole People . The Congregations of the People assembl'd upon this as upon other public affairs , and requir'd a sign or confirmation from God : forasmuch as by his will Man is to the rest of Nature , what the Face is to the Body . Wherto agrees that of the Heathens , Os homini sublime dedit , Coelumque tueri jussit , and their Divinations upon the like occasions by Intrals , none of which were ever understood as destructive of the liberty of the People , or of the freedom of their Chirotonia . WHERE SOLOMON is made King , and ZADOCK Priest by the People , tho the Ceremony of anointing was doubtless perform'd , and perhaps by the Prophet NATHAN , it is wholly omitted in the place as not worth the speaking of . The opinion that the Ordination of the Priests and Levits lay in the Ceremonys of their Consecration , is every whit as sober and agreable to reason , as if a man should hold the Kings of England to have bin made by the Unction of the Bishops . Israel from the institution of MOSES to the Monarchy , was a Democracy , or Popular Government ; in Popular Government the Consent of the People is the Power of the People , and both the Priests and Levits were ordain'd by the Consent of the People of Israel . TO bring these things to the Citys in the perambulation of the Apostles , which by the former Chapter I have prov'd to have bin Popular Governments ; it is acknowleg'd by GROTIUS to the Citys of Asia , not only that they us'd the Chirotonia , but in the strictest sense of the word , that is , to give their Suffrage by the holding up of Hands . And that they had the liberty of their Religion , the choice of their Magistrats , both Civil and Ecclesiastical in their Ecclesi● , or Congregations , has bin also undeniably evidenc'd ; whence it must needs follow that there were Citys in Asia ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) chirotonizing or ordaining them Elders , that is , Magistrats and Priests in every Congregation ( with Reverence be it spoken ) long before CHRIST was in the flesh , or the Apostles any of them were born . Wherfore to sum up what in this Chapter I conceive to be sufficiently prov'd , I may boldly conclude , That the Chirotonia derives from popular Constitution , and that there was a way of Ordination by the Chirotonia . CHAP. IV. The deduction of the Chirothesia from Monarchical or Aristocratical Government , and of the second way of Ordination from the Chirothesia . In which is contain'd the Commonwealth of the Jews as it stood after the Captivity . WHAT pleases the Prince , says JUSTINIAN , has the force of a Law , seeing the People in his Creation have devolv'd their whole Power upon his Person ; which is with the most . But when Popular Government is chang'd into Monarchical , either the whole Power of the People , or a great part of it must of necessity accrue to the King. Hence says SAMUEL , he will appoint him Captains over Thousands , Chap. 4 and Captains over Fiftys : in which words perhaps is intimated the Judges of the inferior Courts , or Jethronian Prefectures ; so that hereby SAMUEL tells the People they shall no more have the Election of their Rulers , but the King will have it ; who , it may be , chang'd the nature of som of these Magistracys , or added others : for when DAVID came to reign over all Israel , JOAB was over the Host ( his Strategus or General ) JEHOSHAPHAT was Recorder , ZADOC and ABIMELEC were the Priests , SERAIAH was the Scribe , and BENAIAH was over the Pelethits , and the Cherethits ; that is , was Captain of his Regiments of Guard , call'd perhaps by these names , as those of ROMULUS were call'd Celeres . But it should seem that few or none of these Officers were elected by the Chirotonia , that is by the People , but by the Prince , which kind of Election , as will be shewn anon , may be call'd Chirothesia . For the deduction of this kind of Ordination , or Election , we shall do well to hearken first to Dr. HAMMOND ; who in his Query , or Discourse concerning Ordination by the Imposition of Hands , puts it thus . To lift up the Hands was a Ceremony in Prayer , and accordingly to lay hands on any ( differing no otherwise from lifting up , than by the determining that Action to a peculiar Object , the Person that was pray'd for ) was generally among the Jews a Ceremony of benediction us'd first by the Father to the Children , in bestowing the Blessing upon them ( and with that the succession to som part of his Estate or Inheritance ) as appears in JACOB'S blessing the Children of JOSEPH : he stretch'd out his right hand , and laid it upon EPHRAIM'S head , and his left hand on MANASSES , and so he bless'd , &c. From thence it was accommodated among them to the communicating of any part of Power to others as assistants , or to the deriving of any successive Office from one to another . Thus when MOSES had from Heaven receiv'd , and long us'd his Commission to be under God the Ruler of the People , the seventy Elders were by God's appointment assum'd to assist him : it being certain from the Jewish Writings , tho the sacred Scripture has no occasion to mention it , that the succession of the seventy Elders under the name of Sanhedrim or Council was continu'd thro all Ages by their creating others in the place of those that dy'd , by this Ceremony of Imposition of Hands . To this purpose are the clear words of MAIMONIDES : MOSES our Master created the seventy Elders by Imposition of hands , and the Divine Majesty rested on them ; and those Elders impos'd Hands on others , and others on others , &c. So a little before the departure of MOSES out of this life , when a Successor was to be provided for him , God commands him to take JOSHUA , and lay his hands upon him . And MOSES laid his hands upon him , and gave him a Charge as the Lord commanded by the hand of MOSES : that is , deriv'd to him by this Ceremony the Authority which himself had , and constituted him his Successor in that Government . And so it is repeated , JOSHUA was full of the spirit of Wisdom , for MOSES had laid his Hands upon him . THIS is the Doctor 's deduction of the Chirothesia , or Ordination by the laying on of Hands , from the Commonwealth of Israel : and , says he , from the three Vses of this Ceremony there , that is , first in praying for another ; secondly , in paternal benediction ; thirdly , in creating Successors in power , either in whole , or in part , derive three sorts of things in the New Testament , to which this Ceremony of laying on of Hands is Book II accommodated . That of Prayer simply taken was of two sorts , either for the cure of Diseases , or pardoning of Sins . For Diseases : They shall lay hands on the sick , and they shall recover . For Sins they were don away also by this Ceremony in the absolution of Penitents , to which belongs that Exhortation of PAUL to TIMOTHY , Lay hands suddenly on no man , that is , not without due examination and proof of his Penitence , lest thou be partaker of other mens Sins . From the second , that of Paternal Benediction , was borrow'd , first that of blessing Infants with the Ceremony of Imposition of Hands , as it differ'd from Baptism . And secondly , that of confirming those of fuller age , that had bin formerly baptiz'd . Lastly , to the creating Successors in any Power , or communicating any part of Power to others , as to Assistants , is answerable that Imposition of Hands in Ordination so often mention'd in the New Testament , somtimes in the lower degree , as in the ordaining of Deacons , elswhere in the highest degree , setting Governors over particular Churches , as generally when by that laying on of Hands it is said , they receiv'd the Holy Ghost ; wheras the Holy Ghost contains all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 requir'd to the pastoral Function , and so signifys Power from on high : the Authority and Function it self , so it be given by Imposition of Hands , makes the parallel exact between this of Christian Ordination , and that observ'd in the creating Successors in the Jewish Sanhedrim . So far the Doctor . NOW say I , if the Scripture be silent as to the Ordination of the Elders in Israel , what means that place ; Take ye wise men , and understanding , and known among your Tribes , and I will make them Rulers over you ? Once in their lives let them give us the sense of it , or of that other , where ELDAD and MEDAD are of those that were written , and yet went not up to the Tabernacle : Otherwise that we hear no more of these , is from the silence of Divines , and not of the Scripture . But if the Scripture be not silent in this point , is there not a great deal of fancy in going on to cure the Sick , to pardon Sins , to bless Infants , confirm the Baptiz'd , ordain Ministers , nay , give the Holy Ghost , and all the Graces belonging to the pastoral Function , from a place that has no such thing in it ? for if the Sanhedrim according to Scripture were not ordain'd by the Chirothesia , there is no such thing to be deriv'd by the Chirothesia from the Sanhedrim . The first Chirotonia indeed of the Sanhedrim was accompany'd with miraculous indowments ; wherfore if they will derive these Gifts and Graces from the Sanhedrim , why are they sworn Enemies to the Chirotonia ? Again , the Sanhedrim was a Civil Court or Senat ; wherfore then by this Title should not these Gifts and Graces be rather pretended to by the Civil Magistrat , than by Divines ? what becoms of the Priest AARON and his Lots ? is he left to the Civil Magistrat , while Divines derive themselves from General JOSHUA and his Chirothesia ? But if the Sanhedrim and inferior Judicatorys were otherwise ordain'd originally ; then no Magistrat in Israel was originally ordain'd by the Chirothesia , but only JOSHUA . It is admirable that Divines should look upon God , as if in the institution of a Commonwealth he had no regard at all to human Prudence , but was altogether fix'd upon their vain advantages . Who made human Prudence ? or to what end was it made ? Any man that understands the Politics , and considers that God was now proceding according to this Art ( as in his constitution of the Senat , and of the People or Congregation , is most obvious ) must needs see that this Power he indulg'd to MOSES of making his own choice of one man , could not possibly be intended as a permanent Constitution ; Chap. 4 for wheras he intended Popular Government , nothing is plainer than that a People not electing their own Magistrats can have no Popular Government . How absurd is it to conceive that God having already made an express Law , that the People if at any time they came under Monarchy , should yet have the election of their King , would now make a Law that the People being under a Commonwealth , should no longer have the election of their Magistrats ? For who sees not that to introduce the Chirothesia as a standing Ordinance , had bin to bar the People of this power ? Israel at this time , tho design'd for a Common-wealth , had no Land , no foundation to balance her self upon , but was an Army in a Wilderness , incompass'd about with Enemys . To permit to the People in this case , the choice of all their Civil Magistrats was nevertheless safe enough , nay best of all : for at the election of wise men , and understanding , and known among their Tribes , so far as was needful to civil administration , their skill must needs have bin at any time sufficient ; but the Commonwealth was yet in absolute necessity of a Protector , and of Dictatorian Power . Now to know who was fittest in this case to succede MOSES , requir'd the Wisdom of God , or of MOSES ; and therfore was not yet safe to be ventur'd upon a People so new in their Government . For these reasons , I say , MOSES us'd the Chirothesia for once , and no more ; or let them shew me among all the Dictators , Judges , or Kings , that succeded JOSHUA , any one that was chosen by the Chirothesia , and be all Dictators . It is now above three thousand years since the institution of the Sanhedrim , from which time the ambitious Elders first , then the Talmudists , and of latter ages Divines have bin perpetually striving for , or possessing themselves of this same Oligarchical Invention of the Chirothesia pretended to be deriv'd from MOSES ; tho there be neither any such Precept of God or Christ in the Old or New Testament , nor any unanimous result upon the point , either by the Talmudists or Divines themselves . And for the clear words quoted by the Doctor out of MAIMONIDES , they are such to which I shall in due time shew MAIMONIDES to be elswhere of a clear contrary opinion . But in this Controversy , without som clearer deduction of the Chirothesia , we shall make no happy progress ; in this therfore I shall follow SELDEN the ablest Talmudist of our age , or of any . THE Commonwealth of Lacedemon ( if I could stand to shew it ) has strange resemblances to that of Israel , not only in the Agrarian , which is nothing to the present purpose , but in the Senat , which to prevent catching another time , I do not say was a Judicatory only , but not only a Senat , but a Judicatory also . For LYCURGUS of all other Legislators was in this the likest to God , or to MOSES , that his work was so exquisitly perfected at once , and his Laws so comprehensive , that if the Senat had had no other function than to make or propose new Laws , there being little or nothing of that wanting , they would have had little or nothing to do . Now it being thus , and much more than thus in Israel , the Sanhedrim was not only the Senat , but the supreme Judicatory . And because one Court in a Territory of any Extent is no where sufficient to this end ; therfore the Sanhedrim had divers branches distended not only to the Citys of Judea , but even to the Villages ; these were call'd the Lesser Sanhedrim , or the Jethronian Prefectures . Book II THE Great Sanhedrim consisting , as has bin shewn , of 70 Elders , sat first in the Tabernacle , and afterwards in the Court of the Temple . THE Jethronian Prefectures consisted som of three and twenty Elders , and others but of three . Of the former kind there were two in the gates of the Temple , and one sitting in the gates of every City ; of the latter there was one almost in every Village . THE power of the Jethronian Court , consisting of twenty three Elders , was in matter of Judicature equal with that of the great Sanhedrim , only in cases of difficulty they observ'd this Precept . If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment between Blood and Blood , between Plea and Plea , between Stroke and Stroke , being matter of Controversy within thy gates ; then shalt thou arise , and get thee up into the place which the Lord thy God shall chuse ( in the future , for the Common-wealth was yet but design'd , not planted ) and thou shalt com to the Priests and the Levits , and to the Judg that shall be in those days , and inquire , and they shall shew thee the sentence of Judgment : That is , thou shalt consult the Sanhedrim , or if there be no Sanhedrim , the Suffes or Judg of Israel . The reason why the Sanhedrim in this Text is mention'd under the name of the Priests and Levits is , that these about the beginning of this Commonwealth having ( as were also the Egyptian Priests at the same time ) bin the learnedst Men , whether for Lawyers , or Physicians , there were scarce any other chosen into the Sanhedrim , tho towards the latter end it happen'd to be far otherwise . For wheras sacrificing was feasting , the Priests injoying a fat Idleness , became in latter times so heavy , that as to the Election of the Sanhedrim not only the Levits of inferior rank were upon the matter wholly laid by , but the High-Priest himself somtimes omitted , the rest of the Tribes far excelling this in Learning . THE power of the Triumvirats , or three Judges in the Villages , extended no farther than to inflict stripes to a certain number , and pecuniary mulcts to a certain sum . These possibly had the same recourse upon occasion of difficulty to the Judges in the Gates , as the Judges in the Gates had to the Sanhedrim : but their power is not so much to the present purpose , which regards only their manner of Election . This having bin institutively exercis'd , as has bin shewn by the Chirotonia , or Ballot of the People , came sooner or later ( I find no man that can resolve upon the certain time ) to the Chirothesia . For tho when a Judg in the Gates was dead , that Court elected his Successor out of their Disciples ( each Court in the Gates had 99 Disciples that were their constant Auditors ) or out of the Triumvirats ; and when an Elder of the Sanhedrim dy'd , the Sanhedrim elected his Successor out of the Courts in the Gates , more particularly those in the Gates of the Temple by Suffrages ; yet no man was capable of being elected into any of these Courts that was not a Presbyter , nor was any man a Presbyter that had not receiv'd the Chirothesia : nor could any man confer the Chirothesia that had not first receiv'd it , or bin so ordain'd a Presbyter himself : nor tho he were so ordain'd , could he confer the like Ordination , but in the presence of two others , whether ordain'd or not ordain'd : and no Ordination could be confer'd but either this way , or by som one of the Judicatorys . The manner how this Ordination was confer'd , if the party were present , was either by laying on of Hands , or by saying a Verse or Charm ; or if he were absent , by a Letter , or Patent . AN Elder thus ordain'd was call'd Rabbi , might have Disciples , Chap. 4 teach , practise , or expound the Law , declare what was therby free or forbidden ( which with them was call'd binding and loosing ) ordain others with the assistance mention'd , or be capable of Election into som one , or any Court of Justice , according to the nature of his Ordination , the Conditions mention'd at the conferring of the same , or the gift that was in him by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery ; which in som extended no farther than to shew how Meat should be kill'd and dress'd , how Uncleanness should be purify'd , what were Vices of the body , what might be eaten or drunk , and what not ; in others it extended to som one or more , or all the Facultys express'd : but I am inclining to believe that a plenary Ordination us'd not to be confer'd but by the Great Sanhedrim , or at least som one of the Jethronian Courts . THEY us'd also to confer this Ordination som time occasionally , and for a season in this manner . Receive the gift of judiciary Ordination , or the right of binding and loosing , till such time as you return to us in the City . Where the Christian Jews still following their former Customs in higher matters , as the observation of the Sabbath , and of Circumcision , even to such a degree , that PAUL not to displease them took TIMOTHY and circumcis'd him , seem to me to have follow'd this custom , who when the Prophets at Antioch had inform'd them that PAUL and BARNABAS were to be separated to an extraordinary work , laid their hands upon them , and sent them away : for otherwise as to Ordination PAUL and BARNABAS had that before ; at least PAUL by ANANIAS , and for any such Precept in the Christian Religion there was none . JOSEPHVS , PHILO , and other Authors that tell us the Commonwealth of Israel was an Aristocracy , look no farther than the introduction of the Chirothesia by the Presbyterian Party , which must have taken date som time after the Captivity , or the restitution of the Commonwealth by EZRA , there being not one syllable for it in Scripture , but enough to the contrary , seeing God introduc'd the Chirotonia . By which it is demonstrable that a Presbyterian Party may bring a Popular Government to Oligarchy , and deface even the work of God himself , so that it shall not be known to after ages ; as also that Ecclesiastical Writers ( for such are the Talmudists ) may pretend that for many hundred years together , as Divines also have don , to be in Scripture , which neither is , nor ever was there . But have I yet said enough to shew that Ordination , especially as in this Example , not of a Clergy , but of a Magistracy , whether by the Chirotonia , or Chirothesia , is a Political Institution ? or must I rack my brains for Arguments to prove that an Order or a Law having such influence upon the Commonwealth , that being introduc'd or repeal'd , it quite alters the whole frame of the Government , must needs be of a political nature , and therfore not appertain to Divines , or to a Clergy , but to the Magistrat , unless their Traditions may be of force to alter the Government as they please ? All is one , they can abate nothing of it , let what will com of the Government , the Chirothesia they must and will have . Then let them have Monarchy too , or Tyranny ; for one of these , according as the balance happens to stand with or against their Chirothesia , is the certain consequence ; either Tyranny as in Israel , or Monarchy as in the Papacy , and , from that or the like Principle , in all Book II Gothic Empires : which Examples , to begin with Israel , well deserve the pains to be somwhat more diligently unfolded . ALL Elections in Israel , save those of the Priests who were eligible by the Lot , being thus usurp'd by the Presbyterian Party , and the People by that means devested of their Chirotonia ; som three hundred years before CHRIST , HILLEL Senior High Priest , and Archon , or Prince of the Sanhedrim , found means to draw this Power of Ordination , in shew somwhat otherwise , but in effect to himself , and his Chirothesia : for by his influence upon the Sanhedrim it was brought to pass , that wheras formerly any man ordain'd might , in the manner shewn , have ordain'd his Disciples ; it was now agreed that no man should be ordain'd without the License of the Prince , and that this Power should not be in the Prince , but in the presence of the Father of the Sanhedrim , or Speaker of the House . Thus the Aristocracy of Israel becoming first Oligarchical , took ( according to the nature of all such Governments ) long steps towards Monarchy , which succeding in the Asmonean Family , commonly call'd the Maccabees , was for their great merit , in vindicating the Jews from the Tyranny of ANTIOCHUS , confirm'd to them by the universal consent and Chirotonia of the People . Nevertheless to him that understands the Orders of a Commonwealth , or has read the Athenian , Lacedemonian , or Roman Story , it will be plain enough that but for their Aristocracy they needed not to have bin so much beholden to , or to have stood so much in need of one Family . It is true , both the merit of these Princes , and the manner of their free Election by the People , seem to forbid the name of Tyranny to this Institution : but so it is , that let there be never so much Merit in the Man , or Inclination of the People to the Prince , or the Government that is not founded upon the due balance , the Prince in that case must either govern in the nature of a Commonwealth , as did those of this Family , reforming the policy after the Lacedemonian Model ; or turn Tyrant , as from their time , who liv'd in the Age of the Grecian Monarchy , did all their Successors , till under the Romans this Nation became a Province : From which time such Indeavors and Insurrections they us'd for the recovery of their antient Policy , that under the Emperor ADRIAN ( who perceiv'd at what their Ordination , being not of Priests , but of Magistrats , and of a Senat pretending to Soverain Judicature and Authority , seem'd to aim ) there came , says the Talmud , against the Israelites an Edict out of the Kingdom of the Wicked ( meaning the Roman Empire ) wherby whosoever should ordain , or be ordain'd , was to be put to death , and the School or City in which such an Act should be don , to be destroy'd : wherupon Rabbi JEHUDA BEN BABA ( lest Ordination should fail in Israel ) went forth , and standing between two great Mountains , and two great Citys , and between two Sabbathdays journys from Osa and Sephara , ordain'd five Presbyters . For this Feat the Rabbi is remember'd by the Talmudists under the name of Ordinator ; but the same , as it follows , being discover'd by the Roman Guards , they shot his Body thro with so many Darts , as made it like a Sive : Yet staid not the business here , but so obstinat continu'd the Jews in the Superstition to which this kind of Ordination was now grown , that wheras by the same it was unlawful for them to ordain in a foren Land , and at home they could not be brought to abstain , the Emperor banish'd them all out of their own Country ; whence happen'd their total Dispersion . That of a Chap. 4 thing which at the first was a mere delusion , such Religion should com in time , and with education to be made that not only they who had receiv'd advantage could suffer Martyrdom , but they that had lost by it , would be utterly lost for it , were admirable in the case of this People , if it were not common in the case of most in the World at this day : Custom may bring that to be receiv'd as an Ordinance of God , for which there is no color in Scripture . For to consult MAIMONIDES a little better upon this point : Wheras , says he , they grant , in case it should happen that in all the Holy Land there remain'd but one Presbyter , that Presbyter , assisted by two other Israelites , might ordain the seventy , or great Sanhedrim , and the Sanhedrim so constituted might constitute and ordain the lesser Courts , I am of opinion that were there no Presbyter in the Land , yet if all the Wise Men of Israel should agree to constitute or ordain Judges , they might do it lawfully enoug . But if so , then how coms it to pass that our Ancestors have bin so solicitous , lest Judicature should fail in Israel ? Surely for no other cause than that from the time of the Captivity the Israelites were so dispers'd that they could not upon like occasions be brought together . Now I appeal whether the clear Words of MAIMONIDES , where he says , that our Master MOSES ordain'd the Sanhedrim by the Chirothesia , be not more clearly and strongly contradicted in this place , than affirm'd in the other , since acknowleging that if the People could assemble , they might ordain the Sanhedrim , he gives it for granted , that when they did assemble , they had power to ordain it ; and that MOSES did assemble them upon this occasion , is plain in Scripture . Again , if the power of Ordination falls ultimatly to the People , there is not a stronger argument in Nature that it is thence primarily deriv'd . To conclude , the Chirothesia of the Presbyterian Party in Israel is thus confess'd by the Author no otherwise necessary , than thro the defect of the Chirotonia of the People : which Ingenuity of the Talmudist , for any thing that has yet past , might be worthy the imitation of Divines . IN tracking the Jews from the restitution of their Commonwealth after the Captivity to their dispersion , it seems that the later Monarchy in Israel was occasion'd by the Oligarchy , the Oligarchy by the Aristocracy , and the Aristocracy by the Chirothesia ; but that this Monarchy , tho erected by magnanimous and popular Princes , could be no less than Tyranny deriv'd from another Principle , that is , the insufficiency of the balance : For tho from the time of the Captivity , the Jubile was no more in use , yet the Virgin MARY as an Heiress , is affirm'd by som to have bin marri'd to JOSEPH by virtue of this Law : Every Daughter that possesses an Inheritance in any Tribe of the Children of Israel , shall be Wife to one of the Family of the Tribe of her Fathers , &c. By which the Popular Agrarian may be more than suspected to have bin of greater vigor than would admit of a well-balanc'd Monarchy . THE second Presbytery , which is now attain'd to a well balanc'd Empire in the Papacy , has infinitly excel'd the pattern , the Lands of Italy being most of them in the Church . This , if I had leisure , might be track'd by the very same steps : At first it consisted of the seventy Parish Priests , or Presbyters of Rome ; now seventy Cardinals creating to themselves a High Priest , or Prince of their Sanhedrim , the Pope , but for the Superstition wherto he has brought Religion , Book II and continues by his Chirothesia to hold it , a great and a Reverend Monarch , establish'd upon a solid Foundation , and governing by an exquisit Policy , not only well balanc'd at home , but deeply rooted in the greatest Monarchys of Christendom , where the Clergy by virtue of their Lands are one of the three States . THE Maxims of Rome are profound ; for there is no making use of Princes without being necessary to them , nor have they any regard to that Religion which dos not regard Empire . All Monarchys of the Gothic Model , that is to say , where the Clergy by virtue of their Lands are a third estate , subsist by the Pope , whose Religion creating a reverence in the People , and bearing an aw upon the Prince , preserves the Clergy , that else being unarm'd , becom a certain Prey to the King or the People ; and where this happens ( as in HENRY the Eighth ) down gos the Throne ; for so much as the Clergy loses , falls out of the Monarchical into the Popular Scale . Where a Clergy is a third Estate , Popular Government wants Earth , and can never grow : but where they dy at the root , a Prince may sit a while , but is not safe ; nor is it in nature ( except he has a Nobility or Gentry able without a Clergy to give balance to the People ) that he should subsist long or peaceably : For wherever a Government is sounded on an Army , as in the Kings of Israel or Emperors of Rome , there the saddest Tragedys under Heaven are either on the Stage , or in the Tiring-house . These things consider'd , the Chirothesia being originally nothing else but a way of Policy excluding the People , where it attains not to a balance that is sufficient for this purpose , brings forth Oligarchy or Tyranny , as among the Jews : And where it attains to a balance sufficient to this end , produces Monarchy , as in the Papacy , and in all Gothic Kingdoms . THE Priests of Aegypt , where ( as it is describ'd by SICULUS ) their Revenue came to the third part of the Realm , would no question have bin exactly well fitted with the Chirothesia pretended to by modern Divines . Suppose the Apostles had planted the Christian Religion in those Parts , and the Priests had bin all converted , I do not think that Divines will say , that having alter'd their Religion they needed to have deserted their being a third Estate , their overbalance to the People , their Lands , their Preeminence in the Government , or any part of their Policy for that : and I am as far from saying so as themselves . ON the other side , as PAUL was a Citizen of Rome , let us suppose him to have bin a Citizen of Athens , and about ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to constitute the Christian Religion in this Commonwealth , where any Citizen might speak to the People : Imagin then he should have said thus : Men of Athens , that which you ignorantly seek I bring to you , the true Religion ; but to receive this , you must not alter your former Belief only , but your antient Customs . Your Political Assemblys have bin hitherto call'd Ecclesiae ; this word must lose the antient sense , and be no more understood but of Spiritual Consistorys ; and so wher as it has bin of a Popular , it must henceforth be of an Aristocratical , or Presbyterian signification . For your Chirotonia , that also must follow the same rule ; insomuch as on whomsoever one or more of the Aristocracy or Presbytery shall lay their hands , the same is understood by virtue of that Action to be chirotoniz'd . How well would this have sounded in Aegypt , and how ill in Athens ? Certainly the Policy of the Church of CHRIST admits of more Prudence Chap. 5 and Temperament in these things : Tho the Apostles being Jews themselves , satisfy'd the converted Jews that were us'd to Aristocracy , by retaining somwhat of their Constitutions , as the Chirothesia ; yet when PAUL and BARNABAS com to constitute in Popular Commonwealths , they are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Chirotonizing them Elders in every Congregation . CHAP. V. Whether the Chirotonia mention'd in the fourteenth of the Acts be indeed , as is pretended by Dr. HAMMOND , Dr. SEAMAN , and the Authors they follow , the same with the Chirothesia , or a far different thing . In which are contain'd the divers kinds of Church-Government introduc'd and exercis'd in the age of the Apostles . EITHER I have impertinently intruded upon the Politics , or cannot be said so much to meddle in Church matters , as Churchmen may be said to have meddled in State matters : For if the Chirotonia be Election by the many , and the Chirothesia be Election by one , or by the Few , the whole difference between Popular and Monarchical Government falls upon these two words ; and so the question will be , Whether the Scriptures were intended more for the advantage of a Prince , of a Hierarchy or Presbytery , than of the People . But that God in the Old Testament instituted the Chirotonia , not only in the Commonwealth , as by the Election of the Sanhedrim , but in the Monarchy , as in the Election of the Kings , is plain : So if there remains any advantage in Scripture to Kings , to the Hierarchy or Presbytery , it must be in the New Testament . Israel was God's chosen People , and God was Israel's chosen King : That God was pleas'd to bow the Heavens , and com down to them , was his choice , not theirs ; but in that upon his Proposition , and those of his Servant MOSES , they resolv'd to obey his Voice , and keep his Covenant , they chose him their King. In like manner , the Church is CHRIST'S chosen People , and CHRIST is the Church's chosen King. That CHRIST taking flesh was pleas'd to bow the Heavens , and com down in a more familiar capacity of proposing himself to Mankind , was his own choice , not theirs : but in that the Church upon his Proposition , or those of his Apostles sent by him , as he was sent by the Father , resolv'd to obey his Voice , and keep his Covenant , she has chosen him her King. Whatever in Nature or in Grace , in Church or in State , is chosen by Man according to the Will of God , is chosen by God , of whom is both the Will and the Deed. Which things consider'd , I wonder at Dr. HAMMOND , who says , Sure the Jewish and Heathen Citys , to whom the Gospel by CHRIST'S Command was to be preach'd , were not to chuse their Guides or Teachers . CHRIST was not chosen by them to whom he preach'd ; for says he , ye have not chosen me . He came from Heaven , sent by his Father on that Errand ; and happy they whom he was thus pleas'd to chuse , to call , Book II and preach to . And when his Apostles , after his example , go and preach to all Nations , and actually gather Disciples , they chose their Auditors , and not their Auditors them . To make short work , I shall answer by explaining his Words as they fall . A ROMAN chusing whether he would speak to the Senat or the People , chose his Auditors , and not they him : Nevertheless if it were the Consul , they chose him , and not he them . It is one thing to be a Speaker to a People , that have the liberty , when that 's don , to do as they think fit ; and another thing to be a Guide , whom the People have consented , or oblig'd themselves to follow : which distinction not regarded , makes the rest of his Argumentation recoil upon himself ; while he procedes thus : And they that give up their Names to the Obedience of the Gospel ( chose the Preachers , as I should think , of that Gospel their Guides ) one branch of this Obedience obliges them ( by their own consent it seems , because before they gave up their Names ) to observe those that ( being thus plac'd over them by their consent ) are plac'd over them by God : such not only are their Civil Magistrats ( who succede to their places by , and govern according to the Laws which the People have chosen ) but also their Pastors , whom the Holy Ghost either mediatly ( according to the Rules of Church Disciplin in Scripture ) or immediatly ( upon som such miraculous Call , as the People shall judg to be no imposture ) has set over them . From which words the Doctor , not considering those Qualifications I have shewn all along to be naturally inherent in them , concludes that a Bishop is made by the Holy Ghost , and not by the People . IF he would stand to this yet it were somthing ; for if the Holy Ghost makes a Bishop , then I should think that the Holy Ghost ordain'd a Bishop , and so that the Election and Ordination of a Bishop were all one . But this hereafter will appear to be a more dangerous Concession than perhaps you may yet apprehend . Wherfore when all is don , you will not find Divines , at least Dr. HAMMOND , to grant that the Holy Ghost can ordain : he may elect indeed , and that is all ; but there is no Ordination without the Chirothesia of the Bishops , or of the Presbytery . Take the Doctor 's word for it . WHEN St. PAUL says of the Bishops of Asia , that the Holy Ghost had set them Overseers , I suppose that it is to be understood of their Election or Nomination to those Dignitys : for so CLEMENT speaks of St. JOHN , who constituted Bishops of those that were signify'd by the Spirit ; where the Spirit 's Signification notes the Election or Nomination of the Persons , but the constituting them was the Ordination of St. JOHN . GOD may propose , as the Electors do to the great Council of Venice ; but the Power of the Council , that is , to resolve or ordain , is in the Bishop , says Dr. HAMMOND , and in the Presbytery , says Dr. SEAMAN . Indeed that Election and Ordination be distinct things , is to Divines of so great importance , that losing this hold , they lose all : For , as I said before , whatever is chosen by Man according to the Will of God , that is , according to Divine Law , whether natural or positive , the same , whether in State or Church , is chosen by God , or by the Holy Ghost , of whom is both the Will and the Deed. To evade this , and keep all in their own hands , or Chirothesia , Divines have invented this distinction , that Election is one thing , and Ordination another : God may elect , but they must constitute ; that is , God may propose , but they must resolve . And yet GROTIUS , who in these things is a great Champion for the Clergy , has little Chap. 5 more to say upon this Point than this . Whether we consider antient or modern Times , we shall find the manner of Election very different , not only in different Ages and Countrys , but in different years of the same age , and places of the same Country ; so uncertain it is to determin of that which the Scripture has left uncertain . And while men dispute not of Right , but of Convenience , it is wonderful to see what probable Arguments are brought on all sides . Give me CYPRIAN and his times , there is no danger in popular Election . Give me the Nicene Fathers , and let the Bishops take it willingly . Give me THEODOSIUS , VALENTINIAN , and CHARLES the Great , than Royal Election there is nothing safer . Upon the heels of these Words treads Dr. HAMMOND in this manner : That Election and Ordination are several things , is sufficiently known to every man that measures the nature of Words either by usage or Dictionarys ; only for the convincing of such as think not themselves oblig'd to the observation of so vulgar Laws , I shall propose these evidences . In the Story of the Creation of the Deacons of Jerusalem , there are two things distinctly set down , one propos'd to the multitude of Disciples to be don by them , another reserv'd to the Apostles ; that which was propos'd to the Multitude was to elect , &c. Election of the Persons was by the Apostles permitted to them , but still the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) constituting is reserv'd to the Apostles . Then coms Dr. SEAMAN : Be it granted , as it is by Protestants generally , that PAUL and BARNABAS made Elders with the consent of the People , their Consent is one thing , and their Power another . WHERE in the first place I for my particular , who have had the Books of Dr. HAMMOND and Dr. SEAMAN sent to me by way of Objection , need not go a step further . All that I have inserted in my Oceana concerning Ordination , is in these three Votes acknowledg'd and confirm'd : For the Probationer to be there sent by a University to a Cure that is vacant , may by a Doctor , or the Doctors of the same University already ordain'd , receive Imposition of Hands , if that be thought fit to be added , and then the Election of the same Probationer by the People dos no hurt , nay , says GROTIUS , is of the right of Nature ; for it is naturally permitted to every Congregation to procure those things which are necessary to their conservation , of which number is the Application of Function . So Merchants have the right of electing of a Master of their Ship ; Travellers of a Guide in their way , and a free People of their King. The Merchant , it seems , dos not make the Master of his Ship , the Traveller his Guide , nor the free People their King , but elect them . As if VAN TRUMP had bin Admiral , a Robber upon the Highway had bin a Scout , or the Guide of an Army , or SAUL a King before they were elected . The point is very nice , which instead of proving , he illustrats in the beginning of the same Chapter by these three similitudes . THE first is this , The Power of the Husband is from God , the Application of this Power to a certain Person is from consent , by which nevertheless the right is not given ; for if this were by consent , the Matrimony might be dissolv'd by consent , which cannot be . As if an apparent retraction of Matrimonial Consent , as when a Wife consents to another than her own Husband , or commits Adultery , did not deliver a man from the bond of Marriage by the Judgments of CHRIST . There is an imperfection or cruelty in those Laws , which make Marriage to Book II last longer than a man in humanity may be judg'd to be a Husband , or a Woman a Wife : To think that Religion destroys Humanity , or to think that there is any defending of that by Religion which will not hold in Justice , or natural Equity , is a vast error . THE second Similitude is this : Imperial Power is not in the Princes that are Electors of the Empire ; wherfore it is not given by them , but applied by them to a certain Person . THIS is answer'd by PETER , where he commands Obedience to every Ordinance of Man ( or , as som nearer the Original , every Power created by men ) whether it be to the Roman Emperor as Supreme , or to the Proconsuls of Asia and Phrygia , as sent by him ; for this is the sense of the Greec , and thus it is interpreted by GROTIUS . Now if the then Roman Emperor were a Creature of Man , why not the now Roman Emperor ? THE last Similitude runs thus : The Power of Life and Death is not in the Multitude before they be a Commonwealth ; for no privat Man has the right of Revenge ; yet it is appli'd by them to som Man , or Political Body of Men. But if a man invades the Life of another , that other , whether under Laws or not under Laws , has the right to defend his own Life , even by taking away that ( if there be no other probable Remedy ) of the Invader . So that men are so far from having bin vo●d of the power of Life and Death before they came under Laws , that Laws can never be so made as wholly to deprive them of it after they com under them : wherfore the power of Life and Death is deriv'd by the Magistrat from , and confer'd upon him by the consent or Chirotonia of the People , wherof he is but a mere Creature ; that is to say , an Ordinance of Man. THUS these Candles being so far from lighting the House , that they dy in the Socket , GROTIUS has bin no less bountiful than to grant us that the People have as much right ( where there is no human Creature or Law to the contrary ) to elect their Churchmen , as Merchants have to elect their Seamen , Travellers their Guides , or a free People their King ; which is enough a conscience . Nor is Dr. HAMMOND straiter handed : Election , says he , was permitted by the Apostles to the Multitude , and therfore the same may be allow'd , always provided the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) constituting be reserv'd to the Pastors , or ordain'd Doctors and Preachers . And Dr. SEAMAN , upon condition the People will not say that it was don by their power , but think it fair that it was don by their consent , is also very well contented . So all stands streight with what I have heretofore propos'd . Let no man then say , whatever follows , that I drive at any Ends or Interests , these being already fully obtain'd and granted ; nevertheless for truth sake I cannot leave this Discourse imperfect . If a Politician should say that the Election and the Ordination of a Roman Consul or Pontifex were not of like nature ; that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Contract of the Senat of Rome with the People in the Election of NUMA ( ut cum populus regem jussisset , id sic ratum esset , si patres autores fierent ) included or impli'd the Soverain power to be in the Fathers ; that the Consent of this People was one thing , and their Power another : if , I say , he should affirm these or the like in Athens , Lacedemon , or any other Commonwealth that is or has bin under the Sun , there would be nothing under the Sun more ridiculous than that Politician . But should men pretending to Government of any kind be not oblig'd to som consideration of these Rules in Nature Chap. 5 and universal Experience ; yet I wonder how the word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to constitute , with which they make such a flourish , did not lead them , otherwise than they follow ; this , as it was said of SOLON by ARISTOTLE , being that which I have already shewn to be us'd both in the Greec of the Scripture , for the constitution of the Sanhedrim by MOSES , and in other Authors for that of the Senat by ROMULUS , each of which was then elected by the People : whence it may appear plainly that this is no word , as they pretend , to exclude popular Suffrage , but rather to imply it . And indeed that it is of no such nature as necessarily to include Power , could not have bin overseen in the New Testament , but voluntarily where ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) they are signify'd by it that conducted PAUL . But they have Miracles : such indeed as have neither words nor reason for them , had need of Miracles . And where are these same Miracles ? why the Apostles by the Chirothesia or laying on of hands confer'd the Holy Ghost . So they did not only when they us'd that Ceremony in reference to Ordination , but when they us'd it not in that relation , as to those that were newly baptiz'd in Samaria , Men and Women : now it is not probable , that these , who should seem to have bin numerous , were all ordain'd , at least the Women ; and so the Miracle is to be attributed to the Hands of the Apostles , and not to Ordination in general . JOSHUA was full of the Spirit ( not because he had bin ordain'd by the Chirothesia , for so had many of them that crucify'd CHRIST and persecuted the Apostles , but ) because MOSES had laid his hands upon him . WOULD Divines be contented that we should argue thus ; The Chirotonia or Suffrage of the People of Israel at the first institution was follow'd with miraculous Indowments , therfore whoever is elected by the People shall have the like ? Or what have they to shew why the Argument is more holding as to their Chirothesia , seeing for above one thousand years all the Hierarchy and Presbytery laid together have don no more Miracles than a Parish Clerc ? A CONTINU'D Miracle , as that the Sea ebs and flows , the Sun always runs his admirable course , is Nature . Intermitted Nature , as that the waters of the Red Sea were mountains , that the Sun stood still in the Dial of AHAZ , is a Miracle . To continue the latter kind of Miracle were to destroy the former , that is , to dissolve Nature . Wherfore this is a certain rule , that no continu'd external Act can be in the latter sense miraculous . Now Government , whether in Church or State , is equally a continu'd external Act. An internal continu'd Act may indeed be natural , or supernatural , as Faith. A NATURAL Man , being even in his own natural apprehension fearfully and wonderfully made , is by the continu'd Miracle of Nature convinc'd that the World had a Creator , and so coms to believe in that which is supernatural ; whence it is that all Nations have had som Religion : and a Spiritual Man being convinc'd by the purity of CHRIST'S Doctrin , and the Miracles wherby it was first planted , is brought to the Christian Faith. However CHRIST may require such continu'd Faith or Spiritual exercise of his Church as is supernatural , he requires not any such continu'd Act or bodily exercise of his Church as is supernatural . But the Government of the Church is a continu'd Act , or bodily exercise . It should be heeded that to delude the sense is not to do Miracles , but to use Imposture . Now to persuade Book II us , That Monarchical , Aristocratical , Popular , or mixt Government have not always bin in Nature , or that there has ever bin any other in the Church , were to delude sense . Wherfore give me leave ( in which I am confident I shall use no manner of Irreverence to the Scripture , but on the contrary make the right use of it ) to discourse upon Church-Government according to the rules of Prudence . THE Gospel was intended by Christ to be preach'd to all Nations , which ( Princes and States being above all things exceding tenacious of their Power ) is to me a certain Argument that the Policy of the Church must be so provided for , as not to give any of them just cause of Jealousy , there being nothing more likely to obstruct the growth of Religion : and truly the nearer I look to the Scripture , the more I am confirm'd in this opinion . CHRIST being taken up into Heaven , the first Ordination that we find was that of the Apostle MATTHIAS after this manner . THE Aristocracy of the Church , that is the Apostles , assembl'd the whole Congregation of Disciples or Believers at Jerusalem , being in number one hundred and twenty , where PETER ( it having as it should seem bin so agreed by the Apostles ) was Proposer ; who standing up in the midst of the Disciples , acquainted them , that wheras JUDAS was gon to his place , the occasion of their present meeting was to elect another Apostle in his room : wherupon proceding to the Suffrage , they appointed two Competitors , JOSEPH and MATTHIAS , whose names being written each in a several Scrol , were put into one Urn , and at the same time two other Lots , wherof one was a blank , and the other inscrib'd with the word Apostle , were put into another Urn ; which don , they pray'd and said , Thou Lord which knowest the hearts of all men , shew whether of these two thou hast chosen . The Prayer being ended , they gave forth their Lots , and the Lot fell upon MATTHIAS ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and by this Psephisma ( the very popular word , and not only so , but being apply'd to the Ballot , is the very literal and original signification ) he was added to the eleven Apostles . So you have the first way of Ordination in the Church , after Christ was taken up into Heaven , perform'd by the Election or Chirotonia of the whole Church . NOW except any man can shew that MATTHIAS ever receiv'd the imposition of hands , these several things are already demonstrated . First , that the Chirotonia is not only the more antient way of Ordination in the Commonwealth of Israel , but in the Church of CHRIST . Secondly , that the Chirothesia or imposition of Hands is no way necessary to Ordination in the Christian Church . Thirdly , that the Disciplin of the Christian Church was primitively Popular ; for to say that in regard of the Apostles it was Aristocratical , is to forget that there is no such thing , without a mixture of Aristocracy , that is without the Senat , as a Popular Government in Nature . Fourthly , that Ordination in the Commonwealth of Oceana being exactly after this pattern , is exactly according to the Disciplin of the Church of CHRIST . And fifthly , that Ordination and Election in this example are not two , but one and the same thing . THE last of these Propositions having bin affirm'd by Mr. HOBS , Dr. HAMMOND tells him plainly , that his assertion is far from all truth : Let us therfore consider the Doctor 's Reasons , which are these ; Seeing the Congregtion , says he , is affirm'd by the Gentleman to have ordain'd , and it is plain by the words of St. LUKE that God elected , Election Chap. 5 and Ordination by this Example must be distinct things : which in another place going about to fortify with this Argument , That it was don by Lottery , and SOLOMON says , The Lot is at the disposing of the Lord , he utterly overthrows without and beyond help ; for in this SOLOMON not denying , but rather affirming that he was chosen King by the People , plainly shews that Election by the People is Election by God. Where it is affirm'd , that God rais'd up Judges in Israel , it is not deny'd that the People elected them . The Doctor is at it in MAIMONIDES more than once , that the Divine Majesty rested upon such as were ordain'd by Imposition of Hands . But wheras it is affirm'd by MAIMONIDES more often , that when the People ( Ecclesia Dei ) or Congregation of Israel assembl'd , then the Divine Majesty , or the Holy Ghost rested upon them ; of this he never takes any notice . The People , whether in Israel , Athens , Lacedemon , or Rome , never assembl'd for enacting of Laws , or Election of Magistrats , without Sacrifice and imploring the assistance of God , to whom when their work was perform'd , they always attributed the whole Result or Election : and would the Doctor have Christians to allow him but a Piece ? For wheras God electing there had in the sense both of Jews and Heathens , his choice of all , God electing here had in the sense of Divines , but his choice of two , which were next this or none , but that indeed where he has not the whole he has none at all . Is that then far from all truth , which the Gentleman , or that which the Divine has said , either in this part , or where he adds , that the hundred and twenty in the Text are never mention'd but once , and then it is in a Parenthesis ? I will but transcribe the place . AND in those days PETER stood up in the midst of the Disciples , and said ( the number of the Names together were about an hundred and twenty ) &c. Are the Disciples in the Parenthesis , or out of it ? Are they but once mention'd , and that is in a Parenthesis ? Or are they but once number'd , and that is in a Parenthesis ? If a Gentleman should do thus , what would they say ? Or , what were ill enough to be said ? But to mend the Text , and bring the Disciples into the Parenthesis , they have more ways than one ; wheras the Heathen People , while the Priests were willing , mix'd these Dutys with Devotions , Divines will not suffer a Christian People upon like occasions to pray : for where it is said , They pray'd , it went before , they appointed two , and it follows , They gave out their Lots ; which antecedent and consequent , if the People pray'd , must be equally understood of them , and so they could be no Parenthesis . Therfore pray they must not , or Divines are lost . But how will they silence them ? To shew you this art I must transcribe the Heads of the Chapter . THE Apostles being return'd from Mount Olivet to Jerusalem , went up into an upper room , where abode both PETER and JAMES , and JOHN , and ANDREW , JAMES the Son of ALPHEUS , and SIMON ZELOTES , and JUDAS the Brother of JAMES . AND in those days PETER stood up in the midst of the Disciples , and said ( the number of Names together were about one hundred and twenty ) MEN and Brethren , OF these men which accompany'd with us all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out among us , Book II MVST one be ordain'd to be a Witness with us of his Resurrection . AND they appointed two , JOSEPH and MATTHIAS . AND they pray'd , and said , Thou Lord which knowest the hearts of all men , shew whether of these two thou hast chosen . AND they gave forth their Lots , and the Lot fell upon MATTHIAS , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . THEY whom PETER acquainted that one must be ordain'd , one would verily believe were the hundred and twenty Disciples , in the midst of whom he stood up , and made the Proposition ; and so much the rather , because this was no more than the Apostles knew before , and ( in all right understanding of Government and Sense ) were already agreed upon , it being the Office of the Aristocracy or Senat in a Commonwealth ( and such exactly were the Apostles in the Church ) upon all new Orders or Elections to be made ; first , to debate and determin by themselves , and then to propose to the Chirotonia or ultimat result of the People . But Divines say absolutely no , which word to make good , They appointed two , and they pray'd , and they gave forth their Lots , being sentences that stand plainly together , or hunt in couples , must leap sheer over nine Verses , PETER'S whole Oration ( which by this means is no more than a Parenthesis neither ) and over the hundred and twenty Disciples , without touching a hair of their heads , to light plum upon the thirteenth Verse , and the eleven Apostles ! Never man us'd his Grammar so since he threw it at a Pear tree ! Yet that CHRYSOSTOM ( who understood Greec ) allows of no such construction , is confess'd by the learnedst of this opinion ; and wheras they fly to the Latin Fathers , that retreat is wholly cut off by DAVID BLUNDEL in his very learned Treatise of the right of the People in Church-Government . BUT what do we stand upon words ? Are these such wherof the things to which they relate may be Interpreters ? Or to what things can they relate but the Institution of the Sanhedrim by MOSES ? That at the Institution of the Sanhedrim the Competitors were elected by the Suffrage of the People , and from thence that the Ballot of Israel consisted not only of a Lot but of a Suffrage too , has bin already demonstrated out of Scripture ; and that the Election of MATTHIAS was by the Ballot of Israel is no less apparent in it self , than fully confess'd upon the place by GROTIUS . THEY that under color of Religion in matter of Government , slight Prudence , are mistaken , or do not mean honestly . Neither GOD nor CHRIST ever instituted any Policy whatsoever upon any other Principles than those of Human Prudence . The Embassadors sent from the Gibeonits to JOSHUA deliver their Message in this manner ; The Elders and all the Inhabitants of our Country spake to us , saying , Go meet them , and say to them , We are your Servants ; therfore now make ye a League with us . They that had power to send Embassadors , and to make a League with a foren Nation , had soverain Power ; this soverain Power was in the Elders , or Senat , and in the People of Gibeon : wherfore God constituting his Commonwealth for the main Orders ( that is to say , the Senat and the People ) upon the same Principles on which the Gibeonits had long before built theirs , laid his Foundations upon no other than human Prudence . So for the inferior Courts they were transcrib'd by MOSES out of the Commonwealth of Midian , upon advice of JETHRO his Father in Law. According to such patterns was Chap. 5 Israel fram'd , and by that of Israel this first Policy of the Church of CHRIST so exactly , as ( sans comparaison ) any man shall shew the Commonwealth of Oceana to have bin transcrib'd out of Rome or Venice . Let them that would have the Government be somwhat between Earth and Heaven , consider this place . NOR is Ecclesiastical Policy only subject to Human Prudence , but to the same vicissitudes also wherto Human Prudence is subject , both in her own nature , and as she is obnoxious to the State wherin she is planted , and that inavoidably ; as I com now to demonstrat by the Alterations which happen'd even in the Age of the Apostles themselves : for this at the Election of MATTHIAS being alter'd , the next form of Ecclesiastical Policy introduc'd in their times , is resembl'd by GROTIUS to that of Athens , of which , for the better clearing of what follows , it is necessary that I first say somthing by way of Introduction . THE Thesmothetae , being in number six , were Magistrats of the highest dignity , power , and rank in Athens . These , says ARISTOTLE , were elected by the Chirotonia or Suffrage of the People ; and says , POLLUX being elected underwent the Inquisition of the Senat , where they were to answer to these Interrogatorys , Whether they worship'd the God of their Countrys ? Whether they had bin dutiful to their Parents ? born Arms for the Commonwealth ? paid Dutys or Taxes ? In which Particulars the Senat being satisfy'd , They were sworn and crown'd with Mirtle : which coms to this , that the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or Constitution being reserv'd to the Senat , the Thesmothetae were elected by the Chirotonia of the People . Now tho the Government of Athens throout the Citys of Asia ( being most of them of the like Model ) was most known , I will not say that the Apostles wrote their Orders out of Athens , but seeing all Political Institutions must needs be according to Human Prudence , and there is nothing to be written out of this but what will fall even with som other Government that is or has bin , I may say , as GROTIUS has said before me , that the frame of Church Government in the insuing Example was after the manner of Athens . WHEN the number of the Disciples , or Believers , was multiply'd , there arose a murmuring among such of the Jews as having bin bred in Alexandria or other parts , were for their Language ( which was Greec ) partly strangers , against the Hebrews or converted Jews , that spoke their own Language , as if these indeed us'd them like strangers , their Widows being neglected , or not dealt so liberally withal , as those of the Hebrews in the Contributions due for their constant maintenance . HEREUPON the twelve Apostles , after the manner of the Senat , having without all question debated the business among themselves , as appears by the speech upon which they were agreed , assembl'd the People , which is still Senatorian , or call'd the multitude of the Disciples to them , and said , It is not reason that we should leave preaching , or the Word of God , to be taken up with this , tho charitable , nay , seeing we have introduc'd Community of goods , most just and necessary imployment of providing Food and Clothing for every one of our Fellowship or Community ( the Christians in these times , much after the manner of the Lacedemonian Convives , us'd to eat in public and together ) to do this as it ought to be don , were to becom Book II Caterers , and be taken up in serving Tables . Wherfore , Brethren , ( take the wise men and understanding , and known among you ) look out seven men of honest report , full of the Holy Ghost , and of Wisdom ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) whom we may appoint over this business . THIS Saying , that is , this Proposition of the Senat or Apostles , pleas'd the whole Multitude ( like that of MOSES , the thing which thou hast said is good for us to do ) So they chose STEPHEN , PHILIP , PROCHORUS , NICANOR , TIMON , PARMENAS , and NICHOLAS , whom being elected , they set before the Apostles , who when they had pray'd , laid their hands upon them . WHAT fuller demonstration can be given of any thing , than that in this example Ordination and Election are one and the same , and that this was confer'd by the Chirotonia of the People ? If there be any possible way of making this clearer , it must be by opposition : wherfore let us see what Divines have to say to the contrary . GROTIVS gives all we ask from this place , which he gives for nothing , because it concerns not the Election of Pastors , but of Deacons . As if STEPHEN and PHILIP had not only bin Preachers of the Gospel , but don Miracles . What Dr. SEAMAN denys or grants in relation to the same , I have indeavor'd to understand , but it will not do . Dr. HAMMOND is so plain , that his Objections may be of use . He , to prove that the Ordination of these Deacons was not in the Chirotonia of their Disciples , but in the Chirothesia of the Apostles , has these Arguments . THERE be two things distinctly set down , Election permitted to the People , and the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) constituting reserv'd to the Apostles . TO which I answer , That there were two things set down by the Athenian Law , Election of the Thesmothetae by the People , and the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) constituting of them by the Senat ; yet that the Ordination was in the Power , and that the Power was in the People of Athens : he that makes a doubt , is not resolv'd whether the most popular Commonwealth that ever was were a Démocracy . BUT , says he , this looking out of men , or chusing , was permitted to the Multitude by the Apostles with these three bounds : First , to take seven , neither more nor fewer : Secondly , those men generally known and well reputed of : And thirdly , full of the Spirit , and of Discretion or parts ●it for Government . To which I answer , That the Election of the Thesmothetae was permitted by the Law to the People of Athens with these three bounds ; First to take six , neither more nor fewer : Secondly , those generally known and reputed of : Thirdly , in such estimation for their honesty and ability for Government , as in their consciences ( to which also they made Oath ) they should judg fittest for the Commonwealth . Yet is all this so far from any proof that Athens was no Democracy , or that the Soverain Power , whether in enacting of Laws , or election of Magistrats by the Lot or the Suffrage ( Institutions equally popular ) was not in the People , that it amounts to the strongest argument that the People were Soverain , and the Commonwealth was Democratical . Could Truth desire greater advantage than redounds from such opposition ? We have another example of the same Model , in which , because it has bin paraphras'd upon already in the Introduction , I shall be briefer here . In the Church of Antioch , where the Disciples were now becom so numerous , that they began to be call'd Christians , Chap. 5 there were among them Prophets : so being assembl'd on occasion , as I conceive , of giving an extraordinary Commission after the manner of the people of Athens when they elected Ambassadors , or ( that I may avoid strife upon a point so indifferent ) to chuse two new Apostles , The Holy Ghost said , Separat me BARNABAS and SAUL for the Work wherto I have appointed them : that is ( for so it is render'd by all Interpreters ) the Holy Ghost spake those words by the mouths of the Prophets . Now the Prophets being well known for such , this Suffrage of theirs was no sooner given , than ( as one that can allow Prophets to be leading men may easily think ) follow'd by all the rest of the Congregation : So the whole multitude having fasted and pray'd , the most eminent among them , or the Senatorian Order in that Church , laid their hands upon PAUL and BARNABAS , who being thus sent forth by the Holy Ghost , departed to Seleucia . TO evade this apparent Election , or Chirotonia of the whole Congregation , wherby these Apostles or Ambassadors to the Churches of the Gentils were ordain'd , Divines have nothing to say , but that they were elected by the Holy Ghost : As if the Chirotonia of the People were more exclusive to election by the Holy Ghost , than the Chirothesia of the Aristocracy , for which in the mean time they contend . But if neither of these were indeed exclusive of the Holy Ghost , how is it possible in this frame ( where tho of natural necessity an Aristocracy must have bin included , yet the Aristocracy is not in the Text so much as distinguish'd from the People , or once nam'd ) that the Power , and so the Ordination should not have bin in the People ? The Council of the Apostles , of the Elders , and of the whole Church at Jerusalem , and other Councils , not of Apostles , nor of the whole Church , in other times or places , us'd this form in their Acts ; It seems good to the Holy Ghost , and to us : But dos this , whether a true or a pretended stile , exclude that Act from being an Act of that whole Council ? Or how coms it to pass that because PAUL and BARNABAS were separated by the Holy Ghost , they were not ordain'd by the Chirotonia of the whole Christian People at Antioch ? THE Chirothesia can be no otherwise understood in nature , nor ever was in the Commonwealth of the Jews , than Election by the few : And so even under the mere Chirothesia , Ordination and Election were not two , but one and the same thing . If MOSES ordain'd JOSHUA his Successor by the Chirothesia , he elected JOSHUA his Successor by the Chirothesia ; and for what reason must it be otherwise with the Chirotonia ? That a Pharisee could do more with one hand ▪ or a pair of hands , than a Christian Church or Congregation can do with all their hands , is a Doctrin very much for the honor of the true Religion , and a soverain Maxim of Ecclesiastical Policy . THE third Constitution of Church-Government in Scripture ( whether consisting of Bishops or Presbyters , between which at this time a man shall hardly find a difference ) runs wholly upon the Aristocracy , without mention of the People , and is therfore compar'd by GROTIUS to the Sanhedrim of Israel , as that came to be in these days ; from whence Divines also generally and truly confess that it was taken up : to which I shall need to add no more , than that it is an Order for which there is no Precept , either in the Old Testament of God , or in the New Testament of Christ . This therfore thus taken up by the Book II Apostles from the Jews , is a clear demonstration that the Government of the Church , in what purity soever of the Times , nay tho under the inspection of the Apostles themselves , has bin obnoxious to that of the State wherin it was planted . The Sanhedrim , from the institution of the Chirothesia , for a constant Order , consisted of no other Senators than such only as had bin ordain'd by the Imposition of Hands ; which came now to be confer'd by the Prince , in the presence , or with the assistance of the Sanhedrim . The same Order was observ'd by the Jewish Synagogues , of which each had her Archon ; nor would the Jews converted to the Christian Faith , relinquish the Law of MOSES , wherto this way of Ordination , among other things , tho erroneously , was vulgarly attributed : whence in the Church , where it consisted of converted Jews , Ordination was confer'd by the Archon , or first in order of the Presbytery , with the assistance of the rest . Hence PAUL , in one place , exhorts TIMOTHY thus : Neglect not the Gift that is in thee , which was given thee by Prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . And in another thus : Wherfore I put thee in remembrance , that thou stir up the Gift of God which is in thee by the putting on of my hands . I GRANT Divines , that Ordination by this time was wholly in the Presbytery ; what say they then to the distinction of Ordination and Election ? Are these still two distinct things , or may we hence , at least , compute them to be one and the same ? If they say Yes , why then might they not have bin so before ? If they say No , who in this place , but the Presbytery , elected ? Why , says Dr. HAMMOND , it is plain that the Spirit of Prophecy elected . But to give account of no more than is already perform'd , were the spirit of History rather than of Prophecy , to which it appertains to tell things before they be don ; as did the Prophets now living in this Church , that TIMOTHY should com to be ordain'd : So the place is interpreted by GROTIUS ; and how it should be otherwise understood I cannot see . But putting the case som Act preceded , as SAUL and DAVID were elected Kings by Prophecy ; yet did ever man say that for this SAUL or DAVID were any whit the less elected Kings by the People ? To the contrary in every well-order'd Commonwealth ( a Jove principium ) the disposing of the Lot , and of the Suffrage too , has universally bin attributed to God. THE Piety of Divines in persuading the People that God elects for them , and therfore they need not trouble themselves to vote , is as if they should persuade them that God provides their daily Bread , and therfore they need not trouble themselves to work . To conclude this point with Dr. HAMMOND'S own words upon the same occasion ; this distinction of Ordination and Election is in Divines the procreative Mistake , or Ignorance producing all the rest . THE reason why PAUL ordain'd now after this manner among the Jews , is to me an irrefragable argument that he ordain'd not after this manner among the Gentils : for wheras the first Ordination in the Christian Church , namely that of MATTHIAS , was perform'd by the Chirotonia , which by degrees came now in complacence with the Jews to the Chirothesia ; it seems he was contented not to alter the worst of political Institutions or Customs , where he found them confirm'd by long and universal Practice : and if so , why should any man think that he would go about to alter , or weed out the best , where they had taken like root ? That this Administration of the Jews was Chap. 5 of the very worst , is clear in the nature of the Politics , there being no example of a pure Aristocracy or of a Senat , such as was now the Sanhedrim , without a popular balance , that ever govern'd with Justice , or was of any continuance . Nor was the Chirothesia , by which means this work came to effect in Israel , introduc'd by the prudence of God , but by the corrupt arts of Men. Now that the Governments at the same time of the Gentils , all balanc'd by the Chirotonia of the People , were in their nature more excellent , and indeed more accommodated to antient Prudence , as it was introduc'd by God himself in the Commonwealth of Israel , has bin already sufficiently prov'd : nevertheless , to refresh your memory with one example more . CRETE having bin ( as is affirm'd by the Consent of Authors ) the most antient , and the most excellent Commonwealth in human Story , was founded by RHADAMANTHUS and MINOS , an Age before the Trojan War : These were held to have learnt their Arts by familiar Discourse with JUPITER , and from point to point to have fram'd their Model according to his direction . Nor , tho all acknowlege MINOS to have bin a King , did he found his Government upon any other than a popular Balance , or a fundamental regard to the Liberty of the People : For the whole Commonwealth was made up of these three parts , the College , the Senat , and the People . The College consisted of the annual Magistrats call'd the Cosmi : these had the whole extentive Power , som in leading forth the Armys , and others in judging the People ; which Functions were accordingly assign'd by the Orders to each in particular . That which was common to them all , was to propose such things as they had debated or prepar'd in their College or Council , to the Senat. The Senat being elective for life , was the Council , to which appertain'd the Debate of whatever was to be propos'd to the Congregation . The Congregation , or Assembly of the People of Crete , had not the right of Debate ; but in enacting of Laws , and election of Magistrats , had the ultimat Result of the Commonwealth . Such was the Copy after which LYCURGUS wrote himself so famous a Legislator . And thus stood this Frame to the six hundred and eighth year of Rome ; when this People , having bin too favorable to Pirats then infesting those Seas , turn'd the Arms of the Romans upon themselves ; and by these , under the conduct of QUINCTUS METELLUS , thence call'd CRETICUS , Crete was made a Province : tho the chief Citys being first freed , it should seem ( by CICERO'S second Oration against Antony ) that the whole Iland was at length restor'd to her antient Liberty . However by the manner observ'd by the Romans , as was shewn , in Provincial Government , the Citys under their Magistrats ( who while the Common-wealth was a Province perhaps might have exercis'd the Office of the Cosmi ) were not yet depriv'd of their Popular Assemblys , at least in their distinct Citys , electing all Magistrats for their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) peculiar or domestic Government . Such was the State of Crete , when PAUL having appeal'd from the Jews to CAESAR ; and being therupon conducted by Sea towards Rome , touch'd in his way upon this Iland , where he left TITUS to constitute Elders in every City . The word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) constitute , our Divines will have to signify ordain by Imposition of Hands , and Imposition of Hands to signify an act of Power , excluding the People . But why PAUL , who among the Jews had compli'd with their Customs , should injoin ; or how TITUS , had it bin so Book II injoin'd , should accomplish this where the Power was Popular , they have not shewn nor consider'd . To introduce Religion or Government there be but two ways , either by persuasion , or by force . To persuade the people of Crete , in whom was the Power , to this new way of Ordination , TITUS must have spoken to this effect : Men of Crete , MINOS being a King , could not chuse but have a natural inclination to popular Power ; wherfore his pretence that JUPITER told him , Power was to be in the People , may be suspected to have bin imagin'd merely for his own ends : or this is a certain sign that JUPITER is no true , but a feign'd God ; seeing the true God will have it that the People should have no Power at all , but that such , upon whom his Ambassadors shall confer power , be without all dispute obey'd . How ! are you starting at this ! are you solicitous for your Commonwealth ! It is true , that upon carnal principles or human prudence , without Power in the People there can be no Common-wealth : but Israel was a Commonwealth without power in the People ; where MOSES made all the Laws by the power invested in him by God , and created all the Magistrats , not by popular suffrage , but by his Chirothesia . Wherfore , Men of Crete , know ye , that on whomsoever I lay my hands , the same is in all spiritual Affairs , or matters of Church-Government , to be obey'd by you , after the same manner that you have hitherto obey'd such Magistrats or Priests as have bin ordain'd by your own Election , or Chirotonia . Of what other nature the Arguments of TITUS to the pretended purpose could have bin , I am not able to imagin ; nor how this should have don less than provoke the People to a dangerous jealousy of such a Doctrin . But Divines , to set all streight , think it enough to repeat the words of PAUL to TITUS in Greec : For this cause left I thee in Crete ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that thou shouldst ordain Elders in every City . It is true that DEMOSTHENES speaks somwhat like words concerning the Expedition of PHILIP of Macedon in Peloponnesus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) when he had ordain'd Tyrants in every City : but then PHILIP had an Army ; what Army did PAUL leave with TITUS ? Or if he ordain'd his Elders neither of these two ways , I see no other than that only by the known and legal Chirotonia or Suffrage of the People . But if this be clear , the Clergy com from Crete , not upon the Wings of TITUS , but of ICARUS , whose ambitious Wax is dissolv'd by the Sun. SO much , I conceive , is now discover'd concerning Church-Government , as may shew that it was not of one , but of three kinds , each obnoxious to the nature of the Civil Government under which it was planted ; in as much as the Chirotonia , or Ballot of Israel , being first introduc'd pure , and without any mixture , as at the Ordination of MATTHIAS , came afterwards to receive som mixture of the Chirothesia , as in the Ordination of STEPHEN ; and last of all by excluding the People , to degenerat wholly into the Chirothesia of the Presbytery , as in the Ordination of TIMOTHY : all this by the testimony of Scripture , and in the purest times , even the age of the Apostles . Whence my Undertaking , to shew that as CHRIST intended his Doctrin should be preach'd to all Nations , so he intended his Disciplin should be such as might sute with any Government ( as indeed , if the choice of any of these three be lawful , it dos exactly ) is , I hope , perform'd . For where the Government is Popular , it is the same with the first ; where it is Aristocratical or Monarchical , it agrees with the last ; and where it is mix'd , it is between both , and responsible to the second . Of these three in the farther exercise of their natural and Chap. 5 intended compliance with Human Prudence , it may be convenient to give som fuller Exemplification . THAT any other Ordination than that of the first kind for the original Authority or Practice of it , whether in the Commonwealth of Israel or in the Church of Christ , and indeed for the Prerogative of the same in nature , should have bin introduc'd by the Apostles , where it might , much less where the nature of the civil Policy would admit of no other , is neither probable by Scripture nor Reason ; whence it is that in the Citys of Lycaonia and Pisidia , the Government of these being then Popular , we do not find any mention at all of the Chirothesia , the Apostles in these places ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) chirotonizing Elders in every Congregation . TO evade this place , our Adversarys turn tail to the things , and make their whole flight at the words . In taking one of them into the Disputation , I shall take in all , for they run all upon the same Quotations , or with little addition . THAT the word Chirotonizing , says Dr. HAMMOND , in this place signifys no more than ordaining by the Imposition of Hands , is not so generally acknowleg'd by late Writers , but that it may be useful to give som few Testimonys out of those Writers which were nearest the times of the Scripture . Thus PHILO JUDAEUS of JOSEPH ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he was ordain'd Governor of all Egypt under the King. So again of MOSES ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he was constituted their Ruler . So of AARON'S Sons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) God constituted them Priests . ALEXANDER Son of ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES writes to JONATHAN ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) We ( in the regal stile ) constitute thee High Priest . LUCIAN says of HEPHESTION ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that ALEXANDER made him a God when he was dead . APPIAN ( which is added out of GROTIUS , whence most of the rest is taken ) to signify Election of Magistrats made by the Roman Emperors , uses no other word ; and later Writers speak of som that were chirotoniz'd Emperors by their Fathers . For the use of the word among Christian Writers , take one place in the Author of the Constitutions for many ; CLEMENT after the death of LINUS ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was ordain'd Bishop of Rome by PETER . But what need any more ? CHRIST'S Disciples are said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) design'd or foreconstituted by God the witnesses of his Resurrection : by all which that of PAUL and BARNABAS ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is but constituting or creating Elders in every Church . Wherfore they that have look'd so far back to the Original , as to think it necessary to render the word to create by Suffrages , are sure guilty of a very impertinent nicety . I promise you had this bin against one of our Doctors , it might have bin a rude Charge ; but it is only against ERASMUS , BEZA , DIODATI , and such as took upon them to translate the Switz , French , Italian , Belgic , and ( till the Episcopal correction ) the English Bibles . And what apparent cause is there of such confidence ? What necessity is there even in the places alleg'd why the word Chirotonia should be understood in the sense impos'd ? The People of Egypt , till having sold their Lands they came to lose their Popular balance , were not Servants to PHARAOH ; wherfore when JOSEPH was made Governor over all Egypt they were free : Book II now that a King should make a Governor of a free People without their consent , or som advice as we say of his Parlament , is altogether improbable , the rather because a Protector , in the absence or minority of the King , has bin no otherwise made in England , nor pretends the present Protector to any other title than the like Chirotonia . But that MOSES is said by the same Author ( who affirm'd that he introduc'd the Chirotonia in Israel ) to have bin chirotoniz'd Ruler of the People , can in my judgment be no otherwise than originally and literally taken , seeing God himself was no otherwise made King in Israel than by the Suffrage of the People . That the like must be understood of the Sons of AARON has bin already shewn . The Doctor is the first has told me , that the plural number for the Royal Stile is so antient as EPIPHANES : Sure I am it was not deriv'd from his Macedonian Predecessors , for in the Letters to the Athenians and the Thebans recited by DEMOSTHENES , PHILIP of Macedon writes in the singular number . But the Letter of EPIPHANES to JONATHAN must it seems import that he at single hand ( tho the words carry double ) had chirotoniz'd a High Priest of the Jews : Who can help it ? Som Princes have not only given out that their Priests have bin chirotoniz'd when they were not , but that themselves have bin chirotoniz'd when there was no such matter . When a Prince says that he was chirotoniz'd or elected by the People , to talk of Rhetoric is to have none . Divines in this case commonly understand it to be proper , or literally meant ; for to impose a new sense is to spoil the word ; and spoil the word , spoil the Prince . LUCIAN is a Drol , and intends a Jest , but not so good a one , as that he of all others should com nearest to help up with a Hierarchy . For the Chirotonia , or Election of the Roman Magistrats by the Suffrage of the People or of the Army , every man knows that it is literal : SUIDAS himself interpreting the word by this very example ; where he affirms it to signify Election or Ratification by the Many . The Quotation out of the Constitutions , with those of Bishop BILSON , and others out of the Greec Fathers , and out of Councils , do not only imply the word Chirotonia , but the thing , while they all relate to that kind of Ordination , which being in those Churches yet administer'd as at the Ordination of STEPHEN , was not confer'd without the consent of the People . But it is above all , that laboring to prove the Chirotonia and the Chirothesia to be the same thing , they should rely most upon the place where the Apostles are said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to have bin forechirotoniz'd by God ; as if it were clear in this , that God ordain'd the Apostles by the laying on of Hands , for so it must be understood , or it makes no more for them than for us . Or if they mean it only to shew that the word Chirotonia or Suffrage is us'd for som Ordination that cannot be taken in our sense ; so the word Chirothesia ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or laying on of Hands , where ANANIAS being neither Bishop nor Presbyter , but only a Disciple , that is , a Christian , lays his hands upon PAUL , is us'd for som Ordination that cannot be taken in their sense ; or a man not ordain'd may ordain as well as they : for to say that the Call was extraordinary , where the like is , or is pretended , will avail little . But there is no need that we should go so near the wind ; wherfore to give them all these places in their own sense , even till we com to the Citys in question . What word in any Language is not somtimes , nay frequently , us'd in som other than the proper sense ? With what elegance , if this be forbidden , can any Chap. 5 man write or speak ? Is a word like a Woman that being taken with a Metaphor , it can never be restor'd to the Original Virtue ? If Chirotonia has , as Divines pretend , lost all other but their signification , how shall we understand it in Isaiah , or where PAUL speaks it of the Brother ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) chirotoniz'd , or chosen by the Churches ? Certainly in this one place at least it is of our sense , and in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is but once yet in all the New Testament of any other ; so that if we gain the place in controversy , we have it twice of our sense in Scripture for once not in theirs , but in any other : and in human Authors , they will not so much as pretend to have it once for them of a hundred times for us ; which is pretty well for the vindication of the property of one word , and somwhat more perhaps than can be don for another . But in the sense of words that are somtimes properly and somtimes improperly taken , may we admit of the things wherof they are spoken for Interpreters ? Or if Lillys and Roses have bin almost as often said of Ladys Cheeks , must we understand them no otherwise when we are speaking of Gardens ? YES , says Dr. HAMMOND , and therfore to say of the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS , that they created Elders by their own Suffrages , is no more than to say that they jointly did create , and indeed being but two , there could be no place for Suffrages ; and to affirm they did it by the Suffrages of others , is not agreable to the pretended use of the word ; for where it is us'd of chusing by Suffrages , as when the People are said to chirotonize , it is certain that their own , and not others Suffrages are meant by it . IT were hardly possible to have contriv'd a greater number of Affirmations in so small a compass , nor to have gon farther in them from all truth . Phrases , as words , are to be understood according to the Rule and Law of Speech , which is Use : and thus that the Apostles created Elders by their own Suffrage , is not said ; that they did it by the Suffrage of others , is necessarily imply'd ; as also that the People are understood to chirotonize as well when it is said of the Presidents of their Assemblys , as of themselves . Diruit , aedificat , mutat quadrata rotundis . WHEN a man is said to build a House , or marry a Daughter , he is not understood to be the Mason , or the Bridegroom : but the Apostles built Churches in these Citys ; therfore the People were not the Masons . The Apostles marry'd CHRIST to these Nations ; therfore the People gave not their Consent or Suffrage : what a Construction were this in ordinary discourse or writing , and yet in the Language , as I may say , of a Commonwealth the Phrase is more usual . How often dos DEMOSTHENES speak of his Laws ( see my Psephisma , peruse my Law ) and those of other privat men ? after which Copy the Parté , or Laws in the Commonwealth of Venice , are call'd by the names of the Proposers , as were those of Rome , Rupilia , Cornelia , Trebonia ; in which manner we have POYNING'S Law , and som Statutes bearing no other Stile than Enacted by the King 's most Excellent Majesty , which nevertheless are known to have bin all enacted by the Parlament . Thus the Laws of MOSES , RHADAMANTHUS , Book II MINOS , LYCURGUS , SOLON , ROMULUS , King EDWARD , were ( leges & consuetudines quas vulgus elegerit ) such as the People had confirm'd or chosen by their Chirotonia . But they may say , granting you this use of speech in relation to Laws , what have you of this kind for Elections ? The Exception is nice , but to leave none . THE High Sherifs in England proposing to their Countys the Names of such as stand , are said to elect Parlament-men . They that thus propose Competitors to the Great Council in Venice are call'd Electors , and said to elect the Magistrats . The Proedri , certain Magistrats to whom it belong'd to put the Question in the Representative of the People of Athens , consisting of one thousand , were said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to give or make the Suffrage . The Thesmothetae , who were Presidents at the creation of Magistrats , were said ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to chirotonize the Generals . JOSEPHUS renders those words of God to SAMUEL , Hearken to the Voice of the People ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) I command thee to chirotonize them a King ; which Authors vindicating LUKE for his understanding both of the Grecian Customs , and property of Speech , at each of which he was expert , com up to the full and genuin interpretation of the place in controversy , where PAUL and BARNABAS ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) chirotonizing them Elders in every Congregation , can be no otherwise understood than that they here , as MOSES at the institution of the Sanhedrim , SAMUEL at the Election of the King , the Proedri at the passing of Laws , the Thesmothetae at the creation of Magistrats , the Electors in the great Council of Venice , and the High Sherifs in the Countys of England , were no more than Presidents of that Chirotonia , which was given or made by the Suffrage of the People . WHERFORE the Greec is thus render'd by these several Translations of the Bible . That of Zurich , WHEN they had created them Elders by Suffrages in every Congregation . That of Beza , WHEN they had created them Elders by Suffrages in every Congregation . The French , WHEN by the advice of the Assemblys they had establish'd Elders . The Italian , WHEN by the advice of the Congregation they had constituted them Elders . That of Diodati , WHEN they had ordain'd them in every Church by the common votes of the Elders . That appointed by the Synod of Dort , WHEN in each Church , by the holding up of Hands , they had elected Presbyters . That us'd in England from the time of the Reformation till the Episcopal correction of the same , WHEN they had ordain'd them Elders by Election in every Congregation . INDEED the circumstance of the Place forbids any other construction Chap. 5 of the words ; for if the Suffrage or Chirotonia ( which were scarce sense ) related to the Apostles only , what needed they have don that in every Congregation or Church , which they might have don in any Chamber or Closet ? The circumstance of the Action forbids any other construction ; for the People were assembl'd upon occasion of Election or Creation of Officers , which thing dos not use to be don in Assemblys gather'd for Divine Service : besides , these Congregations were not always of one mind , but somtimes for sacrificing to the Apostles , somtimes for stoning them , which are acts of Power ; wherfore they were Political Assemblys . Now these consisting also of a People , that had in their Citys ( quandam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the government of themselves , hence arises the strongest circumstance of all , forbidding any interpretation of the Text that might exclude them from election of their own Magistrats , Priests , or Ecclesiastical Elders , such as had bin the Asiarchs , tho Heathen Prelats , yet remember'd by the Scripture as affectionat Friends to PAUL ; or such as were those , tho to a better end , now ordain'd by the Apostles . Wherfore GROTIUS , notwithstanding all the art he uses in other places to avoid this sense , giving his note upon the Text , yields , Tho chirotonizing may be said of any Election made by one , or by the few ; yet to the Election in this place it is probable that the consent of the People was given , no less being impli'd in the beginning of the Chapter , where the Multitude believ'd , where they were stir'd up , where they were evil affected , and where part held with the Jews , and part with the Apostles : Which shews that the People were active in the business . But , says Dr. SEAMAM , There is difference between the Consent of the People , and the Power of the People : which is not to understand the case in controversy , nor to take notice that the People wherof we are speaking were under Popular Government ; for wherever the People are under Popular Government , between that which is don by their consent , and that which is don ( jussu populi ) by their power , there is no difference . How should the People give their consent , but by their Suffrage ? or what difference , where they have Power , can there be between the Suffrage , and the Power of the People ? Dr. HAMMOND upon this point is far more quaint : where the Scripture says , that the Multitude were evil effected , and where part held with the Jews , and part with the Apostles , he thinks it e'en like enough : But where it is said that a great Multitude of the Jews , and also of the Greecs believ'd , he seems to have no opinion of it : for , says he , It is evident that Believers were at first but few in every Town or City ; they were not whole Corporations at once converted , nor consequently could they act in a common capacity : but as CLEMENS ROMANUS says , they that were by the Apostles constituted Bishops and Deacons in several Citys and Regions , were constituted over those that should after believe , there were oft so few at the present . And then , as fast as any did com into the Faith , they readily submitted themselves to those by and under whom they did com in , and were not at all troubled ( honest men ) with the consulation or deliberation about the way of electing their Teachers and Guides . COM away , to leave the Scripture a while , and follow CLEMENS ; be it so for discourse sake , that in those days there was no where any such thing as a great Multitude believing , much less whole States or Book II Commonwealths at once converted , wherby they might still act in a common capacity , but only som privat or gather'd Congregations or Churches ; and that in such it was the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS chirotoniz'd : yet these , as they were found , or as afterwards they came to be made , must of necessity have bin Corporations ; for what can a number of Men coming into a Society regulated by certain Laws , Constitutions , or Form , be but a Corporation ? Som Ecclesiastical Policy or Disciplin they must have had ; and that probably , seeing the greatest Legislators , even MOSES himself , have written after Copys , according to som Pattern : what was this Pattern , and whence came it ? WHY , says he , not from their Heathen Customs , but from the Metropolis ; for it must be remember'd , that whersoever the Gospel was preach'd , it came originally from Jerusalem ; and then , as AGRIPPA in PHILO says of that City , it was the Metropolis , not only of Judea , but many other Regions , because of the Colonys thence sent into Aegypt , Phenice , and both the Syria's ; nay , to Pamphylia , Cilicia , and a great part of Asia , as far as Bithynia and Pontus . So in reason the Churches in Lystra , Iconium , and Antioch , where PAUL and BARNABAS ordain'd Elders , were to follow the pattern at Jerusalem ; and there , we know , it was not by the Suffrage of the People , that an Elder was assum'd into the Sanhedrim , but the Prince or Head of the Sanhedrim receiv'd him in by Imposition of Hands . It will be much more reasonable to deduce the circumstances of ordaining Elders from the Customs familiar to them that preach'd the Faith to them , than from the former usages of them to whom it was preach'd , who were not to dispute , but to believe , and receive the Institutions as well as Doctrins which were brought them . THESE , methinks , are strange Arguments : The Gospel came to us from Rome , is Rome therfore the Metropolis of England ? It is true AGRIPPA being a Jew , and writing to CALIGULA in the behalf of the Jews , not of the Christians , tells him , That Jerusalem is the Metropolis of the Jews , and of all their Colonys ; so is London of the English , and of all their Colonys : but dos it follow from hence that either Jerusalem or London is the Metropolis of Christendom ? But the Jews had many Colonys in Asia ; and therfore the Churches of Lystra , Iconium , and Antioch were to follow the pattern at Jerusalem . The Jews indeed had Synagogs in Iconium and Lystra , as the French have Churches in England ; but is this a good argument , The French have Churches in England , therfore the English are to follow the Orders of the French Church ? The Jews withstood the Gospel at Iconium ; for , says the Text , the Multitude of the City was divided , and part held with the Jews , and part with the Apostles : therfore the believing Iconians must have acknowleg'd Jerusalem to be their Metropolis , and were to follow the pattern of that City : And what was that ? Why there we know it was not by the Suffrages of the People that an Elder was assum'd into the Sanhedrim , but the Prince or Head of the Sanhedrim receiv'd him in by Imposition of Hands . The Government of the Iconians was Popular , that of the Jews was Aristocratical ; therfore the Iconians receiving the Christian Faith , were bound to change their Democracy into Aristocracy . The Apostles , to comply with an Oligarchy , had alter'd that Ordination , which originally ( as at the Election of MATTHIAS ) was popular , to Aristocracy ; therfore being now to plant the Gospel in a free State , they might not alter it from Aristocracy to Democracy : To please the Jews they might change for the worse ; therfore to please the Iconians they might not charge for the better , Chap. 5 but must tell the People plainly , That they were not to dispute , but to believe , and receive the Institutions as well as Doctrins that were brought them from the Metropolis . How would this sound to a People that understood themselves ? Sic volo , sic jubeo , stat pro ratione voluntas . THE right temper of a Metropolitan , to whom Popular Power is a Heathen Custom , and with whom nothing will agree but Princeing of it in the Senat : But with the Apostles it was otherwise , who making no words of the Chirothesia where it was needless , were glad of this occasion to chirotonize , or elect them Elders in every Congregation by Popular Suffrage . But this , they will say , is not to com off from the haunt , but to run still upon the People in a common or public capacity . Tho the Scripture speaks of great Multitudes believing , believe it there is no such thing : CLEMENS says they were very few , their Assemblys privat , and very scanty things . As privat as they were , by the judgment of Divines they were , it seems , to receive from their Pattern ( if that were the Sanhedrim ) a Form that was public enough ; and why might not they have receiv'd this from that public Form wherto they were accustom'd , rather than from a foren Policy , and one contrary to their Customs ? why should they suffer such Power in new and privat , as they would not indure in their old and public Magistrats ? Or , if they receiv'd the Scriptures , why should they chuse that Ordination which would fit them worst , rather than that which would fit them best ? that of TIMOTHY rather than that of MATTHIAS ? Or , let their Assemblys have bin never so privat or scanty , yet if the Apostles chirotoniz'd them Elders in every Congregation , is it not demonstrable that they did receive that of MATTHIAS , and not that of TIMOTHY ? THUS much for the Propagation of the pure , or first kind of Ecclesiastical Policy to the Citys of Lycaonia . The mix'd or second kind into which ( the Christian Presbytery delighting to follow the steps of the Jewish ) the former might soon degenerat , continu'd in the primitive Church , to speak with the least ( for WALLEUS brings it down to CHARLES the Great ) three hundred years after CHRIST : which Assertion in Mr. HOBS , prov'd out of AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS , Dr. HAMMOND has either willingly overseen , or includes in this Answer , it is most visibly void of all appearance of Truth . Wherfore to the Quotation mention'd I shall add the words of PLATINA : DAMASUS the second , by Nation a Bavarian , sirnam'd BAGNIARIUS , or as som will POPO , possess'd himself of the Papacy by force , and without consent of the Clergy and of the People . Now what can be clearer than that by this place the Clergy and the People had hitherto a right to elect the Pope ? The Doctor coms near the word of defiance to Mr. HOBS , in a matter of fact so apparent to any judgment , that I need not add what gos before in the Life of CLEMENT the second ; where the Emperor ingages the People of Rome not to meddle with the Election of the Pope without his express Command : nor what follows after in LEO the Ninth , where the whole power of Election was now confer'd by the Emperor upon the Clergy . Again , VICTOR the Second , says the same Author , obtain'd the Papacy rather by favor of the Emperor , than by free Suffrages of the Clergy and the People of Rome , who apprehended the power of the Emperor , whose displeasure they had somtime incurr'd by creating Popes . So then the People , it is clear , had hitherto Book II created the Popes . The power of Election thus in the whole Clergy came afterwards , as at this day , to be restrain'd to the Cardinals only ; and so to devolve into the third kind of Ordination exactly correspondent to the Sanhedrim , and their Chirothesia , as it was exercis'd among the converted Jews , when TIMOTHY was ordain'd by the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery . NOW this is that with which , of all others , Divines are so inamor'd , that they will not indure it should be said there is any other : It is also propitious above all the rest to Monarchy , as that which according to the inherent nature or impotence of Oligarchy , must have a Prince at home or abroad to rest upon , or becom the inevitable Prey of the People . Herein lys the Arcanum or Secret of that Antipathy which is between a Clergy and a Popular Government , and of that Sympathy which is between the Miter and the Crown . A Prince receiving a Clergy with the Monopoly of their Chirothesia , has no more to do than to make a Metropolitan , by whom he governs them , and by them the People , especially if he indows them with good Revenues ; for so they becom an Estate of his Realm , and a more steddy Pillar of his Throne than his Nobility themselves , who as their dependence is not so strong , are of a more stirring nature . This is the Gothic Model , from whence we had our Pattern , and in which No Bishop , no King. THUS for the dignity of Ecclesiastical Policys , whether in Scripture or Human Prudence , Popular Government you see is naturally inclin'd to the very best , and the spiritual Aristocracy to the very worst . It is also remarkable that the Political Balance extends it self to the decision of the question about Ordination : For as a People never offer'd to dispute with a well-balanc'd Clergy , so a Clergy dismounted never gain'd any thing by disputing with the People . As to the question of Empire or Government ( I propheti disarmati Rovivano ) the Apostles became all things to all . THVS beyond all measure improsperous are this Divine'sVndertakings against Mr. HOBS , and theVndertakings of Divines upon this Subject . Advertisment to the Reader , or Direction to the Answerer . THE Answer of this Book must ly in proving that the Apostles at the several times and places mention'd , introduc'd but one way of Ordination , and that the same to which Divines now pretend : or if the Apostles divided , that is to say , introduc'd divers ways of Ordination , then the People or Magistrat may chuse . I HAVE taken the more leisure and pains to state , I think , all the Cases of Controversy that can arise out of the Commonwealth of Oceana , as you have seen in these two Books , to the end I may be no more oblig'd to write , and yet not omit writing on any occasion that shall be offer'd ; for if my Principles be overthrown ( which when I see , I shall most ingenuously confess with thanks to the Author ) such an acknowlegement will ly in a little room ; and this failing , I am deceiv'd if I shall not now be able to shew any Writer against me that his Answer is none , within the compass of three or four sheets . THIS also will be the fittest way for Boys-play , with which I am sure enough to be entertain'd by the quibling University men ; I mean a certain busy Gang of 'em , who having publicly vanted that they would bring 40 examples against the Balance , and since laid their Caps together about it , have not produc'd one . These vants of theirs offering prejudice to truth and good Principles , were the cause why they were indeed press'd to shew som of their skill ; not that they were thought fit Judges of these things , but first that they had declar'd themselves so , and next that they may know they are not . An Answer to three Objections against Popular Government , that were given me after these two Books were printed . MONARCHICAL Government is more natural , because we see even in Commonwealths that they have recourse to this , as Lacedemon in her Kings ; Rome both in her Consuls and Dictators ; and Venice in her Dukes . GOVERNMENT , whether Popular or Monarchical , is equally artificial ; wherfore to know which is more natural , we must consider what piece of Art coms nearest to Nature : as for example , whether a Ship or a House be the more natural ; and then it will be easy to resolve that a Ship is the more natural at Sea , and a House at Land. In like manner where one man or a few men are the Landlords , a Monarchy must doubtless be the more natural ; and where the whole People are the Landlords , a Commonwealth : for how can we understand that it should be natural to a People , that can live of themselves , to give away the means of their livelihood to one or a few men that they may serve or obey ? Each Government is equally artificial in effect , or in it self ; and equally natural in the cause , or the matter upon which it is founded . A COMMONWEALTH consists of the Senat proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing ; so the Power of the Magistrats ( whether Kings as in Lacedemon , Consuls as in Rome , or Dukes as in Venice ) is but barely executive : but to a Monarch belongs both the Result , and Execution too ; wherfore that there have bin Dukes , Consuls , or Kings in Commonwealths ( which were quite of another nature ) is no Argument that Monarchical Government is for this cause the more natural . AND if a man shall instance in a mix'd Government , as King and Parlament ; to say , that the King in this was more natural than the Parlament , must be a strange Affirmation . TO argue from the Roman Dictator ( an Imperfection which ruin'd that Commonwealth , and was not to be found in any other ) that all Commonwealths have had the like recourse in exigences to the like remedy , is quite contrary to the universal Testimony of Prudence or Story . A MAN who considers that the Commonwealth of Venice has stood one thousand years ( which never any Monarchy did ) and yet shall affirm that Monarchical Government is more natural than Popular , must affirm that a thing which is less natural may be more durable and permanent than a thing that is more natural . WHETHER is a Government of Laws less natural than a Government of Men ? or is it more natural to a Prince to govern by Laws or by Will ? Compare the Violences and bloody Rapes perpetually made upon the Crown , or Royal Dignity in the Monarchys of the Hebrews and the Romans , with the State of the Government under either Commonwealth , and tell me which was less violent , or whether that which is more violent must therfore be more natural . THE Government of Heaven is a Monarchy , so is the Government of Hell. IN this , says MACCHIAVEL , Princes lose themselves and their Empire , that they neither know how to be perfectly good , nor intirely wicked . He might as well have said , that a Prince is always subject to Error and Misgovernment , because he is a Man , and not a God , nor a Devil . A Shepherd to his Flock , a Plowman to his Team , is a better Nature ; and so not only an absolute Prince , but as it were a God. The Government of a better or of a superior Nature , is to a worse or inferior as the Government of God. The Creator is another and a better Nature than the Creature ; the Government in Heaven is of the Creator over his Creatures , that have their whole dependence upon him , and subsistence in him . Where the Prince or the Few have the whole Lands , there is somwhat of dependence resembling this ; so the Government there must of necessity be Monarchical or Aristocratical : But where the People have no such dependence , the causes of that Government which is in Heaven are not in Earth ; for neither is the Prince a distinct or better Nature than the People , nor have they their subsistence by him , and therfore there can be no such effect . If a Man were good as God , there is no question but he would be not only a Prince but a God ; would govern by Love , and be not only obey'd but worship'd : or if he were ill as the Devil , and had as much power to do mischief , he would be dreaded as much , and so govern by Fear . To which latter , the Nature of man has so much nearer approaches , that tho we never saw upon Earth a Monarchy like that of Heaven , yet it is certain the perfection of the Turkish Policy lys in this , that it coms nearest to that of Hell. GOD instituted a Monarchy , namely in MELCHIZEDEC , before he instituted a Commonwealth . IF MELCHIZEDEC was a King , so was ABRAHAM too ; tho one that paid him Tithes , or was his Subject : for ABRAHAM made War , or had the power of the Sword , as the rest of the Fathers of Familys he fought against . So if CANAAN was a Monarchy in those days , it was such a one as Germany is in these ; where the Princes also have as much the right of the Sword as the Emperor , which coms rather ( as has bin shewn already ) to a Commonwealth . But whether it were a Monarchy or a Commonwealth , we may see by the present state of Germany that it was of no very good Example ; nor was MELCHIZEDEC otherwise made a King by God than the Emperor , that is , as an Ordinance of Man. THE ART OF LAWGIVING : In Three BOOKS . The First , shewing the Foundations and Superstructures of all kinds of Government . The Second , shewing the Frames of the Commonwealths of Israel , and of the Jews . The Third , shewing a Model fitted to the present State , or Balance of this Nation . The Order of the Work. The First Book . THE Preface , considering the Principles , or Nature of Family Governments . CHAP. I. Considering the Principles , or Balance of National Governments ; with the different kinds of the same . CHAP. II. Shewing the variation of the English Balance . CHAP. III. Of the fixation of the Balance , or of Agrarian Laws . CHAP. IV. Shewing the Superstructures of Governments . THE Conclusion , observing that the Principles of Human Prudence being good without proof out of Scripture , are nevertheless such as are provable out of Scripture . The Second Book . THE Preface , shewing that there were Commonwealths before that of Israel . CHAP. I. Shewing that Israel was a Commonwealth . CHAP. II. Shewing what Commonwealth Israel was . CHAP. III. Shewing the Anarchy , or state of the Israelits under their Judges . CHAP IV. Shewing the state of the Israelits under their Kings to the Captivity . CHAP. V. Shewing the state of the Jews in Captivity , and after their return from Captivity ; or the frame of the Jewish Commonwealth : and in that the Original of Ordination . CHAP. VI. Shewing how Ordination was brought into the Christian Church , and the divers ways of the same at divers times in use with the Apostles . THE Conclusion , Shewing that neither God , nor Christ , or the Apostles ever instituted any Government Ecclesiastical or Civil , upon any other Principles than those only of Human Prudence . The Third Book . THE Preface , Containing a Model of Popular Government , propos'd notionally . CHAP. I. Containing the Civil part of the Model , propos'd practicably . CHAP. II. Containing the Religious part of the Model , propos'd practicably . CHAP. III. Containing the Military part of the Model , propos'd practicably . CHAP. IV. Containing the Provincial part of the Model , propos'd practicably . THE Conclusion , Shewing how the Model may be prov'd or examin'd ; and giving a brief Answer to Mr. WREN's last Book , intitul'd , Monarchy asserted , &c. THE FIRST BOOK , SHEWING THE FOUNDATIONS AND SUPERSTRUCTURES Of all kinds of GOVERNMENT . If this Age fails me , the next will do me Justice . The PREFACE , Considering the Principles or Nature of Family Government . DIVINES , and the like studious Assertors of Monarchy , have not laid their Principles so fairly , while they have conceal'd one part from the right of Paternity , or from the Government of Familys , which may be of two kinds ; wheras they have taken notice but of one : For Family Government may be as necessarily Popular in som cases , as Monarchical in others . TO shew now the nature of the Monarchical Family . Put the case a man has one thousand Pounds a year , or therabouts ; he marrys a Wife , has Children and Servants depending upon him ( at his good will ) in the distribution of his Estate for their livelihood . Suppose then that this Estate coms to be spent or lost , where is the Monarchy of this Family ? But if the Master was no otherwise Monarchical than by virtue of his Estate , then the foundation or balance of his Empire consisted in the thousand pounds a year . THAT from these principles there may also be a Popular Family , is apparent : For suppose six or ten , having each three hundred pounds a year , or so , shall agree to dwell together as one Family ; can any one of these pretend to be Lord and Master of the same , or to dispose of the Estates of all the rest ? Or do they not agree together upon such Orders , to which they consent equally to submit ? But if so , then certainly must the Government of this Book I Family be a Government of Laws or Orders , and not the Government of one , or of som three or four of these men . YET the one Man in the Monarchical Family giving Laws , and the Many in the Popular Family doing no more , it may in this sense be indifferently said , That all Laws are made by Men. But it is plain that where the Law is made by one Man , there it may be unmade by one man ; so that the Man is not govern'd by the Law , but the Law by the Man ; which amounts to the Government of the Man , and not of the Law : Wheras the Law being not to be made but by the Many , no man is govern'd by another man , but by that only which is the common interest ; by which means this amounts to a Government of Laws , and not of Men. THAT the Politics may not be thought an unnecessary or difficult Art , if these Principles be less than obvious and undeniable , even to any Woman that knows what belongs to housekeeping , I confess I have no more to say . But in case what has bin said be to all sorts and capacitys evident , it is most humbly submitted to Princes and Parlaments , whether , without violence or removing of Property , they can make a Popular Family of the Monarchical , or a Monarchical Family of the Popular ? Or , whether that be practicable or possible in a Nation , upon the like balance or foundation in Property , which is not in a Family ? A Family being but a smaller Society or Nation , and a Nation but a greater Society or Family . THAT which is usually answer'd to this point , is ▪ That the six or ten , thus agreing to make one Family , must have som Steward ; and to make such a Steward in a Nation , is to make a King. But this is to imagin that the Steward of a Family is not answerable to the Masters of it , or to them upon whose Estates ( and not upon his own ) he defrays the whole Charge : For otherwise this Stewardship cannot amount to Dominion , but must com only to the true nature of Magistracy , and indeed of annual Magistracy in a Commonwealth ; seeing that such Accounts in the years end , at farthest , use to be calculated , and that the Steward , Body and Estate , is answerable for the same to the Proprietors or Masters ; who also have the undoubted right of constituting such another Steward or Stewards as to them shall seem good , or of prolonging the Office of the same . NOW , where a Nation is cast , by the unseen ways of Providence , into a disorder of Government , the duty of such particularly as are elected by the People , is not so much to regard what has bin , as to provide for the supreme Law , or for the safety of the People , which consists in the true Art of Lawgiving . THE Art of Lawgiving is of two kinds ; the one ( as I may say ) false , the other true . The first consists in the reduction of the Balance to Arbitrary Superstructures ; which requires violence , as being contrary to Nature : The other in erecting necessary Superstructures , that is , such as are conformable to the Balance or Foundation ; which , being purely natural , requires that all interposition of Force be remov'd . CHAP. I. Chap. 1 Considering the Principles or Balance of National Governments ; with the different kinds of the same . THE Heaven , says DAVID , even the Heavens are the Lords ; but the Earth has he given to the Children of Men : Yet , says God to the Father of these Children , In the sweat of thy Face shalt thou eat thy Bread. Dii laborantibus sua munera vendunt . This Donation of the Earth to Man coms to a kind of selling it for INDUSTRY , a Treasure which seems to purchase of God himself . From the different kinds and successes of this Industry , whether in Arms , or in other Exercises of the Mind or Body , derives the natural equity of Dominion or Property ; and from the legal establishment or distribution of this Property ( be it more or less approaching towards the natural equity of the same ) procedes all Government . THE distribution of Property , so far as it regards the nature or procreation of Government , lys in the overbalance of the same : Just as a man , who has two thousand pounds a year , may have a Retinue , and consequently a Strength , that is three times greater than his who injoys but five hundred pounds a year . Not to speak at this time of Mony , which in small Territorys may be of a like effect ; but to insist upon the main , which is Property in Land , the overbalance of this , as it was at first constituted , or coms insensibly to be chang'd in a Nation , may be especially of three kinds ; that is , in One , in the Few , or in the Many . THE overbalance of Land , three to one or therabouts , in one Man against the whole People , creates Absolute Monarchy ; as when JOSEPH had purchas'd all the Lands of the Aegyptians for PHARAOH . The Constitution of a People in this and such cases , is capable of intire servitude . Buy us and our Land for Bread , and we and our Land will be Servants to PHARAOH . THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion , in the Few against the whole People , creates Aristocracy , or Regulated Monarchy , as of late in England : And hereupon says SAMUEL to the People of Israel , when they would have a King , He will take your Fields , even the best of them , and give them to his Servants . The constitution of a People in this and the like cases , is * neither capable of intire Liberty , nor of intire Servitude . THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the People , or where neither one nor the few overbalance the whole People , creates Popular Government ; as in the division of the Land of Canaan to the whole People of Israel by lot . The constitution of a People in this and the like cases , is capable of intire Freedom , nay , not capable of any other settlement ; it being certain , that if a Monarch , or single Person in such a State , thro the corruption or improvidence of their Counsils , might carry it ; yet by the irresistible force of Nature , or the reason alleg'd by MOSES ( I am not able to bear all this People alone , Book I because it is too heavy for me ) he could not keep it ; but out of the deep Waters would cry to them , whose feet he had stuck in the mire . WHEREVER the balance of a Government lys , there naturally is the Militia of the same ; and against him or them wherin the Militia is naturally lodg'd , there can be no negative Vote . IF a Prince holds the overbalance , as in Turky , in him is the Militia , as the Janizarys and Timariots . If a Nobility has the over-balance , the Militia is in them , as among us was seen in the Barons Wars , and those of York and Lancaster ; and in France is seen , when any considerable part of that Nobility rebelling , they are not to be reduc'd , but by the major part of their Order adhering to the King. IF the People has the overbalance , which they had in Israel , the Militia is in them ; as in the four hundred thousand first decreing , and then waging War against Benjamin : Where it may be inquir'd , what Power there was on earth having a Negative Voice to this Assembly ? This always holds where there is Settlement , or where a Government is natural . Where there is no Settlement , or where the Government is unnatural , it procedes from one of these two causes ; either an imperfection in the Balance , or else such a corruption in the Lawgivers , wherby a Government is instituted contrary to the Balance . IMPERFECTIONS of the Balance , that is , where it is not good or down weight , cause imperfect Governments ; as those of the Roman and of the Florentin People , and those of the Hebrew Kings and Roman Emperors , being each exceding bloody , or at least turbulent . GOVERNMENT against the balance in One , is Tyranny , as that of the Athenian PISISTRATUS : in the Few it is Oligarchy , as that of the Roman DECEMVIRS ; in the Many Anarchy , as that under the Neapolitan MAZINELLO . WHEREVER , thro Causes unforeseen by Human Providence , the Balance coms to be intirely chang'd , it is the more immediatly to be attributed to Divine Providence : And since God cannot will the necessary cause , but he must also will the necessary effect or consequence , what Government soever is in the necessary direction of the Balance , the same is of Divine Right . Wherfore , tho of the Israelits God says , They have set up Kings , but not by me ; they have made Princes , and I knew it not ; yet , to the small Countries adjoining to the Assyrian Empire , he says , Now have I given all these Lands into the hand of the King of Babylon my Servant — Serve the King of Babylon , and live . CHAP. II. Shewing the variation of the English Balance . THE Land in possession of the Nobility and Clergy of England , till HENRY 7 th , cannot be esteem'd to have overbalanc'd those held by the People less than four to one . Wheras in our days , the Clergy being destroy'd , the Lands in possession of the People overbalance those held by the Nobility , at least , nine in ten . In shewing how this change came about , som would have it that I assume to my self more than my share ; tho they do not find me delivering that which must rely upon Authority , and not vouching my Authors . But HENRY the Seventh being conscious of infirmity in his Title , yet finding with what strength and vigor he was brought in by the Nobility , Chap. 2 conceiv'd jealousys of the like Power in case of a decay or change of Affections . Nondum orbis adoraverat Romam . The Lords yet led Country lives , their Houses were open to Retainers , Men experienc'd in Military Affairs , and capable of commanding ; their Hospitality was the delight of their Tenants , who by their Tenures or Dependence were oblig'd to follow their Lords in Arms. So that , this being the Militia of the Nation , a few Noblemen discontented could at any time levy a great Army ; the effect wherof , both in the Barons Wars , and those of York and Lancaster , had bin well known to divers Kings . This state of Affairs was that which inabl'd HENRY the Seventh to make his advantage of troublesom times , and the frequent unruliness of Retainers ; while , under the pretence of curbing Riots , he obtain'd the passing of such Laws as did cut off these Retainers , wherby the Nobility wholly lost their Officers . Then , wheras the dependence of the People upon their Lords was of a strict ty or nature , he found means to loosen this also by Laws , which he obtain'd upon as fair a pretence , even that of Population . Thus Farms were so brought to a standard , that the Houses being kept up , each of them did of necessity inforce a Dweller ; and the proportion of Land laid to each House , did of necessity inforce that Dweller not to be a Begger or Cottager , but a man able to keep Servants , and set the Plow on going . By which means a great part of the Lands of this Nation came in effect to be amortiz'd to the hold of the Yeomanry , or middle People , wherof consisted the main body of the Militia , hereby incredibly advanc'd ; and which henceforth , like cleaner underwood less choak'd by their staddles , began to grow excedingly . But the Nobility , who by the former Laws had lost their Offices , by this lost their Soldiery . Yet remain'd to them their Estates , till the same Prince introducing the Statutes for Alienations , these also became loose ; and the Lords less taken ( for the reasons shewn ) with their Country lives , where their Trains were clip'd , by degrees became more resident at Court , where greater pomp and expence by the Statutes of Alienations began to plume them of their Estates . The Court was yet at Bridewel , nor reach'd London any farther than Temple-Bar . The latter growth of this City , and in that , the declining of the Balance to Popularity , derives from the decay of the Nobility and of the Clergy . In the Reign of the succeding King were Abbys ( than which nothing more dwarfs a People ) demolish'd . I did not , I do not attribute the effects of these things thus far to my own particular observation ; but always did , and do attribute a sense therof to the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH , and the Wisdom of her Council . There is yet living Testimony , that the ruin of the English Monarchy , thro the causes mention'd , was frequently attributed to HENRY the Seventh by Sir HENRY WOTTON ; which Tradition is not unlike to have descended to him from the Queen's Council . But there is a difference between having the sense of a thing , and making a right use of that sense . Let a man read PLUTARCH in the Lives of AGIS , and of the GRACCHI , there can be no plainer demonstration of the Lacedemonian or Roman Balance ; yet read his Discourse of Government in his Morals , and he has forgot it : he makes no use , no mention at all of any such thing . Who could have bin plainer upon this point than Sir WALTER RALEIGH , where , to prove that the Kings of Egypt were not elective but hereditary , he alleges that if the Book I Kings of Egypt had bin elective , the Children of PHARAOH must have bin more mighty than the King , as Landlords of all Egypt , and the King himself their Tenant ? Yet when he coms to speak of Government , he has no regard to , no remembrance of any such Principle . In Mr. SELDEN'S Titles of Honor , he has demonstrated the English Balance of the Peerage , without making any application of it , or indeed perceiving it there , or in times when the defect of the same came to give so full a sense of it . The like might be made apparent in ARISTOTLE , in MACCHIAVEL , in my Lord VERULAM , in all , in any Politician : there is not one of them in whom may not be found as right a sense of this Principle as in this present Narrative ; or in whom may be found a righter use of it than was made by any of the Partys thus far concern'd in this story , or by Queen ELIZABETH and her Council . If a Prince , says a great Author , to reform a Government were oblig'd to depose himself , he might , in neglecting of it , be capable of som excuse ; but reformation of Government being that with which a Principality may stand , he deserves no excuse at all . It is not indeed observ'd by this Author that where by reason of the declination of the Balance to Popularity , the State requires Reformation in the Superstructures , there the Prince cannot rightly reform , unless from Soverain Power he descends to a Principality in a Commonwealth : nevertheless upon the like occasions this fails not to be found so in Nature and Experience . The growth of the People of England , since the ruins mention'd of the Nobility and the Clergy , came in the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH to more than stood with the interest , or indeed the nature or possibility of a well founded or durable Monarchy ; as was prudently perceiv'd , but withal temporiz'd by her Council , who ( if the truth of her Government be rightly weigh'd ) seem rather to have put her upon the exercise of Principality in a Commonwealth , than of Soverain Power in a Monarchy . Certain it is , that she courted not her Nobility , nor gave her mind ( as do Monarchs seated upon the like foundation ) to balance her great Men , or reflect upon their Power now inconsiderable ; but rul'd wholly , with an art she had to high perfection , by humoring and blessing her People . For this mere shadow of a Commonwealth is she yet famous , and shall ever be so ; tho had she introduc'd the full perfection of the Orders requisit to Popular Government , her fame had bin greater . First , She had establish'd such a Principality to her Successors , as they might have retain'd . Secondly , This Principality ( the Common-wealth , as Rome of ROMULUS , being born of such a Parent ) might have retain'd the Royal Dignity and Revenue to the full , both improv'd and discharg'd of all Envy . Thirdly , It had sav'd all the Blood and Confusion , which thro this neglect in her and her Successors , has since insu'd . Fourthly , It had bequeath'd to the People a Light not so naturally by them to be discover'd , which is a great pity . For even as the Many , thro the difference of opinions that must needs abound among them , are not apt to introduce a Government , as not understanding the good of it : so the Many , having by trial or experience once attain'd to this understanding , agree not to quit such a Government . And lastly , It had plac'd this Nation in that perfect felicity , which , so far as concerns mere Prudence , is in the power of human nature to injoy . To this Queen succeded King JAMES , who likewise regardless of this point ( into which nevertheless he saw so far as not seldom to prophesy sad things to his Successors ) neither his new Peerage , which Chap. 3 in abundance he created , nor the old avail'd him any thing against that dread wherin , more freely than prudently , he discover'd himself to stand of Parlaments , as now mere Popular Councils , and running to popularity of Government like a Bowl down a hill ; not so much , I may say , of Malice prepens'd , as by natural instinct , wherof the Petition of Right , well consider'd , is a sufficient Testimony . All persuasion of Court Eloquence , all patience for such , as but look'd that way , was now lost . There remain'd nothing to the destruction of a Monarchy , retaining but the name , more than a Prince who by contending should make the People to feel those advantages which they could not see . And this happen'd in the next King , who , too secure in that undoubted right wherby he was advanc'd to a Throne which had no foundation , dar'd to put this to an unseasonable trial ; on whom therfore fell the Tower in Silo. Nor may we think that they upon whom this Tower fell , were Sinners above all men ; but that we , unless we repent , and look better to the true foundations , must likewise perish . We have had latter Princes , latter Parlaments . In what have they excel'd , or where are they ? The Balance not consider'd , no effectual work can be made as to settlement ; and consider'd , as it now stands in England , requires to settlement no less than the Superstructures natural to Popular Government : and the Superstructures natural to Popular Government require no less than the highest skill or art that is in Political Architecture . The sum of which Particulars amounts to this , That the safety of the People of England is now plainly cast upon skill or sufficiency in Political Architecture : it is not enough therfore , that there are honest men addicted to all the good ends of a Commonwealth , unless there be skill also in the formation of those proper means wherby such Ends may be attain'd . Which is a sad , but a true account ; this being in all experience , and in the judgment of all Politicians , that wherof the Many are incapable . And tho the meanest Citizen , not informing the Commonwealth of what he knows , or conceives to concern its safety , commits a hainous Crime against God and his Country ; yet such is the temper of later times , that a man , having offer'd any light in this particular , has scap'd well enough , if he be despis'd and not ruin'd . BUT to procede : if the Balance , or state of Property in a Nation , be the efficient cause of Government , and , the Balance being not fix'd , the Government ( as by the present Narrative is evinc'd ) must remain inconstant or floting ; then the process in the formation of a Government must be first by a fixation of the Balance , and next by erecting such Superstructures as to the nature therof are necessary . CHAP. III. Of Fixation of the Balance , or of Agrarian Laws . FIXATION of the Balance of Property is not to be provided for but by Laws ; and the Laws , wherby such a Provision is made , are commonly call'd Agrarian Laws . Now as Governments , thro the divers Balance of Property , are of divers or contrary natures , Book I that is Monarchical or Popular ; so are such Laws . Monarchy requires of the standard of Property , that it be vast or great ; and of Agrarian Laws , that they hinder recess or diminution , at least in so much as is therby intail'd upon Honor : But Popular Government requires , that the standard be moderat ; and that its Agrarian prevent accumulation . In a Territory not exceding England in Revenue , if the Balance be in more hands than three hundred , it is declining from Monarchy ; and if it be in fewer than five thousand hands , it is swerving from a Commonwealth : which as to this point may suffice at present . CHAP. IV. Shewing the Superstructures of Governments . THAT the Policy or Superstructures of all absolute Monarchs , more particularly of the Eastern Empires , are not only contain'd , but meliorated in the Turkish Government , requires no farther proof than to compare them : but because such a work would not ly in a small compass , it shall suffice for this time to say , that such Superstructures of Government as are natural to an absolute Prince , or the sole Landlord of a large Territory , require for the first story of the Building , that , what Demeans he shall think fit to reserve being set apart , the rest be divided into Horse quarters or Military Farms , for life or at will , and not otherwise : And that every Tenant for every hundred pounds a year so held , be , by condition of his Tenure , oblig'd to attend his Soverain Lord in Person , in Arms , and at his proper cost and charges , with one Horse , so often , and so long as he shall be commanded upon service . These among the Turks are call'd Timariots . THE second Story requires , that these Horse quarters , or Military Farms , be divided by convenient Precincts or Proportions into distinct Provinces ; and that each Province have one Governor or Commander in chief of the same , at the will and pleasure of his Grand Signior , or for three years and no longer . Such among the Turks ( unless by additional honors they be call'd Bashaws or Viziers ) are the Beglerbegs . FOR the third Story , there must of necessity be a Mercenary Army consisting both of Horse and Foot , for the Guard of the Prince's Person , and for the Guard of his Empire ; by keeping the Governors of Provinces so divided , that they be not suffer'd to lay their arms or heads together , or to hold correspondence or intelligence with one another . Which Mercenary Army ought not to be constituted of such as have already contracted som other interest ; but to consist of Men so educated from their very childhood , as not to know that they have any other Parent , or native Country , than the Prince and his Empire . Such among the Turks are the Foot call'd Janizarys , and the Horse call'd Spahys . THE Prince accommodated with a Privy Council , consisting of such as have bin Governors of Provinces , is the Topstone : This Council among the Turks is call'd the Divan , and this Prince the Grand Signior . THE Superstructures proper to a regulated Monarchy , or to the Chap. 4 Government of a Prince ( three or four hundred of whose Nobility , or of whose Nobility and Clergy hold three parts in four of the Territory ) must either be by his personal influence upon the Balance , or by virtue of Orders . IF a Prince , by easing his Nobility of Taxes , and feeding them with such as are extorted from the People , can so accommodat their Ambition and Avarice with great Offices and Commands , that a Party rebelling , he can overbalance and reduce them by a greater part of their own Order , he may have greater Power and less Security , as at present in France . THE safer way of this Government is by Orders ; and the Orders proper to it specially consist of a Hereditary Senat of the Nobility , admitting also of the Clergy , and of a Representative of the People made up of the Lords menial Servants , or such as by Tenure and for Livelihood have immediat dependence upon them , as formerly in England . AN Aristocracy , or State of Nobility , to exclude the People must govern by a King ; or to exclude a King , must govern by the People : Nor is there , without a Senat or mixture of Aristocracy , any Popular Government . Whence , tho for discourse sake Politicians speak of pure Aristocracy , and pure Democracy , there is no such thing as either of these in Nature , Art , or Example . WHERE the People are not overbalanc'd by one Man , or by the Few , they are not capable of any other Superstructures of Government , or of any other just and quiet settlement whatsoever , than of such only as consists of a Senat as their Counsillors , of themselves or their Representatives as Soverain Lords , and of a Magistracy answerable to the People , as distributers and executioners of the Laws made by the People . And thus much is of absolute necessity to any or every Government , that is or can be properly call'd a Commonwealth , whether it be well or ill order'd . BUT the necessary definition of a Commonwealth , any thing well order'd , is , That it is a Government consisting of the Senat proposing , the People resolving , and the Magistracy executing . MAGISTRACY is a stile proper to the executive part : yet because in a Discourse of this kind it is hardly avoidable , but that such as are of the proposing or resolving Assemblys , will be somtimes compriz'd under this name or stile , it shall be enough for excuse to say , that Magistracy may be esteem'd of two kinds ; the one proper or Executive , the other improper or Legislative . A SENAT may consist of a Hereditary Order , elective for life by it self , or by som Magistrat or Magistrats of the same ; as the Senat of Rome consisted of the Patrician Order therinto eligible , first by the Consuls , and then by the Censors . A Senat may consist of Senators elected by the People for life , as that of Lacedemon : It may consist of Senators eligible by the People for terms , without any vacation or interval , as the Senat of Venice ; or with intervals , as the Senat of Athens , which also for another difference was elected by lot . A POPULAR Assembly may consist of the whole People , as the great Council of Venice ( for the Venetians , tho call'd , in respect of their Subjects , Nobility , are all that free People which is compriz'd in that Commonwealth ) or of a Representative , as in Israel . Again , a Representative Book I of the People may be for life , as in the particular Citys or Soveraintys of Holland , improperly call'd Senats ; or it may be upon Rotation , that is to say , by changes or courses , as that of Israel , and the present Representative in England ; it may also be by lot , as the Roman Tribes call'd the Prerogative , and the Jurevocatae . TO speak of Magistrats in a Commonwealth , and all their kinds , were to begin an endless discourse ; the present I shall therfore confine to such only as may be call'd Supreme Magistrats . The Supreme Magistracy of a Commonwealth may be in one or more ; and it may be for life , or for terms and vacations . In one elective by the People for life ; as in the Duke of Venice , whose Function is Civil and not Military . In two Hereditarily ; as in the two Kings of Lacedemon , whose Function was rather Military than Civil . In nine annually elective by the People ; as in the nine Princes or Archons of Athens . In two annually elected by the People ; as the Roman Consuls , whose Power was both Military and Civil . In a word , it may be in one or more , for life , or for terms and vacations , as shall best sute with the occasion . SOM Commonwealths consist of distinct Soveraintys , as Switzerland and Holland ; others are collected into one and the same Soverainty , as most of the rest . Again , som Commonwealths have bin upon Rotation or Courses in the Representative only , as Israel : Others in the Magistracy only , as Rome . Som in the Senat and in the Magistracy , as Athens and Venice : Others in som part of the Magistracy , and in others not ; as Lacedemon in the Ephori , and not in the Kings ; and Venice not in the Duke , nor in the Procuratori , but in all the rest . Holland , except in the Election of States Provincial ( which is emergent ) admits not of any rotation or courses . There may be a Commonwealth admitting of Rotation throout , as in the Senat , in the Representative , and in the Magistracy ; as that propos'd in Oceana . ROTATION , if it be perfect , is equal election by , and succession of the whole People to the Magistracy by terms and vacations . EQUAL Election may be by Lot , as that of the Senat of Athens ; by Suffrage , as that of Lacedemon ; or by Ballot , as that of Venice , which of all others is the most equal . THE Ballot , as it is us'd in Venice , consists of a Lot ; whence procedes the right of proposing , and of an unseen way of suffrage , or of resolving . FROM the wonderful variety of parts , and the difference of mixture ( hitherto scarce touch'd by any ) result those admirable differences that are in the Constitution and Genius of Popular Governments ; som being for defence , som for increase ; som more equal , others inequal ; som turbulent and seditious , others , like soft streams , in a perpetual tranquillity . THAT which causes innat Sedition in a Commonwealth , is Inequality ; as in Rome , where the Senat opprest the People . But if a Commonwealth be perfectly equal , it is void of Sedition , and has attain'd to perfection , as being void of all internal causes of dissolution . AN equal Commonwealth is a Government founded upon a balance which is perfectly Popular , being well fix'd by a sutable Agrarian ; and which from the balance , thro the free suffrage of the People given by the Ballot , amounts in the Superstructures to a Senat debating Chap. 4 and proposing , a Representative of the People resolving , and a Magistracy executing : each of these three Orders being upon Courses or Rotation ; that is , elected for certain t●rms , injoining like Intervals . SUCH Constitutions in a Government as regard the Frame or Model of it , are call'd Orders ; and such things as are enacted by the Legislative Orders , are call'd Laws . TO undertake the binding of a Prince from invading Liberty , and yet not to introduce the whole Orders necessary to Popular Government , is to undertake a flat contradiction , or a plain impossibility . A PEOPLE or Assembly not understanding true Principles , give least credit to the best Orders , and so com to cast themselves upon particular persons : for where Orders are not credited , there Men must be trusted ; and where Men are trusted , they find themselves so well in their power , that they are either for bringing in a Commonwealth by degrees , or more probably not at all . The desire of bringing in a Commonwealth by degrees , arises from want of considering that the whole of a Commonwealth , as to charge or trouble , is less than the half . He who has a Journy to go , dos not chuse to have but half a Bridle , or but one Boot or Stirrup , tho these be fewer things , and com but to half the charge ; because this would but necessitat him to procure more things , and perhaps more chargeable or dangerous . Optimus ille animi vindex , laedentia pectus Vincula qui rupit , dedoluitque semel . The Conclusion : Observing that the Principles of Human Prudence being good without proof of Scripture , are nevertheless such as are provable out of Scripture . WHO imagins that the Romans govern'd by proof out of Scripture ? Yet says PETER , Submit your selves to ( Human Prudence , or ) every Ordinance of Man ; which relates more particularly to the Government of the Romans . The most frequent comparison of a Commonwealth is to a Ship ; but who imagins that a Ship ought not to be built according to the Art of the Shipwright , or govern'd according to the Compass , unless these be prov'd out of Scripture ? Nevertheless , as hitherto I have prov'd the principles of Human Prudence in the several parts out of Holy Scripture ; so I undertake to vindicat them in the whole , as to the intire frame of Popular Government , in the insuing Book , by the same Authority and undeniable Evidence . Book II THE SECOND BOOK , Containing the COMMONWEALTHS OF THE HEBREWS : Namely , ELOHIM , or the Commonwealth of Israel ; AND CABALA , or the Commonwealth of the Jews . The PREFACE , Shewing that there were Commonwealths before that of Israel . HVMAN Prudence is originally a Creature of God , and , with respect to its existence , as antient as human Nature ; nor is it so much younger in any of those Effects or Ends for which it was ordain'd by God , that we should think Israel to have bin the first Commonwealth , or the first Popular Government that ever was , or that was planted at least in Canaan : for the like Governments , in the Countrys therabout , there were both before and at the same time . It was in Canaan , that MELCHISEDEC , King and Priest of Salem , had reign'd during the time of ABRAHAM , who paid him Tithes of all that he had . Now Tithes before Israel and the institution of the Levits , belong'd not to any sort of Clergy , but to the Prince or State. Whence SAMUEL in the description of a King , tells the People that he will take the tenth of their Goods . Thus ABRAHAM in paying Tithes to MELCHISEDEC , acknowledg'd him for his Prince . Yet had ABRAHAM the right of the Sword , and made War with Kings , as those of Sodom , at his own discretion ; whence Canaan may seem to have bin a Common-wealth in those days , much after the manner of Germany in ours . The Chap. 1 five Lords ( perhaps five Tribuns ) of the Philistins must needs have bin som Aristocracy at least of Princes joining in one Body or Commonwealth . So Venice in her first Age was under Lords or Tribuns . It is little to be doubted , but the Government of JETHRO , King and Priest of Midian , was of a like nature with that of MELCHISEDEC , or of the Lacedemonian Kings , who were also Priests ; or that the Counsil he gave to MOSES ( being for the institution of such Judicatcrys as are not proper in a Monarchy ) was any other than according to the Orders of his own Commonwealth . And lest these Governments should seem less popular , the Embassadors of the Gibeonits coming to JOSHUA , say thus ; Our Elders ( or our Senat ) and all the Inhabitants of our Country ( or the popular Assembly of the same ) spoke to us saying , Go meet them , and say to them , We are your Servants : therfore now make a League with us . To make a League with a foren Nation evinces Soverain Power ; and that this League was made by the Senat and the People , evinces Gibeon to have bin a Popular Government . Such a thing then as Popular Government most undeniably there was before Israel . Now whether Israel were a Popular Government or no , I shall refer to trial by the insuing Chapter . CHAP. I. Shewing that Israel was a Commonwealth . IT is said of the Israelits that went first into Egypt , All the Souls that Sect. 1 came out of the loins of Jacob were seventy Souls . These becoming so many Fathers of Familys , and governing their own Familys by Paternal Right , it follows that at first they so govern'd the whole People ; yet not with any soverain Power ( as may be easily thought in a Country that had a Prince of its own ) but by way only of direction and advice . The People being thus accustom'd to this way , as any of these seventy came to dy , supply'd his place with another of their Election ; at least for the probability of this opinion , we find mention of MOSES , NADAB , ABIHU , and seventy of the Elders , before the institution of the Israelitish Senat or Sanhedrim . To these and to the People MOSES propos'd his Laws . So I am sure in the * Latin it is expresly said , where by our English Translation it is thus render'd , This is the Law ( and by the Law here is meant no less than the whole Book of Deuteronomy ) which MOSES set before the Children of Israel , whose Assemblys were not always without faction . For KORAH , DATHAN , and ABIRAM , with two hundred Princes of the Assembly , famous in the Congregation , Men of Renown , bandy'd themselves against MOSES , and his intended Election of his Brother AARON to the hereditary Priesthood , reproaching him ( says JOSEPHUS ) that he went about to dispose of this Honor without the Suffrage of the Congregation , therby affecting Tyranny , and a sly Book II usurpation of the Liberty of the People : which sense also is imply'd by their upbraiding him in Scripture ; Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of the Land that flows with Milk and Hony , to kill us in the Wilderness ? except thou makest thy self altogether a Prince over us . But wheras the Scripture in all this presumes these Incendiarys to have bely'd MOSES , som will have all they thus laid to his charge , to be no more , but less than truth ; in as much as they will needs have MOSES not only to have bin a King , but to have bin a King exercising Arbitrary Power , and such Arbitrary Power as , being without any bounds , fully amounts to Tyranny . Sect. 2 THE word King is not a sufficient definition of the Magistrat so stil'd : Between a Lacedemonian King and a Persian King , or between either of these and a King of England , there was a vast difference . Both the Kings in Lacedemon were but as one Duke in Venice . The Venetians therfore , if it had so pleas'd them , might as well have call'd their Duke a King. Certainly it is , that he is not so much in the Commonwealth , as are a few of his Counsillors ; and yet all Acts of the Government run in his name , as if there were no Common-wealth . IT is said ( according to our Translation ) MOSES commanded us a Law , &c. according to the Original , MOSES ( propos'd , or ) gave us a Law , which is an Inheritance to the Congregation of JACOB . The Duke of Venice has a right to propose or give Law in the Congregation or great Council of Venice ; where he , who sees him sitting , would believe he were a King. And if MOSES were King in Jesurun ( or Israel ) it was when the Heads of the People and the Tribes of Israel were gather'd together . PAUL , epitomizing the story of the People of Israel in his Sermon to the Antiochian Jews , shews how God chose their Fathers , exalted the People , destroy'd ( for their sakes ) seven Nations in the Land of Canaan , and divided their Land to them by Lots : but speaks not a word of any King given to them , till expresly after their Judges . But if MOSES were a King , yet that he did not propose , but command by his power the Laws which he gave to Israel , dos not follow . For DAVID was a King , who nevertheless did no otherwise make any Law than by Proposition to the People , and their free Suffrage upon it . DAVID consulted with the Captains of thousands , and hundreds , and with every Leader ( of which Military Disciplin of the Congregation of Israel more in due place will be shewn ) and DAVID said to all the Congregation , If it seems good to you , and that it be of the Lord our God ( tho he was a King , and a man after God's own heart , he makes the People Judges what was of God ) let us send abroad to our Brethren every where that are left in all the Land of Israel , and with them also to the Priests and Levits that are in their Citys and Suburbs , that they ( to the end this thing may be perform'd with the greatest solemnity ) may gather themselves to us , and let us bring the Ark of God to us : for we inquir'd not at it in the days of SAUL . In the days of ELI the Ark was taken by the Philistins , who being smitten till there was a deadly destruction throout all the City , and their Divines attributing the cause therof to the detention of the Ark , after seven months sent it to Bethshemesh ; whence it was brought to Kirjath-jearim , and there lodg'd in the house of AMINADAB , before SAUL was King , where it remain'd till such time as DAVID propos'd ( in the manner shewn ) to the People the reduction of the same . Upon this Proposition , the People giving Suffrage are unanimous Chap. 1 in their result ; All the Congregation said , that they would do so ( not that they could do no otherwise by a King , for they did not the like by REHOBOAM , but that ) the thing was right in the eys of all the People . Moreover , DAVID and the Captains of the Host separated to the Service som of the Sons of ASAPH , and of HEMAN , and of JEDUTHUN , who should prophesy with Harps , with Psalterys and with Cymbals ; that is , propos'd these Laws for Church Disciplin , or Offices of the Priests and Levits , to the same Representative of the People : of which more in other places . Thus much in this , to shew , that if MOSES were a King , it dos not follow that he propos'd not his Laws to a Congregation of the People having the power of Result . To say that the Laws propos'd by MOSES were the Dictat of GOD , is not to evade , but to confirm the necessity of proposing them to the People , seeing the Laws or Dictats of GOD or of CHRIST , can no otherwise be effectually receiv'd or imbrac'd by a People , or by a privat man , than by the free suffrage of the Soul or Conscience ; and not by Force or Rewards , which may as well establish the Laws of the Devil . BUT for another way , such a one as it is , of crowning MOSES , Sect. 3 som are positive that there lay an appeal from the seventy Elders to Him. Now the Command of God to MOSES for the institution of the Seventy , is this : Gather to me seventy men of the Elders of Israel — that they may stand with thee . Upon which words let me ask , whether had MOSES thenceforth a distinct or a joint political Capacity ? If the Seventy stood with MOSES , or it were a joint Capacity , then MOSES was no King in their sense ; and if it were distinct , then lay there to MOSES no appeal , even by his own Law : for thus in the case of Appeals it is by him directed . If there arises a Controversy too hard for thee in Judgment — thou shalt com to the Priests and Levits ( that is , to the seventy Elders ) — According to the sentence of the Law which they — shall tell thee , thou shalt do — And the man that will do presumtuously , and will not hearken — even that man shall dy . In which words all color of appeal from the seventy Elders is excluded . BUT whether MOSES were a King or no King , either his Sect. 4 Power was more than that of King DAVID ; or without proposition to , and result of the People it is plain that he could pass no Law. Now the Senat , Sanhedrim , or seventy Elders , came in the place of MOSES , or stood with him ; therfore their Power could be no more than was that of MOSES . So that if the Power of MOSES were never more in the point of Lawgiving , than to propose to the People ; then the power of the Sanhedrim could be no more in the point of Lawgiving , than to propose to the People . Nor will it be found in Scripture that the Sanhedrim ever made any Law without the People , yet it is found in Scripture that the People made a Law without the Sanhedrim , or levy'd War without them , which is all one : for where there is a power to levy War , there will be the power of making Law. And the occasion upon which this is found , is the War levy'd against BENJAMIN by the Congregation consisting of four hundred thousand . Again , If the Sanhedrim inherited the whole power of MOSES , and yet had no larger power in Lawmaking than to propose to the People , then had MOSES never any larger power in Law-making than to propose to the People . Now where there is no King , Book II or no King in a distinct capacity from the Senat ; and where the Senat has no farther power in Lawmaking than to propose to the free suffrage of the People ; the Government there is a Commonwealth . Thus having shewn that Israel was a Commonwealth , I com next to shew what Commonwealth Israel was . CHAP. II. Shewing what Commonwealth Israel was . Sect. 1 ALL Political Methods that are collective of the People , must necessarily begin with a distribution or division of the People . FOR the division of the People of Israel , it was first Genealogical , and then local . Now these are the Names ( of the Ancestors of the Tribes , or ) of the Children of Israel which came into Egypt , every man and his Houshold came with JACOB : REUBEN , SIMEON , LEVI , and JUDAH , ISSACHAR , ZEBULUN , and BENJAMIN , DAN , and NAPHTALI , GAD , and ASHER . These being eleven in number , were the Sons of JACOB , who had also one more , namely JOSEPH . And to JOSEPH were born two Sons before the years of Famin came , which ASENAH the Daughter of POTIPHERAH Priest of On , bore to him . And JOSEPH call'd the name of the first-born MANASSEH — and the name of the second call'd he EPHRAIM . Which two ( tho but Grandchildren ) were adopted by JACOB for his Sons , in these words : Let my name be nam'd on them , and the name of my Fathers ABRAHAM and ISAAC ; and let them grow into a multitude in the midst of the Earth . From which addition to the former came the Tribes of Israel , genealogically reckon'd , to be in number thirteen . In the genealogical distribution of the Tribes there were also observ'd certain Ranks , Qualitys , or Degrees , as appears by the Poll made of Israel in the Wilderness of Sinai , and in the Tabernacle of the Congregation by MOSES . These Degrees were of two sorts : first , Phylarchs , or Princes of Tribes ; and secondly , Patriarchs , or Princes of Familys : all hereditary Honors , and pertaining to the Firstborn of the Tribe or of the Family respectively . That this Poll be more perfectly understood , will be useful ; for which cause I shall be somwhat more particular . First , for the Phylarchs , or Princes of the Tribes ; and then for the Patriarchs , or Princes of Familys . To begin with the Princes of the Tribes . Sect. 2 MOSES and AARON — assembl'd the Congregation ( or political Convention of the People ) together on the first day of the second month , after their Familys , by the house of their Fathers , according to the number of the names , from twenty years old and upward , by the poll . Where every Phylarch or Prince of a Tribe , with the number of men at the age mention'd and upward , throout his Tribe , are listed much after this manner . 1. OF the Tribe of REUBEN , ELIZUR , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , forty six thousand five hundred . 2. OF the Tribe of SIMEON , SHELAMIEL , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , fifty nine thousand three hundred . 3. OF the Tribe of JUDAH , NASHON , Prince . The men of military Chap. 2 age in his Tribe , threescore and fourteen thousand six hundred . 4. OF the Tribe of ISSACHAR , NETHANIEL , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , fifty four thousand four hundred . 5. OF the Tribe of ZEBULUN , ELIAB , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , fifty seven thousand four hundred . 6. OF the Tribe of EPHRAIM , ELISHAMA , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , forty thousand five hundred . 7. OF the Tribe of MANASSEH , GEMALIEL , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , thirty two thousand two hundred . 8. OF the Tribe of BENJAMIN , ABIDAN , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , thirty five thousand four hundred . 9. OF the Tribe of DAN , AHIEZER , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , threescore and two thousand seven hundred . 10. OF the Tribe of ASHER , PAGIEL , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , forty one thousand five hundred . 11. OF the Tribe of GAD , ELIASAPH , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , forty five thousand six hundred and fifty . 12. OF the Tribe of NAPHTALI , AHIRA , Prince . The men of military age in his Tribe , fifty three thousand four hundred . THE total sum of which Musterroll in the twelve Tribes , amounts to Princes twelve ; and men of military age six hundred three thousand five hundred and fifty , besides the Levits . ALL the firstborn , says God , are mine . In which words is imply'd Sect. 3 that the Priesthood , or right of preaching , instructing , or administring divine things , belong'd , as it were , of natural right , to Fathers of Familys , or the Firstborn ; till the Lord took the Levits from among the Children of Israel , instead of the Firstborn . These being thus taken , were set apart , and so listed by themselves ( to omit their several Familys , Functions , and Orders in the service of the Tabernacle , and afterwards of the Temple , which would require a Volum ) much after this manner . OF the Tribe of LEVI , AARON High Priest . The number of all the Males of this Tribe , from a month old and upwards , twenty and two thousand . The manner how God took the Levits , is thus express'd . Thou shalt bring the Levits before the Tabernacle of the Congregation , and thou shalt gather the whole Assembly together — and the Children of Israel ( after the manner that the Levits lay their hands upon the Bullocks , or Sacrifice ) shall put their hands upon the Levits , in token that they are sacrific'd or separated by the free suffrage of the People to the Lord. For lest the suffrage of the People be thought hereby to have bin excluded , so DAVID and the Captains of the Host or Army ( which Army was the Representative of the People ) separated to the service som of the Sons of ASAPH , of HEMAN , and of JEDUTHUN — who should prophesy with Harps . But of the Congregations of the People more in due place . THE hereditary Right more specially belonging to the Phylarchs , Sect. 4 or Princes of the Tribes , consisted ( as that of the Kings of Lacedemon , of Athens , and of Rome ) in the leading of the Armys of the Commonwealth ; which was distributed to them in this manner . The twelve Tribes were divided into four Brigades , every Brigade consisting of three Tribes . The leading of the first Brigade pertain'd to Book II JUDAH , who in his Standard bore a Lion. The leading of the second Brigade belong'd to REUBEN , who in his Standard bore a Man. The leading of the third Brigade belong'd to EPHRAIM , who in his Standard bore an Ox. The leading of the fourth Brigade belong'd to DAN , who in his Standard bore an Eagle . These four by the text are term'd Standards of the Camp , which were as the Roman Eagles . Furthermore , as the subdivisions of the Roman Legions had their proper Insigns , so had the Tribes here , which had not the leading of a Brigade of the Camp. The Insigns of these Tribes were call'd Staves ; as the Staff of the Children of ISSACHAR , the Staff of the Tribe of ZEBULUN , which follow'd the Standard of JUDAH : The Staff of the Tribe of SIMEON , the Staff of the Tribe of GAD , which follow'd the Standard of REUBEN : The Staff of the Tribe of MANASSEH , the Staff of the Tribe of BENJAMIN , which follow'd the Standard of EPHRAIM : The Staff of the Tribe of ASHER , the Staff of the Tribe of NAPHTALI , which follow'd the Standard of DAN . All which Insigns or Staves in our English Translation are render'd Hosts , or Armys . IN the midst of these four Squadrons or Brigades stood the Tabernacle , with the Levits divided , and distributed by their distinct Familys to the several uses and carriages of the same , and lodg'd upon the four quarters . WHEN the Ark set forward , or the Camp remov'd , these words were with solemnity pronounc'd by the General , or by the High Priest ; Rise up Lord , and let thy Enemys be scatter'd , and let them that hate thee fly before thee . OF the Martial Disciplin in which the Youth in Israel were educated to these ends , there was certainly more than is remaining in story . But that their Popular Assemblys were all held in Military Order and Disciplin , and that the deserters of the Militia were anathematiz'd , confiscated , or put to the sword , will in due time be made sufficiently apparent . For the present , you have the Israelitish Musterroll , being of a like nature with that in Athens call'd Lexiarcha , and that in Rome call'd Census . Nor has any Commonwealth bin well order'd in its Militia , which has not bin diligent in the institution and preservation of the like Military Rolls or Registers . Hitherto of the Phylarchs , or Princes of the Tribes ; the next rank or quality in this Government was that of the Patriarchs or Princes of Familys . Sect. 5 THE word Family in many places of Scripture , is not to be taken for a single Houshold ; but as we take the word in Heraldry , that is , for a Lineage or Kindred . The Patriarchs in Israel , taken in this sense , were such as , till of late years in Scotland , were they that could lead the whole Name or Kindred , and be follow'd by them . The Familys in Israel of this kind , that were greatest about the plantation of the Commonwealth , were of REUBEN , the Henochits , the Phalluits , the Hesronits , and the Charmits . OF SIMEON , the Namuelits , the Jamnits , the Jachenits , the Zarits , and the Shaulits . OF GAD , the Zephronits , the Haggits , the Shunits , the Oznits , the Erits , the Arodits , and the Arelits . OF JUDAH , the Shelanits , the Pharzits , the Zarhits , the Hesronits , and the Hamulits . OF ISSACHAR , the Tholaits , the Punits , the Shuhits , and the Shimranits . OF ZABULUN , the Sardits , the Elonits , and the Jahleelits . Chap. 1 OF MANASSEH , the Machirits , the Galeadits , the Jeezrits , the Helekits , the Asrielits , the Sechemits , the Shemidaits , and the Hepherits . OF EPHRAIM , the Shuthalaits , the Bachtits , the Tahanits , and the Eranits . OF BENJAMIN , the Belaits , the Ashbelits , the Ahiramits , the Shuphamits , the Huphamits , the Ardits , the Heredits , and the Naamits . OF DAN , the Suhamits . OF ASHER , the Jimnits , the Jessuits , the Britts , the Heberits , and the Melchielits . OF NAPHTALI , the Jazrielits , the Gunits , the Jeserits , and the Shillemits . OF LEVI , the Gersonits , the Caharits , and the Merarits . The heads of these were such as are call'd Patriarchs , Princes , heads of Familys , or chief of the Fathers . FAMILYS , tho far less subject than in other Governments to decay or increase , might at divers times be different in Israel ; as after BENJAMIN was destroy'd , or after DAVID had rais'd his own and many other : But thus were the Familys at this time sixty ; the Tribes being , as was shewn before , thirteen . IN the first institution of the Tribes of Rome , that is , Ramnenses , Titienses , and the Luceri , they were also generalogical , but long it held not so ; genealogical divisions in a Commonwealth being for the most part of greater danger than use : but whether Genealogys be observ'd or not , the local way of division is of absolute necessity . TO insert the Geography of the Israelitish Tribes , would be as Sect. 6 burdensom both to the Reader and my self , as needless to either . But the manner how the Tribes became local , was thro the distribution of the Land of Canaan by Lot , and intailing the Lands so distributed upon the Proprietors and their Heirs for ever , without power of alienation , in any such manner as to deprive their Posterity . The Lot or Ballot in Israel was specially of three uses ; one for election of Magistrats , another for the discovery of som secret Malefactor , and a third for the division of Lands . To which three heads I hope to reduce the whole History of their Government : and this work once perform'd , it will be easy to represent the Commonwealth in its Political method . TO begin with the election of Magistrats , it was perform'd somtimes by the Lot , without Suffrage ; and somtimes by the Ballot , that is , by a mixture of Lot and Suffrage . For the clearer discovery of the Order in Elections , I must invert the Order of the Magistrats elected , and begin with the King ; then procede to the Judg , and com last of all to the Sanhedrim , and the inferior Courts . THE Instruments us'd upon these occasions , were first Lots , som Blanks and som Prizes ; then Urns ( that is , Pots ) into which these Lots were cast , and out of which they were afterwards drawn , or given forth ; by what Officers , or with what farther Solemnity , dos not appear . WHEN the People would needs have a King , SAMUEL being Sect. 7 their Judg , did that , tho against his will , which nevertheless was no more than his duty : that is , first , hearken'd to the voice of the People ; or obey'd their Vote . Secondly , Call'd the People together to the Lord to Mizpeh . The political Assembly , or Congregation of the People Book II of Israel was call'd Ecclesia Dei , the Congregation of the Lord , as it ought to have bin exprest in the Trial of BENJAMIN , and is in som places by our Translation ; as where an Eunuch ( or one unfit for marriage with a Daughter of Israel , which capacity was necessary to the being inrol'd of a Tribe ) a Bastard ( as dishonorable ) an Ammonite or Moabite ( as descended of perfidious Nations ) shall not enter into the Congregation of the Lord : that is , shall not have right of suffrage with the People of Israel . So SAMUEL , by calling the Congregation of the Lord , or the People together to the Lord in Mizpeh ( the place , before the taking of Jerusalem , where they always held their Parlaments or political Assemblys ) did the office of the like Magistrats in Commonwealths . The People being thus assembl'd ( for to be brief , I must procede with conjectures , which at first sight will seem bolder than really they are ) SAMUEL causing the Urns to be set forth , pronounc'd the solemn form of words in use upon the like occasion , which were these : Present your selves before the Lord by your Tribes , and by your thousands . The political Assemblys of the Children of Israel were held , or gather'd ( as we say ) with Drums beating , and Colors flying ; and if it were an extraordinary Congregation , that is , a Congregation consisting of the whole People , as this , and that for the trial of BENJAMIN , the Princes of the Tribes with their Staves , and the Standards of the Camp ( in the order shewn ) led up the People to the Urns , or Ballot . Wherfore upon these words of SAMUEL , the Princes march'd in their known disciplin to the Urns. The Urns were two : in the one were twelve Lots inscrib'd with the names of the twelve Tribes ; in the other were also twelve other Lots , wherof eleven were Blanks , and the twelfth inscrib'd with som word . What the Israelitish word was , dos not appear ; the Roman word upon the like occasion was Prerogative : wherfore seeing that which is lost must have bin of a like nature , we may , for discourse sake , presume it to have bin the same in Israel as in Rome . And when SAMUEL had caus'd all the Tribes of Israel to com near , the Tribe of BENJAMIN was taken : That is , the name of this Tribe being drawn out of the one Urn , to it was drawn the word Prerogative out of the other Urn ; which being don , the Urns were chang'd , or at least the Lots . And wheras in the enumeration of the Patriarchs , I shew'd by a catalog of their Names , that the whole Tribe of BENJAMIN consisted of seven Familys ; seven names by that account should have bin cast into the one Urn , and as many Lots into the other ; one of them being inscrib'd with the word Prerogative , and the other six being Blanks . But both the names , and the number of Familys at this Ballot , are most likely to have bin quite otherwise than in the Catalog ; because since that time the Tribe of BENJAMIN had in the far greater part bin destroy'd , and piec'd up again out of a Remnant : so for the number of the Familys , or the names of them , I can say nothing . But the Urns being thus prepar'd , came BENJAMIN , as now the Prerogative Tribe , to the Urns by Familys . And when SAMUEL had caus'd the Tribe of BENJAMIN to com near by their Familys , the Family of MATRI ( which is a new one ) was taken : that is , lighting , in the manner shewn , upon the Prize , became the Prerogative Family . This don , the Lots were again chang'd , and so many others as there were Housholds in the Family of MATRI ( for so you will find it in the trial of ACHAN ) were cast into the Urns. Thus the Houshold of KISH coming to be the Prerogative Houshold , Chap. 1 and so many Lots as there were men of that Houshold , being cast into the Urns , wherof the Prize was inscrib'd King ; came the Houshold of KISH , man by man , and SAUL the Son of KISH was taken . WE find it recorded by LIVY , of TARQUINIUS PRISCUS , Sect. 8 and of SERVIUS TULLIUS , that before either of them was King , the one had his hat taken off , and carry'd up by an Eagle ; the other had a flame resting upon his forehead , by which it was firmly believ'd , that each of them was design'd of the Gods to be King : yet was this never so understood by themselves , or any other , as to exclude the right of popular Suffrage in their Election , by which PRISCUS reign'd ; or to create an opinion that any man ought to be King of Rome , whom the People had not first commanded to reign over them , to whose Election therfore SERVIUS , tho in possession of the Throne , thought it his best way to refer himself . Far be it from me to compare Prodigys among Heathens , to Miracles in the Church : But each People had of each a like opinion . Both Israel and the Heathens began their popular Assemblys with Sacrifice . In order to the election of SOLOMON , the Representative of Israel sacrific'd Sacrifices to the Lord — even a thousand Bullocks , a thousand Rams , and a thousand Lambs , with their Drink-offerings , and Sacrifices in abundance , for all Israel . And when they had thus don , what Magistrats soever the Israelits , or the Heathens elected , they always understood to be elected by God. The Lot is cast into the lap , but the whole disposing therof is of the Lord. And indeed , wheras in this manner they made SOLOMON King , and ZADOC to be Priest , if we will hold otherwise , we must think that neither the King nor the Priest was elected by God. A man that is elected to som great Office , by a King rightly qualify'd , must have little Religion , or hold himself to be rais'd up by God. Why then should it be otherwise , when a Magistrat is elected by a People rightly qualify'd ? Or what consequence is there in saying , that SAUL was anointed by SAMUEL before he was elected by the People , or that God rais'd them up Judges ; therfore neither SAUL nor the Judges were elected by the People ? That God elected the Kings in Israel , is certain ; and that the People no less for that did also elect the Kings , is as certain . One from among thy Brethren shalt thou ( that is , thou the People of Israel ) set King over thee . That God rais'd up Judges in Israel , is certain ; and that the People no less for that , did also elect the Judges , is as certain . When the Children of Ammon made War against Israel , Israel assembl'd themselves together , and incamp'd in Mizpeh , whence the Elders of Gilead went to fetch JEPHTA out of the Land of Tob. — Then JEPHTA went with the Elders of Gilead , and the People made him Head and Captain over them : and JEPHTA utter'd all his words before the Lord in Mizpeh . But that SOLOMON was elected by the Lot , I do not affirm ; it being most probable , that it was by Suffrage only , DAVID proposing , and the People resolving . Nor whether JEPHTA was elected by Suffrage , or by the Ballot , is it material ; however that the ordinary Magistrats were elected by the Ballot , I little doubt . THE ordinary Magistrats of this Commonwealth ( as shall hereafter Sect. 9 be more fully open'd ) were the Sanhedrim , or the seventy Elders ; and the inferior Courts or Judges , in the Gates of the Citys . Book II For the Institution and Election of these , MOSES propos'd to the People , or the Congregation of the Lord , in this manner . Take you wise men , and understanding , and known among your Tribes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and I will make ( or constitute ) them Rulers over you . Where , by the way , lest MOSES in these words be thought to assume power , SOLON , says ARISTOTLE ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) made , or constituted the Popular Government of Athens . In which he implys , not that SOLON was a King , or had Soverain Power , but that he was a Lawgiver , and had authority to propose to the People . Nor is there more in the words of MOSES ; upon whose Proposition , say Jewish Writers , each of the twelve Tribes , by free Suffrages , elected six Competitors , and wrote their Names in scrols , which they deliver'd to MOSES . MOSES having thus presented to him by the twelve Tribes seventy and two Competitors for seventy Magistracys , had by consequence two more Competitors than were capable of the Preferment to which they were elected by the People : Wherfore MOSES took two Urns , into the one he cast the seventy two Names presented by the People ; into the other , seventy two Lots , wherof two were blanks , the rest inscrib'd with the word Elder . This don , he call'd the Competitors to the Urn , where the seventy , to whose Names came forth the Prizes , went up to the Tabernacle , the Session-house being there provided : and the two that drew the Blanks , namely ELDAD and MEDAD , tho of them that were elected and written by the Tribes , went not up to the Tabernacle , but remain'd in the Camp , as not having attain'd to Magistracy . Thus , if this place in Scripture can admit of no other Interpretation , so much as I have cited out of the Talmud ( tho otherwise , for the most part , but a fabulous and indigested heap ) must needs be good and valid . In this manner , one or more Senators happening to dy , it was easy for each Tribe , chusing one or more Competitors accordingly out of themselves , to decide at the Urn which Competitor so chosen , should be the Magistrat , without partiality , or cause of feud ; which , if a man considers this Constitution , was not perhaps so readily to be don otherwise . The like , no doubt , was don for the inferior Courts , except that such Elections ( the Commonwealth being once settl'd ) were more particular , and perform'd by that Tribe only in whose Gates that Court was sitting . Sect. 10 THE first institution of these Courts came to pass in the manner following . Before the People were under orders , the whole Judicature lay upon the shoulders of MOSES , who being overburden'd , was advised by JETHRO . And MOSES hearken'd to the voice of his Father-in-law — and chose ( after the manner shewn ) able men out of all Israel , and made them Heads over the People , Rulers of thousands , Rulers of hundreds , Rulers of fiftys , and Rulers of tens . The number of which Rulers , compar'd with the number of the People , as in the muster roll at Sinai , must in all have amounted to about six thousand . These thus instituted , while Israel was an Army , came to be the same when the Army was a Commonwealth : wherof it is said , Judges and Officers shalt thou make thee in all thy Gates which the Lord thy God gives thee , throout thy Tribes ; and they shall judg the People with just Judgment . Each of these Courts , by the practice of the Jewish Commonwealth , consisted of twenty three Elders . But JETHRO , in his advice to MOSES , adds concerning these Judicatorys , this Caution ; Let them judg the People at all seasons : and it shall be , that Chap. 2 every great matter they shall bring to thee , but every small matter they shall judg : So shall it be easier for thy self , and they shall bear the burden with thee . Which nevertheless follow'd not according to JETHRO'S promise , the Appeals being such to MOSES that he gos with this complaint to God : I am not able to bear all this People alone , because it is too heavy for me . Wherupon the Lord said to MOSES , Gather to me seventy men , of the Elders of Israel , whom thou knowest to be Elders of the People , and Officers over them ; and bring them to the Tabernacle of the Congregation , that they may stand with thee — ( but Crowns will have no rivals ) and they shall bear the burden of the People with thee , that thou bear it not alone . But a Monarch is one that must be alone . And MOSES went out , and told the People the words of the Lord ( which a Monarch needed not to have don ) and gather'd the seventy men of the Elders of the People ; the manner wherof is already shewn . JETHRO , being a Heathen , informs MOSES of the Orders of his own Commonwealth , which also was Heathenish . Yet in Scripture is both JETHRO join'd with MOSES , and the Commonwealth of Midian with the Commonwealth of Israel . How then coms it to be irreverend , or atheistical , as som say , in Politicians ( and while political Discourses cannot otherwise be manag'd ) to compare , tho but by way of illustration , other Legislators , or Politicians , as LYCURGUS , SOLON , with MOSES ; or other Commonwealths , as Rome , and Venice , with that of Israel ? But the Authors of such Objections had better have minded , that the burden wherof MOSES here complain'd , could in no manner be that of ordinary Judicature , of which he was eas'd before by the advice of JETHRO ; and therfore must have bin that of Appeals only : so either the Sanhedrim bore no burden at all with MOSES , or they bore that of Appeals with him . And if so , how say they that there lay an Appeal from the seventy Elders to MOSES ? BUT I said the Lot was of use also toward the discovery of conceal'd Sect. 11 Malefactors . Of this we have an Example in the detection of ACHAN . The words of the Law , wherby the Fact of ACHAN was criminal , are these : If thou shalt hear say in one of thy Citys , which the Lord thy God has given thee to dwell therin , saying , Certain men , the Children of Belial , are gon out from among you , and have withdrawn the Inhabitants of their City , saying , Let us go and serve other Gods , which you have not known : then shalt thou inquire , and make search , and ask diligently ; and behold , if it be truth , and the thing certain , that such Abomination is wrought among you , thou shalt surely smite the Inhabitants of that City with the edg of the Sword , destroying it utterly , and all that is therin , and the Cattel therof with the edg of the Sword. And thou shalt gather all the spoil of it into the midst of the street therof , and shalt burn with fire the City , and all the spoil therof , every whit , for the Lord thy God : and it shall be a heap for ever , it shall not be built again , and there shall cleave nought of the accurs'd thing to thy hand . Among the Citys that were given by God to Israel , was Jericho . Now tho against this City , before it was taken , JOSHUA had solemnly and publicly denounc'd the Anathema , or Curses contain'd in the foregoing Law ; and after the taking of it , had , in all appearance , executed upon it the whole of the Anathema so pronounc'd : yet thro subsequent losses before the City of Ai , being sore afflicted , he enter'd into suspicion , that there might have bin som failure in the performance Book II of the Law. Wherupon he rent his Clothes , and fell to the Earth upon his face before the Ark of the Lord , till the eventide , he and the Elders ( or Sanhedrim of Israel ) and put dust on their heads . The Sanhedrim , in difficult cases of the Law , inquir'd of God by Vrim ; and the Sanhedrim , or the People , in cases of high concernment to the State , as in the War against BENJAMIN , inquir'd of the Ark. When God was inquir'd of by Vrim , he gave his Oracle by the shining of certain Stones or Jewels in the Breastplate of the High Priest . When he was inquir'd of by the Ark , he gave his Oracle vocally from the Mercy seat , which was plac'd upon the Ark of the Covenant . Whence he who sat between the Cherubims thus answer'd JOSHUA : Get thee up ; wherfore liest thou thus upon thy face ? Israel has sinn'd — they have even taken of the accurs'd thing . JOSHUA thus inform'd of the Crime , but not so particularly of the Malefactor as to know where to charge it , calls the whole People to the Urns ; in one of which it may be thought that there were eleven white Stones , or Lots , with one black one ; and in the other the twelve Names of the Tribes . So Israel coming first by Tribes to the Urns , the Tribe of JUDAH was taken ; that is , this Tribe lighting upon the black Lot , was denoted for the Guilty Tribe : Which consisting ( as appear'd by the Catalog ) of five Familys , wherof the Zarhits were one , came next by Familys to the Urn ; wherin there might be four white Lots , and one black one , by which the Zarhits were taken . In like manner came the Family of the Zarhits by Housholds , and the Houshold of ZABDI was taken : Last of all came the Houshold of ZABDI man by man , and ACHAN was taken . This kind of Inquisition was perform'd with such Religion and Solemnity , that a man thus taken , if he had any guilt , could have no face to conceal it ; or , if there were any Witnesses of his Crime , they could not any longer dissemble it : and whether he were convicted by testimony , or by his own confession ( as now ACHAN ) he was put to death . The like proceding , in part , is imply'd to have bin in the case of JONATHAN ; tho in this , by agreement therupon between SAUL and the People , it should seem as if but two Lots were put into the Urn , wherof SAUL and JONATHAN , on the one part , drew the black : Or the Prince of the Tribe of JUDAH drawing for the whole People , on the other part , drew the white one ; and that the same being put into the Urn again , to decide it between SAUL and JONATHAN , JONATHAN drew the black : wherupon , he being question'd , confess'd the fact ; and , but that the People rescu'd him from SAUL , had bin put to death . Sect. 12 TO conclude with the use of the Lot , in the division of the Land of Canaan . This ( as implying the Foundation or Balance of the Government ) ought to have bin the first in order , but happens here to com last ; because these Orders were instituted in the Wilderness , and so before the People had any Lands to divide . Nevertheless , this also was propos'd by MOSES , and resolv'd by the People : By lot was their Inheritance , as the Lord commanded MOSES ; and now coms ( as it was , or should have bin put in execution by JOSHUA ) to be consider'd . IT may be true , that the Roman People were the wisest that have bin ; and it is true , that they only of a People , did labor to introduce Agrarian Laws , tho without effect : Otherwise , Levelling was never introduc'd , but by the wisdom and providence of som great Man , as a MOSES , a JOSHUA , or a LYCURGUS ; or by som accident , or Chap. 2 accidents , bringing a Nobility to ruin , as the Laws of HENRY VII . and the ways of HENRY VIII . in England . BETWEEN the Muster Roll in Sinai , wherby the men of military age , as was shewn , amounted to six hundred and three thousand five hundred and fifty , in the twelve Tribes , and the Law for the division of the Land of Canaan , there happen'd a Plague , by which the number of the People , upon a new Poll , came but to six hundred and one thousand seven hundred and thirty . Upon this Poll was the Law made , which runs thus : To these the Land shall be divided for an Inheritance , according to the number of names . To many thou shalt give the more Inheritance , and to fewer thou shalt give the less inheritance : To every one shall his Inheritance be given , according to those that were number'd of him . Notwithstanding , the Land shall be divided by lot : according to the names of the Tribes of their Fathers , they shall inherit ; according to the lot shall the possession therof be divided to many and few . This Law , in another place , is repeated thus : You shall divide the Land by lot , for an inheritance among your Familys ; and to many ye shall give the more Inheritance , and to the fewer ye shall give the less Inheritance : Every man's inheritance shall be in the place where his Lot falls , according to the Tribes of your Fathers ye shall inherit . IN the making of these Lots consideration was as well had of the goodness of the Land , as of the measure . Now supposing this Law to have bin in the whole and methodically executed , the Canaanits must first have bin totally rooted out of the Land of Canaan ; which Land , in that case ( as som affirm ) would have afforded to this Commonwealth a Root or Balance , consisting of three millions of Acres . These , reckoning the whole People in the twelve Tribes , at six hundred and two thousand ( which is more than upon the later Poll they came to ) would have afforded to every man four Acres ; to every one of the Patriarchs ( upon the poll of the foregoing Catalog , where they are sixty ) four thousand Acres ; to every one of the Princes of the Tribes , fourteen thousand Acres ; to the Levitical Citys ( being forty eight , each with its Suburbs , of four thousand Cubits diameter ) one hundred thousand Acres ; and yet for extraordinary Donations , as to JOSHUA and CALEB ( of which kind there were but few ) som eighty thousand Acres might remain . Now it is true , four Acres to a man may seem but a small Lot ; yet the Roman People , under Romulus , and long after , had but two . And it may very well be , that one Acre in Canaan was worth two in Italy , especially about Rome ; and four in England , tho of the best sort : and if so it were that four Acres in Palestin were worth sixteen of our best , such a Lot , at our account , might be worth about thirty or forty pounds a year ; which , for a popular share , holding that rate thro the whole body of a People , was a large proportion . By this estimat , or what possibly could be allow'd to the Princes of the Tribes and of the Familys , their share came not to a sixth of the whole : so the rest remaining to the People , the Balance of this Government must have bin purely popular . It is true , that in the whole this Law of MOSES for the division of the Land was never executed : but that in the parts som such course was taken , is plain ; for example , in the division to seven Tribes , where JOSHUA proposes to the People in this manner : Give out from among you three men for each Tribe — and they shall go thro the Land and describe Book II it . The People having resolv'd accordingly , these went , and pass'd thro the Land , and describ'd it by Citys into seven parts in a Book , and came again to JOSHUA to the Host at Shiloh . And JOSHUA cast Lots for them in Shiloh , before the Lord : and there JOSHUA divided the Land to the Children of Israel according to their divisions . It were absurd to think that this Lot determin'd of proportions ; for so a mean man might have com to be richer than the Prince of his Tribe : but the proportions allotted to Tribes being stated , tho at first but by guess , and entred into the Lot Book of the Surveyors ( who , says JOSEPHUS , were most expert in Geometry ) the Princes came first to the Urns , wherof the one contain'd the names of the Tribes that were to draw , the other the names of those parcels of Land that were to be drawn first to a whole Tribe . Thus the name of a Tribe , for example BENJAMIN , being drawn out of one Urn , to that name a parcel was drawn out of the other Urn ; for example , the Country lying between Jericho and Bethaven . This being don , and the Prince of the Tribe having chosen in what one place he would take his stated and agreed proportion , whether of fourteen thousand Acres , or the like , the rest of the Country was subdivided in the Lot Book , according to the number of Familys in the Tribe of this Prince ; and the Parcels subdivided being cast into the one Urn , the names of the Patriarchs into the other , the same Tribe came again by Familys . Thus every Patriarch making choice in what one part of this Lot he would take his agreed proportion , whether of four thousand Acres , or the like ; the remainder was again subdivided in the Lot Book , according to the number of names in his Family : if they were more than the parcel would furnish at four Acres a man , then was that defect amended by addition out of the next parcel ; and if they were fewer , then the overplus was cast into the next parcel . By such means the People came , or might have com in the whole , and in every part , to the Lot of their Inheritance ; while every Tribe that was thus planted , became local , without removal . Neither shall the Inheritance remove from one Tribe to another Tribe ; but every one of the Tribes of the Children of Israel shall keep himself to his own Inheritance . Sect. 13 THE Tribes thus planted , or to have bin planted , were twelve . The thirteenth , or that of LEVI , came in the like manner to the Lot , for their forty eight Citys with their Suburbs , and receiv'd them accordingly ; as the Lot came forth for the Familys of the Kohathits , and the rest . These Israel gave to the Levits out of their Inheritance : That is , these were such as the twelve Tribes , before the division , set apart for the Levits , with the Tithes , and the Offerings ; which , tho this Tribe had no other Lands , made their portion by far the best . The Tribes being henceforth reckon'd by their locality , and these forty eight Citys being scatter'd throout the twelve Tribes , that of LEVI was no more computed as a distinct Tribe , but lost as it were the name , yet with advantage : for to their promiscuous abode they had the right of promiscuous marriage ; no more in this point being injoin'd any of them , than to take Maidens of the Seed of Israel , or at least the Widows of Priests . And as in the Tribes where they dwelt they had promiscuous Marriage , so had they right of promiscuous Election ; that is , of electing , and being elected , into all the Magistracys and Offices of the Commonwealth : which they so frequently injoy'd , that the Sanhedrim is somtimes understood by their names . If there arises a matter too hard for thee in judgment , thou shalt Chap. 2 com to the Priests the Levits . Between the Law , and the Religion of this Government , there was no difference ; whence all Ecclesiastical persons were also Political persons , of which the Levits were an intire Tribe , set more peculiarly apart to God ( the King of this Common-wealth ) from all other cares , except that only of his Government . Thus MOSES did that with the safety of Liberty in Israel , which LYCURGUS could not do in Lacedemon , but by condemning the Helots to perpetual Slavery : For wheras without these to be Tillers of the Ground , the Citizens of Lacedemon could not be at leisure for the Commonwealth ; the Children of Israel might imploy themselves in their domestic Affairs , as they requir'd , with safety : while the Levits bore the burden of the Government ; or , in case either their privat Affairs permitted , or their Ambition promted , were equally capable of Magistracy . OF the Levitical Citys , three beyond , and three on this side Jordan , Sect. 14 were Citys of Refuge . If a man was slain , the next of kindred , by the Laws of Israel , was the Avenger of Blood ; and to the Avenger of Blood it was lawful to slay him that slew his Kinsman , wherever he could find him , except only in a City of Refuge . For this cause , if a man had slain another , he fled immediatly to one of these Sanctuarys ; whence nevertheless , the Judges in the Gates , within whose proper verge the Crime was committed , caus'd the Malefactor to be brought before them by a Guard , and judg'd between the Slayer and the Avenger of Blood. If that which we call Murder , or Manslaughter , was prov'd against him by two Witnesses , he was put to death : but if it was found , as we say , Chancemedly , he was remanded with a Guard to the City of Refuge ; whence if , before the Death of the High Priest , he was found wandring , it was lawful , not only for the Avenger of Blood , but for any man else to slay him . The High Priest being dead , he return'd , not home only , but to his Inheritance also , with liberty and safety . If a Priest had slain a man , his Refuge was the Sanctuary : whence nevertheless he was taken by the Sanhedrim ; and , if upon trial he was found guilty of wilful Murder , put to death . If a man coms presumtuously upon his Neighbor to slay him with guile , thou shalt take him from my Altar , that he may dy . INHERITANCES , being thus introduc'd by the Lot , were immovably Sect. 15 intail'd on the Proprietors and their Heirs for ever , by the institution of the Jubile , or the return of Lands , however sold or ingag'd , once in fifty years to the antient Proprietor , or his lawful Heir . Yet remain'd there two ways wherby Lots might be accumulated ; the one by casual Inheritance , the other by marriage with an Heiress : as in the case of ZELOPHEDAD , or of his Daughters . NOW to bring the whole result of these historical parts , thus prov'd , Sect. 16 to the true Political Method or Form , the Commonwealth instituted by MOSES was according to this Model . THE whole People of Israel ( thro a popular distribution of the Land of Canaan among themselves by lot , and the fixation of such a popular Balance by their Agrarian Law , or Jubile , intailing the inheritance of each Proprietor upon his Heirs for ever ) was locally divided into twelve Tribes . Book II EVERY Tribe had a double capacity , the one Military , the other Civil . A TRIBE , in its Military capacity , consisted of one Staff or Standard of the Camp , under the leading of its distinct and hereditary Prince , as Commander in chief ; and of its Princes of Familys or chief Fathers , as Captains of thousands and Captains of hundreds . A TRIBE , in its Political capacity , was next and immediatly under the government of certain Judicatorys , sitting in the Gates of its Citys ; each of which consisted of twenty three Elders , elected for life , by free suffrage . THE Soverain Power , and common Ligament of the twelve Tribes , was the Sanhedrim of Israel , and the Ecclesia Dei , or Congregation of the Lord. THE Sanhedrim was a Senat , consisting of seventy Elders for life , so instituted by the free Election of six Competitors , in and by each Tribe ; every Elder , or Senator of the Sanhedrim being taken out of this number of Competitors by the Lot. THE Congregation of the Lord was a Representative of the People of Israel , consisting of twenty four thousand , for the term of one month ; and perpetuated by the monthly Election of two thousand Deputys of the People in each Tribe . THE Sanhedrim , upon a Law made , was a standing Judicatory of Appeal from the Courts in the Gates , throout the Tribes ; and upon a Law to be made , whatever was propos'd by the Sanhedrim , and resolv'd in the affirmative by the Congregation of the Lord , was an Act of the Parlament of Israel . OF this Frame says MOSES to the People ( as well he might ) Behold , I have taught you Statutes and Judgments , even as the Lord my God commanded me , that ye should do so in the Land whither you go to possess it . Keep therfore , and do them ; for this is your Wisdom , and your Vnderstanding in the sight of the Nations , which shall hear all these Statutes , and say , Surely this great Nation is a wise and understanding People . In another place , upon the Peoples observing this form , he pronounces all the choicest Blessings ; and in case of violation of the same , a long enumeration of most dreadful Curses , among which he has this : The Lord shall bring thee , and thy King which thou shalt set over th●e , to a Nation which neither thou nor thy Fathers have known ; and there shalt thou serve other Gods , Wood and Stone . In which words , first he charges the King upon the People as a Creature of their own , and next opposes his Form pointblank to Monarchy ; as is farther apparent in the whole Antithesis running throout that Chapter . To the neglect of these Orders may be apply'd those words of DAVID : I have said that ye are Gods — but ye shall dy like Men , and fall like one of the Princes . But this Government can with no countenance of Reason , or testimony of Story , give any man ground to argue from the Frame thus instituted by MOSES , that a Commonwealth rightly order'd and establish'd , may by any internal cause arising from such Orders , be broken or dissolv'd ; it being most apparent , that this was never establish'd in any such part as could possibly be holding . MOSES dy'd in the Wilderness : and tho JOSHUA , bringing the People into the promis'd Land , did what he could , during his Life , towards the establishment of the Form design'd by MOSES ; yet the hands of the Peopl , e specially after the death of JOSHUA , grew slack , and they Chap. 3 rooted not out the Canaanits , which they were so often commanded to do ; and without which it was impossible their Commonwealth should take any root . Nevertheless , settled as it could be , it was in som parts longer liv'd than any other Government has yet bin ; as having continu'd in som sort from MOSES , to the dispersion of the Jews in the Reign of the Emperor ADRIAN ; being about one thousand seven hundred years . But that it was never establish'd according to the necessity of the Form , or the true intent of MOSES , is that which must be made farther apparent throout the sequel of the present Book ; and first , in the state of the Israelits under their Judges . CHAP. III. Shewing the Anarchy , or State of the Israelits under their Judges . THE Frame of that which I take to have bin the ordinary Congregation Sect. 1 or Representative of the People of Israel , is not perfectly shewn in Scripture , till the time of DAVID ; when , tho it has nothing in it of a Monarchical Institution , it is found intirely remaining , and perfectly describ'd in these words : Now the Children of Israel after their number , to wit , the chief Fathers , and Captains of thousands and hundreds , and their Officers that serv'd the King in any matter of the Courses , which came in , and went out month by month , throout all the months in the year ; of every Course were twenty and four thousand men . The Polls of the People , as they have bin hitherto shewn , were taken before their plantation in Canaan , where before they had Kings , they had grown ( according to the account of PAUL ) four hundred and fifty years ; during which time , that they were excedingly increas'd , appears by the Poll of Military age taken by DAVID , and amounting to one Million three hundred thousand : yet could this Assembly of the Children of Israel after their number , in one year , by monthly rotation , take in the whole body of them . How these , being a Representative of the People , and thus changeable , could be otherwise collected than by the monthly election of two thousand in each Tribe , is not imaginable . And that both a Representative of the People they were , and thus changeable , is by the clear words of Scripture , and the nature of the business upon which occasion they are describ'd , undeniably evinc'd : for DAVID proposing , and the People resolving , they make SOLOMON King , and ZADOC Priest . This Assembly ( besides the Military Disciplin therof , in which it differ'd little from the Customs of such other Commonwealths as have bin great and martial ) had not only a Civil , but a Military Office or Function , as the standing Guard or Army of this Country ; which , tho small , and lying in the very Teeth of its Enemys , could thus , by taking in every man but for one month in a whole year , so equally distribute a Burden , to have bin otherwise intolerable to all , that it might be born by a few , and scarce selt by any . This Epitome of that Body ( already describ'd under the leading of the several Princes of the Tribes , with their Staves , and Standards of the Camp ) seems to have bin commanded by Lieutenants of the Princes , or Tribuns of the respective Tribes : Book II For , over the first course , for the first month , was JASHOBEAM the Son of ZABDIEL ( of the Children of PEREZ , or of the Family of the Pharzits , in the Catalog of JUDAH ) and of his course were four and twenty thousand . IN this case the Princes did not lead in person , but resided in their Tribes for the Government of the same ; whence , upon extraordinary occasions , they sent extraordinary Recruits : or in case of solemn War , or som weighty affair , as the trial of a Tribe or the like , led up in person , with their Staves and Standards ; an Ordinance , whether we regard the military or civil use of it , never enough to be admir'd . Sect. 2 IT is true , while , the whole People being an Army , MOSES could propose to them in body , or under their Staves and Standards of the Camp ; as he needed not , so he us'd not any Representative . But when JOSHUA had let the People go , and the Children of Israel went every man to his Inheritance , to possess the Land ; how was it possible they should possess any thing ( while the five Lords of the Philistins , and all the Canaanits , and the Sidonians , and the Hivits , remain'd yet among them unconquer'd ) without the wing of som such Guard or Army as this , under which to shelter themselves ? How was it equal , or possible , that a few of the People upon the guard of the whole , should be without relief , or sustain all the burden ? Or how could every man be said to go to his Inheritance to possess it , unless they perform'd this or the like duty , by turns or courses ? These things consider'd , there is little doubt but this Congregation was , according to the Institution of MOSES , put in practice by JOSHUA . Sect. 3 THUS stood both the Sanhedrim , and the Congregation , with the inferior Courts , and all the Superstructures of the Mosaical Commonwealth , during the life of JOSHUA , and the Elders of the Sanhedrim that outliv'd him ; but without any sufficient root for the possible support of it ( the Canaanits not being destroy'd ) or with such roots only as were full of worms . Wherfore , tho the People serv'd the Lord all the days of JOSHUA , and all the days of the Elders that outliv'd JOSHUA ; yet after the death of these , they did evil in the sight of the Lord. And an Angel ( a Messenger or Prophet ) of the Lord came up from Gilgal to Bochim , and said , I made you go up out of the Land of Egypt , and have brought you into the Land which I swore to your Fathers ; and I said , I will never break my Covenant with you . And ye shall make no League with the Inhabitants of this Land , ye shall throw down their Altars : but ye have not obey'd my Voice : Why have you don this ? Wherfore I also said , I will not drive them out from before you : but they shall be as Thorns in your sides , and their Gods shall be a snare to you . Upon the several Contents of which places , says JOSEPHUS , The Israelits ( after the death of JOSHUA , and the Elders that outliv'd him ) neglecting their Arms , betook themselves to Tillage ; and effeminated with Peace , gave their minds rather to what was easy and pleasing , than what was secure or honorable : forgetful of the Laws of God , and of their Disciplin . Wherupon God being mov'd to anger , admonish'd them by a Prophet , that in sparing the Canaanits , they had disobey'd him ; and that in case they persisted , for his Mercys neglected they should tast of his Justice . But they , tho terrify'd with the Oracle , were altogether averse to the War ; both because they were brib'd by the Canaanits , and thro luxury were becom unapt for labor : the form of their Commonwealth being now deprav'd , and the Aristocratical part therof invalid ; while neither the Senat was elected , nor the solemn Magistrats created as formerly . In which words , Chap. 3 the not electing of the Senat as formerly , being laid as a Crime by JOSEPHUS to the People ; he is first clear enough , for his part , that the Senat was formerly elected by the People , and ought to have bin so still : And secondly , that henceforth the election of the Senat , or Sanhedrim , was neglected by the People . So this Commonwealth , which , thro the not rooting out of the Canaanits , had never any Foundation , came now to fail also in her Superstructures : for proof wherof , the Testimony of Scripture is no less pregnant in divers places . As where JUDAH said to SIMEON his Brother , Com up with me into my Lot , that we may fight against the Canaanits , and I likewise will go with thee into thy Lot : So SIMEON went with him . In which words you have a League made by two Tribes , and a War manag'd by them , while other Tribes , that is , EPHRAIM , MANASSEH , with the rest , sat still : wheras , if there had bin now any common ligament , as while the Sanhedrim was in being , such leaguing , and such warring by particular Tribes at their own discretion , could not have bin . Again , wheras to judg a Tribe pertain'd to the Sanhedrim ; in the Judgment given against BENJAMIN , by the Congregation of four hundred thousand , there is no mention of the Sanhedrim at all . NOW Government is of such a nature , that where there is no Sect. 4 Senat , there must be som King , or somwhat like a King , and such was the Judg of Israel ; yet is not their reckoning valid , who from hence compute the Monarchy of the Hebrews . First , because PAUL distinguishes between the Kings and the Judges . Secondly , because GIDEON , when he was a Judg , in refusing to be King , dos the like . Thirdly , because the Judges in Israel ( as Dictators in other Common-wealths ) were not of constant Election , but upon Emergencys only . Fourthly , because complaint being made to the men of JUDAH of their Judg SAMSON , they deliver'd him to the Philistins bound ; no less than did the Romans their Consuls to the Samnits . And lastly , because SAMUEL , distinguishing to perfection between Dictatorian and Royal Power , or between the Magistracy of the Judg and of the King , shews plainly ( in that he hearken'd to the Voice of the People ) that the one being without any balance at all , was at the discretion of the People ; and that the other ( not to be founded but upon Property in himself , to which end he must take the best of their Fields , and give them to his Servants ) could no otherwise subsist than by having the People at the discretion of the King. This difference ( being no small one ) excepted , the office of the King and of the Judg was much the same ; each consisting in judging the People , and going forth with their Armys . BUT whatever be the difference between these Magistracys , the Sect. 5 State of the Israelitish Commonwealth under the Judges was both void of natural Superstructures , and of the necessary Foundation ; so the Israelits , when they were weak , serv'd the Philistins , as is imply'd in the speech of the men of JUDAH to their Judg : Knowest thou not that the Philistins are Rulers over us ? — And it came to pass when Israel was strong , that they put the Canaanits to tribute , and did not utterly drive them out . Which , as it was contrary to the Command of God , so was it pointblank against all Prudence ; for thus neither made they to themselves Friends , nor did they ruin their Enemys : which proceding , as it far'd with this Commonwealth , and was observ'd by HERENNIUS in that Book II of the Samnits , is the certain perdition of a People . Sect. 6 OF the disorder of this People upon the dissolution of the Mosaical Commonwealth , it is often said that there was no King in Israel : every man did that which was right in his own eys . That is , at the times related to by these expressions , there was neither Sanhedrim , nor Judg in Israel : so every man , or at least every Tribe govern'd it self as it pleas'd . Which , nevertheless , is not so generally to be understood , but that the Tribes ( without either Judg or Sanhedrim ) marching up with their Standards and Staves of the Camp , not only assembl'd the Congregation in the usual place at Mizpeh , but there condemn'd BENJAMIN for the rape of the Levits Concubine ; and , marching thence to put their Decree in execution , reduc'd that obstinat Tribe , or rather destroy'd it by a Civil War. Sect. 7 WHEN in this , and divers other ways , they had pamper'd their Enemys , and exhausted themselves , they grew ( as well they might ) out of love with their Policy ; especially when after impious expostulation ( Wherfore has the Lord smitten us this day before the Philistins ? ) they had , as it were , stak'd their God ( let us fetch the Ark — that it may save us ) and the Ark being taken by the Enemy , they fell to Idolatry . To this it happen'd , that tho upon Repentance success was better , God having miraculously discomfited the Philistins before them ; yet SAMUEL their Judg was old , and had made his two Sons ( being takers of Bribes , and perverters of Justice ) Judges over Israel . Wherupon , there was no gainsaying , but a King they must and would have . CHAP. IV. Shewing the State of the Israelits under their Kings , to the Captivity . Sect. 1 FOR Method in this part , I shall first observe the Balance or Foundation , then the Superstructures of the Hebrew Monarchys ; and last of all , the Story of the Hebrew Kings . Sect. 2 THE Balance necessary to Kingly Government , even where it is regulated or not absolute , is thus describ'd by SAMUEL . This will be the manner of the King that shall reign over you : He will take your Fields , your Vinyards , and your Oliveyards , even the best of them , and give them to his Servants . That is , there being no provision of this kind for a King , and it being of natural necessity that a King must have such an Aristocracy or Nobility as may be able to support the Monarchy ( which otherwise , to a People having equal shares in property , is altogether incompatible ) it follows , that he must take your Fields , and give them to his Servants , or Creatures . THIS notwithstanding could not SAUL do , in whose time the Monarchy attain'd not to any balance , but was soon torn from him like the lap of a Garment . The Prince who gave that balance to this Monarchy , which it had , was DAVID : for besides his other Conquests , by which he brought the Moabits , the Syrians of Damascus , the Ammonits , the Amalekits , the Edomits , to his Obedience , and extended his Border to the river Euphrates ; he smote the Philistins , and subdu'd them , and took Gath and her Towns , out of the hand of the Philistins . Now this Country which DAVID thus took , was part of Chap. 4 the Land given to the People by God , and which was by the Law of MOSES to have bin divided by Lot to them . Wherfore if this division follow'd not , but DAVID having taken this Country , did hold it in his particular Dominion or Property ; then tho he took not from the People any thing wherof they were in actual possession , yet , as to their legal Right , took he from them ( as SAMUEL had forewarn'd ) their Fields , their Vinyards , and their Oliveyards , even the best of them , and gave them to his Servants , or to a Nobility , which by this means he introduc'd . THE first Order of the Nobility thus instituted , were , as they are term'd by our Translators , DAVID'S Worthys : to these may be added , the great Officers of his Realm and Court , with such as sprang out of both . But however , these things by advantage of foren Conquest might be order'd by DAVID , or continu'd for the time of his next Successor ; certain it is , that the balance of Monarchy in so small a Country must be altogether insufficient to it self , or destructive to the People . THE Commonwealth of Lacedemon , being founded by LYCURGUS Sect. 3 upon the like Lots with these design'd by MOSES , came , after the spoil of Athens , to be destroy'd by Purchasers , and brought into one hundred hands ; wherupon , the People being rooted out , there remain'd no more to the two Kings , who were wont to go out with great Armys , than one hundred Lords : nor any way , if they were invaded , to defend themselves , but by Mercenarys , or making War upon the Penny ; which , at the farthest it would go ( not computing the difference in Disciplin ) reach'd not , in one third , those Forces which the popular Balance could at any time have afforded without Mony. This som of those Kings perceiving , were of all others the most earnest to return to the popular Balance . What Disorders in a Country no bigger than was theirs , or this of the Israelits , must , in case the like course be not taken , of necessity follow , may be at large perus'd in the story of Lacedemon ; and shall be fully shewn , when I com to the story of the present Kings . FOR the Superstructures of DAVID'S Government , it has bin Sect. 4 shewn at large what the Congregation of Israel was ; and that without the Congregation of Israel , and their Result , there was not any Law made by DAVID . The like in the whole , or for the most part , was observ'd till REHOBOAM , who , refusing to redress the Grievances of the People , was depos'd by one part of this Congregation or Parlament , and set up by another ; to the confusion both of Parlament and People . And DAVID ( as after him JEHOSHAPHAT ) did restore the Sanhedrim ; I will not affirm , by popular Election , after the antient manner . He might do it perhaps , as he made JOAB over the Host , JEHOSHAPHAT Recorder , and SERAIAH Scribe . Certain it is , the Jewish Writers hold unanimously , that the seventy Elders were in DAVID'S time , and by a good token ; for they say , to him only of all the Kings it was lawful , or permitted , to enter into the Sanhedrim : which I the rather credit , for the words of DAVID , where he says , I will praise the Lord with my whole Heart in the Council , and in the Congregation of the Vpright ; which words relate to the Senat , and the Congregation of Israel . The final cause of the popular Congregation , in a Commonwealth , is to give such a balance by their Book II Result , as may , and must keep the Senat from that Faction and Corruption , wherof it is not otherwise curable , or to set it upright . Yet our Translation gives the words cited , in this manner : I will praise the Lord with my whole Heart in the Assembly of the Vpright , and in the Congregation . There are other Allusions in the English Psalms , of the like nature , shaded in like manner : As , God is present in the Congregation of God ( that is , in the Representative of the People of Israel ) he judges among the Gods , that is , among the seventy Elders , or in the Sanhedrim . What the Orders of the Israelitish Monarchy in the time of DAVID were , tho our Translators throout the Bible have don what they could against Popular Government , is clear enough in many such places . Sect. 5 TO conclude this Chapter with the story of the Hebrew Kings : Till REHOBOAM , and the division ( thro the cause mention'd ) of the Congregation in his time , the Monarchy of the Hebrews was one , but came thenceforth to be torn into two : that of Judah , consisting of two Tribes , Judah and Benjamin ; and that of Israel , consisting of the other ten . From which time this People , thus divided , had little or no rest from the flame of that Civil War , which , once kindl'd between the two Realms or Factions , could never be extinguish'd but in the destruction of both . Nor was Civil War of so new a date among them ; SAUL , whose whole Reign was impotent and perverse , being conquer'd by DAVID ; and DAVID invaded by his Son ABSALOM so strongly , that he fled before him . SOLOMON , the next Successor , happen'd to have a quiet Reign , by settling himself upon his Throne in the death of ADONIJAH his elder Brother , and in the deposing of the High Priest ABIATHAR ; yet made he the yoke of the People grievous . After him , we have the War between JEROBOAM and REHOBOAM . Then , the Conspiracy of BAASHA against NADAB King of Israel , which ends in the destruction of JEROBOAM'S House , and the Usurpation of his Throne by BAASHA , which BAASHA happens to leave to his Son ASA . Against ASA rises ZIMRI , Captain of the Chariots ; kills him with all his kindred , reigns seven days ; at the end wherof he burns himself for fear of OMRI , who upon this occasion is made Captain by one part of the People , as is also TIBNI by another . The next Prize is plaid between OMRI and TIBNI , and their Factions ; in which TIBNI is slain . Upon this success , OMRI out-doing all his Predecessors in Tyranny , leaves his Throne and Virtues to his Son AHAB . Against AHAB drives JEHU furiously , destroys him and his Family , gives the flesh of his Queen JEZEBEL to the Dogs , and receives a Present from those of Samaria , even seventy Heads of his Masters Sons in Baskets . To ASA and JEHOSHAPHAT , Kings of Judah , belongs much Reverence . But upon this Throne sat ATHALIAH ; who , to reign , murder'd all her Grand-children except one , which was JOASH . JOASH being hid by the High Priest , at whose command ATHALIAH was som time after slain , ends his Reign in being murder'd by his Servants . To him succedes his Son AMAZIA , slain also by his Servants . About the same time ZACHARIAH King of Israel was smitten by SHALLUM , who reign'd in his stead : SHALLUM by MANAHIM , who reign'd in his stead : PEKAHA the Son of MANAHIM by PEKAH one of his Captains , who reign'd in his stead : PEKAH by HOSHEA . HOSHEA having reign'd nine years , is carry'd by Chap. 4 SALMANAZZER King of Assyria with the ten Tribes into Captivity . Now might it be expected that the Kingdom of Judah should injoy Peace : a good King they had , which was HEZEKIAH ; but to him succeded his Son MANASSEH , a shedder of innocent Blood. To MANASSEH succeded his Son AMMON , slain by his Servants . JOSIAH the next , being a good Prince , is succeded by JEHOAHAZ , who being carry'd into Egypt , there dys a Prisoner , while JEHOIAKIM his Brother becoms PHARAOH'S Tributary . The last of these Princes was ZEDEKIAH , in whose Reign was Judah led away captive by NEBUCHADNEZZAR . Thus came the whole Enumeration of those dreadful Curses denounc'd by MOSES in this case , to be fulfil'd in this People ; of whom it is also said , I gave them a King in my anger , and took him away in my wrath . TO conclude this Story with the Resemblances or Differences that are between Monarchical and Popular Government : What Parallel can there be beyond the Storys wherby each of them are so largely describ'd in Scripture ? True it is , that AHIMELEC usurp'd the Magistracy of Judg in Israel , or made himself King by the men of Sichem ; that the men of Ephraim fought against JEPTHA , and that there was a Civil War caus'd by Benjamin : yet , in a Popular Government , the very womb ( as they will have it ) of tumult , tho never so well founded that it could be steddy , or take any sufficient root , can I find no more of this kind . BUT the Tribuns of the People in Rome , or the Romans under Sect. 6 the Magistracy of their Tribuns , throout the whole Administration of that Government , were never quiet ; but at perpetual strife and enmity with the Senat. It is very true ; but first , this happen'd not from a Cause natural to a Popular Government , but from a Cause unnatural to Popular Government ; yea , so unnatural to Popular Government , that the like has not bin found in any other Commonwealth . Secondly , the Cause is undeniably discover'd to have consisted in a Faction introduc'd by the Kings , and foster'd by the Nobility , excluding the Suffrage of the main body of the People thro an Optimacy , or certain rank or number admitted not by the People or their Election , but by the value of their Estates , to the Legislative Power , as the Commons of that Nation . So the State of this People was as if they had two Houses of Lords , and no House of Commons . Thirdly , this danger must have bin in any other Nation , at least in ours , much harder to be incur'd , than Authors hitherto have made it to be seen in this . And last of all , this Enmity , or these Factions , were without Blood , which in Monarchys they are not , as you saw well in those mention'd ; and this Nation in the Barons Wars , and in those of York and Lancaster , besides others , has felt . Or , if at length they came indeed to Blood , this was not till the Foundations were destroy'd , that is , till the Balance of Popular Government in Rome was totally ruin'd ; which is equally in cases of the like nature inavoidable , be the Government of what kind soever , as of late years we have bin sufficiently inform'd by our own sad Experience . Book II CHAP. V. Shewing the State of the Jews in the Captivity , and after their return out of it ; with the Frame of the Jewish Commonwealth . Sect. 1 WE left the Children of Israel upon a sad march , even into Captivity . What Orders had bin antiently observ'd by them during the time they were in Egypt ( one of which , as has bin already shewn , was their seventy Elders ) the same , so far as would be permitted by the Princes whose Servants they were , continu'd in practice with them during the time of their Captivity , out of which the ten Tribes never more return'd . The two Tribes , when seventy years were accomplish'd from the time that they were carry'd away by NEBUCHADNEZZAR , and in the first year of CYRUS King of Persia , ●eturn'd the best part of them , not only with the King's leave and liking , but with restitution of the Plate and Vessels belonging to the Temple . Sect. 2 THE first Colony ( as I may say ) of the two Tribes , or those that return'd under the Conduct of ZOROBABEL Prince of Judah , amounted to forty two thousand three hundred and threescore , among which there were about one hundred Patriarchs or Princes of Familys . To these , in the reign of ARTAXERXES , came sixteen or twenty Princes more with their Familys ; among whom the Prophets HAGGAI , ZACHARIAS , and MALACHI were eminent . Som of them could not shew their Fathers House and their Seed , whether they were of Israel . But these were few ; for it is said of them in general , That they went every one to his own City , or to the Inheritance of his Fathers : In which you may note the restitution of the Balance of the Mosaical Commonwealth ; tho to what this might com without fixation , the Jubile being not after the Captivity in use , I cannot say . However , for the present , plain it is that the antient Superstructures did also insue : as in order to the putting away of the strange Wives , which the People in Captivity had taken , is apparent . Sect. 3 THEIR whole progress hitherto is according to the Law of MOSES ; they return every man to his Inheritance by direction of his Pedegree , or according to the House of his Fathers ; they are led by Princes of their Familys , and are about to put away strange Wives : for what reason then should a man believe that what follows should not be according to the Orders of the same Lawgiver ? Now that which follows , in order to the putting away of these foren Wives , is , Proclamation was made throout Judah and Jerusalem to all the Children of the Captivity , that they should gather themselves to Jerusalem ; and that whosoever would not com within three days , according to the counsil of the Princes and Elders , all his Substance should be forfeited , and himself separated from the Congregation of those that had bin carry'd away . This plainly , by the penalty annex'd , is a Law for Banishment ; of which kind there was none made by MOSES ; and a Law made by the Princes and the Elders . What doubt then can remain , but these Elders were the Sanhedrim , or seventy Elders ? But wheras neither the Sanhedrim , nor any other Senat of it self has bin found to make Laws , what others can these Princes be that are join'd with the Elders , than those spoken of before ; that is , the Princes of Familys , or the chief Chap ▪ 5 Fathers in the Congregation of them that had bin carry'd away ? So the Princes and the Elders in this place may be understood of the Sanhedrim and the People : for thus DAVID proposes to the Congregation of the People of Israel , or the chief Fathers , and must be understood of them ; because there is no such thing throout the Scripture to be found , as a Law made by the Sanhedrim without the People : and if so , then that the Sanhedrim with the People had power to make a Law , is by this place of Scripture undeniably evinc'd . But besides the chief Fathers , which here are call'd Rulers of the Congregation , and in the time of DAVID were call'd Captains of thousands and Captains of hundreds , mention is also made of the Elders of every City , and the Judges therof ; in which words you have the Judges in the Gates throout the Tribes of Israel , as they were instituted by MOSES . All which particulars being rightly sum'd up , com to this total ; T●at the Commonwealth restor'd by EZRA , was the very same that 〈…〉 was instituted by MOSES . SUCH was the Government restor'd by ZOROBABEL , EZRA , Sect. 4 and NEHEMIA . Now whether the Jewish or Cabalistical Common-wealth , father'd by the Presbyterian Jews of latter ages upon MOSES or EZRA , be the same , shall be shewn by reducing the invention of these Men to three heads : as first , their Cabala ; secondly , their Ordination ; and last of all , their great Synagog . THE Cabala , call'd also by the Jews the Oral Law , consists of Sect. 5 certain Traditions by them pretended at the institution of the Sanhedrim to have bin verbally deliver'd to the seventy Elders by MOSES for the Government of the Commonwealth . These were never written till after the dispersion of the Jews by the Emperor ADRIAN ; when , to save them from being lost , they were digested into those Volums call'd the Talmud : which they hold to be , and indeed are as to matter of Fact , the authentic Records of their Government . Of the Traditions thus recorded says one of the Rabbins or Jewish Doctors : Think not that the written Law ( or the Law of MOSES ) is fundamental , but that the Oral or Traditional Law is fundamental , it being upon this that God enter'd into a League with the Israelits , as it is written : After the tenor of these words , I have made a Covenant with thee , and with Israel . A man ( says another ) who returns from the study of the Talmud to the study of the Bible , can have no quiet conscience , neither was there any peace to him that went out or came in . The like wherof is the Talmudical way of applying Scripture throout . And it was the common Blessing the Pharises gave their Children : My Son , hearken to the words of a Scribe or Doctor , rather than to the Law of MOSES . To whom says CHRIST hereupon , You have made the Commandment of God of no effect by your tradition . NOW as true as the Talmud , or as this word of a Scribe , or that Sect. 6 MOSES deliver'd the Oral Law to the seventy Elders and to JOSHUA , so true it is that MOSES ordain'd both the seventy Elders and JOSHUA by the imposition of Hands ; and that this Ordination by the imposition of Hands , together with the Oral Law , came successively , and hand in hand from the seventy Elders , and from JOSHUA downright to these Doctors . This indeed is so generally affirm'd by their Talmudists , that there is no denying of it ; but , that as to the seventy Elders it is quite contrary to Scripture , has already bin Book II made sufficiently apparent ; for JOSHUA is acknowleg'd to have bin ordain'd by MOSES with imposition of hands . But this Argument ( besides that the Act of MOSES was accompany'd with a miracle , and that it is absurd to think that a thing plainly miraculous should or can be receiv'd as an Order in a Commonwealth ) will go no farther than that JOSHUA , upon this authority , might have elected his Successor by imposition of hands . Let them shew us then that he did so , or indeed that he left any Successor at all : for certainly if JOSHUA left no Successor so ordain'd , or no Successor at all ( which is the truth of the case ) then descended there upon them no such Ordination from JOSHUA ; and so by consequence none from MOSES . Whence it follows , that the Authority and Vogue of Ordination by the imposition of hands among the Jews procedes not from the Law of MOSES , but from the Oral Law ; which how bad an Authority soever i●●e to us of right , is of fact , or of what the exercise of Ordina 〈…〉 s among the Jews , a good and sufficient testimony . Now therby the condition of this Ordination ( tho in som times of the Commonwealth it was less restrain'd ) was such , that no man not having receiv'd the same from the great Sanhedrim , or som one of the inferior Courts by laying on of hands , by word of mouth , or by writing , could be a Presbyter , or capable of any Judicature or Magistracy in the Commonwealth , or to give Counsil in the Law , or any part of the Law , or to be of the Assembly of the great Synagog . Sect. 7 WHAT the Assembly of the Princes and Fathers was in the time of EZRA , has bin shewn , and is left to the judgment of others . But this is that which the Talmudists and their Ancestors the Cabalistical Jews ( among which the Pharises were of the highest rank ) unanimously affirm to have consisted of the seventy Elders , and of a Juncta of fifty Presbyters not elected by the People ; but by the laying on of hands by the Sanhedrim , or by som other Judicatory . This , they say , was the institution of their great Synagog , where I leave them : but that , according to the sense wherin they cite their Authoritys , the like with them was a constant practice , appears not only by their own Testimony and Records , but is plain in Scripture ; as where CHRIST speaks of the Jews to his Apostles in this manner , They will scourge you in their Synagogs : that is , the Jews , having as yet no Law made wherby they can invade the liberty of Conscience , or bring you for the practice therof to punishment , will call their great Synagog , wherin the Priests and the Pharises , or the Sanhedrim , have at least seven to five the overbalancing Vote over the rest . Which also are their Creatures , and by these will easily carry , or make such Laws wherby they may inflict upon you corporal Punishment : which Interpretation of Christ's words , was fulfil'd even to a tittle , or rather with over measure . For upon this occasion the High Priest , and as many as were of the kindred of the High Priest , were gather'd together at Jerusalem . That this same Juncta , to be in this case added to the Sanhedrim , was to consist but of fifty , those fifty not elected by the People , but chosen by the Elders of the Sanhedrim ; and not out of the body of the People , but out of such only as had receiv'd Ordination by the Sanhedrim , or by som other Court , or indeed were actually Judges in som other Court , was not enough , unless they might consist also of as many as were of the kindred of the High Priest . Which Rights and Privileges being all observ'd , The High Priest came , and they that were Chap. 5 with him , and call'd the Sanhedrim , and all the Presbytery of the Children of Israel : that is , so many of them , as being assembl'd in the great Synagog , represented all the Presbytery of the Children of Israel , or all the Children of Israel themselves . In this Assembly you have the full description of the great Synagog : and when ( in this Synagog ) they had beaten the Apostles PETER and JOHN , they commanded them that they should not speak in the Name of JESUS , and let them go . Upon these procedings there are Considerations of good importance ; as first , That the Cabalistical Doctors themselves did never so much as imagin that MOSES had indu'd the Sanhedrim alone , or separatly consider'd from the People , with any Legislative Power ; nevertheless , that the Sanhedrim came into the place , and succeded to the whole Power of MOSES , they unanimously held : whence , even upon their Principles , it must follow that in MOSES , distinctly and separatly taken from the People , there could be no Power of making any Law. The second thing remarkable in this proceding , is , That the most corrupt Commonwealth , and in her most corrupt Age , had not yet the face , without som blind , of pretending to Legislative Power in a single Council . The last I shall observe , is , That no possible security is to be given to liberty of Conscience , but in the security of Civil Liberty , and in that only not by Laws which are otherwise as perishing as flowers or fruits , but in the roots or fundamental orders of the Government . What even in these times must have follow'd , as to the liberty of Conscience , had there bin an equal Representative of the People , is apparent , in that the Captain and the Officers , imploy'd by this Synagog to apprehend the Apostles , brought them without violence ; for they fear'd the People , lest they should have bin ston'd . It is true , there is nothing with us more customary , even in the solemnest places , and upon the solemnest occasions , than to upbraid the People with giddiness from the Hosanna and the Crucifige of the Jews . What may be charg'd upon a multitude not under orders , the fouler Crime it be , is the fairer Argument for such Orders , as where they have bin once establish'd , the People have not bin guilty of such Crimes ; at least , it should seem , that in this case there is great scarcity of Witnesses against them , seeing the Death of SOCRATES is more laid to one People , than that of all the Martyrs to Kings : yet were the false Witnesses by whom SOCRATES suffer'd ( and by the like wherto a man in the best Government may chance to suffer ) no sooner discover'd , than they were destroy'd by the People , who also erected a Statue to SOCRATES . And the People who , at the Arraignment of CHRIST , cry'd , Crucify him , crucify him , were such as the chief Priests mov'd or promted , and such also as fear'd the multitude . Now that the People which could be promted by the chief Priests , or the People which could fear the People , could be no other than this pretended Representative of the People , but indeed a Juncta of Cousins and Retainers , is that which , for ought I know , may be possible ; and the rather , for what happen'd before upon the Law call'd among the Jews , The Law of the Zealot , which was instituted by MOSES in these words : If thy Brother , the Son of thy Mother — intice thee , saying , Let us go and serve other Gods — thy hand shall be first upon him to put him to death — and afterwards the hand of all the People . By this Law it is plain that , as to the true intent therof , it relates to no other case than that only of Idolatry . The Book II execution of the same , according to the Talmud , might be perform'd by any number of the People , being not under ten , either apprehending the Party in the Fact , or upon the Testimony of such Witnesses as had so apprehended him : yet will it not be found to have bin executed by the People , but upon instigation of the Priest , as where ( they interpreting the Law as they list ) STEPHEN is ston'd . Now if the Priests could have made the People do as much against CHRIST , what needed they have gon to PILAT for help ? and if they could not , why should we think that the Multitude which cry'd out , Crucify him , crucify him , should be any other than the great Synagog ? HOWEVER , that it was an Oligarchy , consisting of a Senat and a Presbytery , which not only scourg'd the Apostles , but caus'd CHRIST to be crucify'd , is certain . And so much for the great Synagog . Sect. 8 THESE parts being historically laid down and prov'd , it follows that the Cabalistical or Jewish Commonwealth was much after this Model . BE the capacity of bearing Magistracy , or giving Counsil upon the Law , or any part of the Law of this Commonwealth , in no other than such only as are Presbyters . BE Presbyters of two sorts : the one general , the other particular . BE Presbyters general ordain'd by the laying on of hands of the Prince of the Sanhedrim with the rest of the Elders , or Presbytery of the same , and by no other Court without a Licence from the Prince of the Sanhedrim ; and be those ordain'd in this manner eligible by the major vote of the seventy Elders into the Sanhedrim , or into any other Court by the major vote of the Elders or Presbytery of that Court. BE Presbyters particular ordain'd by any Court of Justice ; and be these capable of giving Counsil in the Law , or in som particular part of the Law , according to the gift that is in them by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . BE all Presbyters capable of nomination to the great Synagog . BE the Sanhedrim in Law made the supreme Magistracy or Judicatory ; and with a Juncta of fifty Presbyters of their Nomination , the great Synagog . BE the great Synagog the Legislative Power in this Commonwealth . SUCH was the Government , where the word of a Scribe or Doctor was avowedly held to be of more validity than the Scripture ; and where the usual appellation of the People , by the Doctors and Pharises , was ( populus terrae ) the Rascally Rabble . Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis . Sect. 9 THERE were other Synagogs for other uses , as those wherin the Law was read every Sabbathday ; each of which also had her Ruler and her Presbytery , with power to ordain others to this Capacity . CHAP. VI. Chap. 6 Shewing how Ordination was brought into the Christian Church , and the divers ways of the same that were at divers times in use with the Apostles . WE do not find that CHRIST ( who gave little countenance to Sect. 1 the Jewish Traditions ) ordain'd his Apostles or Disciples by the imposition of hands : his Apostles were twelve , whom he compares to the twelve Princes of the Tribes of Israel ; and his Disciples were seventy , in which number it is receiv'd by Divines , that he alluded to the seventy Elders or Sanhedrim of Israel . So thus far the Government of the Church , instituted by CHRIST , was according to the form instituted by MOSES . But CHRIST in this form was King and Priest , not after the institution of MOSES , who separated the Levits to the Priesthood ; but as before MOSES , when the Royal and Priestly Function were not separated , and after the order or manner of MELCHISEDEC , who came not to the Priesthood by proving his Pedegree , as the High Priest in Israel by Father , or as the King Priest in Athens by Mother , but without Father and Mother . Or be what has bin said of MELCHISEDEC approv'd or rejected , such for the rest , as has bin shewn , was the form introduc'd by CHRIST into his Church . CHRIST being taken up into Heaven , his Disciples or Followers Sect. 2 in Jerusalem increas'd to about one hundred and twenty names ; and the Apostles decreas'd by one , or by JUDAS , who was gon to his place . PETER , whether upon the Counsil or Determination of the eleven Apostles ( as is most probable ) beforehand or otherwise , stood up and spoke both to the Apostles and Disciples assembl'd upon this occasion , That one out of the present Assembly might be ordain'd an Apostle : and they ( that is , the Congregation , or why was this propos'd to them ? ) appointed two by Suffrage ; for how otherwise can an Assembly appoint ? These were BARSABAS and MATTHIAS , which Names , being written in scrols , were cast into one Urn ; two Lots , wherof one was a blank , and the other inscrib'd with the word Apostle , being at the same time cast into another Urn. Which don , they pray'd that God would shew which of the Competitors by them so made , he had chosen : when they had thus pray'd , they gave forth their Lots , that is , a scrol out of the one Urn , and then a name to that scrol out of the other Urn ; and the Lot fell upon MATTHIAS , or MATTHIAS was taken ; wherupon MATTHIAS was number'd , or rather decreed with the eleven Apostles . For * Psephisma , being a word which properly derives from such Stones or Pebbles as popular Assemblys of old were wont to ballot with or give suffrage by , not only signifys a Decree , but especially such a Decree as is made by a popular Assembly . Now if this was Ordination in the Christian Church , and of Apostolical Right , then may there be a way of Ordination in the Christian Church , and of Apostolical Right , exactly conformable to the Ballot , or way us'd by MOSES in the institution of the seventy Elders or Sanhedrim of Israel . Book II AFTER the conversion of som thousands more , most , if not all , Sect. 3 of which were Jews , a People tho converted , yet so tenacious of their Laws and Customs , that even Circumcision ( hitherto not forbidden by the Apostles ) was continu'd among them ; the twelve Apostles call'd the multitude of Disciples to them . So MOSES , when he had any thing to propose , assembl'd the People of Israel . And when the twelve had thus call'd the Disciples , they said , Look ye out among you seven men of honest report , full of the Holy Ghost and Wisdom , whom we may appoint over this business . So MOSES said to the Congregation of Israel , Take ye wise men , and understanding , and known among your Tribes , and I will make them Rulers over you . And the saying of the Apostles pleas'd the whole multitude . So the People of Israel were wont to answer to MOSES , The thing which thou sayst is good for us to do . This saying of the Apostles being thought good by the whole multitude , the whole multitude elected seven men whom they set before the Apostles : and when they had pray'd , they laid their hands on them . To say in this place ( as they do ) that the Act of the People was but a Presentation , and that the Apostles had power to admit or refuse the Persons so presented , is as if one should say , That the act of electing Parlament men by the People of England , was but a Presentation , and that the King had power to admit or refuse the Persons so presented . And seeing the Deacons henceforth had charge of the Word , to say , that by this choice the Deacons receiv'd not the charge of the Word , but the care to serve Tables , is as if one should say , That Parlament men by their Election receiv'd only the care to levy Mony or Provision for the King's Table ; but if upon such Election they debated also concerning Laws , that Power they receiv'd from the King only . BUT if this was a way of Ordination in the Christian Church , and of Apostolical Right , then there may be a way of Ordination in the Christian Church , and of Apostolical Right , consisting in part of the Orders of the Israelitish Commonwealth , and in part of the Orders of the Jewish Commonwealth . Sect. 4 LASTLY , PAUL writing to TIMOTHY concerning his Ordination , has in one place this expression , Neglect not the Gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophesy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery . So the Presbytery of a Jewish Synagog laid their hands on the Party ordain'd . And in another place he has this expression : Stir up the Gift of God which is in thee by the laying on of my hands . So the Ruler of a Jewish Synagog did lay his hands also on the Party ordain'd . Moreover , the Apostle in these words , The Gift that is in thee by laying on of hands , tho in relation to Gifts beyond comparison more excellent , uses the Phrase known upon the like occasion to have bin common with the Jews . Wherfore if this were a way of Ordination in the Christian Church , and of Apostolical Right , then may there be a way of Ordination in the Christian Church exactly conformable to the Jewish Commonwealth , and yet be of Apostolical Right . Nor is it so strange that the Apostles in matters of this nature should comply with the Jews , of which so many were converted , seeing it is certain that not only the Apostles , but all such as in these times were converted , did observe the Jewish Sabbath ; nay , and that PAUL himself took TIMOTHY and circumcis'd him , because of the Jews ; that is , to comply with them , or to give them no offence . Nor do our Divines any where pretend imposition of hands to be deriv'd from CHRIST , but unanimously confess , that it was taken up by the Apostles from the Jewish Sanhedrim . NOW in these several ways of Ordination , there is a most remarkable Sect. 5 Providence of God. For wheras States and Princes in receiving of Religion are not at any point so jealous as of an incroachment upon their Power ; the first way of Apostolical Ordination destroys Monarchical Power : the last wholly excludes the Power of the People : and the second has a mixture which may be receiv'd by a Commonwealth , or by a Monarchy . But where it is receiv'd by a Commonwealth , the imposition of hands coms to little ; and where it is receiv'd by a Monarchy , the Election of the People coms to nothing , as may be farther consider'd in the original and progress of the Conge d' Elire . THE ways of Ordination or of Church Government lying thus in Scripture , the not receiving of the Christian Religion is not that wherof any State or Prince thro the whole world can be any ways excusable . The Conclusion : Shewing , that neither GOD , nor CHRIST , or the APOSTLES , ever instituted any Government Ecclesiastical or Civil upon any other Principles than those only of Human Prudence . TO sum up this second Book in the Uses that may be made of it : Sect. 1 Certain it is of the Greec and Roman Storys , that he who has not som good Idea or Notion of the Government to which they relate , cannot rightly understand them . If the like holds as to the Scripture Story , som light may be contributed to it by this Book . Again , if som gifted Men happening to read it , should chance to be of the same judgment , it is an Argument for acquir'd Learning , in that for the means of acquir'd Learning , and in the means of acquir'd Learning for Universitys . For how little soever this performance be , had it not bin the fashion with the English Gentry , in the breeding of their Sons , to give them a smack of the University , I should not have don so much . BUT letting these pass . If there were Commonwealths , or Governments Sect. 2 exercising Soverain Power by the Senat and the People , before that of Israel , as namely , Gibeon : If the inferior Orders and Courts in Israel , as those instituted by MOSES after the advice of JETHRO a Heathen , were transcrib'd out of another Government tho Heathen , as namely , that of Midian : If the order of the Church introduc'd by CHRIST in his twelve Apostles and his seventy Disciples , were after the pattern of Israel , namely , in the twelve Princes of the Tribes , and the seventy Elders : If there were three distinct ways of Ordination introduc'd by the Apostles ; one exactly according to the Ballot of Israel , as namely , in the Ordination of MATTHIAS ; another exactly according to the way of the Jewish Sanhedrim or Synagog , as namely , that of TIMOTHY ; and a third , compos'd of these two , as namely , that of the Deacons : Then is it a clear and undeniable result of the whole , That neither GOD , nor CHRIST , Book II or the APOSTLES , ever instituted any Government Ecclesiastical or Civil upon any other Principles than those only of Human Prudence . Sect. 3 AN Observation of such consequence , as , where it has bin rightly consider'd , there the truth of Religion and of Government once planted , have taken root and flourish'd ; and where it has not bin rightly heeded , there has Religion or the pretence of it bin the hook and the line , and the State the prey of Impostors and false Prophets , as was shewn in the hypocritical Pharises , for ever stigmatiz'd by the word of Truth . AND for Might , let her be never so much exalted in her self , let her Sword be never so dreadfully brandish'd ; the Government not founded upon Reason , a Creature of God , and the Creature of God whose undoubted right in this part is by himself undeniably avow'd and asserted , is a Weapon fram'd against God ; and no Weapon fram'd against God shall prosper . Sect. 4 THE Principles of Human Prudence , and in them the Art of Lawgiving , being shewn in the first Book , and vindicated throout the whole course of Scripture by this second , I com in the third to shew a Model of Government , fram'd according to the Art thus shewn , and the Principles thus vindicated . THE THIRD BOOK : CONTAINING A MODEL OF Popular Government , Practically propos'd according to Reason , confirm'd by the Scripture , and agreable to the present Balance or State of Property in England . The PREFACE , Containing a Model of Popular Government , propos'd Notionally . THERE is between the Discourses of such as are commonly call'd Natural Philosophers , and those of Anatomists , a large difference ; the former are facil , the latter difficult . Philosophers , discoursing of Elements for example , that the Body of Man consists of Fire , Air , Earth and Water , are easily both understood and credited , seeing by common Experience we find the Body of Man returns to the Earth from whence it was taken . A like Entertainment may befal Elements of Government , as in the first of these Books they are stated . But the fearful and wonderful making , the admirable structure and great variety of the parts of man's Body , in which the Discourses of Anatomists are altogether conversant , are understood by so few , that I may say they are not understood by any . Certain it is , that the delivery of a Model of Government ( which either must be of no effect , or imbrace all those Muscles , Nerves , Arterys and Bones , which are necessary to any Function of a well order'd Commonwealth ) is no less than political Anatomy . If you com short of this , your Discourse is altogether ineffectual ; if you com home , you are not understood : you may , perhaps , be call'd a learned Author ; but you are obscure , and your Doctrin is impracticable . Had I only suffer'd in this , and not the People , I should long since have left them to their humor ; but seeing it is they that suffer by it , and not my self , I will be yet Book III more a fool , or they shall be yet wiser . Now coms into my head what I saw long since upon an Italian Stage , while the Spectators wanted Hoops for their sides . A Country fellow came with an Apple in his hand ; to which , in a strange variety of faces , his Teeth were undoubtedly threaten'd , when enter'd a young Anatomist brimful of his last Lesson , who , stopping in good time the hand of this same Country fellow , would by no means suffer him to go on with so great an Enterprize , till he had first nam'd and describ'd to him all the Bones , Nerves , and Muscles which are naturally necessary to that motion : at which , the good man being with admiration plainly chopfallen , coms me in a third , who , snatching away the Apple , devour'd it in the presence of them both . If the People , in this case wherof I am speaking , were naturally so well furnish'd , I had here learn'd enough to have kept silence : but their eating , in the political way , of absolute necessity requires the aid of som political Anatomist ; without which , they may have Appe●i●s , but will be chopfallen . Examples wherof they have had but too many ; one I think may be insisted upon without envy . THIS is that which was call'd The Agreement of the People , consisting in sum of these Propositions : THAT there be a Representative of the Nation consisting of four hundred Persons , or not above . WHICH Proposition puts the Bar on the quite contrary side ; this being the first example of a Commonwealth , wherin it was conceiv'd , that five hundred thousand men , or more , might be represented by four hundred . The Representation of the People in one man , causes Monarchy ; and in a few , causes Oligarchy : the Many cannot be otherwise represented in a State of Liberty , than by so many , and so qualify'd , as may within the compass of that number and nature imbrace the interest of the whole People . Government should be establish'd upon a Rock , not set upon a Precipice : a Representative consisting but of four hundred , tho in the nature therof it be popular , is not in it self a Weapon that is fix'd , but has somthing of the broken Bow , as still apt to start aside to Monarchy . But the paucity of the number is temper'd with the shortness of the term , it being farther provided , THAT this Representative be biennial , and sit not above eight Months . But seeing a supreme Council in a Commonwealth is neither assembl'd nor dissolv'd , but by stated Orders directing upwards an irresistible strength from the root , and as one tooth or one nail is driven out by another ; how is it provided that this Biennial Council shall not be a perpetual Council ? Wheras nothing is more dangerous in a Commonwealth than intire Removes of Councils , how is it provided that these shall be men sufficiently experienc'd for the management of Affairs ? And last of all , wheras dissolution to Soverain Power is death , to whom are these after their eight months to bequeath the Commonwealth ? In this case it is provided , THAT there be a Council of State elected by each new Representative , within twenty days after their first meeting , to continue till ten days after the meeting of the next Representative . In which the faults observ'd in the former Order , are so much worse , as this Council consists of fewer . Thus far this Commonwealth is Oligarchy : but it is provided , THAT these Representatives have Soverain Power , save that in som things the People may resist them by Arms. Which first is a flat contradiction , and next is downright Anarchy . Where the Soverain Power is not as intire and absolute as in Monarchy it self , there can be no Government at all . It is not the limitation of Soverain Power that is the cause of a Commonwealth , but such a libration or poize of Orders , that there can be in the same no number of men having the interest , that can have the power ; nor any number of men having the power , that can have the interest , to invade or disturb the Goverment . As the Orders of Commonwealths are more approaching to , or remote from this Maxim ( of which this of the Levellers has nothing ) so are they more quiet or turbulent . In the Religious part only , proposing a National Religion and Liberty of Conscience , tho without troubling themselves much with the means , they are right in the end . AND for the Military part , they provide , THAT no man ( even in case of Invasion ) be compellable to go out of the Country where he lives , if he procures another to serve in his room . Which plainly intails upon this Commonwealth a fit Guard for such a Liberty , even a Mercenary Army ; for what one dos of this kind , may and will ( where there is no bar ) be don by all : so every Citizen by mony procuring his man , procures his Master . Now if this be work of that kind which the People in like cases ( as those also of Rome , when they instituted their Tribuns ) do usually make , then have I good reason not only to think , but to speak it audibly , That to sooth up the People with an opinion of their own sufficiency in these things , is not to befriend them , but to feed up all hopes of Liberty to the slaughter . Yet the Leveller , a late * Pamphlet , having gather'd out of Oceana the Principles by him otherwise well insinuated , attributes it to the Agitators , or that Assembly which fram'd this wooden Agreement of the People : That then som of that Council asserted these Principles , and the reason of them . BVT Railery apart , we are not to think it has bin for nothing that the wisest Nations have in the formation of Government as much rely'd upon the invention of som one man , as upon themselves : for wheras it cannot be too often inculcated , that Reason consists of two parts , the one Invention , the other Judgment ; a People or an Assembly are not more eminent in point of Judgment , than they are void of Invention . Nor is there in this any thing at all against the sufficiency of a People in the management of a proper Form , being once introduc'd , tho they should never com to a perfect understanding of it . For were the natural Bodys of the People such as they might commonly understand , they would be ( as I may say ) wooden Bodys , or such as they could not use ; wheras their Bodys being now such as they understand not , are yet such as in the use and preservation wherof they are perfect . THERE are in Models of Government things of so easy practice , and yet of such difficult understanding , that we must not think them even in Venice , who use their Commonwealth with the greatest prudence and facility , to be all , or any considerable number of them , such as perfectly understand the true Reason or Anatomy of that Government : nor is this a presumtuous Assertion , since none of those Venetians , who have hitherto written of their own form , have brought the truth of it to any perfect light . The like perhaps ( and yet with due acknowlegement to LIVY ) might be said of the Romans . The Lacedemonians had not the right understanding of their Model , till about the time of ARISTOTLE it was first written Book III by DICEARCHUS one of his Scholars . How egregiously our Ancestors ( till those foundations were broken which at length have brought us round ) did administer the English Government , is sufficiently known . Yet by one of the wisest of our Writers ( even my Lord VERULAM ) is HENRY the Seventh parallel'd with the Legislators of antient and heroic times , for the institution of those very Laws which have now brought the Monarchy to utter ruin . The Commonwealths upon which MACCHIAVEL in his Discourses is incomparable , are not by him , any one of them , sufficiently explain'd or understood . Much less is it to be expected from a People , that they should overcom the like difficultys , by reason wherof the wisest Nations ( finding themselves under the necessity of a change , or of a new Government ) induc'd by such offers as promis'd fair , or against which they could find no exceptions , have usually acted as men do by new Clothes ; that is , put them on , that , if they be not exactly fit at first , they may either fit themselves to the body in wearing , or therby more plainly shew wherin they can be mended even by such , as would otherwise prove but bad workmen . Nor has any such offer bin thought to have more Presumtion , much less Treason in it , than if one conscious of his skill in Architecture , should offer himself to the Prince or State to build a more convenient Parlament house . England is now in such a condition , that he who may be truly said to give her Law , shall never govern her ; and he who will govern her , shall never give her Law. Yet som will have it , that to assert Popular Power , is to sow the seed of Civil War , and object against a Commonwealth , as not to be introduc'd but by Arms ; which by the undeniable testimony of later Experience , is of all other Objections the most extravagant : for if the good old Cause , against the desire even of the Army , and of all men well affected to their Country , could be trod under foot without blood ; what more certain demonstration can there be , that ( let the deliberations upon , or changes of Government , be of what kind soever which shall please a Parlament ) there is no appearance that they can occasion any Civil War ? Streams that are stop'd may urge their Banks ; but the course of England , into a Commonwealth , is both certain and natural . The ways of Nature require Peace : The ways of Peace require Obedience to the Laws : Laws in England cannot be made but by Parlaments : Parlaments in England are com to be mere popular Assemblys : The Laws made by popular Assemblys ( tho for a time they may be aw'd , or deceiv'd , in the end ) must be popular Laws : and the sum of popular Laws must amount to a Commonwealth . The whole doubt or hazard of this Consequence remains upon one question , Whether a single Council consisting but of four hundred , indu'd both with Debate and Result ; the Keys of whose Doors are in the hands of ambitious men ; in the croud and confusion of whose Election the People are as careless as tumultuous , and easy , thro the want of good Orders , to be deluded ; while the Clergy ( declar'd and inveterat Enemys of popular Power ) are laying about , and sweating in the throng , as if it were in the Vinyard ; upon whose Benches Lawyers ( being feather'd and arm'd , like sharp and sudden Arrows , with a privat interest pointblank against the Public ) may and frequently do swarm , can indeed be call'd a popular Council . This , I confess , may set the whole state of Liberty upon the cast of a Dy ; yet questionless it is more than odds on the behalf of a Commonwealth , when a Government labors in frequent or long struggles , not thro any certain biass of Genius or Nature that can be in such a Council , but thro the impotence of such Conclusions as may go awry , and the external force or state of Property now fully introduc'd : whence such a Council may wander , but never find any rest or settlement , except only in that natural and proper Form of Government which is to be erected upon a mere Popular Foundation . All other ways of proceding must be void , as inevitably guilty of contradiction in the Superstructures to the Foundation ; which have amounted , and may amount to the discouragement of honest men , but with no other success than to imbroil or retard Business : England being not capable of any other permanent Form than that only of a Common-wealth ; tho her supreme Council be so constituted , that it may be Monarchically inclin'd . This contradiction in the Frame is the frequent occasion of contradictory Expostulations and Questions . How , say they , should we have a Commonwealth ? Which way is it possible that it should com in ? And how , say I , can we fail of a Commonwealth ? What possibility is there we should miss of it ? IF a man replys , he answers thus : No Army ever set up a Common-wealth . To the contrary , I instance the Army of Israel under MOSES ; that of Athens about the time of ALCIBIADES ; that of Rome upon the expulsion of the TARQUINS ; those of Switzerland and Holland . But , say they , other Armys have not set up Commonwealths . True indeed , divers other Armys have not set up Commonwealths ; yet is not that any Argument why our Armys should not . For in all Armys that have not set up Commonwealths , either the Officers have had no Fortunes or Estates at all , but immediatly dependent upon the mere Will of the Prince , as the Turkish Armys , and all those of the Eastern Countrys ; or the Officers have bin a Nobility commanding their own Tenants . Certain it is , That either of these Armys can set up nothing but Monarchy . But our Officers hold not Estates of Noblemen able upon their own Lands to levy Regiments , in which case they would take home their People to plow , or make Hay ; nor are they yet so put to it for their Livelihood , as to depend wholly upon a Prince , in which case they would fall on robbing the People : but have good honest Popular Estates to them and their Heirs for never . Now an Army , where the Estates of the Officers were of this kind , in no reason can , in no experience ever did set up Monarchy . Ay but , say they , for all that , their Pay to them is more considerable than their Estates . But so much more must they be for a Commonwealth , because the Parlament must pay : and they have found by experience , that the Pay of a Parlament is far better than that of a Prince . But the four hundred being Monarchically inclin'd , or running upon the Interest of those irreconcilable Enemys of Popular Power , Divines and Lawyers , will rather pay an Army for commanding , or for supporting of a Prince , than for obeying . Which may be true , as was acknowleg'd before , in the way ; but in the end , or at the long run , for the reasons mention'd , must be of no effect . THESE Arguments are from the Cause ; now for an Argument to Sense , and from the Effect : If our Armys would raise Mony of themselves , or , which is all one , would make a King , why have they not made a King in so many Years ? Why did they not make one yesterday ? Why do they not to day ? Nay , why have they ever bin , why do they still continue to be of all others in this point the most averse and refractory ? BVT if the case be so with us , that Nature runs wholly to a Common-wealth , and we have no such Force as can withstand Nature , why may we not as well have golden Dreams of what this Commonwealth may be , as of the Indys , of Flanders , or of the Sound ? The Frame of a Commonwealth may be dreamt on , or propos'd two ways ; the one in Theory , or notionally , in which it is of easy understanding , but of difficult practice : The other practicably , in which it is of difficult understanding , but of facil use . Book III One of these ways is a Shooinghorn , and the other the Shoo ; for which cause I shall propose both , as first notionally , thus : 1. THAT the native Territory of the Commonwealth be divided , so equally as with any convenience it may , into fifty Tribes or Precincts . 2. THAT the People in each Tribe be distinguish'd , first by their Age , and next by the valuation of their Estates : All such as are above eighteen , and under thirty , being accounted Youth ; and all such as are thirty or upwards , being accounted Elders . All such as have under one hundred pounds a year in Lands , Goods , or Mony , being accounted of the Foot ; and all such as have so much or upwards , being accounted of the Horse . 3. THAT each Tribe elect annually out of the Horse of their number two Elders to be Knights ; three Elders out of the same , and four Elders more out of the Foot of their number , to be Deputys or Burgesses . That the term of each Knight and Burgess , or Deputy so elected , be triennial ; and that whoever has serv'd his triennial Term in any one of these Capacitys , may not be reelected into any one of the same , till a triennial Vacation be expir'd . 4. THAT in the first year of the Commonwealth there be a Senat so constituted , of three hundred Knights , that the term of one hundred may expire annually ; and that the hundred Knights , annually elected by two in each Tribe , take in the Senat the places of them whose Term coms to be thus annually expir'd . 5. THAT in the first year of the Commonwealth there be a Representative of the People , consisting of one thousand and fifty Deputys ; four hundred and fifty of them being Horse , and the rest Foot. That this Representative be so constituted , that the term of two hundred of the Foot , and of one hundred and fifty of the Horse , expire annually ; and that the two hundred Foot , and one hundred and fifty Horse elected annually , by four of the Foot , and three of the Horse in each Tribe , take the places in this Representative of them whose terms coms thus annually to be expir'd . 6. THAT the Senat have the whole Authority of Debate ; that the Representative have the whole power of Result , in such a manner , that whatever ( having bin debated by the Senat ) shall by their Authority be promulgated , that is , printed and publish'd , for the space of six weeks ; and afterwards ( being propos'd by them to the Representative ) shall be resolv'd by the People of the same in the Affirmative , be the Law of the Land. THVS much may suffice to give implicitly a notional account of the whole frame . But a Model of Government is nothing as to use , unless it be also deliver'd practicably ; and the giving of a Model practicably , is so much the more difficult , that men , not vers'd in this●way , say of it ( as they would of the Anatomy of their own Bodys ) that it is impracticable . Here lys the whole difficulty : such things as , trying them never so often , they cannot make hang together , they will yet have to be practicable ; and if you would bring them from this kind of shifts , or of tying and untying all sorts of knots , to the natural nerves and ligaments of Government , then with them it is impracticable . But to render that which is practicable , facil ; or to do my last indeavor of this kind , of which if I miss this once more , I must hereafter despair : I shall do two things ; first , omit the Ballot , and then make som alteration in my former method . THEY who have interwoven the Ballot with the description of a Chap. 1 Commonwealth , have therby render'd the same by far the more complete in it self ; but in the understanding of their Readers , as much defective : wherfore presuming the use of the Ballot throout the Orders of this Model , I shall refer it to practice ; in which it will be a matter of as much facility , as it would have bin of difficulty in writing . And for the method I have chosen , it is the most natural and intelligible , being no more than to propose the whole practicably : first , in the Civil ; secondly , in the Religious ; then in the Military ; and last of all in the Provincial part of the Model . CHAP. I. Containing the Civil part of the Model , propos'd practicably . SEEING it has bin sufficiently prov'd , that Empire follows the nature of Property ; that the particular kind of Empire or Government depends upon the special distribution ( except in small Countrys ) of Land ; and that where the Balance in Property has not bin six'd , the nature of the Government ( be it what you will ) has bin floting : it is very reasonable that , in the proposition of a Common-wealth , we begin with a fixation of the Balance in Property ; and this being not otherwise to be don than by som such Laws as have bin commonly call'd Agrarian , it is propos'd , THAT every one holding above two thousand pounds a year in Land , lying within the proper Territory of the Commonwealth , leave the said Land equally divided among his Sons ; or else so near equally , that there remain to the eldest of them not above two thousand pounds a year in Land so lying . That this Proposition be so understood , as not to concern any Parent having no more than one Son , but the next Heir only that shall have more Sons ; in such sort , as nothing be hereby taken from any man , or from his Posterity , but that fatherly Affection be at all points extended as formerly , except only that it be with more Piety , and less Partiality . And that the same Proposition , in such Familys where there are no Sons , concern the Daughter or Daughters in the like manner . THAT no Daughter , being neither Heir nor Coheir , have above fifteen hundred pounds in Portion , or for her preferment in Marriage . That any Daughter , being an Orphan , and having seven hundred pounds or upwards in Portion , may charge the State with it . That the State being so charg'd , be bound to manage the Portion of such an Orphan for the best , either by due payment of the Interest of the same ; or , if it be desir'd , by way of Annuity for Life , at the rate of one hundred pounds a year , for every seven hundred pounds so receiv'd . The manner wherof being elswhere shewn , is not needful to be repeated . THAT these Propositions prevent the growing of a Monarchical Nobility , is their peculiar end : Wherfore that this should hold the weight of an Objection in a popular Balance , already introduc'd thro the failure of a Monarchical Nobility , or thro a level made not by the People but by the Kings or themselves , were preposterous . Yet upon this score ( for I see no other ) is there such Animosity against the like Laws , that wise men have judg'd it an Indiscretion , in such as are affected to Popular Government , not to temporize in this point ; at Book III least , till a Commonwealth were first introduc'd . To which Judgment I am by no means inclining : First , Because the whole stream of this kind of Government is so clear and pellucid , as to abhor having any thing in the bottom which may not appear at the very top . Secondly , Because an Agrarian , not brought in with the introduction of a Commonwealth , was never yet known to be brought in after the introduction of a Commonwealth . And thirdly , Because the change of Balances in States , thro the want of fixation , has bin so sudden , that between the Reign of HENRY the Seventh , and that of Queen ELIZABETH , being under fifty years , the English Balance of Monarchical became Popular ; and that of Rome , between the Lives of SCIPIO and of TIBERIUS GRACCHUS , being also under fifty years , of Popular became Monarchical . Nevertheless , if there remains any cure of Animosity that may be safe , it must be prudent : And such a cure ( if we be not so abandon'd to mere fancy , as to sacrifice all Prudence to it ) there may be in the addition of this Clause ; THAT no Agrarian Law hereby given to this Commonwealth , or to be hereafter given to the same , or to any Province of the same , be understood to be otherwise binding , than to the Generation to com , or to the Children to be born seven years after the enacting of the Law. UPON the addition of this Clause , it may be safely said of these Agrarian Laws , that they concern not any man living : and for Posterity , it is well known , that to enact a Law , is no more in their regard , than to commend a thing to their choice ; seeing they , if so pleas'd , can no more be devested of the Power to repeal any Law enacted by their Ancestors , than we are of repealing such Laws as have bin enacted by ours . TO this it may be objected , That Agrarian Laws , being once enacted , must have brought Estates to the standard of the same , before Posterity can com into a capacity to judg of them . But this is the only means wherby Posterity can com to a true capacity to judg of them : First , because they will have had experience of the Laws wherof they are to judg : And secondly , because they will be void of all such imaginary Interests as might corrupt their Judgment , and do now certainly corrupt ours . THE Balance of the Commonwealth of Israel , thro the distribution of Lands at the introduction of the same , became Popular ; and becoming Popular , was fix'd by the Law for the Jubile . That which was sold , shall remain in the hands of them that bought it till the year of Jubile ; and in the Jubile it shall go out , and he shall return to his possession . The ways in Israel , and in the Commonwealth propos'd , where the Popular Balance is not made but found , are divers ; but the Agrarian Laws in each , as to the end , which is the preservation of the Balance , are of a like effect . TO rise thus from true Foundations to proper Superstructures , the first step from the Balance thus fix'd into the Orders of a Common-wealth , is not otherwise to be taken than by certain Distributions or Divisions of the People , wherof som are to be personal , and som local . THE first personal division of a People , is into Freemen and Servants . Freemen are such as have wherwithal to live of themselves ; and Servants , such as have not . This division therfore is not constitutive , but naturally inherent in the Balance ; nor , seeing all Government is in the direction of the Balance , is it possible for the Superstructures of any to make more Freemen than are such by the nature Chap. 1 of the Balance , or by their being able to live of themselves . ALL that could in this matter be don , even by MOSES himself , is contain'd in this Proviso : If thy Brother that dwells by thee be grown poor , and be sold to thee , thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bondservant : but as a hir'd servant , and a sojourner he shall be with thee , and shall serve thee to the year of Jubile . And then shall he depart from thee , both he and his Children with him , and shall return to his own Family , and to the Possession of his Fathers shall he return . THE nature of Riches consider'd , this division into Freemen and Servants is not properly constitutive , but as it were natural . To com to such Divisions as are both personal and constitutive , it is propos'd , THAT all Citizens , that is , Freemen , or such as are not Servants , be distributed into Horse and Foot. That such of them as have one hundred pounds a year in Lands , Goods or Mony , or above that proportion , be of the Horse ; and all such as have under that proportion , be of the Foot. THAT all Elders or Freemen , being thirty years of Age or upwards , be capable of Civil Administration : and that the Youth , or such Freemen as are between eighteen years of Age and thirty , be not capable of Civil Administration , but of Military only ; in such a manner as shall follow in the Military part of this Model . NOW , besides personal divisions , it is necessary in order to the framing of a Commonwealth , that there be som such as are local . For these therfore it is propos'd , THAT the whole native , or proper Territory of the Commonwealth , be cast , with as much exactness as can be convenient , into known and fix'd Precincts or Parishes . THAT the Elders , resident in each Parish , annually assemble in the same ; as for example , upon Monday next insuing the last of December . That they then and there elect out of their own number every fifth man , or one man out of every five , to be for the term of the year insuing , a Deputy of that Parish ; and that the first and second so elected be Overseers , or Presidents , for regulating of all Parochial Congregations , whether of the Elders or of the Youth , during the term for which they were elected . THAT so many Parishes lying nearest together , whose Deputys shall amount to one hundred or therabout , be cast into one Precinct call'd the Hundred . And that in each Precinct call'd the Hundred , there be a Town , Village , or place appointed to be the Capital of the same . THAT the Parochial Deputys elected throout the Hundred , assemble annually ; for example , upon Monday next insuing the last of January , at the Capital of their Hundred . That they then and there elect out of the Horse of their number one Justice of the Peace , one Juryman , one Captain , one Insign : and out of the Foot of their number , one other Juryman , one High Constable , &c. THO our Justices of the Peace have not bin annual ; yet that they may so be is apparent , because the high Sherifs , whose Office is of greater difficulty , have always bin annual : seeing therfore they may be annual , that so they ought in this Administration to be , will appear , where they com to be constitutive of such Courts as , should they consist of a standing Magistracy , would be against the nature of a Commonwealth . But the Precincts hitherto being thus stated , it is propos'd , Book III THAT every twenty Hundreds , lying nearest and most conveniently together , be cast into one Tribe . That the whole Territory being after this manner cast into Tribes , som Town , Village , or place be appointed to every Tribe for the Capital of the same . And that these three Precincts , that is , the Parish , the Hundred , and the Tribe ( whether the Deputys , thenceforth annually chosen in the Parishes or Hundreds , com to increase or diminish ) remain firm and inalterable for ever , save only by Act of Parlament . THESE Divisions , or the like , both personal and local , are that in a well order'd Commonwealth , which Stairs are in a good house ; not that Stairs in themselves are desirable , but that without them there is no getting into the Chambers . The whole matter of Cost and Pains , necessary to the introduction of a like Model , lys only in the first Architecture , or building of these Stairs ; that is , in stating of these three Precincts : which don , they lead you naturally and necessarily into all the Rooms of this Fabric . For the just number of Tribes into which a Territory thus cast may fall ; it is not very easy to be guest : yet , because for the carrying on of discourse it is requisit to pitch upon som certainty , I shall presume that the number of the Tribes , thus stated , amounts to fifty ; and that the number of the Parochial Deputys annually elected in each Tribe , amounts to two thousand . Be the Deputys more or fewer by the alterations which may happen in progress of time , it disorders nothing . Now to ascend by these Stairs into the upper Rooms of this Building , it is propos'd , THAT the Deputys elected in the several Parishes , together with their Magistrats and other Officers both Civil and Military , elected in their several Hundreds , assemble or muster annually ; for example , upon Monday next insuing the last of February at the Capital of their Tribe . HOW the Troops and Companys of the Deputys , with their Military Officers or Commanders thus assembl'd , may , without expence of time , be straight distributed into one uniform and orderly Body , has bin elswhere * shewn , and is not needful to be repeated . For their work , which at this meeting will require two days , it is propos'd , THAT the whole Body thus assembl'd , upon the first day of the Assembly , elect out of the Horse of their number one High Sherif , one Lieutenant of the Tribe , one Custos Rotulorum , one Conductor , and two Censors . That the High Sherif be Commander in chief , the Lieutenant Commander in the second place , and the Conductor in the third , of this Band or Squadron . That the Custos Rotulorum be Mustermaster , and keep the Rolls . That the Censors be Governors of the Ballot . And that the term of these Magistracys be annual . THESE being thus elected , it is propos'd , THAT the Magistrats of the Tribe , that is to say , the High Sherif , Lieutenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Censors , and the Conductor , together with the Magistrats and Officers of the Hundreds , that is to say , the twenty Justices of the Peace , the forty Jurymen , the twenty High Constables , be one Troop , or one Troop and one Company apart , call'd the Prerogative Troop or Company . That this Troop bring in and assist the Justices of Assize , hold the Quarter Sessions in their several Capacitys , and perform their other Functions as formerly . BY this means the Commonwealth at its introduction may imbrace the Law as it stands , that is , unreform'd ; which is the greatest advantage of such Reformations : for to reform Laws before the introduction of the Government , which is to shew to what the Laws in Reformation Chap. 1 are to be brought or fitted , is impossible . But these Magistrats of the Hundreds and Tribes being such wherby the Parlament is to govern the Nation , this is a regard in which they ought to be further capable of such Orders and Instructions as shall therto be requisit : For which cause it is propos'd , THAT the Magistrats of the Tribe , that is to say , the High Sherif , Lieutenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Censors , and the Conductor , together with the twenty Justices elected at the Hundreds , be a Court for the Government of the Tribe call'd the Phylarch ; and that this Court procede in all matters of Government , as shall from time to time be directed by Act of Parlament . BY these Courts the Commonwealth will be furnish'd with true Channels , wherby at leisure to turn the Law into that which is sufficiently known to have bin its primitive Course , and to a perfect Reformation by degrees , without violence . For as the corruption of our Law procedes from an Art inabled to improve its privat Interest ; or from the Law upon the Bench , and the Jury at the Bar : So the Reformation of our Law must com from disabling it as an Art to improve its privat Interest ; or to a Jury upon the Bench , and the Law at the Bar , as in Venice . JVDGES and Officers shalt thou make thee in all thy Gates which the Lord thy God gives thee throout thy Tribes , and they shall judg the People with just Judgment . These Courts , whose Sessionhouse was in the Gates of every City , were shewn each of them to have consisted of twenty three Elders , which were as a Jury upon the Bench , giving sentence by plurality of Votes , and under a kind of appeal to the seventy Elders or Senat of Israel , as was also shewn in the second Book . THIS , or the like , by all example and beyond any controversy , has bin , and is the natural way of Judicature in Commonwealths . The Phylarchs , with a Court or two of Appeals eligible out of the Senat and the People , are at any time with ease and very small alteration to be cast upon a triennial Rotation : which , in all things besides proceding after the manner of the Venetian Quarancys , will be in this case perfect Orders . TO return : The first Day 's Election at the Tribe being as has bin shewn , it is propos'd , THAT the Squadron of the Tribe , on the second day of their Assembly , elect two Knights and three Burgesses out of the Horse of their number , and four other Burgesses out of the Foot of their number . That each Knight upon Election forthwith make Oath of Allegiance to the Commonwealth ; or refusing this Oath , that the next Competitor in Election to the same Magistracy , making the said Oath , be the Magistrat : the like for the Burgesses . That the Knights , thus sworn , have Session in the Senat for the term of three years ; and that the Burgesses thus sworn be of the Prerogative Tribe , or Representative of the People for the like term . NOW wheras this Proposition is sufficient for the perpetuation of the Senat and the Assembly of the People , being once instituted , but not sufficient for the full and perfect Institution of them , it necessitats the addition in this place , not of a permanent Order , but of an Expedient for the first years Election only ; which may be this : Book III THAT for the full and perfect Institution of the Assemblys mention'd , the Squadron of the Tribe in the first year of the Commonwealth elect two Knights for the term of one year , two other Knights for the term of two years , and lastly , two Knights more for the term of three years : the like for the Burgesses of the Horse first , and then for those of the Foot. BY this Expedient the Senat in fifty Tribes is constituted of three hundred Knights or Senators , wherof one hundred , by the expiration of their terms , com annually to fall ; and another hundred at the same time to enter . The like for the Prerogative Tribe or Assembly of the People , which , consisting in the whole of one thousand and fifty , suffers the like alteration in one third part , or in the yearly exchange of one hundred and fifty Burgesses : By which means the Motion or Rotation of these Assemblys is Annual , Triennial , and Perpetual . For the full dispatch of the foregoing Elections there remains but one Proposition more , which is this : THAT a Magistrat or Officer elected at the Hundred be therby excluded from being elected a Magistrat of the Tribe , or of the first days Election : that no former Election whatsoever exclude a man from the second days Election at the Tribe , or to be chosen a Knight or Burgess . That a man being chosen a Knight or Burgess , who before was chosen a Magistrat or Officer of the Hundred or Tribe , delegat his former Office , or Magistracy in the Hundred or the Tribe , to any other Deputy being no Magistrat nor Officer , and being of the same Hundred and of the same Order , that is , of the Horse or Foot respectively . That the whole and every part of the foregoing Orders for Election in the Parishes , the Hundreds , and the Tribes , be holding and inviolable upon such Penaltys in case of failure , as shall hereafter be provided by Act of Parlament against any Parish , Hundred , Tribe , Deputy or Person so offending . WITHOUT som such Provision as is contain'd in the former part of this Proposition , men would be inconveniently excluded from preferment , or the Tribe oblig'd to return to the Ballot ; and so to spend more time for trifles than is requir'd by their real business . THE Representative of Israel collected monthly by the two thousand out of each Tribe ( if we consider what Method must have bin us'd in such Elections ) intimats , first , that there were Subdivisions to that end in each Tribe , perhaps of the nature of our Hundreds and Parishes : Secondly , that there were qualifications in those Elections as to the Patriarchs or chief Fathers , and as to the People with their Captains of thousands , and Captains of hundreds ; which is enough thus sar to approve and recommend the foregoing Propositions . THE Senat , and the Congregation or Representative of the People , are in every Commonwealth the main Orders . The Stairs or Degrees of ascent to these being now mounted , it remains that I lead you into the Rooms of State , or the Assemblys themselves : which shall be perform'd , first , by shewing their Frame , and next by shewing their Uses or Functions . To bring you first into the Senat , it is propos'd , THAT the Knights of the Annual Election in the Tribes take their places on Monday next insuing the last of March in the Senat. That the like number of Knights , whose Session determins at the same time , recede . That every Knight or Senator be paid out of the public Revenue quarterly , one hundred twenty five Pounds during his term of Session , and be oblig'd to sit in purple Robes . THAT annually , upon the reception of the new Knights , the Senat Chap. 1 procede to the Election of new Magistrats and Counsillors . That for Magistrats they elect one General , one Speaker , and two Censors , each for the term of one year ; these promiscuously : and that they elect one Commissioner of the Great Seal , and one Commissioner of the Treasury , each for the term of three years , and out of the new Knights only . THIS Proposition supposes the Commissioners of the Seal and those of the Treasury to consist each of three , wheel'd by the annual Election of one into each Order , upon a triennial Rotation . For farther explanation of the Senatorian Magistracys , it is propos'd , THAT the General and Speaker , as CONSVLS of the Common-wealth , and Presidents of the Senat , be , during the term of their Magistracy , paid quarterly five hundred Pounds : That the Insigns of these Magistracys be a Sword born before the General , and a Mace before the Speaker : That they be oblig'd to wear Ducal Robes ; and that what is said of the General in this Proposition , be understood only of the General sitting , and not of the General marching . THAT the General sitting , in case he be commanded to march , receive Field Pay ; and that a new General be forthwith elected by the Senat to succede him in the House , with all the Rights , Insigns , and Emoluments of the General sitting : And this so often as one or more Generals are marching . THAT the three Commissioners of the Great Seal , and the three Commissioners of the Treasury , using their Insigns and Habit , and performing their other Functions as formerly , be paid quarterly to each of them three hundred seventy five Pounds . THAT the Censors be each of them Chancellor of one Vniversity by virtue of their Election : that they govern the Ballot ; that they be Presidents of the Council for Religion ; that each have a silver Wand for the Insign of his Magistracy ; that each be paid quarterly three hundred seventy five Pounds , and be oblig'd to wear scarlet Robes . THAT the General sitting , the Speaker , and the six Commissioners abovesaid , be the Signory of this Commonwealth . THIS for the Senatorian Magistrats . For Senatorian Councils it is propos'd , THAT there be a Council of State consisting of fifteen Knights , five out of each Order or Election ; and that the same be perpetuated by the annual Election of five out of the new Knights , or last elected into the Senat. THAT there be a Council for Religion consisting of twelve Knights , four out of each Order , and perpetuated by the annual Election of four out of the Knights last elected into the Senat. That there be a Council for Trade , consisting of a like number , elected and perpetuated in the same manner . THAT there be a Council of War , not elected by the Senat , but elected by the Council of State out of themselves . That this Council of War consist of nine Knights , three out of each Order , and be perpetuated by the annual Election of three out of the last Knights elected into the Council of State. THAT in case the Senat adds nine Knights more out of their own number to the Council of War , the said Council be understood by this addition to be DICTATOR of the Commonwealth for the term of three months , and no longer , except by farther Order of the Senat the said Dictatorian Power be prolong'd for a like term . THAT the Signory have Session and Suffrage , with right also jointly or severally to propose , both in the Senat and in all Senatorian Councils . THAT each of the three Orders , or Divisions of Knights in each Senatorian Council , elect one Provost for the term of one week ; and that any two Provosts of the same Council so elected may propose to their respective Council , and not otherwise . THAT som fair Room or Rooms well furnish'd and attended , be allow'd at the States charge for a free and open Academy to all comers at som convenient hour or hours towards the Evening . That this Academy be govern'd according to the Rules of good Breeding , or civil Conversation , by som or all of the Proposers ; and that in the same it be lawful for any man by word of mouth or by writing , in jest or in earnest , to propose to the Proposers . FROM the frame or structure of these Councils , I should pass to their Functions ; but that besides annual Elections , there will be som biennial , and others emergent : in which regard it is propos'd , first , for biennial Elections , THAT for Embassadors in ordinary , there be four Residences ; as France , Spain , Venice , and Constantinople : that every Resident , upon the Election of a new Embassador in ordinary , remove to the next Residence in the Order nominated , till having serv'd in them all , he returns home . That upon Monday next insuing the last of November , there be every second year elected by the Senat som fit Person , being under thirty five years of Age , and not of the Senat or popular Assembly : that the Party so elected , repair upon Monday next insuing the last of March following , as Embassador in ordinary to the Court of France , and there reside for the term of two years , to be computed from the first of April next insuing his Election . That every Embassador in ordinary be allow'd three thousand pounds a year during the term of his Residences ; and that if a Resident coms to dy , there be an extraordinary Election into his Residence for his term , and for the remainder of his Removes and Progress . THAT all emergent Elections be made by Scrutiny , that is , by a Council , or by Commissioners proposing , and by the Senat resolving in the manner following : That all Field-Officers be propos'd by the Council of War ; that all Embassadors extraordinary be propos'd by the Council of State ; that all Judges and Serjeants at Law be propos'd by the Commissioners of the great Seal ; that all Barons and Officers of Trust in the Exchequer , be propos'd by the Commissioners of the Treasury : and that such as are thus propos'd , and approv'd by the Senat , be held lawfully elected . THESE Elections being thus dispatch'd , I com to the Functions of the Senat , and first , to those of the Senatorian Councils : for which it is propos'd , THAT the cognizance of all matters of State to be consider'd , or Law to be enacted , whether it be Provincial or National , Domestic or Foren , pertain to the Council of State. That such Affairs of either kind , as they shall judg to require more Secrecy , be remitted by this Council , and belong to the Council of War , being for that end a select part of the same . That the cognizance and protection both of the National Religion , and of the Liberty of Conscience equally establish'd in this Nation , after the manner to be shewn in the Religious part of this Model , pertain to the Council for Religion . That all matters of Traffic , and the regulation of the same belong to the Council of Trade . That in the exercise of these several Functions , which naturally are Senatorian or Authoritative only , no Council assume any other Power than such only as shall be settl'd upon the same by Chap. 1 Act of Parlament . THAT what shall be propos'd to the Senat by any one or more of the Signory or Proposers general ; or whatever was propos'd by any two of the Provosts or particular Proposers to their respective Council , and upon debate at that Council shall com to be propos'd by the same to the Senat , be necessarily debatable and debated by the Senat. That in all cases wherin Power is committed to the Senat by a Law made , or by Act of Parlament , the Result of the Senat be ultimat : that in all cases of Law to be made , or not already provided for by an Act of Parlament , as War and Peace , levy of Men or Mony , or the like , the Result of the Senat be not ultimat . That whatsoever is resolv'd by the Senat , upon a case wherin their Result is not ultimat , be propos'd by the Senat to the Prerogative Tribe or Representative of the People ; except only in cases of such speed or secrecy , wherin the Senat shall judg the necessary slowness or openness in this way of proceding to be of detriment or danger to the Commonwealth . THAT if upon the motion or proposition of a Council or Proposer General , the Senat adds nine Knights promiscuously chosen out of their own number , to the Council of War ; the same Council , as therby made Dictator , have power of Life and Death , as also to enact Laws in all such cases of speed or secrecy , for and during the term of three months and no longer , except upon a new Order from the Senat. And that all Laws enacted by the Dictator be good and valid for the term of one year , and no longer ; except the same be propos'd by the Senat , and resolv'd by the People . THIS Dictatorian Council ( as may already appear ) consists fundamentally of the Signory , with nine Knights elected by the Council of State , additionally of nine Knights more emergently chosen by the Senat , and of the four Tribuns of course ; as will appear when I com to speak of that Magistracy . Now if Dictatorian Power be indeed formidable , yet this in the first place is remarkable , that the Council here offer'd for a Dictator is of a much safer Constitution , than what among us hitherto has bin offer'd for a Commonwealth ; namely , a Parlament and a Council in the interim . For here is no interim , but all the Councils of the Commonwealth not only remaining , but remaining in the exercise of all their Functions , without the abatement of any ; speed and secrecy belonging not to any of them , but to that only of the Dictator . And if this Dictatorian Council has more in it of a Commonwealth than has hitherto among us bin either practis'd or offer'd , by what Argument can it be pretended that a Commonwealth is so imperfect thro the necessity of such an Order , that it must needs borrow of Monarchy ; seeing every Monarchy that has any Senat , Assembly , or Council in it , therby most apparently borrows more of a Commonwealth , than there is to be found of Monarchy in this Council ? TO dimiss this whole Senat with one Parallel : The institution of the seventy Elders in Israel ( as was shewn in the second Book ) for their number related to an Accident , and a Custom therupon antiently introduc'd . The Accident was that the Sons of JACOB who went into Egypt were so many ; these , first governing their Familys by natural right , came , as those Familys increas'd , to be for their number retain'd and continu'd in the nature of a Senatorian Council , while the People were yet in Egyptian Bondage . So we , having had no like Custom , have as to the number no like Inducement . Again , the Book III Territory of Canaan amounted not to a fourth of our Country ; and in Government we are to fit our selves to our own proportions . Nor can a Senat , consisting of few Senators , be capable of so many distributions as a Senat consisting of more . Yet we find in the restitution of the Sanhedrim by JEHOSHAPHAT , that there was AMARIAH chief in all matters of the Lord , that is , in judgment upon the Laws , which , having bin propos'd by God , were more peculiarly his matters ; and ZEBADIAH chief in all the King's matters , that is , in political debates concerning Government , or War and Peace . Lastly , When the Children of Ammon made War against Israel , the People of Israel made JEPHTHA not only Captain , but Head over them . So the Judg of Israel , being no standing Magistrat , but elected upon emergencys , supplys the Parallel as to Dictatorian Power in a Commonwealth . DEBATE is the natural Parent of Result ; whence the Senat throout the Latin Authors is call'd Fathers , and in Greec Authors the compellation of a popular Assembly is Men ; as Men of Athens , Men of Corinth , Men of Lacedemon : nor is this Custom Heathen only , seeing these Compellations are us'd to the Senat and the People of the Jews , not only by STEPHEN , but also by PAUL , where they begin their speeches in this manner : Men , Brethren , and Fathers . To com then from the Fathers to the People , the Popular Assembly , or Prerogative Tribe ; it is propos'd , THAT the Burgesses of the annual Election return'd by the Tribes , enter into the Prerogative Tribe upon Monday next insuing the last of March ; and that the like number of Burgesses , whose term is expir'd , recede at the same time . That the Burgesses thus enter'd elect to themselves out of their own number , two of the Horse ; one to be Captain , and the other to be Cornet of the same : and two of the Foot ; one to be Captain , the other to be Insign of the same , each for the term of three years . That these Officers being thus elected , the whole Tribe or Assembly procede to the Election of four annual Magistrats ; two out of the Foot , to be Tribuns of the Foot : and two out of the Horse , to be Tribuns of the Horse . That the Tribuns be Commanders of this Tribe in chief , so far as it is a Military Body ; and Presidents of the same , as it is a civil Assembly . And lastly , that this whole Tribe be paid weekly as follows . To each of the Tribuns of Horse , seven pounds . To each of the Tribuns of Foot , six pounds . To each of the Captains of Horse , five pounds . To each of the Captains of Foot , four pounds . To each of the Cornets , three pounds . To each of the Insigns , two pounds seven shillings . To every Horseman two pounds , and to every one of the Foot one pound ten shillings . FOR the Salarys of the Senat and the People together , they amount not to three hundred thousand pounds a year ; which is cheaper by near two parts in three , than the chief Magistracy ever did or can otherwise cost : for if you give nothing ( omnia dat qui justa negat ) men will be their own Carvers . But to procede , it is propos'd , THAT inferior Officers , as Captains , Cornets , Insigns , be only for the Military Disciplin of the Tribe . That the Tribuns have Session in the Senat without suffrage ; that they have Session of course in the Dictatorian Council , so often as it is created by the Senat , and with suffrage . That they be Presidents of the Court in all cases to be judg'd by the People . THAT Peculat or Defraudation of the Public , and all cases tending Chap. 1 to the subversion of the Government , be triable by this Representative ; and that there be an Appeal to the same in all Causes , and from all Magistrats , Courts , and Councils , whether National or Provincial . THIS Judicatory may seem large : but thus the Congregation of Israel , consisting of four hundred thousand , judg'd the Tribe of Benjamin . Thus all the Roman Tribes judg'd CORIOLANUS . And thus Duke LOREDANO was try'd by the great Council of Venice , consisting yet of about two thousand . THIS is as much as I have to say severally of the Senat and the People ; but their main Functions being joint , as they make one Parlament , it is farther propos'd , THAT the right of Debate , as also of proposing to the People , be wholly and only in the Senat ; without any power at all of Result , not deriv'd from the People . THAT the power of Result be wholly and only in the People , without any right at all of Debate . THAT the Senat having debated and agreed upon a Law to be propos'd , cause promulgation of the same to be made for the space of six weeks before proposition ; that is , cause the Law to be printed and publish'd so long before it is to be propos'd . THAT promulgation being made , the Signory demand of the Tribuns , being present in the Senat , an Assembly of the People . That the Tribuns , upon such a demand of the Signory or of the Senat , be oblig'd to assemble the Prerogative Tribe in Arms by sound of Trumpet , with Drums beating , and Colors flying , in any Town , Field , or Market place being not above six miles distant , upon the day and at the hour appointed ; except the meeting , thro any inconvenience of the weather or the like , be prorogu'd by the joint consent of the Signory and the Tribuns . That the Prerogative Tribe being assembl'd accordingly , the Senat propose to them by two or more of the Senatorian Magistrats , therto appointed at the first promulgation of the Law. That the Proposers for the Senat open to the People the Occasion , Motives , and Reasons of the Law to be propos'd ; and the same being don , put it by distinct Clauses to the Ballot of the People . That if any material Clause or Clauses be rejected by the People , they be review'd by the Senat , alter'd , and propos'd ( if they think fit ) to the third time , but no oftner . THAT what is thus propos'd by the Senat , and resolv'd by the People , be the Law of the Land , and no other , except as in the case reserv'd to the Dictatorian Council . THE Congregation of Israel being monthly , and the Representative propos'd being annual and triennial , they are each upon Courses or Rotation : the Congregation of Israel consisting of twenty four thousand , in which the whole number of the Princes of the Tribes and of the Princes of the Familys amounted not , I might say , to one hundred , but will say to one thousand ; it follows , that the lower sort in the Congregation of Israel held proportion to the better sort , above twenty to one . Wheras in the Representative propos'd , the lower sort hold proportion to the better sort but six to four ; and that popular Congregation where the lower sort hold but six to four , is by far the most Aristocratical that is or ever was in any well order'd Common-wealth , except Venice : but if you will have that Gentry to be all of one sort , or if you allow them to be of a better and of a meaner sort , Venice is not excepted . The Sanhedrim made no Law without Book III the People ; nor may the Senat in this Model : but the Sanhedrim with the Congregation , might make Laws ; so may the Senat , in our Model , with the Representative of the People . Lastly , as the Congregation in Israel was held either by the Princes in person , with their Staves and Standards of the Camp , or by the four and twenty thousand in Military Disciplin ; so the Representative propos'd is in the nature of a Regiment . EXCEPTING Venice , where there is a shadow , and but a shadow of Law made by the Senat ( for the Soverain Power is undeniably in the great Council ) and Athens , where a Law made by the Senat was current as a Probationer for one year before it was propos'd to the People ; there neither is nor has bin any such thing in a Commonwealth as a Law made by the Senat. That the Senat should have power to make Laws , reduces the Government to a single Council ; and Government by a single Council , if the Council be of the Many , is Anarchy , as in the Assembly of the Roman People by Tribes , which always shook , and at length ruin'd that Commonwealth : Or , if the Council be of the Few , it is Oligarchy , as that of Athens consisting of the four hundred , who nevertheless pretended to propose to five thousand , tho they did not . Of which says THUCYDIDES , This was indeed the form pretended in words by the four hundred ; but the most of them , thro privat ambition , fell upon that by which an Oligarchy made out of a Democracy is chiefly overthrown : for at once they claim'd every one not to be equal , but to be far the chief . Anarchy , or a single Council consisting of the Many , is ever tumultuous , and dos ill even while it means well . But Oligarchy , seldom meaning well , is a Faction wherin every one striving to make himself , or som other from whom he hopes for advantage , spoils all . There is in a Commonwealth no other cure of these , than that the Anarchy may have a Council of som few , well chosen , and elected by themselves , to advise them ; which Council so instituted , is the Senat : Or that the Oligarchy have a popular Representative to balance it ; which both curing Tumult in the rash and heady People , and all those Corruptions which cause Factiousness in the sly and subtil Few , amount to the proper Superstructures of a well order'd Commonwealth . As , to return to the example of the Oligarchy in Athens , where the four hundred ( whose Reign , being very short , had bin as seditious ) were depos'd ; and the Soverainty was decreed to a popular Council of five thousand , with a Senat of four hundred annually elective upon Courses , or by Rotation . Of this says THUCYDIDES , Now first ( at least in my time ) the Athenians seem to have order'd their State aright , it consisting of a moderat temper both of the Few and the Many . And this was the first thing that , after so many misfortunes , made the City again to raise her Head. But we in England are not apt to believe , that to decree the Soverainty to thousands , were the way to make a City or a Nation recover of its Wounds , or to raise its Head. We have an aversion to such thoughts , and are sick of them . An Assembly of the People Soverain ! Nay , and an Assembly of the People consisting in the major vote of the lower sort ! Why , sure it must be a dull , an unskilful thing . But so is the Touchstone in a Goldsmiths Shop , a dull thing , and altogether unskil'd in the Trade ; yet without this , would even the Master be deceiv'd . And certain it is , that a well order'd Assembly of he People is as true an Index of what in Government is good or great , as tany Touchstone is of Gold. A COUNCIL ( especially if of a loose Election ) having not Chap. 1 only the Debate , but the Result also , is capable of being influenc'd from without , and of being sway'd by Interest within . There may be a form'd , a prejudic'd Party , that will hasten or outbaul you from the Debate to the Question , and then precipitat you upon the Result : Wheras if it had no power of Result , there could remain to the same no more than Debate only , without any Biass , or cause of diverting such Debate from Maturity ; in which Maturity of unbiass'd Debate lys the final cause of the Senat , and the whole Light that can be given to a People . But when this is don , if your resolving Assembly be not such as can imbibe or contract no other Interest than that only of the whole People , all again is lost : for the Result of all Assemblys gos principally upon that which they conceive to be their own Interest . But how an Assembly upon Rotation , consisting of one thousand , where the Vote is six to four in the lower sort , should be capable of any other Interest than that only of the whole People by which they are orderly elected , has never yet bin , nor , I believe , ever will be shewn . In a like distribution therfore of Debate and Result , consists the highest Mystery of Popular Government ; and indeed the supreme Law , wherin is contain'd not only the Liberty , but the Safety of the People . FOR the remainder of the Civil part of this Model , which is now but small , it is farther propos'd , THAT every Magistracy , Office , or Election throout this whole Commonwealth , whether annual or triennial , be understood of consequeuce to injoin an interval or vacation equal to the term of the same . That the Magistracy of a Knight and of a Burgess , be , in this relation , understood as one and the same ; and that this Order regard only such Elections as are National or Domestic , and not such as are Provincial or Foren . THAT , for an exception from this Rule , where there is but one Elder of the Horse in one and the same Parish , that Elder be eligible in the same without interval ; and where there be above four Elders of the Horse in one and the same Parish , there be not above half , nor under two of them eligible at the same Election . OTHERWISE the People , beyond all manner of doubt , would elect so many of the better sort at the very first , that there would not be of the Foot or of the meaner sort enough to supply the due number of the Popular Assembly or Prerogative Tribe : and the better sort being excluded subsequent Elections by their intervals , there would not be wherwithal to furnish the Senat , the Horse of the Prerogative Tribe , and the rest of the Magistracys ; each of which Obstructions is prevented by this Exception . Where , by the way , if in all experience such has bin the constant temper of the People , and can indeed be reasonably no other , it is apparent what cause there can be of doubt who in a Commonwealth of this nature must have the leading . Yet is no man excluded from any Preferment ; only Industry , which ought naturally to be the first step , is first injoin'd by this Policy , but rewarded amply : seeing he who has made himself worth one hundred Pounds a year , has made himself capable of all Preferments and Honors in this Government . Where a man from the lowest state may not rise to the due pitch of his unquestionable Merit , the Commonwealth is not equal : yet neither can the People , under the Limitations propos'd , make choice ( as som object ) of any other than Book III the better sort ; nor have they at any time bin so inclining to do , where they have not bin under such Limitations . Be it spoken , not to the disparagement of any man , but on the contrary to their praise whose Merit has made them great , the People of England have not gon so low in the election of a House of Commons , as som Prince has don in the election of a House of Lords . To weigh Election by a Prince with Election by a People , set the Nobility of Athens and Rome by the Nobility of the old Monarchy , and a House of Commons freely chosen by the Nobility of the new . There remains but the Quorum , for which it is propos'd , THAT , throout all the Assemblys and Councils of this Commonwealth , the Quorum consist of one half in the time of Health , and of one third part in a time of Sickness , being so declar'd by the Senat. HOW the City Government , without any diminution of their Privileges , and with an improvement of their Policy , may be made to fall in with these Orders , has * elswhere bin shewn in part , and may be consider'd farther at leisure . Otherwise the whole Commonwealth , so far as it is merely Civil , is in this part accomplish'd . Now as of necessity there must be a natural Man , or a Man indu'd with a natural Body , before there can be a spiritual Man , or a Man capable of Divine Contemplation ; so a Government must have a Civil , before it can have a Religious part : And if a man furnisht only with natural parts can never be so stupid as not to make som Reflections upon Religion , much less a Commonwealth ; which necessitats the Religious part of this Model . CHAP. II. Containing the Religious Part of this Model , propos'd practicably . THERE is nothing more certain or demonstrable to common Sense , than that the far greater part of Mankind , in matters of Religion , give themselves up to the public Leading . Now a National Religion rightly establish'd , or not coercive , is not any public driving , but only the public leading . If the Public in this case may not lead such as desire to be led by the Public , and yet a Party may lead such as desire to be led by a Party ; where would be the Liberty of Conscience as to the State ? Which certainly in a well order'd Commonwealth , being the public Reason , must be the public Conscience . Nay , where would be the Liberty of Conscience in respect of any Party which should so procede as to shew , that without taking their Liberty of Conscience from others , they cannot have it themselves ? If the Public , refusing Liberty of Conscience to a Party , would be the cause of Tumult , how much more a Party refusing it to the Public ? And how , in case of such a Tumult , should a Party defend their Liberty of Conscience , or indeed their Throats from the whole or a far greater Party , without keeping down or tyrannizing over the whole or a far greater Party by force of Arms ? These things being rightly consider'd , it is no wonder that Men , living like men , have not bin yet found without a Government , or that any Government has not bin yet found without a National Religion ; that is , som orderly and known way of public Chap. 2 leading in divine things , or in the Worship of God. A NATIONAL Religion being thus prov'd necessary , it remains that I prove what is necessary to the same ; that is , as it concerns the State , or in relation to the Duty of the Magistrat . CERTAIN it is , that Religion has not seen corruption but by one of these three causes ; som Interest therwith incorporated , som ignorance of the truth of it , or by som complication of both . Nor was ever Religion left wholly to the management of a Clergy that escap'd these Causes , or their most pernicious Effects ; as may be perceiv'd in Rome , which has brought Ignorance to be the Mother of Devotion , and indeed Interest to be the Father of Religion . Now the Clergy not failing in this case to be dangerous , what recourse but to the Magistrat for safety ? specially seeing these Causes , that is , Interest and Ignorance ( the one proceding from evil Laws , the other from the want of good Education ) are not in the right or power of a Clergy , but only of the Civil Magistracy . Or if so it be that Magistrats are oblig'd in duty to be nursing Fathers and nursing Mothers to the Church ; how shall a State in the sight of God be excusable , that takes no heed or care lest Religion suffer by Causes , the prevention or remedy wherof is in them only ? To these therfore it is propos'd , THAT the Vniversitys being prudently reform'd , be preserv'd in their Rights and Indowments , for and towards the education and provision of an able Ministry . WE are commanded by CHRIST to search the Scriptures : The Scriptures are not now to be search'd but by skill in Tongues : The immediat gift of Tongues is ceas'd : How then should skill in Tongues be acquir'd but mediatly , or by the means of Education ? How should a State expect such an Education ( particularly for a matter of ten thousand men ) that provides not for it ? And what provision can a State make for this Education , but by such Schools so indow'd and regulated , as with us are the Universitys ? These therfore are a necessary step towards the prevention of such Ignorance or Interest , as thro the infirmitys or biass of Translators , Interpreters , and Preachers , both have and may frequently com to be incorporated with Religion ; as also to the improvement or acquisition of such Light as is by the command of CHRIST to be attain'd or exercis'd in searching the Scriptures . THE excellent Learning of the Levits in all kinds , not ordinarily infus'd , but acquir'd ( there having bin among them as well the Teacher as the Scholar ) leaves little doubt but their forty eight Citys were as so many Universitys . These with their Suburbs or Indowments contain'd in the whole ( each of their Circuits in Land reckon'd at four thousand Cubits deep ) about a hundred thousand Acres ; that is , if their measure was according to the common Cubit : if according to the holy Cubit ( as with Levits was most likely ) twice so much ; which , at the lowest account , I conceive to be far above the Revenues of both our Universitys . THESE being order'd as has bin said , it is propos'd , THAT the legal and antient provision for the National Ministry be so augmented , that the meanest sort of Livings or Benefices , without defalcation from the greater , be each improv'd to the Revenue of one hundred pounds at least . Book III THIS , in regard the way is by Tithes , coms up so close to the Orders of Israel , as , in our day , may shew that a Commonwealth may com too near that pattern to be lik'd . We find not indeed that the Apostles either took or demanded Tithes ; in which case the Priests , who were legally possest of them , might have had suspicion that they , under color of Religion , had aim'd at the violation of Property . But putting the case that generally the Priests had bin converted to the Christian Faith , whether the Apostles would for that reason have injoin'd them to relinquish their Tithes ? Or what is there in the Christian Religion to favor any such surmise ? To me there seems abundantly enough to the contrary . For if the Apostles stuck not to comply with the Jews in a Ceremony which was of mere human invention , and to introduce this , as they did Ordination by imposition of hands , into the Christian Church ; that they would , upon a like inducement , have refus'd a standing Law undoubtedly Mosaical , is in my opinion most improbable . So that , I conceive , the Law for Tithes now in being , may or may not be continu'd , at the pleasure of the Lawgivers , for any thing in this case to the contrary . Confident I am , that the introducing of this Model in the whole , which is thought impracticable , were not to willing minds so difficult a work as the abolition of Tithes . BUT Benefices , whether by way of Tithes or otherwise , being thus order'd ; it is propos'd , THAT a Benefice becoming void in any Parish , the Elders of the same may assemble and give notice to the Vice-Chancellor of either Vniversity by a Certificat , specifying the true value of that Benefice : that the Vice-Chancellor , upon the receit of this Certificat , be oblig'd to call a Congregation of his Vniversity : that the Congregation of the Vniversity to this end assembl'd , having regard to the value of the Benefice , make choice of a Person fit for the Ministerial Function , and return him to the Parish so requiring : that the Probationer thus return'd to a Parish by either of the Vniversitys , exercise the Office , and receive the Benefits as Minister of the Parish for the term of one year : that the term of one year being expir'd , the Elders of the Parish assemble and put the Election of the Probationer to the Ballot : that if the Probationer has three parts in four of the Balls or Votes in the Affirmative , he be therby ordain'd and elected Minister of that Parish ; not afterwards to be degraded or remov'd , but by the Censors of the Tribe , the Phylarch of the same , or the Council of Religion in such cases as shall be to them reserv'd by Act of Parlament : That in case the Probationer coms to fail of three parts in four at the Ballot , he depart from that Parish ; and if he returns to the Vniversity , it be without diminution of the former Offices or Preferments which he there injoy'd , or any prejudice to his future Preferment : and that it be lawful in this case for any Parish to send so often to either Vniversity , and it be the duty of either Vice-Chancellor upon such Certificats to make return of different Probationers , till such time as the Elders of that Parish have fitted themselves with a Minister of their own choice and liking . IN case it was thought fit that a Probationer thus elected should , before he departs , receive imposition of hands from the Doctors of the University , I cannot see what the most scrupulous in the matter of Ordination could find wanting . But let this be so , or otherwise , it is indifferent . The Universitys by proposing to the Congregation in every Parish , do the Senatorian Office ; and the People , thus fitting themselves by their Suffrage or Ballot , reserve that Office Chap. 2 which is truly popular , that is the Result , to themselves . MOSES ( for so far back the Divines reach at Ordination ) in the institution of the Senat of Israel , wherin he can never be prov'd to have us'd imposition of hands , performing the Senatorian Office , caus'd the People to take wise men , and understanding , and known among their Tribes , wherof the Lot fell upon all but ELDAD and MEDAD . And the Apostles doing the Senatorian Office , in like manner without imposition of hands , caus'd the whole Congregation to take two , wherof the lot of Apostleship fell upon MATTHIAS . So that this way of Ordination being that which was instituted by MOSES , and the chief or first of those which were us'd by the Apostles , is both Mosaical and Apostolical . Nor has a well order'd Commonwealth any choice left of those other ways of Ordination , us'd by the Apostles in complaisance to worse sort of Government ; but is naturally necessitated to this , that is , to the very best . ORDINATION being thus provided for , it is propos'd , THAT the National Religion be exercis'd according to a Directory in that case to be made , and publish'd by Act of Parlament . That the National Ministry be permitted to have no other public Preferment or Office in this Commonwealth . That a National Minister being convict of Ignorance or Scandal , be movable out of his Benefice by the Censors of the Tribe , under an appeal to the Phylarch , or to the Council for Religion . THAT no Religion , being contrary to or destructive of Christianity , nor the public exercise of any Religion , being grounded upon or incorporated into a foren Interest , be protected by or tolerated in this State. That all other Religions , with the public exercise of the same , be both tolerated and protected by the Council of Religion : and that all Professors of any such Religion , be equally capable of all Elections , Magistracys , Preferments , and Offices in this Commonwealth , according to the Orders of the same . UPON the whole of these Propositions , touching Church Disciplin , we may make these Observations . Thus neither would the Party that is for gifted Men , and Enemys to Learning , thro ignorance ( which else in all probability they must ) lose Religion ; nor the Clergy be able to corrupt it by Interest . But Decency and Order , with liberty of Conscience , would still flourish together ; while the Minister has a Preferment he sought , the Parish a Minister they chose , the Nation a Religion according to the public Conscience , and every man his Christian Liberty . He therfore that indeavors to confute this Chapter , must either shew how these things may be omitted , or more effectually provided for ; or tithe Mint and Cumin , and neglect the weightier things of Lawgiving . A COMMONWEALTH having , in the establishment of Religion , made resignation of her self to God , ought in the next place to have regard to the natural means of her defence ; which introduces the Military part of this Model . Book III CHAP. III. Containing the Military part of this Model , propos'd practicably . THE Military Part , on which at present I shall discourse little , consists in the Disciplin of the Youth , that is , of such as are between eighteen and thirty years of Age : and for the Disciplin of the Youth it is propos'd , THAT annually upon Wednesday next insuing the last of December , the Youth of each Parish ( under the inspection of the two Overseers of the same ) assemble and elect the fifth man of their number , or one in five of them , to be for the term of that year Deputys of the Youth of that Parish . THAT annually on Wednesday next insuing the last of January , the said Deputys of the respective Parishes meet at the Capital of the Hundred ( where there are Games and Prizes allotted for them , as has bin shew'd * elswhere ) and there elect to themselves out of their own number , one Captain , and one Insign . And that of these Games , and of this Election , the Magistrats and Officers of the Hundred be Presidents , and Judges for the impartial distribution of the Prizes . THAT annually upon Wednesday next insuing the last of February , the Youth thro the whole Tribe thus elected , be receiv'd at the Capital of the same , by the Lieutenant as Commander in chief , by the Conductor , and by the Censors ; that under the inspection of these Magistrats , the said Youth be entertain'd with more splendid Games , disciplin'd in a more military manner , and be divided by lot into sundry parts , or Essays , according to the Rules * elswhere given . THAT the whole Youth of the Tribe , thus assembl'd , be the first Essay . That out of the first Essay , there be cast by lot two hundred Horse , and six hundred Foot : that they whom their friends will , or themselves can mount , be accounted Horse , the rest Foot. That these Forces ( amounting in the fifty Tribes to ten thousand Horse , and thirty thousand Foot ) be always ready to march at a weeks warning : and that this be the second Essay , or the standing Army of the Commonwealth . THAT for the holding of each Province , the Commonwealth in the first year assign an Army of the Youth , consisting of seven thousand five hundred Foot , and one thousand five hundred Horse . That for the perpetuation of these Provincial Armys or Guards , there be annually , at the time and places mention'd , cast out of the first Essay of the Youth in each Tribe ten Horse , and fifty Foot : that is , in all the Tribes five hundred Horse , and two thousand five hundred Foot for Scotland ; the like for Ireland ; and the like of both orders for the Sea Guards : being each oblig'd to serve for the term of three years upon the States pay . THE standing Army of the Commonwealth consisting thus of forty thousand , not Soldiers of fortune neither in body nor in pay , but Citizens at their Vocations or Trades , and yet upon command in continual readiness ; and the Provincial Armys each consisting of nine thousand in pay in body , and possess'd of the Avenues and places of strength in the Province , it is not imaginable how a Province should be so soon able to stir , as the Commonwealth must be to pour forty thousand men upon it , besides the Sea Guards . Nor coms this Militia thus constituted , except upon Marches , to any charge at all ; the Chap. 3 standing Army having no pay , and the Provinces , wherof the Sea thus guarded will be none of the poorest , maintaining their own Guards . Such is the military way of a Commonwealth , and the Constitution of its Armys , whether levy'd by Suffrage , as in Rome ; or by Lot , as in Israel . WE will go up by Lot against Gibeah . STANDING Forces being thus establish'd ; for such as are upon emergent occasions to go forth , or march , it is propos'd , THAT the Senat and the People , or the Dictator having decreed or declar'd War , and the Field Officers being appointed by the Council of War ; the General by Warrant issu'd to the Lieutenants of the Tribes , demand the second Essay , or such part of it as is decreed ; whether by way of levy or recruit . That by the same Warrant he appoint his time and Rendevouz : that the several Conductors of the Tribes deliver him the Forces demanded , at the time and place appointed . That a General thus marching out with the standing Army , a new Army be elected out of the first Essay as formerly , and a new General be elected by the Senat ; that so always there be a General sitting , and a standing Army , what Generals or Armys soever be marching . And that in case of Invasion the Bands of the Elders be oblig'd to like duty with those of the Youth . THAT an only Son be discharg'd of these Dutys without prejudice . That of two Brothers there be but one admitted to foren Service at one time . That of more Brothers , not above half . That whoever otherwise refuses his Lot , except upon cause shewn he be dispens'd with by the Phylarch , or upon penitence be by them pardon'd and restor'd , by such refusal be uncapable of electing , or being elected in this Commonwealth ; as also that he pay to the State a fifth of his Revenue for protection , besides Taxes . That Divines , Physicians , and Lawyers , as also Trades not at leisure for the Essays , be so far exemted from this Rule , that they be still capable of all Preferments in their respective Professions , with Indemnity , and without Military Education or Service . A COMMONWEALTH whose Militia consists of Mercenarys , to be safe , must be situated as Venice , but can in no wife be great . The Industry of Holland is the main Revenue of that State ; whence not being able to spare hands to her Arms , she is cast upon Strangers and mercenary Forces , thro which we in our time have seen Amsterdam necessitated to let in the Sea upon her , and to becom ( as it were ) Venice . To a Popular Government that could not do the like , Mercenary Arms have never fail'd to be fatal ; whence the last Proposition is that which in every well order'd Commonwealth has bin look'd to as the main guard of Liberty . IN this Israel was formidable beyond all other Commonwealths with a kind of Fulmination . SAUL when he heard the Cruelty of NAHASH the Ammonit , at the Leaguer of Jabesh-Gilead , took a yoke of Oxen and hew'd them in pieces , and sent them throout the Coasts of Israel , by the hands of Messengers , saying , Whosoever coms not out after SAUL , and after SAMUEL , so shall it be don to his Oxen. Which amounted not only to a confiscation of Goods ( the Riches of the Israelits lying most in their Cattel ) but to a kind of Anathema , as more plainly appears , where it is said , Curse ye Meroz , curse ye bitterly the Inhabitants therof , because they came not forth to help the Lord against the Mighty . Nay this ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) desertion of the Book III Military Orders and Services in Israel , was somtimes punish'd with total extermination , as after the Victory against Benjamin , where the Congregation or Political Assembly of that People , making inquisition what one of the Tribes of Israel came not up to the Lord in Mizpeh ( the place where before the taking of Jerusalem they held , as I may say , their Parlaments ) and finding that there came none to the Camp from Jabesh-Gilead , sent thither twelve thousand men of the valiantest , saying , Go and smite the Inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead with the edg of the Sword , with the Women and the Children : which was don accordingly . BUT by this time men will shrink at this as a dreadful Order , and begin to compute that a Commonwealth , let her Prerogatives for the rest be what they will , must at this rate be but a dear purchase : wheras indeed , if this way costs somthing , there is no other that dos not hazard all ; forasmuch as discarding this Order , play your game as you can , you are somtime or other a Prey to your Enemys , or to your Mercenarys . This certainly is that root in ( the Penetralia ) the bowels of a Commonwealth , whence never any Court Arts , or Politeness , could attain to the gallantry or splendor of the Education in Popular Governments . For let any man ( remembring what it was to be a GIDEON , a MILTIADES , a TIMOLEON , a SCIPIO , or a Magistrat in a Commonwealth ) consider if there should be no way with us to Magistracy , but by having serv'd three years at Sea , and three years at Land , how the whole face and genius of Education , both in the better and in the lower sort , would of necessity be chang'd in this Nation , and what kind of Magistrats such experience in those Services must create to the Commonwealth . Consider , whether the threaten'd Punishments of this Order , tho thro unacquaintance they may at first sight have som brow , would not , as they have don in other Commonwealths of like structure , even with low spirits , expire in scorn and contemt , or thro the mere contemplation of the reward of Honor , nay of the Honor it self , in which point where right has not bin don , men , under Governments of this nature , have bin much more apt to heats ; as where the men of Ephraim fought against JEPTHA , for an affront in this kind which they conceiv'd him to have put upon them . Wherfore passedst thou over to fight against the Children of Ammon , and didst not call us to go with thee ? We will burn thy house upon thee with fire . Nor is this way so expensive of the Purse , or of Blood. Not of the public Purse , because it detests Mercenarys ; nor of the privat Purse , because the ways of Education thus directed , are all assisted with the States pay : so that a man in this road might educat three Children cheaper , and to the most solid ends , than he could any one to trifles in those which among us hitherto have bin usual . And as to Blood , there is nothing more certain , than that Idleness , and its inseparable companion Luxury , are excedingly more wastful as of the Purse , so of Health , nay and of Life it self , than is War ; which nevertheless this Order is such as dos rather prevent than necessitat , in regard that to be potent in Arms is the way of Peace . But wheras in a Martial Commonwealth there may be men having exceded the thirtieth year of their Age , who like those of Ephraim would yet take it ill to be excluded the Lists of Honor , and it must also be to the detriment of the Commonwealth that they should ; for these , whom we may call Volunteers , it is propos'd , THAT upon Warrants issu'd forth by the General for Recruits or Chap. 4 Levys , there be an Assembly of the Phylarch in each Tribe ; that such Volunteers , or men being above thirty years of Age , as are desirous of farther imployment in Arms , appear before the Phylarch so assembl'd . That any number of these , not exceding one moity of the Recruits or Levys of that Tribe , may be taken on by the Phylarch , so many of the Youth being at the discretion of this Council disbanded , as are taken on of the Volunteers . That the Levys thus made , be conducted by the Conductor of the respective Tribe to the Rendevouz appointed . And that the Service of these be without other term or vacation , than at the discretion of the Senat and the People , or such Instructions to the General , as shall by them in that case be provided . THUS much for the Military or Defensive part of this Model . For Offences in general it is written , Wo unto the world because of Offences ; for it must needs be that Offences com , but wo to that man by whom the Offence coms . Among Offences are offensive Wars : now it being out of question , that for the righteous execution of this Wo upon him or them by whom the Offence coms , a War may be just and necessary , as also that Victory in a just and necessary War may intitle one Prince or one People to the Dominion or Empire of another Prince or People ; it is also out of question , that a Commonwealth , unless in this case she be provided both to acquire , and to hold what she acquires , is not perfect : which Consideration brings me to the Provincial part of this Model . CHAP. IV. Containing the Provincial Part of this Model , propos'd practicably . THE word Province is with Roman Authors of divers significations . By these it is taken somtimes for Magistracy ; as that of the Consul , which is call'd His Province : somtime for any Religion or Country , in which a Roman Captain or General was commanded to make War ; but specially for such a Country as was acquir'd and held by Arms , or by Provincial Right . The word is of the like different use in Scripture ; as where it is said , That AHASUERUS reign'd over a hundred and seven Provinces ; by which are understood as well the divisions of the native , as those of the acquir'd Territorys . But where TANAIS the Governor writes to the King of Assyria concerning the Province of Judea , it is understood a Country acquir'd and held by Arms ; which coms to the usual signification of the word with the Romans , it being in this sense that the Governor FELIX ask'd PAUL of what Province he was , and came to understand that he was of Cilicia , then a Province of the Roman Empire : and this signification is that in which I take the word throout this Chapter . THE mighty load of Empire which happen'd to the Common-wealth of Rome thro the Acquisition of many and vast Provinces , is that wherto the Songs of Poets , and the opinions of more serious Writers attribute the weight which they say oversway'd her . But this Judgment , tho in it self right , is not in the manner they take it to be swallow'd without chewing . For how probable it is that the Book III succeding Monarchy was able to support a weight in this kind , which the Commonwealth could not bear , may at this distance be discern'd , in that the Provinces were infinitly more turbulent in the Reign of the Emperors , than in that of the Commonwealth , as having a far stronger Interest , thro ambition of attaining to the whole , to tear the Empire in pieces : which they did , while divers Provinces made divers Emperors , which before could not hope to make divers Common-wealths , nor to acquire safety by retreat to a petty Government . But in this , the acquisition of Provinces devour'd the Commonwealth of Rome , that , she not being sufficiently fortify'd by Agrarian Laws , the Nobility , thro the spoil of Provinces , came to eat the People out of their popular Balance or Lands in Italy by Purchases ; and the Lands that had bin in the hands of the Many , coming thus into the hands of the Few , of natural and necessary consequence there follows Monarchy . NOW that England , a Monarchy , has bin seiz'd of Provinces ( one of them , while France was such , being as great as any one of the Roman ) is a known thing ; and that the Militia propos'd by the present Model , contains all the causes of Greatness that were in that of Rome , is to such as are not altogether strangers to the former , no less than obvious . Now of like Causes not to presume like Effects , were unreasonable . The safety therfore of the foregoing Agrarian , as hitherto propos'd , or that Lands be divided in their descent , must in this case be none at all , unless there be som stop also given in their Accumulation by way of purchase ; lest otherwise the spoil of som mighty Province be still sufficient to eat out the People by purchase . TO submit therfore in this place ( for ought I perceive ) to inevitable necessity , it is propos'd , THAT ( great Commonwealths having bin overthrown by the spoil of Provinces ) an Estate of two thousand pounds a year in Land , be incapable of any Accumulation by way of purchase . DONATIONS and Inheritances will be fewer than to be dangerous ; and as som fall , others will be dividing in their descent . But to resume the Discourse upon the Agrarian Laws , which , because they were not till in this Proposition complete , remains imperfect . That to Agrarian Laws som Standard is necessary , appears plainly enough . This Standard in a well founded Monarchy , must bar recess ; and in a well founded Commonwealth must bar increase . For certain it is , that otherwise each of the Policys dos naturally breed that Viper which eats out the Bowels of the Mother : as Monarchy , by Pomp and Luxury , reduces her Nobility thro debt to poverty , and at length to a level with the People , upon which no Throne ever stood or can stand : such was the case of this Nation under her latter Princes . And a Commonwealth by her natural ways of frugality , of fattening and cockering up of the People , is apt to bring Estates to such excess in som hands , as eating out the rest , bows the Neck of a free State or City to the yoke , and exposes her to the goad of a Lord and Master ; which was the case of Rome under her perpetual Dictators . But why yet must this Standard of Land in the present case , be neither more nor less than just two thousand pounds a year ? Truly , where som Standard was necessary to be nam'd , I might as well ask why not this as well as any other ? yet am I not without such Reasons why I have pitch'd upon this rather than any other , as I may submit to the judgment of the Reader in Chap. 4 the following computation or comparison of the divers Effects or Consequences of so many different Standards , as by the rules of proportion may give sufficient account of the rest . LET the dry Rent of England ( that is , at the rate a man may have for his Land without sweating ) be computed at ten Millions : This presum'd , if you set the Standard at ten thousand pounds a year , the whole Territory can com into no fewer than one thousand hands . If you set it at five thousand pounds a year , it can com into no fewer than two thousand hands ; and if you set it at two thousand pounds a year , it can com into no fewer than five thousand hands . It will be said , In which way you please , it will never com into so few hands as are capable of having it ; which is certain : yet because the Effects in their approaches would be such as may be measur'd by their Extremes , I shall pitch upon these as the readiest way to guide my Computation . The Balance in a thousand hands might affect the Government with a hankering after Monarchy ; in two thousand hands it might usurp it , as did the Roman Nobility , and therby occasion a feud between the Senat and the People . These not only in the extremes , but with much of a like nature in the approaches . BUT letting these pass , as also the numbers or compass necessary to the Rotation of such a Commonwealth ( none of which inconveniences are incident to the Standard of two thousand pounds a year , as that wherby Lands can com into no fewer than five thousand Proprietors ) we will suppose these Standards to be each of them , as to the safety of the Government , indifferently practicable . YET it is recorded by Experience , and wise Authors , that the true cause whence England has bin an overmatch in Arms for France , lay in the communication or distribution of Property to the lower sort ; and for the same cause let it be consider'd , if the Commonwealth upon the Standard of two thousand pounds a year ( c●eteris paribus ) must not necessarily be an overmatch in the potency of its Militia for the other two . Such are the advantages , such is the glory of the like moderation to the public . Mony ( says the Lord VERULAM ) is like muck , not good except it be spread . Much rather in Popular Government is this holding as to Land , the latter having upon the State a far stronger influence , at least in larger Territorys , than Mony : for in such , Mony , while scarce , cannot overbalance Land ; and were Silver and Gold as plentiful as Brass or Iron , they would be no more , nor would Land be less worth . And for privat men , were it not that it is easier to fill the belly of a Glutton than his eys , not only Virtue , but the Beatitude of Riches , would be apparently consistent in a mean. But what need I play the Divine or the Philosopher upon a Doctrin , which is not to diminish any mans Estate , not to bring any man from the Customs to which he has bin inur'd , nor from any emergent expectation he may have ; but regards only the Generation to com , or the Children to be born seven years after the passing such a Law ? Whence it must needs follow , that putting the case this Agrarian be introduc'd , it is to our Age as if there were none ; and if there be no Agrarian , it is to our Age as if there was one . The difference is no more , than that in the one way the Commonwealth is at all points secur'd , and in the other it is left to its fortune even in the main . Of Book III such soverain effect are the like Laws , that I would go yet farther , and propose , THAT in Scotland the Standard be set at five hundred pounds a year ; in Ireland at two thousand pounds a year in Land ; the rest for each as for England . NARROWNESS of an Agrarian for Scotland , being a Martial Country , would make the larger provision of a good Auxiliary Militia ; and largeness of an Agrarian for Ireland , being less Martial , would cast a Sop into the Jaws of the Avarice of those who should think it too much confin'd in England . And lest the Provincials in this case should think themselves worse dealt with than the Citizens themselves , the sum of the Agrarian Laws being cast up together , any man in the three Nations may hold four thousand five hundred pounds a year in Land ; and any small Parcel of Land , or mere Residence in England , makes a Provincial a Citizen . Should the Commonwealth increase in Provinces , the Estates at this rate both of the Citizens and Provincials , would be more and greater than ever were those of the antient Nobility of these Nations ; and without any the least hazard to Liberty . For he , who considering the whole Roman Story , or that only of the GRACCHI in PLUTARCH , shall rightly judg , must confess , that had Rome preserv'd a good Agrarian but in Italy , the Riches of its Provinces could not have torn up the Roots of its Liberty , but on the contrary must have water'd them . It may be said , What need then of putting an Agrarian upon the Provinces ? I answer : For two Reasons : first is Indulgence to the Provincials ; and the second , Advantage to the Commonwealth . For the first , it is with small foresight apparent enough , that the Avarice of the Citizen being bounded at home , and having no limits in the Provinces , would in a few years eat up the Provincials , and bring their whole Countrys ( as the Roman Patricians did Italy ) to sound in their Fetters , or to be till'd by their Slaves or Underlings . And so , for the second , the Commonwealth would by such means lose an Auxiliary Militia , to be otherwise in Scotland only more worth than the Indys . These things therfore thus order'd , it is propos'd , THAT upon the expiration of Magistracy in the Senat , or at the annual Recess of one third part of the same , there be elected by the Senat out of the part receding , into each Provincial Council four Knights for the term of three years ; therby to render each Provincial Council ( presuming it in the beginning to have bin constituted of twelve Knights , divided after the manner of the Senat by three several Lists or Elections ) of annual , triennial , and perpetual Revolution or Rotation . THAT out of the same third part of the Senat annually receding , there be to each Province one Knight elected for the term of one year . That the Knight so elected be the Provincial General or Governor . That a Provincial Governor or General receive annually in April at his Rendevou appointed , the Youth or Recruits elected in the precedent Month to that end by the Tribes , and by their Conductors deliver'd accordingly . That he repair with the said Youth or Recruits to his Province , and there dismiss that part of the Provincial Guard or Army whose triennial term is expir'd . That each Provincial Governor have the conduct of Affairs of War and of State in his respective Province , with advice of the Provincial Council ; and that he be President of the same . THAT each Provincial Council elect three weekly Proposers , or Provosts , Chap. 4 after the manner , and to the ends already shewn in the constitution of Senatorian Councils ; and that the Provost of the senior List , during his term , be President of the Council in absence of the General . THAT each Provincial Council procede according to Instructions receiv'd from the Council of State , and keep intelligence with the same by any two of their Provosts , for the Government of the Province , as to matters of War or State. That upon Levys of native or proper Arms by the Senat , and the People , a Provincial Council ( having to that end receiv'd Orders ) make Levys of Provincial Auxiliarys accordingly . That Auxiliary Arms upon no occasion whatsoever excede the proper or native Arms in number . That for the rest , the Provincial Council maintain the Provincials , defraying their peculiar Guards and Council , by such a known proportion of Tributs , as on them shall be set by the Senat and the People , in their proper Rights , Laws , Liberties and Immunitys , so far as upon the Merits of the cause wherupon they were subdu'd , it seem'd good to the Senat and the People to confirm them , And that it be lawful for the Provincials to appeal from their Provincial Magistrats , Councils , or Generals , to the People of England . IN modelling a Commonwealth , the concernment of Provincial Government coms in the last place ; for which cause I conceive any long Discourse upon these Orders to be at present unnecessary : But certain things there are in the way which I am unwilling to let slip without pointing at them . SOM will have Men , som will have Mony to be the Nerve of War ; each of which Positions , in proper cases , may be a Maxim : For if France , where the main Body of the People is imbas'd ; or Venice , which stands upon a Mercenary Militia , want Mony , they can make no War. But it has heretofore bin otherwise with Commonwealths . Roman Historians ( as is observ'd by MACCHIAVEL ) in their Military Preparations or Expeditions , make no mention of Mony , unless what was gain'd by the War , and brought home into the Treasury ; as the Spoil of Macedon by AEMILIUS PAULUS , being such , as the People for som years after were discharg'd of their Tribute . Not that their Wars were made altogether without Mony ; for if so , why should the People at any time before have paid Tribute ? Or why , upon this occasion were they excus'd ? but that the Mony in which their Wars stood them , was not considerable in comparison of that which is requisit where Mony may be counted the Nerve of War ; that is , where Men are not to be had without it . But Rome , by virtue of its Orders , could have rais'd vaster numbers of Citizens and Associats than perhaps it ever did , tho during the Consulat of PAPPUS and REGULUS , she levy'd in Italy only seventy thousand Horse , and seven hundred thousand Foot. Should we conceive the Nerve of this Motion to have bin Mony , we must reckon the Indys to have bin exhausted before they were found ; or so much Brass to have bin in Italy , as would have made Stones to be as good Mony. A well order'd Commonwealth dos these things not by Mony , but by such Orders as make of its Citizens the Nerve of its Wars . The Youth of the Commonwealth propos'd are esteem'd in all at five hundred thousand . Of these there is an annual Band , consisting of one hundred thousand . Of this one hundred thousand there is a standing Army consisting of thirty thousand Foot and ten thousand Horse , besides such as being above Book III thirty years of age , shall offer themselves as Voluntiers ; of which the number is in no wife likely to be few . To the standing Army the Provinces , or that only of Scotland , being both Populous and Martial , can afford at any time an equal number of Auxiliarys . THESE Orders , thus sum'd up together , render this Common-wealth ordinarily able to wage War with fourscore thousand men ; a Force which , it is known , not any Prince in Christendom is able to match in Virtue , Number , or Disciplin . For these the Common-wealth in her Sea Guard has always at hand sufficient Waftage , or at least such a sufficient Convoy as may make any Vessels at hand a sufficient Transportation : all this , I say , by virtue of Orders . Not but that the March , the Equipage , the Waftage of so great an Army must cost Mony ; but that it will com to no account in comparison of a lingring War made by a matter of thirty thousand Mercenarys , the very consumtion of a State : wheras fourscore thousand men so disciplin'd and so furnish'd , as has bin shewn , being once transported , must suddenly com to be no Charge , or make the War defray it self . BUT 't is objected , that to reckon upon such a Militia were to suppose a large Country capable of being a Commonwealth ; wheras we hold them learn'd , who say that no Commonwealth has consisted of more than som one City or Town . But in what Language or in what Geography , are the twelve Tribes of Israel ; the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Peopledoms or Prytanys of Athens , which THESEUS gather'd into one body ; the Tribes and Linages in Lacedemon instituted by LYCURGUS ; the five and thirty Roman Tribes planted between the Rivers Vulturnus and Arno , or between the Citys now call'd Capua and Florence ; the 13 Cantons of the Switzers ; the seven United Provinces of the Low Countrys , understood to have bin or to be but one City or Town ? Whether were not the People of Israel under their Commonwealth six hundred thousand ? What reason can be given why the Government that could take in six hundred thousand , might not as well take in twice that number ? How much short came the Country , planted by the Roman Tribes , of 150 Miles square ? Or how much over is England ? And what reason can be given why a Government , taking in 150 Miles square , might not as well take in twice that Compass ? Whether was our House of Commons under Monarchy not collected from the utmost Bounds of the English Territory ? And whether had the Laws by them enacted not their free course to the utmost limits of the same ? And why should that be impossible or impracticable to a Representative of the People in a Commonwealth , which was so facil and practicable to a Representative of the People under Monarchy ? IT is a wonder how the Commonwealth of Rome , which held as it were the whole World by Provinces , should be imagin'd by any man to have consisted but of one Town or City . BUT to return : It is alleg'd by others , and as to Provincial Government very truly , that a Commonwealth may be a Tyranny : Nor do I think that Athens , in this point , came short of any Prince : Rome , on the other side , was ( according to the merits of the cause ) as frequent in giving Liberty as in taking it away . The Provinces of Venice and of Switzerland , would not change their condition with the Subjects of the best Prince . However the possibility in a Common-wealth of tyrannizing over Provinces , is not to be cur'd ; for be the Commonwealth or the Prince a State or a Man after God's own heart , there is no way of holding a Province but by Arms. WHEN the Syrians of Damascus came to succor HADADEZER King of Zobah , DAVID slew of the Syrians two and twenty thousand Men : then DAVID put Garisons in Syria of Damascus , and the Syrians became Servants to DAVID , and brought Gifts ; and the Lord preserv'd DAVID whithersoever he went. WITH this Parallel I draw the Curtain , and close ( be it Comedy to such as are for Tragedy ) this Model ; appealing to the present , or the next Age , whether throout I have not had God himself for my Vouchee . In the mean time , there is nothing hereby propos'd which may not stand with a supreme Magistrat . The Conclusion : Shewing how the Model propos'd may be prov'd or examin'd ; and giving a brief Answer to Mr. WREN'S last Book , intitl'd , Monarchy asserted against Mr. HARRINGTON'S Oceana . FOR a Nation to be still upon the cast of a Dy , to be ever in Sect. 1 trepidation as to the main chance of Government , is a dreadful state of things . Such indeed with us has bin the Constitution of our late Governments , of which therfore not any can be call'd a Common-wealth . Yet has the like state of things ( in favor of Monarchs , and thro the industry of the Clergy ) bin for many Ages , that wherof Commonwealths unheard are still accus'd and condemn'd . For proof in this case , the Tribunitian Storms of the Roman People are thought abundantly sufficient . But these having bin without Blood , if with our Affairs they hold any parallel , are not to be compar'd with the Barons Wars , those of York and Lancaster , or the like ; but with the Contests or Strivings of our Parlaments with their Kings , while such Disputes came not to Arms. Or if the Roman Fields from the time of the GRACCHI grew bloody , we have known a matter of a dozen years in which ours might have compar'd with them . The Seditions under the Commonwealth of Rome to those under the Empire , hold such a proportion , as the Seditions under the Commonwealth of Israel to those under their Kings . I am contented at this time , for discourse sake , that the Seditions of Venice should pass as they are computed by Mr. WREN : Let those also which have happen'd in the Common-wealths of the Switzers , and of the United Provinces , by the skill of som Man who may be thought more impartial than my self , be rightly enumerated and added . This being don , let the Seditious that have happen'd in the Monarchys of England , France , and Spain , be as impartially sum'd up ; and I may venture to promise you , That you shall not find the sum of the Seditions which have happen'd in those three Commonwealths , to balance the foot of the account with those Seditions which have happen'd in any one of those Monarchys : nor are we without sufficient inducement to believe , that the whole account in this particular of those Commonwealths which have bin in the World , can com any whit nearer to that of the Monarchys . But this being so , be it also suppos'd , tho not granted , that a Commonwealth is a seditious Government , yet must it be the least seditious Government . The Republic of Corinth never suffer'd but that one Sedition which is describ'd by Xenophon ; and this too from an external cause . Sect. 2 BUT I am the more confirm'd by the Assaults of Mr. WREN , to have no less than demonstrated in the propos'd Model , that a Commonwealth rightly order'd is altogether incapable of Sedition , and so consequently of Dissolution , that is , from any internal cause . To render his Confutation intire , and the truth of this Assertion the more conspicuous , I shall first insert those Rules or Maxims wherby a Model of a Commonwealth may be exactly prov'd or examin'd , and then shew how they totally enervat and overturn those Arguments elaborated by Mr. WREN towards the examination and confutation of the Model propos'd . THE Maxims or Rules wherby a well order'd Model of Popular Government may be most exactly prov'd or examin'd , are specially two : 1. IT must be wholly void of any Contradiction or Inequality . 2. IT must be such in which no number of Men , having the Interest , can have the Power or Strength ; and no number of Men , having the Power or Strength , can have the Interest to invade or disturb the Government . IT is not in the power of Nature that there should be an effect , where there is not the cause of that effect ; and in a Frame of Government that is exactly according to the foregoing Maxims , there can be no cause of Sedition or Dissolution . A Model of Government therfore that will hold examination by these Maxims , must ( without ostentation , or with Mr. WREN'S patience ) be perfect . NOW let us observe how he bestirs himself to examin and confute this Model . As to contradiction , he dos not so much as pretend that there is any Guile in it ; yet will not allow it to have any truth : For , says he , as in a Fiction the several Members may be so contriv'd , as not to give one another the ly , but be all contain'd within the limits of Verisimilitude , and yet the whole remain without the least syllable of Truth ; so in a Model of Government . To which I answer , that there being a truth of Nature , and a truth of Fact , this way of Mr. WREN'S disputing is mere equivocation . For the Model is not propos'd to shew the truth of Fact , or that there has bin any such exactly in practice ; but to shew the truth of Nature , or that such a Model is practicable : wherfore he needed not to have alleg'd that it has not the truth of Fact , which we all know ; but was to shew where it fails of such a truth in Nature as can any way render it impracticable . But instead of this , he is gon to the Moon ; and will read us a Lecture in Politics by the Planets , or the various Hypotheses of Celestial Motions , which may be excogitated including no absurdity in themselves , and yet perhaps not any one of them prove to be the true method of Nature . But may a man therfore argue in this manner ? It is very hard to know certainly which are the Highways of the Planets , therfore there can be no certain knowlege which are the Highways to London . Let us e'en say , Because the Rotation of the World may as well go upon the Heavens as upon the Earth , therfore a man may as well go upon his Head as upon his Heels ; and a Commonwealth as well stand upon a Milkwoman's Pattins , as upon the strongest Interest , or the Interest of the strongest . So much for Contradiction . Now for Inequality , says Mr. WREN , Tho it should be allow'd Mr. HARRINGTON , that his Commonwealth has none in it , yet would it fail of attaining the perfection of Government , seeing there is an inequality in the Nature of man , which is not rectify'd by the Model of his Commonwealth . As if the equality of a Government was pretended to be such , as should make a crooked man straight , a wicked man good , or a passionat man a Philosopher ; and it were not perfect , in being sufficient to prevent any influence that Wickedness or Passion in a man or men , may have upon the Government . But for farther discovery of these Inequalitys in the Nature of man , that are not rectify'd by the Model , Mr. WREN sends us to his eight and ninth Chapters , where he produces them in such order , as I shall observe in repeating him . Whensoever , says he , under Popular Government the number of those whose Offences have render'd them liable to the severity of Laws , is considerable enough to qualify them for attemt , Popular Government has no more security than any other , of being free from Sedition . It is very true : but Mr. WREN was oblig'd to shew how in an equal Commonwealth , or under the Model propos'd , it was possible that the number of such men should com to be considerable enough to qualify them for such an attemt . But in this kind he is no otherwise provided than to tell us , That of this Original and Extraction , as to the main , was CATILIN'S attemt upon the Roman Commonwealth . So undertaking against Oceana , or the most equal Commonwealth , he is com to arguing against Rome , or the most inequal Commonwealth ; and at such a time too , when being no longer capable of Liberty , but ready for bonds , there were other partys besides CATILIN'S , and others besides such as were obnoxious to the Laws , that lay in wait for her : as POMPEY and his Party , or at least CESAR and his , who at length carry'd it ; so that this feat was not so much perform'd by men otherwise liable to severity of Laws , as by men puff'd up by ambition . But let these have bin of which sort he will , it remains with him to shew , how there should be of either kind enough in Oceana for a like attemt . It is known that long before this happen'd in Rome , the whole of that Commonwealth was in the hands of three men , CESAR , POMPEY , and CRASSUS : wherfore he should have first shewn , which way the whole of the Common-wealth of Oceana might com into the hands of three , or of a few men . But leaving this untouch'd , he runs making a dust , and a doubt where the soverain Power of Oceana can be ; which even in Rome , as inequal as it was , is acknowleg'd to have bin in the Assemblys of the People ; and in Athens , THUCYDIDES expresly says , That the Soverainty was in the five thousand . Who ever doubted but where the ultimat Result is , there also must be the Soverainty ? and the ultimat Result of Oceana is in the Prerogative Tribe , or Representative of the People . Then says he , This Representative thinking it their interest , may dissolve the Government , and perpetuat themselves , and may com to think it their interest . For the desire of Power being natural to man , a far greater share of Power remains with every particular man , when the Soverain Power is divided among so many , than when the same Power is divided among two hundred thousand . But I shew'd that this Representative has the whole Soverain Power in themselves , not divided with any other , or with the five hundred thousand ; which I suppose he means by the two hundred thousand he mentions . Now this Representative cannot be understood to have the Soverain Power by overbalance of strength , because they are but one thousand to five hundred thousand ; so it is plain that they have it by consent , or by orders only : wherfore these Orders they have not the power , or strength , nor the interest to break ; because breaking their Orders ( by which only , and not by strength , the Power is in themselves ) they com to divide the Power that was in themselves , with the five hundred thousand , as they , who , in defect of the Orders , have the far greater strength , and no legal bar . Yet says he , That a Representative is not incapable of making such an attempt as this , will ( it is not improbable ) easily find belief with those who are acquainted with the Actions of these last eighteen years . Which is as much as to say , That because a Representative , by and with the People , may have both the interest , and the power or strength to free themselves of a broken Monarchy ; therfore a Representative may , without and against the People , have both the interest , and the power or strength to break the Orders of the most equal Commonwealth . But if the Representative of Oceana has not the power or strength to break their Orders , and perpetuat themselves ; much less the Senat. True it is , if we look upon som other Common-wealths , a Senat might have the interest to do it ; but not where the Senat has bin upon Rotation . To add then to Mr. WREN'S faculty of opposition greater strength than is in it ; if the Senat of Oceana would do any thing of this kind , their readiest way were by creating of the Dictator . The Dictator being created , has soverain Power in carrying on the Orders of the Commonwealth : but those do not perpetuat their Power ; this therfore cannot be don but by Force or Arms. The Arms of the Commonwealth are both numerous , and in a posture or readiness ; but they consist of its Citizens : and for the Dictator to bring the Citizen to break the Commonwealth , were for a General to command his Army to cut their own throats . It is true , the Roman Decemvirs put in for prolongation ; but , tho in the most inequal Commonwealth , they could not make it stand one year , because of the Citizens in Arms : And for Mercenarys there are none in Oceana ; is this news ? there were none in Israel , there were none in Athens , there were none in Lacedemon , there were none in Rome , while those Commonwealths flourish'd . But were there Mercenarys , as he might perhaps reckon Servants , they are unarm'd , undisciplin'd ; they cannot rise thro the vast bodys of Citizens in Arms both Elders and Youth ; or if they would rise , they could be nothing in their hands . The Roman Slaves , and the Lacedemonian Helots , being far of another and more dangerous nature , never rose against their Lords but to their own destruction . All this while I say nothing of the security which is in the frame of this Dictator , beyond any example or interest of prolongation to be found either in the Roman Dictator or the Venetian Council of ten , each wherof having had the like power , did never discover any such inclination . It is true , that in the time of SYLLA , the Roman Dictator began to be perpetual ; but this is not to be attributed so much to the imperfection of the Order , as to the change of the Balance . But if the Dictator of Oceana cannot have the interest , or , having the interest , cannot have the power or strength to perpetuat that Magistracy ; much less can the Senat. THE sum of what has bin said , may be thus cast up , as to the whole Constitution . If Things or Persons that have neither the right nor the might , may prevail against Things and Persons who have both the right and the might ; then may one Order of this Common-wealth break the whole System : but the Might , thro the foundation or popular balance of Property , being in the whole People , and the whole Superstructures of this Commonwealth being nothing else but an equal distribution of common Right to the whole People , who are possest of the Might ; they who have the Might , have not the interest to break , but to preserve the Orders ; which therfore no other can have the power or strength to break , or som other breaking , must but lose that which they pretend to gain , to wit , the Right , which in this case must still fall to the Might , devolving upon the People . That Mr. WREN will needs fancy the Tribes or Citys in Oceana , as those in the united Provinces , or the Cantons of Switzerland , to be distinct Soveraintys , concerns not me , seeing the form of Oceana is far otherwise ; nor indeed him , seeing neither do the Citys in Holland , nor the Cantons in Switzerland go about to dissolve their Commonwealths or Leagues . The Champion having thus fail'd at the head , is contented to play low . Tho there be care taken , says he , that at the Assembly of the Hundred and the Tribe , such and such Magistrats should be elected out of the Horse , there is no necessary provision there should be any Horse there , out of which to elect . And where can they be then , if not in som Parish ? He might better have said , that at the Parish there was no care taken , that the People should not elect too many of the Horse , which being indeed the defect of the former , is in this Edition rectify'd . His last exception is against the place where I say , that They who take upon them the profession of Theology , Physic or Law , are not at leisure for the Essays , wherby the Youth commence for all Magistracys and Honors , in the Commonwealth . To which reason he offers not so much as any Answer : nor pretends any other Argument against it , than that this excludes Divines , Lawyers , and Physicians , from those Honors to which their Parish Clerks , their Scriveners , and their Apothecarys , nay Farriers and Coblers may attain . And what can I help that , if it ought nevertheless so to be , for a reason which he cannot answer ? Nay , if so it be in common practice where the reason is nothing near so strong , seeing a Parish Clerk , a Scrivener , an Apothecary , nay a Cobler or a Farrier , is not uncapable of being of the Common Council , nor yet of being an Alderman or Lord Mayor of London ; which nevertheless that a Divine , a Lawyer , or a Physician should be , were absurd to think . Divines have a Plow from which they ought not to look back : they have above a tenth of the Territory , with which they ought to be contented ; and more than all , Civil Interest contracted by a Clergy , corrupts Religion . For Lawyers , their Practice and Magistracys are not only the most gainful , but for life ; and in a Common-wealth , neither is accumulation of Magistracy just or equal , nor the confounding of Executive and Legislative Magistracy safe . Will Mr. WREN believe one of our own Lawyers , and one of the learnedst of them upon this point ? It is the Lord VERULAM : They , says he , who have written ( de legibus ) of Lawmaking , have handl'd this Argument as Philosophers , or as Lawyers . Philosophers speak higher than will fall into the capacity of practice ( to which may be refer'd PLATO'S Commonwealth , Sir THOMAS MORE' 's Vtopia , with his own Atlantis ) and Lawyers being obnoxious , and addicted each to the Laws of their particular Country , have no freedom nor sincerity of Judgment , but plead as it were in bonds . Certainly the cognizance of these things is most properly pertaining to political Persons , who best know what stands with human Society , what with the safety of the People , what with natural Equity , with antient Prudence , and with the different Constitution of Common-wealths . These therfore , by the Principles and Precepts of natural Equity and good Policy , may and ought to determin of Laws . For Physicians , who ( as such ) have in the management of State Affairs no prejudice , if you open them the door , they will not at all , or very rarely , com in : wherby it appears , First , that such a bar may in som cases be no violation of Liberty ; and , secondly , that the Divines , who for better causes might be as well satisfy'd , and for more unanswerable Reasons ought to forbear , yet are impatient , and give a full testimony that their meaning is not good . THUS is the Commonwealth by Mr. WREN oppos'd , by him asserted . There remains no more to the full confutation of his Book , than to shew how the Monarchy by him asserted is by him destroy'd . This is to be don by the examination of his ninth Chapter , which is the next of those to which he refer'd us . Sect. 3 THE opposition made by Mr. WREN to a Commonwealth , and his pretended asserting of Monarchy , run altogether upon Mr. HOBS'S Principles , and in his very words ; but for want of understanding , much enervated : so that Mr. WREN'S whole ●eat of Arms coms but to have given me a weaker Adversary for a stronger . In Soverainty , says he , the diffus'd strength of the Multitude is united in one person ; which in a Monarchy is a natural person ; in a State , an artificial one procreated by the majority of Votes . This then is the grand security of all Soverains , whether single Persons or Assemblys , that the united Forces of their Subjects , with which they are invested , is sufficient to suppress the beginnings of Seditions . Who reads Mr. HOBS , if this be news ? But what provision is made by either of these Authors , that the Forces of the Subject must needs be united ? Is Union in Forces , or in Government , an Effect wherof there is no Cause ? Or to what cause are we to attribute this certain Union and grand Security ? Why let there be such a Nobility as may be a Monarch's Guard against the People . And lest a Monarch stand in need of another Guard against this Nobility , let none of these excel the res● of his Order in power or dignity . Which Effects or Ends , thu● commanded ▪ ●ouchsafe not to acquaint us with their ways : Y●s , let the Nobility h●●e no right to assemble themselves for electing a Succ●ssor to the Monarchy , or for making of War or Peace , or for nominating the great Ministers of State , or for performing any other Act which by the nature of it is inseparable from the Soverain Power . But why then must such a Nobility be a guard against the People , and not rather a guard for the People , seeing both their Interests and Sufferings at this rate are the same , and include those very causes for which , in the Barons War , the Nobility became Incendiarys and Leaders of the People of England against their Kings , and so those wherby their Captain came to excel the rest of his order in power or dignity ? But for this the Prince is to be provided , by having always in pay a sufficient Militia ; and som places of strength where a few may be secure against a number . For places of Strength , Citadels , or Castles , there were in the time of the Barons Wars , more than som ; yet were they , as to this purpose , none . But a Militia is one thing , and a sufficient Militia is another ; where the Government consists of a Nobility and of a People , what sufficient part of the Property or Revenue of the Territory can there remain to the Prince , wherby to have always in pay such a Militia , as may be sufficient to keep the Nobility and the People from joining , or to suppress them being join'd ? If these be small Armys , the like may befal them , which befel those of the Kings in the Wars of the Barons . And if they be great Armys , the Prince has not wherwithal to support or content them ; nay if he had , Mr. WREN tells us plainly , That Princes who keep great Armys , as Guards to their Persons or Empires , teach us that this is to walk upon Precipices ; there being no possibility of preventing such an Army ( specially if they ly still without imployment ) from acquiring an interest distinct from that of the Prince . Wherfore ( to follow Mr. WREN , and no other Leader , in his own words against himself ) this Militia being great , cannot be so instituted , as to have no interest besides the pay it receives from the Monarch ; nor so as to have no hopes of being safe in their own strength , if they should withdraw themselves from the Service and Obedience due to him : and being not great , against the whole Order or Orders of the Nobility and the People they cannot be sufficient . What then remains but to say , that Mr. WREN having declar'd the perfection of Monarchical Government to consist in a mixture of Monarchy by a Nobility , and a Monarchy by Arms , has as to his Model intirely subverted Monarchy ? In this way of disputing , I have rather follow'd my Leader than Reason ; the true Answer being that which was given in the Preface , namely , that an Army to be effectual in England , must be such where the Officers have popular Estates , or where they have such Estates as had the antient Nobility : in the latter case , they make a King ; in the former , a Commonwealth . But Mr. WREN will have his own way ; and therfore , to conclude , let me but desire him to lay his hand upon his heart , and then tell me , whether the condition of the Nobility ( to whose favor in my exclusion he pretends a meritorious Title ) sharing eminently and according to their rank with the People in the Commonwealth by me propos'd ; or the condition of the Nobility under the insolence and burden of a mercenary Army , sharing equally with the People in Oppression and Slavery , or reviving the old Barons Wars for new Liberty , in the Monarchy by him propos'd ; be the more desirable . And to speak a word for my Adversary , we will submit it wholly to the present Nobility , whether Mr. WREN or I be so extravagant in these things , that they have , or can have any other than the like choice . Yet enters not Mr. WREN into despair of living to injoy his share ( which ought to be a good one ) of the Felicitys which will belong to the Subjects of such a Government . He looks upon Persons , but Things are invincible . THE rest of his Book ( to which The Prerogative of Popular Government is still a complete Answer ) consists altogether of gross evasion or invective , or of drawing out of story against Popular Prudence such imaginary Swords as do but stand bent . To rectify or streighten these , I may hereafter present him ( if any man shall think it worth the while ) with a fuller Answer . A VVORD Concerning a House of PEERS . NO man knowing what is necessary to the Foundation or Being of a Popular Government , can hope or expect the introduction of any such Form , where Monarchy is not impracticable . They ( where Monarchy is impracticable ) who com first to discover it , and be convinc'd of it , if Reason be not altogether depos'd , are inevitable Leaders . Hence it is that our Commonwealthsmen are already renown'd throout this Nation for their invincible Reasons , even by the confession of their Opponents , or such as procede nevertheless in other ways . But where Seed is so well sown and rooted , intervening Possession and Interests are like such Weather as holding back the Spring , yet improves the Harvest : Commonwealthsmen indeed may have a cold time on 't , but upon the Common-wealth it must bestow Fermentation . Had our incomparable Assertors of public Liberty appear'd before a universal eviction of the necessity which inforces their Cause , it must have bin thro such a reluctancy , as would have made them glad to do things by halves , which is the only Rock to a rising Commonwealth of Scandal , or of Danger ; the whole being such against which there is nothing to be alleg'd , and the half what may be easily confuted . These things consider'd , what appearance is there but that it must redound to the greater advantage of our Commonwealthsmen , that we are under the force of a present Humor which abhors the very name of a Commonwealth ? Seeing by this means one of two things must of necessity happen , and com shortly to public view or discovery : either that Monarchy is practicable , or that it is not practicable ; I mean , in our state of Affairs , or in this present distribution of the Balance . If Monarchy be found practicable , Commonwealthsmen are satisfy'd in their Consciences , and so ready in fair ways to return , and submit not only for Wrath , but for Conscience sake . But ( let Divines cry Atheism , and Lawyers Treason ) if it be once discover'd to common Understanding that Monarchy is impracticable , then in coms the Commonwealth , not by halves , but with all its Tackling , full sail , displaying its Streamers , and flourishing with Top and Topgallant . THE ways wherby it is at hand to be discover'd whether Monarchy be practicable or impracticable , are particularly two ; the one quicker , the other slower : The quicker way will be by the Workmen , the slower by the Work. IF the Workmen , being willing , be yet overcom by the mere obstinacy of their Matter , it amounts to a plain confession , that Monarchy is impracticable . And if they give away the Libertys of the People , they are overcom by the obstinacy of the Matter ; for that is not their Work : nor any other Work than such as must be useless , not so much in regard of it self ( tho that may be true enough ) as by the want of any other Security than what the Prince had before , that is , an Army . And such an Army , which for security is as good as none at all , nay the very contrary , as has bin shewn already : nor to be alter'd with better success than theirs , who became Princes in Grecian and Sicilian States . BUT if the Workmen give not away the Libertys of the People , then must they so limit their Prince , that he can in no manner invade those Libertys ; and this by any other means than the full and perfect introduction of a well order'd Commonwealth , they will find to be utterly impossible : So either way they are overcom by the mere obstinacy of their Matter . IF thro som secret Dictat ( as when the Senat of Rome was Conviva Caesaris ) or a hast to make riddance , this be not perceiv'd by the Workmen , it will be but the more perceivable by the Work when it coms to wearing or in practice ; and the Flaws or Grievances being found insupportable , the next Parlament , thro the mere want of any other remedy , must introduce a Commonwealth . GOOD , and egregiously Prophetical ! But what say you for all this , if we have a House of Peers , and that even for the Lord's sake , there being no other way to secure Liberty of Conscience ? Why I say , if we have a House of Peers , it must be a House of old Peers , or a House of new Peers , or a House of the one and the other . Moreover I say , Let it be which way you will , such a House may at som time , or for som reason , be personally affected to Liberty of Conscience ; but is a Constitution in it self naturally averse , and contrary to Liberty of Conscience , and therfore can be no security to the same , whether the Lords be Spiritual , or Temporal , or partiperpale . LORDS Spiritual are inspir'd with a third Estate , or share of a Realm , which gives no toleration to any Religion , but that only asserting this point , which is Monarchy . Setting this Oracle , and som like Reasons of State aside , we may think that every Soverainty ( as such ) has Liberty of Conscience : This a King having , cannot give ; and a People having , will not lose . For Liberty of Conscience is in truth a kind of State , wherin a man is his own Prince : but a House of Peers sets up another Prince ; it cannot stand without a King. If the Balance be in the Lords , as before HENRY the Seventh , yet must they have a King to unite them , and by whom to administer their Government ; and if the Balance be not in the Lords , they stand or fall with the King , as the House of Peers in the Long Parlament : and the King falling , their Government devolves to the People . Again , a House of Peers having the overbalance , signifys somthing ; in which case it has not bin known to be for Liberty of Conscience : and not having the overbalance , signifys nothing ; in which case it cannot secure the Liberty of Conscience . Thus a House of Peers , whether somthing or nothing , is no way for the Liberty of Conscience , but every way for a King : and a King is a defender of the Faith. The Faith wherof a King is defender , must be that which is , or he shall call his own Faith ; and this Faith it concerns his Crown and Dignity , that he defend against all other Faiths . True it is , that a King for a step to a Throne , may use what is readiest at hand : Otherwise where there is Liberty of Conscience , to assert Civil Liberty by Scripture can be no Atheism ; which lames a Prince of one Arm. But where Liberty of Conscience is not at all , or not perfect , Divines , who ( for the greater part ) are no fair Huntsmen , but love dearly to be poaching or clubbing with the secular Arm ( tho if we , who desire no such Advantages , might prosecute them for abusing Scripture , as they have don this thousand years , to all the ends , intents , and purposes of Monarchy , they would think it a hard case ) Divines , I say , not only brand the Assertors of Civil Liberty with Atheism , but are som of them studious in Contrivances , and quaint in Plots to give a check or remove to this or that eminent Patriot , by the like pretences or charges ; which succeding accordingly by the power of a Parlament , they may at length com to have a Parlament in their power . Where there is no Liberty of Conscience , there can be no Civil Liberty ; and where there is no Civil Liberty , there can be no security to Liberty of Conscience : but a House of Peers is not only a necessary , but a declar'd check upon Civil Liberty ; therfore it can be no security to Liberty of Conscience . And so much for this particular . NOW to make upon the other parts propos'd , and in a mere civil sense , som farther conjecture . WHEN a House of Peers sets up a House of Commons , as in the Barons Wars , they will govern the Commons well enough for their own purpose , and not seldom the King too . BUT we are to speak of a thing without any example , a House of Peers set up by a House of Commons ; nor , in the want of example , are we thought worthy by our Adversarys to be furnish'd with Reason : so the guidance of our Discourse upon this point is committed to Mother Wit , a notable Gossip , but not so good a Politician . NEVERTHELESS , if this House consists of old Peerage only , we have direction enough to know how that will be ; for either the single Person , or the Commons will be predominant in the Government : if the Commons be so , then it will be with the Peers , as it was before their last Seclusion ; that is , while they do as the Commons would have them , they may sit ; otherwise they are sent home . And if the single Person be predominant , it can be no otherwise than by an Army ; in which case the old Peers being not in Arms , nor having any help that way , are as much under the Yoke as the Commons . By which it may be apparent , that it is the great interest of the present Peerage , that there be a well order'd Commonwealth ; otherwise the Commons being in bondage , the Lords , whom that least becoms , are but equal with them : and being free , the Lords are not the head , but at the foot of them ; wheras in an equal Common-wealth , that the Nobility be not at the head , or have not the leading , is quite contrary to all Reason and Experience . IF the House consists of new Peers only , it must consist of the chief Officers in the Army ; which immediatly divides the Government into two distinct Governments : the one in the House of Commons , whose Foundation is the Body of the People ; the other in the House of Peers , whose Foundation is the Army . This Army if it remains firm to the Peers , they not only command the Commons , but make and unmake Kings as they please ; or as ambitious Partys and Persons among themselves are diligent or fortunat : But if the Army ( as is most and more than most likely ) coms off to the Commons , the Peers are nothing , and the Commons introduce a Commonwealth . IF the House consists of new Peers and old , the old Peers while they like it , are Cyphers to new Figures ; and when they like it not , may go home again : Nor whether they stay or go , is this case so different from the former , as to be any greater obstruction to a Common-wealth . TO hate the very name of a Commonwealth , or not to see that England can be no other , is as if men were not in earnest . It is ask'd of the Commons what the Protector shall be , and he can be nothing but what they will. It is ask'd of the Commons what the other House shall be , and it can be nothing but what the Commons will. The Commons are ask'd whose the Army , whose the Militia , whose the Negative Vote is ; nor can these be otherwise determin'd than as they please . The Commons are ask'd whether they will make such a War , whether they will pay such a Debt , whether they will advance such a Sum ; all which are intirely at their discretion : therfore actually and positively England is a Commonwealth . Nay , and that there remain not the least doubt , whether it be safe for any man to say thus much , the present Government has either no legal denomination at all , or is legally denominated the Commonwealth : the question of the future state of it coms not one whit upon the matter , which is already granted , but upon the form only . A Commonwealth for the matter makes it self ; and where they will not bestow upon it the Form necessary , fails not of coming to ruin , or , at least , to disgrace the Workmen : Or , to speak more properly and piously , a Commonwealth is not made by Men , but by God ; and they who resist his holy Will , are Weapons that cannot prosper . Feb. 20. 1659. Six Political TRACTS Written on Several Occasions . VIZ. I. Valerius and Publicola . A Dialog . II. A System of Politics , delineated in short and easy Aphorisms , now first publish'd from the Author 's own Manuscript . III. Political Aphorisms . IV. Seven Models of a Commonwealth , Antient and Modern , &c. V. The Ways and Means of introducing a Commonwealth by the Consent of the People . VI. The humble Petition of divers well affected Persons : with the Parlament's Answer therto . Valerius and Publicola : Or , the True FORM OF A POPULAR COMMONWEALTH Extracted Ex puris Naturalibus . Quos perdere vult JUPITER , hos dementat prius . To the READER . THE way of Dialog being not faithfully manag'd , is of all others the most fraudulent ; but being faithfully manag'd , is the clearest and most effectual for conveying a mans sense into the understanding of his Reader . There is nothing in this World , next the favor of God , I so much desire as to be familiarly understood ; which because great men have thought below them , has prov'd hitherto but the ruin of themselves , and the detriment of the Public : for which reason , having try'd all other means , I now add this . My work , if I be not given over to utter blindness , is the same with , or nearest , that of the Nation ; and the Work of the Nation being not understood , is in extreme danger of utter ruin . Valerius . DEAREST PUBLICOLA , how have I long'd to meet you , and in the favorable silence of this long Walk ! Publicola . What has my noble Friend VALERIUS to command his faithful Servant ? Val. Why really , notwithstanding the tumult of these extravagant Changes , your last Discourse had so much of my attention then , and has had such a digestion with me since , that I feel it running in my Veins . Pub. Do you find in that any temtation to the buckling on of High-shoon ? Val. My thoughts , PUBLICOLA , are quite of another strain ; somtimes I fancy I see England grasping at Empire , like Rome it self . Pub. Why then VALERIUS , my Discourses are not such as they say ; there runs nothing of them in your Veins , that has imbas'd your noble Blood. Val. The Heraldry of them is of as high a pitch as the Policy ; but I would have them be a little lower in som things . Pub. What are those ? Val. The Vulgar complain of you , that you are too learn'd . Pub. I thought it was not you , VALERIUS . Val. For all that , I could be contented to see you raise your Structure by your own strength , and without the help of other Authors . Pub. That I dare say you may , when you please . Val. I must see it then , before I lose the covert of these reverend Elms. Pub. You take care that the Building should be well situated ; and for the Foundation , I may presume by what has already past between you and me , that we are long since agreed . Val. That the threefold Balance , or Distribution of Property is the cause of the triple way of Government , I fully consent with you ; as also , that the Balance now in England is in the People plainly , and exclusively both of a King and Lords . Pub. You are not of them that grant this , and then ask which way a Commonwealth should be introduc'd in England . Val. Why truly yes ; seeing not only the People are so wholly unacquainted with the means , but their Leaders so averse to it . Pub. Think you that a Plant grows the worse for not understanding the manner of its Vegetation ? Val. A Plant is not a free Agent ; but among Men who are free Agents , the Introduction of Government seems to be Arbitrary . Pub. What , where there is no more than Hobson's choice , this or none ? Val. It is true , that if they can have nothing else , they must at length have a Commonwealth ; but tho they can have nothing else to be holding , yet they will be trying other things . Pub. There is all the mischief . Val. And enough to ruin the Nation . Pub. To hurt it very sore , but not to ruin it ; nor yet to evade a Commonwealth , except they expose us to foren Invasion . Val. I am glad of your Confidence . Pub. You may let it pass for Confidence , if you please ; but if there be no other way except that only of Invasion , wherby the present Balance can receive a change sudden enough to admit of any other Form , the reason why we must have a Commonwealth is coercive . Val. And putting the case it be the Will of God to defend us from foren Invasion , how long will it be ere they see at home the coerciveness of this Reason , or , which is all one , that all Power is in and from the People ? Pub. Good VALERIUS , how long is it since this was both seen and declar'd in Parlament ? Val. Perhaps as they meant , it might be admitted as a Principle even in Monarchy . Pub. This with your pardon you will revoke , seeing you well remember that this their Declaration of Power in the People , has bin exclusive of King and Lords , and that in express terms . Val. But in this they related not at all to the Distribution of Property . Pub. Why then , there is not such a difference between the growing of a Plant and of a Commonwealth , as you thought ; seeing a Commonwealth knowing as little , dos no less . Val. This of all others is to me a Consideration fullest of comfort . Pub. It will in time procede accordingly , thro a mere necessity of nature , or by feeling ; but your desire , I suppose , is to know how it should be rationally introduc'd , or by seeing , and that with more ease and greater speed . Val. If it might please God , I would live to have my share of it , tho I fear I never shall . Pub. You carve for your self ill : for by hope a man injoys even that which he never coms to attain ; and by fear he is depriv'd even of that which he coms not to lose . Val. I must confess that our Army has it now in their power to introduce a Commonwealth . Pub. And there is no other action in their power that can excuse them . Val. Putting the case they would hearken to you , what course would you advise ? Pub. The same that I have advis'd over and over . Val. As how ? Pub. As how ! is that yet a Question ? Let them divide the Territory into fifty equal parts . Val. They will never make a new division . Pub. Why then they shall never have an equal Commonwealth . Val. What ill luck is this , that the first step should be so difficult ? Pub. You speak as if never any Territory had bin divided , wheras there is none that has not ; and Surveyors will tell you , it is a work to be perfectly perform'd in two months , and with ease . Val. Putting the case this were don , what is next ? Pub. The next is , that the Commonwealth were complete . Val. Say you so ? this indeed makes amends : but how ? Pub. With no more addition , than that the People in every distinct division elect annually two Knights and seven Deputys . Val. I dare say the People would never stick at this . Pub. Not sticking at this , they of their own power have instituted the two great Assemblys , of which every Commonwealth consists . Val. But in advising these things , you must advise men so that they may understand them . Pub. VALERIUS , could I as easily have advis'd men how to understand , as what to do , there had bin a Commonwealth ere this . Val. Com , I will have you try somthing of this kind , and begin upon som known Principle , as this , All Power is in the People . Pub. Content . But the diffusive Body of the People ( at least in a Territory of this extent ) can never exercise any Power at all . Val. That is certain . Pub. Hence is the necessity of som form of Government . Val. That is , the People of themselves being in a natural incapacity of exercising Power , must be brought into som artificial or political capacity of exercising the same . Pub. Right . Now this may be don three ways ; as first , by a single Person — Val. How ! Pub. Nay , I am not likely to trouble you much upon this point : but as you were intimating just now , there are Royalists who derive the original Right of Monarchy from the consent of the People . Val. There are so . Pub. And these hold the King to be nothing else , but the Representer of the People and their Power . Val. As the Turc . Pub. Yes , as the Turc . Val. The Peoples Power at that rate coms to the Peoples Slavery . Pub. You say right ; and so it may at other rates too . Val. As how ? Pub. Why as I was about to say , The Power of the People may be politically brought into exercise three ways : by a single Person ; by an Assembly consisting of a few ; or by an Assembly consisting of many . Val. Or by a mixture . Pub. Nay , I pray let that alone yet a while : for which way soever you go , it must com at length to som mixture , seeing the single Person you nam'd but now , without his Divan or Council to debate and propose to him , would make but bad work even for himself . But as the Government coms to be pitch'd fundamentally upon one of these three , so it differs not only in name , but in nature . Val. I apprehend you , as Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy . Pub. Nay , you are out with your Learning , when you have forbidden it me . But in Countrys where there is not a Nobility sufficiently balanc'd or inrich'd , there can be none of your Aristocracy ; and yet there may ( as long as it will last ) be a Government in a few . Val. What call you that ? Pub. Nay , what say you ? Val. Com , it is Oligarchy : when all is don , som words of Art we must use . Pub. I thought you would com to it ; and yet seeing I have promis'd , I will be sparing . But with your pardon , you have disorder'd my Discourse , or by this time I had shew'd , that if the Power of the People be committed to a single Person , the common Interest is submitted to that of a Family ; and if it be committed to a few , it is submitted to the Interest of a few Familys . Val. Which , so many times as they are more than one , is so many times worse than Monarchy . Pub. I am not sorry that you are of that mind . For there is no such thing as a Commonwealth , or , as you say , Democracy in nature , if it be not pitch'd upon a numerous Assembly of the People . Val. What call you numerous ? Pub. Why , an Assembly such for number as can neither go upon the interest of one single Person or Family , nor the interest of a few Persons or Familys . Val. How will you constitute such an Assembly ? Pub. Commonwealths for the Constitution of their Popular Assemblys , have had two ways . The first by inrolling all their Citizens , and stating the Quorum in such sort , that all to and above the stated number repairing at the time and place appointed , are impower'd to give the Vote of the whole Commonwealth . Val. The Athenian Quorum was six thousand ; which towards the latter end of that Commonwealth came to five . Pub. So , so , you may quote Authors : But you may remember also , that Athens was a small Commonwealth . Val. How many would you advise for England ? Pub. Put the case I should say , ten thousand ? Val. They will laugh at you . Pub. What can I help that ? or how many would you advise ? Val. I would not go above five thousand . Pub. Mark you then : they only that are nearest would com ; and so the City of London would give Law to the whole Nation . Val. Why really that same now is clear ; but would there be less danger of it , in case you stated your Quorum at ten , at twenty , or tho it were at a hundred or two hundred thousand ? Pub. No : For which cause , as to England , it is a plain case , that this is no way for the institution of a popular Assembly . Val. Which way then ? Pub. For England there is no way but by Representative , to be made to rise equally and methodically by stated Elections of the People throout the whole Nation . Val. Needs this to be so numerous as the other ? Pub. No. Val. Why ? Pub. Because it is not obnoxious to a Party , to any certain Rank , or such as are soonest upon the spur , or that make least account of their Pains or of their Mony. Val. Will you be so curious ? Pub. Do you think this a Curiosity ? How else will you avoid improvement in the Interest of the better sort , to the detriment of those of meaner rank ; or in the Interest of the Few , to the detriment of that of the Many ? Val. But even this way there is danger of that foul Beast the Oligarchy . Pub. Look about you . The Parlament declares all Power to be in the People ; is that in the better sort only ? Val. Stay ; the King was to observe Leges & Constitutiones quas vulgus elegerit : That Vulgus is to be understood of the Parlament ; and the Parlament consisted wholly of the better sort . Pub. It is true ; but then that Commonwealth acted in all things accordingly . Val. It was , you will say , no Democracy . Pub. And will you say it was ? Val. No truly : yet this deriv'd in part from the free Election of the People . Pub. How free ? seeing the People , then under Lords , dar'd not to elect otherwise than as pleas'd those Lords . Val. Somthing of that is true ; but I am persuaded that the People , not under Lords , will yet be most addicted to the better sort . Pub. That is certain . Val. How then will you prevent the like in your Institution ? Pub. You shall see presently . The diffusive Body of the People , in which the Power is , and is declar'd to be , consists in the far greater part of the lower sort : wherfore their Representative , to rise naturally , and to be exactly comprehensive of the common Interest , must consist also in the far greater part of the lower sort . Val. Of what number will you have this Representative ? Pub. Suppose a thousand , or therabout . Val. What proportion will you have the meaner sort in it to hold to the better ? Pub. Suppose about six to four . Val. How will you order it , that it shall be so constituted ? Pub. Why thus : Let the People in every Precinct or Shire at Election chuse four under one hundred pounds a year in Lands , Goods , or Mony , together with three at or above that proportion . Val. I see not but this Representative must be exact . Pub. It is yet none at all ; that is , unless you presume Changes : for one thousand , without change governing the whole People , amounts neither to a Representative nor to a Commonwealth , but coms still to your hard name . Val. How do you order your Changes ? Pub. By annual election of one third part for three years . Val. So that every year one third part of your Assembly fallsout of it , and a new third part at the same time enters into the same . Pub. Even so . Val. This causes the Representative to be perpetually extant . Pub. It dos so : But to respit that a little , I should be glad , before I stir farther , to know which way the Vote of a Representative thus constituted , can go one hairs breadth beside the common and public Interest of the whole diffusive Body of the People . Val. No way in the Earth that I can imagin , except thro ignorance . Pub. No Human Ordinance is infallible ; and what is don thro mere ignorance or mistake at one time , will be found and amended at another . Val. A thousand men , and six to four of the lower sort perpetually extant ! this must be a grievous Charge to the most of them ; it will be hard to bring them , and impossible to hold them together . Pub. Upon such as are elected and com not , considerable Fines must be levy'd ; and such as com and stay together must have good Salarys . Val. Salarys to so many ! what will that com to ? Pub. Not , with the rest of the Commonwealth , to three hundred thousand pounds a year . Val. Why ? the Kings have rarely had above six . Pub. And did England ever grudg them any part of that proportion ? Val. I must confess the Quarrel grew when they would not be contented with so little . Pub. Now if England never did , nor needed grudg a King six hundred thousand pounds a year , to be spent among Courtiers , why should we imagin she should grudg a Commonwealth three hundred thousand pounds a year , to be spent among Magistrats ? Val. But Parlamentmen have taken nothing . Pub. Have the People given nothing ? Val. That was for the maintenance of Armys . Pub. And whether had you rather maintain Armys or Magistrats ? Val. But putting the case that this Assembly needed not to be perpetually extant , this Charge in the whole or in the far greater part might be abated . Pub. I cannot tell : for how often think you fit that this Assembly should convene ? Val. Parlaments at most met not above once a year . Pub. If they had bin perpetually extant , there would have bin no King. Val. No truly , except in name only . Pub. Therfore the Popular Assembly in a Commonwealth ought not to be perpetually extant . Val. To the end , you will say , that there may be som King. Pub. Mock not : or what other guard of Liberty is there in any Commonwealth , but the Popular Assembly ? Val. Com , let them assemble twice a year upon their ordinary Guard. Pub. And what if there be an extraordinary occasion ? Val. Then , as often as there is any such occasion . Pub. How much will this abate of their necessary Charge , or of the Salarys ? And how much better were it for a Representative to lead the Life of Statesmen than of Carriers ? Val. Commonwealths , whose Assemblys have bin of the former kind , have call'd them no otherwise than at stated times , or upon extraordinary occasions . Pub. But then their Assemblys were not equal Representatives , but consisted of such as being next at hand were still ready upon any occasion . Val. That makes indeed a considerable difference : But were this Representative always extant , I cannot see but it would have nothing to do . Pub. And in case it be not always extant , you imagin that it may have somthing to do . Val. Yes . Pub. Then whether gos it better with the Commonwealth when the Representative has somthing to do , or when it has nothing to do ? Val. This is very quaint . Pub. No truly , VALERIUS , it is plain , that the Guard of Liberty perpetually extant , in doing nothing must do much ; and not perpetually extant , in doing much may do nothing . Val. I am afraid that having nothing to do , they will make work . Pub. Such I warrant you as the Parlament and the Army made the other day . Val. Nay , I am not so wide . A civil Council and a standing Army must needs have Interests much more distinct than two civil Assemblys ; and where there is not a like cause , I know well enough there cannot be the like effect . Pub. I shall desire no more , than that you will hold to this ; and then tell me what Disputes there us'd to be between the Senat of Venice and the great Council , which is perpetually extant , and consists of about two thousand . Val. Nay , certain it is , that between those two there never was any dispute at all . Pub. Then tell me for what cause such a thing should any more happen between the Assemblys propos'd ; or , according to your own rule , from like causes expect like effects . Val. You put me to it . Pub. Nay , it is you that put me to it ; for you will be presuming that this Assembly can have nothing to do , before we com to consider what are their proper Businesses and Functions . Val. I beg your pardon , and what are those ? Pub. Why surely no small matters ; for in every Commonwealth truly Popular , it is inseparable from the Assembly of the People that first they wholly and only have the right of Result in all matters of Lawgiving , of making Peace and War , and in levying Men and Mony : Secondly , That the ultimat Result in Judicature ly to them : and thirdly , That they have right to call to account , and to punish their Magistrats for all matters of Maladministration of Government . Val. I assure you this must amount to a great deal of business . Pub. Certain it is , that in som Commonwealths the Popular Assembly by this means has bin perpetually imploy'd . Val. And so I think it might be in England . Pub. It might ; but I do not think it would . However , if it be in the undoubted right of the Popular Assembly to procede against their Magistrats for Maladministration , would you leave it upon the hand of those Magistrats , whether this Representative should assemble or no ? Val. Com , you have said enough , it were not prudent : but as to the matter of Appeals , it is certain that in Israel the ultimat Resort was to the Sanhedrim or 70 Elders . Pub. I know it very well : nevertheless you shall find that the Congregation judg'd Benjamin ; and if you mark the Appeal to the 70 Elders , you shall find that it was not an Appeal of the Party for Relief , but of the Judges in inferior Courts for further light and direction in difficult cases of the Law. Val. Let me but know in what manner this Assembly is to perform these Functions , and I have don . Pub. Why as to matter of Lawgiving , I told you that they wholly and only have the right and power of Result . Val. But to Result , there must necessarily go precedent Debate ; seeing a Man , much less an Assembly , resolves not upon any thing without som Considerations , Motives , or Reasons therto conducing , which ought to be first orderly and maturely debated : and how will you bring a thousand men , especially being six to four of the lower sort , to debate any thing with order and maturity ? Pub. You say that the Popular Assembly in Athens consisted at the least of five thousand . Val. And I said true . Pub. Yet this Assembly debated : Why may not a thousand men debate as well as five thousand ? Val. As well ! Nay PUBLICOLA , if they debate no better in your Commonwealth than they did in that , you may know what will becom of it . And to tell you true , I do not think that a thousand men can debate any whit more orderly and maturely than five thousand . Pub. And so think I too . Val. How then ? Pub. How then ? Why this is the reason of the Senat in every Commonwealth . Val. So there must be a Senat , which amounts to thus much ; without a Senat there can be no Commonwealth , and with a Senat there will always be Practices upon the Liberty of the People . Pub. How prove you that ? Val. Why by the Senat of Lacedemon in the beginning , and by the Senat of Rome throout . Pub. But find you the like by the Senats of Athens and Venice ? Val. No. Pub. Consider then that these were by Election of the People , and upon frequent Removes , and that the former were defective in one or in both these circumstances . Val. You intend your Senat upon Removes then ? Pub. Right . Val. And Elective by the People ? Pub. Yes . Val. How ? by the Popular Assembly , or by the body of the People in their Precincts ? Pub. By the body of the People in their Precincts , at the same time when they elect their other Deputys , and with the same circumstances , except that these be all elected out of such as have a hundred pounds a year real or personal . Val. What hurt , if they were elected by the Popular Assembly ? Pub. They would not derive so immediatly , nor rise so equally from the People , as when chosen in the Precincts ; because this way every Shire coms necessarily to have a share in the Senat : besides , wise men and understanding are better known in their Tribes than they can be in an Assembly out of their Tribes , especially while they are new comers ; nor will the Popular Assembly afford so good a choice as the whole People . There are other Reasons . Val. Enough , enough . Of what number do you constitute this Senat ? Pub. Of three hundred . Val. Why should not one hundred be full enough for a debating Council , especially seeing Debate is the more orderly where the Counsillors are fewer ? Pub. You are to bear it in mind , that this Senat is upon annual change in one third part . Val. That is , every year one hundred having serv'd three years , go out , and a new hundred coms in . Pub. Right : for which cause , to have one hundred well practis'd indebate , your Senat must consist of three hundred . Val. May not those that go out com presently in again by a new Election ? Pub. Not at all ; for that were yet another way of continuing the Government in a few . Val. Do you mean that no man shall serve in this Capacity , or in that of the Popular Assembly , but once in his life ? Pub. I mean that a man , having serv'd his term in one of these , may after a like vacation or interval be elected again to serve in either of them , and not before . Val. At what age do you make a man capable of these Elections ? Pub. Not till thirty . Val. He stays a great while ere he coms to preferment , and is soon out again : at which rate a man should have much ado to attain to sufficient knowlege for the leading of the Commonwealth . Pub. This was never objected against Parlaments . Val. It is true : but then the Election of Parlamentmen was not oblig'd to any Interval , and divers have bin of every Parlament that was summon'd during their Lives . Pub. Parlaments when they were the most frequent , assembl'd not above once a year , very rarely so often ; and how long , pray , did they usually sit ? Val. Som two or three months . Pub. I allow you the most you ask : at which rate a man that had sat in twenty Parlaments , could not have sat above four years complete . Val. And in your Parlament , at one Election he sits three . Pub. Mark you that ? Val. Yes , and more : Wheras a Parlamentman without interval could in twenty years have sat but four complete , in your Assemblys a man observing his intervals , may in twenty years serve ten years complete . Pub. You allow that , I hope , to be som advantage towards acquiring knowlege in conduct ; and yet antiently your Parlamentmen were in this point thought able enough . Val. Now would I desire no more than to be as fully satisfy'd , that these Senators must be honest enough . Pub. Which way can they be dishonest ? Val. Indeed I am not yet acquainted with their ways : but if nothing can be propos'd to the popular Assembly , except by these only , they should , I think , propose nothing but what is for their own advantage . Pub. They are the Senat ; and in that they have all the advantages that a well order'd Commonwealth can give to a Senat. Val. But they will be still hankering after more . Pub. As what ? Val. Why Riches or Power . Pub. All Magistrats are accountable to the Popular Assembly ; and so , without acquisition of Power , I cannot imagin which way they should turn themselves to the acquisition of Riches . Val. They will drive then at Power ; they will be coordinat . Pub. In the World there has never yet bin any Senat that durst so much as pretend to Power . Val. No ? Had not the Senat of Israel , and that of Lacedemon Power ? Pub. Executive Power they had , in as much as they were Judicatorys ; but Legislative or Soverain Power ( which is that wherof we speak ) they had none at all . Val. Other Senats have had other power , as in the managing of foren Affairs , and the like . Pub. Which still coms not to the point in hand , because in these and the like matters , as the creation of divers Magistrats , the Senat uses to be made Plenipotentiary by the Popular Assembly , that is , by Law. Val. I hear them talk of making a coordinat Senat first , and without the People , and then of assembling a Parlament in the old way to govern with that Senat. Pub. Things , VALERIUS , are soon said ; but if any Parlament whatever , so it be elected by the People ( and , perhaps , if otherwise ) do not make it one of their first works to pull down a coordinat Senat , I ask no credit to my Politics . Val. This is to prophesy . Pub. Then , to reason the case : I say , That the Senat assuming Power , the popular Assembly falls immediatly to debate ; and the popular Assembly debating , the Senat is ipso facto depos'd , there being no other necessary use or function of the Senat but Debate only . Val. You said but now , That the Popular Assembly could not debate . Pub. Not orderly and maturely : but upon such an occasion as this , they will do as they can ; nor is it avoidable . Val. Nay , if there be som occasion in which you allow that the popular Assembly must and ought to debate , there will hardly be any in which they will be persuaded that they may not . So this will com to the pulling down of the Senat as often as the People please . Pub. Which is so much the rather to be fear'd , because you shall never find that popular Assembly which did ever actually depose their Senat. Val. Our Army has pull'd down a good many Parlaments . Pub. What is that to the purpose ? Is our Army a popular Assembly ? Y●t let them pull down a Parlament as often as they please , they must set up another ; and in this indeed there may be som resemblance : for let a popular Assembly pull down the Senat as often as they please , they must set up another . Val. Or a single Person . Pub. Right : for that holds both ways too , and ( as to our case ) will stand neither . Val. The People of Athens debated , yet for all that their Senat was not depos'd . Pub. Not formally ; but it remain'd little better than a Warren , wherin great Men did , as it were , start hares , to be hunted in the tumult of the popular Assembly . Val. Verily , PUBLICOLA , this Model of yours is a most intire thing . Pub. This with the necessary consequences , as the division of the Senat into Senatorian Councils , the adorning and actuating of this and the other Assembly with fit Magistrats , wherof I have sufficiently discours'd in other places , amounts to an intire thing . Val. And you offer it freely . Pub. I do . Val. Would it not grieve you to see them crop a little of it , and spoil it ? Pub. They had better take it to som purpose . Val. Nay , what they take will be to som purpose , I warrant you . Com , there is a Party , a select , a refin'd Party , a Nation in a Nation , that must and will govern . Pub. That is it which I desire to see . Val. You are of a rare temper ; happy in unhappiness . Pub. O I love frequent Changes . Val. Is that any of your Virtues ? Pub. Yes , where we are certain never to go right , while there remains a way to go wrong . Val. They are confident men . They cannot be persuaded but they can govern the World. Pub. Till they have try'd . Such as can govern the World , are such as can be govern'd by Reason . Now there is no Party refin'd , select , or what you will in England , amounting to one twentieth part of the whole People . Val. One twentieth part of the People , for ought I know , may amount to a hundred thousand ; there is no Party any thing near this account , I dare say . Pub. A twentieth part of the People can never govern the other nineteen , but by a perpetual Army . Val. They do not like that the worse . Pub. The People having bin govern'd by a King without an Army , and being govern'd by a Commonwealth with an Army , will detest the Government of a Commonwealth , and desire that of a King. Val. Yes , such is the spirit of the Nation . Pub. Such is the spirit in this case of any Nation . Val. And yet they make it a particular quarrel . Pub. They make every thing particular : if you speak of Israel , Athens , Rome , Venice , or the like , they hear you with volubility of countenance ; and will not have it that God ever minded the matter of Government , till he brought them in play . Nay , tho they have com heels over head for this very thing , I know not how often , yet they are resolv'd to take no warning . Val. PUBLICOLA , you will be shent . Pub. I am to perform my duty . To flatter is not my duty . Val. But between you and me , Do you not think that the spirit of the Nation , or the main body of the People of this Land , desires the restitution of their antient Government ? Pub. I make little doubt of it . Val. How then in case of a Commonwealth are they to be trusted ? Pub. In case of a Commonwealth , it is not the People that are trusted , but the Orders of the Commonwealth . Val. The Commonwealth must consist of the People . Pub. The People under the Monarchy , when that invaded them , invaded it . Val. True , and in such a manner as has caus'd the ruin of it . Pub. What was the spirit of the People then ? Val. But it is now another thing . Pub. Nay , the very same : for then it invaded a Government that invaded their Liberty , and now it would invade a Government that invades their Liberty . Val. But how should this be mended ? Pub. Do you not see that this should not be mended , but incourag'd ? Val. How should it be incourag'd then ? Pub. By giving them a Form that must preserve their Liberty . Val. I little doubt but there is in your Form a full security to the People of their Liberty ; but do you think that there is in it any full security that the People shall not cast off this Form ? Pub. If it secures their Liberty , why should they ? Val. My question is not , why they should , but whether they can . Pub. They cannot , without going against their own interest . Val. But they can go against their own interest . Pub. Nay , remember your self , whether the Form shewn be not such , as you have already granted can in no wise go beside the interest of the whole People . Val. They that are now in power , have no trust at all in Forms . Pub. Do they sail in Ships , not upon Planks ? Do they ride Horses , not Hogs ? Do they travel in Coaches , not upon Hurdles ? Do they live in Houses , not in Ditches ? Do they eat Bread , not Stones ? Val. Enough , enough . Pub. But in so doing , they acknowlege such a Form to be security for such a use or action . And must the form of a Commonwealth be the only form in which they can allow no security for the proper use and action ? Val. They observe none of this . Pub. Do they observe that there is any security in Men ? Val. That , especially in our times , were somwhat a hard matter . Pub. And how many Securitys are there ? Val. I know no more , than one personal , or in Men ; another real , or in Things . Pub. Chuse you whether you would have . Val. Well , be the necessary action or use of your Form what it will , I would see it more plainly and particularly demonstrated how the spirit of the Nation , or the whole People , being freely eligible into your Assemblys , must presently lose that inclination which now plainly they have to set up Monarchy , or to persecute for Conscience . Pub. You will allow no weight in the Argument , that a People in Liberty , unless the Orders of their Commonwealth were first fundamentally ruin'd , that is , broken in the balance or foundation , did never do either of these . Val. What weight soever I allow to this Argument , it is no ways to my present purpose . Pub. You will put me then beside experience , and to shew by what reason it is that a Peartree must bear Pears , or why men gather not Grapes on Thorns , or Figs on Thistles . Val. Poor PUBLICOLA , be the task as hard as it will , I am for this time resolv'd to hold you to it . Pub. What is it then that any Government can be sufficiently founded or balanc'd upon , but such an Interest as is sufficiently able to bear it ? Val. Good Sir , a Government ought to be founded upon Justice , I take it . Pub. Right : and is not that Government which is founded upon an Interest not sufficiently able to bear it , founded upon Injustice ? Val. I suspect whither this will go . A Government founded upon the overbalance of Property , is legitimatly founded , and so upon Justice ; but a Government founded upon the underbalance of Property , must of necessity be founded upon Force , or a standing Army . Is not this that which you mean by Interest sufficient or not sufficient to sustain a Government ? Pub. You have it right . Val. O Atheist ! this damns the Government of the Saints . Pub. Look you now , how irreligious a thing it may be made , to speak but with common honesty . Do you think that such as are plainly Oligarchists , or shall exercise by a force , and without election by the People , such a Power as is both naturally and declaredly in the People , and in them only , can establish their Throne upon Justice ? Val. No. Pub. Do you think that such as are truly Saints , can establish their Throne upon Injustice ? Val. No. Pub. Why then you have granted , that such as are plainly Oligarchists cannot be truly Saints . Again , do you still think , as you once intimated , that a Government now introduc'd in England , exactly according to the Principles of Prudence and Justice , would rule the Earth ? Val. Yes . Pub. Do you think , that such as are truly Saints , if they introduce a Government , ought to introduce it exactly according to the Principles of Prudence and Justice ? Val. Yes , Pub. Why then , let such as are truly Saints but see what it is to rule the Earth , and take the Rule of the Earth . Val. They will not approve of this way . Pub. How ! not the Saints approve of Prudence and Justice ! Who is the Atheist now , VALERIUS ? Val. Good PUBLICOLA , let us keep to the point in hand . You say , That the security of Liberty lys not in the People , but in the form of their Government ; so I am yet to expect when you will shew , what there is in your form , why it must be impossible for the People under it to restore Monarchy , or to persecute for Conscience . Pub. See you not , that to do either of these under such a form , must be pointblank against their Interest ? Val. But so either of these is now , and yet in this posture you will confess that they would do both . Pub. Mark how I am us'd . I speak of a Form supported by an Interest sufficiently able to bear it , and of an Interest contain'd under a Form sufficiently able to secure it ; and you instance in a Posture which is no form at all , but such a confusion among , and force upon the People , as creates an Interest in them to rid themselves which way they can of such a misery . Val. I did acknowlege and must confess , that your popular Assembly is such as cannot err , except thro ignorance ; but thro this , you your self have acknowleg'd , and must confess , that it may err . Pub. I retract nothing . Val. Now first , or never , they will restore Monarchy thro ignorance . Pub. But they cannot do this first , therfore they can never do it . Val. Why cannot the popular Assembly do this first ? Pub. Because it must first be propos'd by a Senat , that can neither do any such thing thro ignorance nor thro knowlege . Val. Nay , then have at you ; I will set this same Senat and Representative of yours to work in such a manner , that you shall confess they may set up Monarchy . Pub. Do your worst . Val. Your Senat being assembl'd ( I will not have them make long Speeches ; Pub. Nor I ) Val. Rises me up one of the Senators , and says , Mr. Speaker , this Nation has bin long in labor , but now thro the mercy of God , the Child is not only com to the Birth , but there is also strength to bring forth : In the number of Counsillors there is strength ; the number of this House is good ( far better than has usually bin of late ) and their Election has bin very free and fair . Here is also , I know not how ( but the Inventions of men are overrul'd by the Providence of God ) an extraordinary and exceding great confluence of honest men , who are not so well here ; and if you determin any thing that is good for your Country , will go home and pray for you . Now , Sir ( to be brief ) since our Government consisted of King , Lords , and Commons , the antient , the only , the most happy Government that this Nation , nay , that the World ever knew , it is but too well known , that we have had no Government at all : wherfore my opinion is , that we propose , as they call it , to these honest men ( who you need not doubt will receive it with glad hearts ) the restitution of Right , and of the Government in this Nation by King , Lords , and Commons . As sure as you live , PUBLICOLA , thus much being said , your whole Senat will immediatly agree to propose it to the Representative : and thus much being propos'd to the Representative , those People will throw up their Caps for joy , and immediatly return to their Houses . Pub. But VALERIUS , thus much has bin said in Parlament when the House was fuller ; when they who were for this Restitution were back'd by a single Person in actual possession of the Throne ; when over and above the zeal of the Presbyterians , there were Partys that knew no other means of selfpreservation ; as without , Divines belaboring the Oak of every Pulpit ; and within , Laywers , Officers , and Pensioners : yet was it so far from being carry'd , that the single Person has bin forc'd to dissolve Parlaments , and that thro apparent danger of being overrun by the Principles of a Commonwealth not in being . But if this were so when a Commonwealth could scarce be hop'd , what will it be when the Commonwealth shall be in such a condition as cannot be withstood ? for the Senat can never com to propose any thing to the People without first agreing upon debating what it is they will propose ; nor is it possible that such Debate should be brought to any end , but by reasons therto conducing : now it must not only be impossible to find reasons for the restitution of Monarchy , but the reasons why Monarchy ought not to be restor'd must be obvious ; not only in regard that it is quite contrary to the interest of the Nation , and of these Assemblys , but to the interest ten to one of every particular man in either of these Assemblys : nor are or have the reasons bin less obvious , or less ventilated in Parlament , why Monarchy as to this Nation is impossible in it self . Val. Will you say the like for Liberty of Conscience ? Pub. Yes ; because without Liberty of Conscience , Civil Liberty cannot be perfect ; and without Civil Liberty , Liberty of Conscience cannot be perfect . Val. These things are true , but they never will see them , never , PUBLICOLA : you your self say , That the People cannot see , but they can feel . Pub. I meant that of the diffusive Body of the People , not of the People under good Orders ; in which case they are the sharpest sighted of any kind of Government whatsoever : and therfore it is not modest that you , or I , or any particular Man or Party , blinded with selfconceit , should pretend to see with such a Constitution ; or shew me that Ey under the Sun , that sees like that of Venice . But putting the case it were otherwise as to seeing , these things are plainly palpable or obvious to feeling . Val. I have indeed observ'd , that in Commonwealths there are very few that see or understand them , and yet their affection to that way of Government is exceding vigorous . Pub. Whence can this otherwise be than from feeling ? But one thing , VALERIUS , I take at your hands extreme heavily . Val. What is that , PUBLICOLA ? Pub. That you with one little Speech of a single Senator , should run so regardlesly over these two Assemblys , without taking any notice at all of the necessary Course of them . Val. What Course , PUBLICOLA ? Pub. Why you might easily have thought that among three hundred Senators there might have bin at least one hundred as good Speakers as yours . Val. Have I said any thing to the contrary ? Pub. And do you or I what we can , ten to one of them will be longer winded than you have allow'd . Val. For that matter let them please themselves . Pub. Ay , but then you should not have made an end of your Debate in a minute . Val. What is all this ? Pub. Why I say , They would have bin debating on that point at least a fortnight . Val. Well , and when that had bin don , would never have agreed . Pub. No. Val. Did not you say that before ? Pub. Well , but I am now upon another point ; that was to the matter in debate , this is to the manner of proceding : imagin the matter had bin such upon which they could have agreed . Val. What then ? Pub. Then such an agreement had bin a Decree of the Senat. Val. Is a Decree of the Senat binding ? Pub. If it be upon a Law made , it is binding ; if upon a Law to be made , it is to be propos'd to the People . Now every Proposition to the People is to be promulgated , that is , printed and publish'd to the whole Nation six weeks before the time that the Representative is to assemble and give the Vote of the Commonwealth , or that test without which no such Proposition can be any Law. Val. By this means it must follow , that the whole People both by Discourse and Letters , debate six weeks together upon the matter . Pub. You are right . Val. How is it then that you say , The Representative of the People must not debate ? You allow to these less privilege than to the whole People . Pub. No less , nor in this point any more . Val. Yet dos this amount to Debate in those that are of the Representative . Pub. You say well , but not to any Debate at all in the Representative . Val. Why this Representative is nothing else but an Instrument or Method , wherby to receive the Result of the whole Nation with order and expedition , and without any manner of tumult or confusion . Pub. And is that any thing the worse ? Val. No ; but I am glad you have told it me : for that those of the Representative would one way or other have Debate , I knew certainly . Pub. In sum , are you satisfy'd , that the Spirit of the Nation , or the People , however they may now under no Form at all , and in detestation of such as having govern'd them by force , will let them see no way out of confusion , desire their old Government , as having never yet known any other ; yet under such a Form as is propos'd , can never go about to introduce ▪ Monarchy , without obvious discovery , that as to their Interest it is quite contrary , and as to it self impossible ? Val. The satisfaction is pretty good . Pub. Pretty good ! give me but half so good , that the Spirit of the Army , not formerly obedient to Parlaments , and now dreading or despising them , must apprehend the restitution of Monarchy to be quite contrary to their interest . Val. You surprize me : for if the Army will have no Parlament , and a King restor'd can now in England without an Army have no Government , they may imagin this their only way to Greatness and Continuance . Pub. Had not the Oligarchy then , if they meant well , better to have us'd sober expressions , and minded what those true and real Interests are which in the foundation and preservation of every kind of Government are paramount , than to have overcast them with the mist of new affected Phrases , and fallen on conjuring up Spirits ? Val. You have conjur'd up a Spirit that will keep me waking . Pub. Set him on pulling down the Law and the Ministry ; when that is don , let him blow up Windsor Castle , Hampton Court , and throw Whitehall into the Thames . Val. It is the only way , for then there can be no King. Pub. You may be sure of that , seeing the Count of Holland's Domain , and his Houses are yet not only standing , but diligently preserv'd by the Hollanders . Val. PUBLICOLA , have you any more to tell me ? Pub. VALERIUS , have you any more to ask me ? Val. Not , except why you have not given the Parlament to understand thus much . Pub. I have printed it over and over . Val. They take no great notice of Books ; you should have laid it , as they say , in their dish by som direct Address , as a Petition , or so . Pub. I did petition the Committee for Government . Val. What answer did they make you ? Pub. None at all . Val. I would have gon further , and have presented it to the House . Pub. Towards this also I went as far as I could . Val. How far was that ? Pub. Why , I think my Petition may have bin worn out in the pockets of som two or three Members . Val. Have you a Copy of it about you ? Pub. Let me see — here are many Papers ; this same is it . To the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England , &c. The Humble Petition , &c. Sheweth , THAT what neither is , nor ever was in Nature , can never be in Nature . THAT without a King and Lords , no Government either is , or ever was in Nature ( but in mere force ) other than by a Senat indu'd with Authority to debate and propose ; and by a numerous Assembly of the People wholly and only invested with the right of Result in all matters of Law-giving , of making Peace and War , and of levying Men and Mony. WHERFORE your Petitioner ( to disburden his Conscience in a matter of such concern to his Country ) most humbly and earnestly prays and beseeches this Parlament to take into speedy and serious consideration the irrefragable truth of the Premises , and what therupon must assuredly follow , that is , either the institution of a Commonwealth in the whole People of England ( without exception , or with exception for a time , of so few as may be ) by way of a Senat , and a numerous Assembly of the People , to the ends , and for the respective Functions aforesaid ; or the inevitable ruin of this Nation , which God of his mercy avert . And your Petitioner shall pray , &c. Val. I would it had bin deliver'd . Pub. Look you , if this had bin presented to the House , I intended tohave added this other Paper , and to have printed them together . The Petitioner to the Reader . Reader , I SAY not that the Form contain'd in the Petition ( if we had it , and no more ) would be perfect ; but that without thus much ( which rightly introduc'd , introduces the rest ) there neither is , was , nor can be any such thing as a Commonwealth , or Government without a King and Lords , in Nature . WHERE there is a coordinat Senat , there must be a King , or it falls instantly by the People ; as the King failing , the House of Peers fell by the Commons . WHERE there is a Senat not elective by the People , there is a perpetual Feud between the Senat and the People , as in Rome . TO introduce either of these Causes , is certainly and inevitably to introduce one of these Effects ; and if so , then who are Cavaliers , I leave you to judg hereafter . BVT to add farther reason to experience . All Civil Power among us ( not only by declaration of Parlament , but by the nature of Property ) is in and from the People . WHERE the Power is in the People , there the Senat can legitimatly be no more to the Popular Assembly , than my Counsil at Law is to me , that is ( auxilium , non imperium ) a necessary Aid , not a Competitor or Rival in Power . WHERE the Aids of the People becom their Rivals or Competitors in Power , there their Shepherds becom Wolves , their Peace Discord , and their Government Ruin. But to impose a select or coordinat Senat upon the People , is to give them Rivals and Competitors in Power . SOM perhaps ( such is the temper of the times ) will say , That so much human Confidence as is express'd , especially in the Petition , is Atheistical . But how were it Atheistical , if I should as confidently foretel , that a Boy must expire in Nonage , or becom a Man ? I prophesy no otherwise ; and this kind of Prophesy is also of God , by those Rules of his Providence , which in the known Government of the World are infallible . In the right observation and application of these consists all human Wisdom ; and we read that a poor man deliver'd a City by his Wisdom , yet was this poor man forgotten . But if the Premises of this Petition fail , or one part of the Conclusion coms not to pass accordingly , let me hit the other mark of this ambitious Address , and remain a Fool upon Record in Parlament to all Posterity . Val. Thou Boy ! and yet I hope well of thy Reputation . Pub. Would it were but as good now , as it will be when I can make no use of it . Val. The Major of the Petition is in som other of your Writings ; and I remember som Objections which have bin made against it : As , that à non esse nec fuisse , non datur argumentum ad non posse . Pub. Say that in English . Val. What if I cannot ? are not you bound to answer a thing , tho it cannot be said in English ? Pub. No truly . Val. Well , I will say it in English then . Tho there neither be any House of Gold , nor ever were any House of Gold , yet there may be a House of Gold. Pub. Right : but then , à non esse nec fuisse in natura , datur argumentum ad non posse in natura . Val. I hope you can say this in English too . Pub. That I can , now you have taught me . If there were no such thing as Gold in nature , there never could be any House of Gold. Val. Softly . The frame of a Government is as much in Art , and as little in Nature , as the frame of a House . Pub. Both softly and surely . The Materials of a Government are as much in Nature , and as little in Art , as the Materials of a House . Now as far as Art is necessarily dispos'd by the nature of its Foundation or Materials , so far it is in Art as in Nature . Val. What call you the Foundation , or the Materials of Government ? Pub. That which I have long since prov'd , and you granted , The Balance , the distribution of Property , and the Power thence naturally deriving ; which as it is in one , in a few or in all , dos necessarily dispose of the form or frame of the Government accordingly . Val. Be the Foundation or Materials of a House what they will , the Frame or Superstructures may be diversly wrought up or shapen ; and so may those of a Commonwealth . Pub. True : but let a House be never so diversly wrought up or shapen , it must consist of a Roof and Walls . Val. That 's certain . Pub. And so must a Commonwealth of a Senat and of a Popular Assembly , which is the sum of the Minor in the Petition . Val. The Mathematicians say , They will not be quarrelsom ; but in their Sphere there are things altogether new in the World , as the present posture of the Heavens is , and as was the Star in Cassiopoeia . Pub. VALERIUS , if the Major of the Petition extends as far as is warranted by SOLOMON , I mean , that there is nothing new under the Sun , what new things there may be , or have bin above the Sun , will make little to the present purpose . Val. It is true ; but if you have no more to say , they will take this but for shifting . Pub. Where there is Sea , as between Sicily and Naples , there was antiently Land ; and where there is Land , as in Holland , there was antiently Sea. Val. What then ? Pub. Why then the present posture of the Earth is other than it has bin , yet is the Earth no new thing , but consists of Land and Sea , as it did always ; so whatever the present posture of the Heavens be , they consist of Star and Firmament , as they did always . Val. What will you say then to the Star in Cassiopoeia ? Pub. Why I say , if it consisted of the same matter with other Stars , it was no new thing in nature , but a new thing in Cassiopoeia ; as were there a Commonwealth in England , it would be no new thing in Nature , but a new thing in England . Val. The Star you will say in Cassiopoeia , to have bin a new thing in nature , must have bin no Star , because a Star is not a new thing in nature . Pub. Very good . Val. You run upon the matter , but the newness in the Star was in th● manner of the generation . Pub. At Putzuoli near Naples , I have seen a Mountain that rose up from under water in one night , and pour'd a good part of the Lake antiently call'd Lucrin into the Sea. Val. What will you infer from hence ? Pub. Why that the new and extraordinary generation of a Star , or of a Mountain , no more causes a Star , or a Mountain to be a new thing in nature , than the new and extraordinary generation of a Commonwealth causes a Commonwealth to be a new thing in nature . ARISTOTLE reports , that the Nobility of Tarantum being cut off in a Battel , that Commonwealth became popular . And if the Pouder Plot in England had destroy'd the King and the Nobility , it is possible that Popular Government might have risen up in England , as the Mountain did at Putzuoli . Yet for all these , would there not have bin any new thing in nature . Val. Som new thing ( thro the blending of unseen causes ) there may seem to be in shuffling ; but Nature will have her course , there is no other than the old game . Pub. VALERIUS , let it rain or be fair weather , the Sun to the dissolution of Nature shall ever rise ; but it is now set , and I apprehend the mist . Val. Dear PUBLICOLA , your Health is my own ; I bid you goodnight . Pub. Goodnight to you , VALERIUS . Val. One word more , PUBLICOLA : Pray make me a present of those same Papers , and with your leave and license , I will make use of my Memory to commit the rest of this Discourse to writing , and print it . Pub. They are at your disposing . Val. I will not do it as has bin don , but with your name to it . Pub. Whether way you like best , most noble VALERIUS . Octob. 22. 1659. Chap. 1 A System of Politics Delineated in short and easy APHORISMS . Publish'd from the Author 's own Manuscript . CHAP. I. Of GOVERNMENT . 1. A PEOPLE is either under a state of Civil Government , or in a state of Civil War ; or neither under a state of Civil Government , nor in a state of Civil War. 2. CIVIL Government is an Art wherby a People rule themselves , or are rul'd by others . 3. THE Art of Civil Government in general is twofold , National , or Provincial . 4. NATIONAL Government is that by which a Nation is govern'd independently , or within it self . 5. PROVINCIAL Government is that by which a Province is govern'd dependently , or by som foren Prince or State. 6. A PEOPLE is neither govern'd by themselves , nor by others , but by reason of som external Principle therto forcing them . 7. FORCE is of two kinds , Natural and Unnatural . 8. NATURAL Force consists in the vigor of Principles , and their natural necessary Operations . 9. UNNATURAL Force is an external or adventitious opposition to the vigor of Principles , and their necessary working , which , from a violation of Nature , is call'd Violence . 10. NATIONAL Government is an effect of natural Force , or Vigor . 11. PROVINCIAL Government is an effect of unnatural Force , or Violence . 12. THE natural Force which works or produces National Government ( of which only I shall speak hereafter ) consists in Riches . 13. THE Man that cannot live upon his own , must be a Servant ; but he that can live upon his own , may be a Freeman . 14. WHERE a People cannot live upon their own , the Government is either Monarchy , or Aristocracy : where a People can live upon their own , the Government may be Democracy . Chap. II 15. A MAN that could live upon his own , may yet , to spare his own , and live upon another , be a Servant : but a People that can live upon their own , cannot spare their own , and live upon another ; but ( except they be no Servants , that is , except they com to a Democracy ) they must wast their own by maintaining their Masters , or by having others to live upon them . 16. WHERE a People that can live upon their own , imagin that they can be govern'd by others , and not liv'd upon by such Governors , it is not the Genius of the People , it is the Mistake of the People . 17. WHERE a People that can live upon their own , will not be govern'd by others lest they be liv'd upon by others , it is not the Mistake of the People , it is the Genius of the People . 18. OF Government there are three Principles ; Matter , Privation , and Form. CHAP. II. Of the Matter of Government . 1. THAT which is the Matter of Government , is what we call an Estate , be it in Lands , Goods , or Mony. 2. IF the Estate be more in Mony than in Land , the port or garb of the Owner gos more upon his Monys than his Lands ; which with privat Men is ordinary , but with Nations ( except such only as live more upon their Trade than upon their Territory ) is not to be found : for which cause overbalance of Riches in Mony or Goods , as to the sequel of these Aphorisms , is altogether omitted . 3. IF the Estate be more in Land than in Goods or Mony , the garb and port of the Owner ( whether a Man or a Nation ) gos more if not altogether upon his Land. 4. IF a Man has som Estate , he may have som Servants or a Family , and consequently som Government , or somthing to govern : if he has no Estate , he can have no Government . 5. WHERE the eldest of many Brothers has all , or so much that the rest for their livelihood stand in need of him , that Brother is as it were Prince in that Family . 6. WHERE of many Brothers the eldest has but an equal share , or not so inequal as to make the rest to stand in need of him for their livelihood , that Family is as it were a Commonwealth . 7. DISTRIBUTION of shares in Land , as to the three grand Interests , the King , the Nobility , and the People , must be equal or inequal . 8. EQUAL distribution of Land , as if one man or a few men have one half of the Territory , and the People have the other half , causes privation of Government , and a state of Civil War : for the Lord or Lords on the one side being able to assert their pretension or right to rule , and the People on the other their pretension or right to Liberty , that Nation can never com under any form of Government till that Question be decided ; and , Property being not by any Law to be violated or mov'd , any such Question cannot be decided but by the Sword only . Chap. III 9. INEQUAL distribution of shares in Land , as to the three grand Interests , or the whole Land in any one of these , is that which causes one of these three to be the predominant Interest . 10. ALL Government is Interest , and the predominant Interest gives the Matter or Foundation of the Government . 11. IF one man has the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , the Interest of one man is the predominant Interest , and causes absolute Monarchy . 12. IF a few men have the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , the Interest of the few or of the Nobility is the predominant Interest ; and , were there any such thing in nature , would cause a pure Aristocracy . 13. IT being so that pure Aristocracy , or the Nobility having the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , without a Moderator or Prince to balance them , is a state of War , in which every one , as he grows eminent or potent , aspires to Monarchy ; and that not any Nobility can have Peace , or can reign without having such a Moderator or Prince , as on the one side they may balance or hold in from being absolute , and on the ot●●r side may balance or hold them and their Factions from flying out into Arms : it follows , that if a few men have the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , the Interest of the Nobility being the predominant Interest , must of necessity produce regulated Monarchy . 14. IF the Many , or the People , have the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , the Interest of the Many or of the People is the predominant Interest , and causes Democracy . 15. A PEOPLE neither under absolute or under regulated Monarchy , nor yet under Democracy , are under a privation of Government . CHAP. III. Of the Privation of Government . 1. WHERE a People are not in a state of Civil Government , but in a state of Civil War ; or where a People are neither under a state of Civil Government , nor under a state of Civil War , there the People are under Privation of Government . 2. WHERE one Man , not having the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , yet assumes to himself the whole Power ; there the People are under Privation of Government , and this Privation is call'd Tyranny . 3. WHERE a few Men , not having the whole , or about two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , yet assume to themselves the whole Power ; there the People are under Privation of Government , and this Privation is call'd Oligarchy . 4. WHERE the Many , or the People , not having the whole , or two parts in three of the whole Land or Territory , yet assume to themselves the whole Power ; there the People are under Privation of Government , and this Privation is call'd Anarchy . 5. WHERE the Tyranny , the Oligarchy , or the Anarchy , not having in the Land or Territory such a full share as may amount to the truth of Government , have nevertheless such a share in it as may Chap. IV maintain an Army ; there the People are under privation of Government , and this Privation is a state of Civil War. 6. WHERE the Tyranny , the Oligarchy , or the Anarchy , have not any such share in the Land or Territory as may maintain an Army , there the People are in privation of Government ; which Privation is neither a state of Civil Government , nor a state of Civil War. 7. WHERE the People are neither in a state of Civil Government , nor in a state of Civil War , there the Tyranny , the Oligarchy , or the Anarchy , cannot stand by any force of Nature , because it is void of any natural Foundation ; nor by any force of Arms , because it is not able to maintain an Army ; and so must fall away of it self thro the want of a Foundation , or be blown up by som tumult : and in this kind of Privation the Matter or Foundation of a good orderly Government is ready and in being , and there wants nothing to the perfection of the same , but proper Superstructures or Form. CHAP. IV. Of the Form of Government . 1. THAT which gives the being , the action , and the denomination to a Creature or Thing , is the Form of that Creature or Thing . 2. THERE is in Form somthing that is not Elementary but Divine . 3. THE contemplation of Form is astonishing to Man , and has a kind of trouble or impulse accompanying it , that exalts his Soul to God. 4. AS the Form of a Man is the Image of God , so the Form of a Government is the Image of Man. 5. MAN is both a sensual and a philosophical Creature . 6. SENSUALITY in a Man is when he is led only as are the Beasts , that is , no otherwise than by Appetit . 7. PHILOSOPHY is the knowlege of Divine and Human Things . 8. TO preserve and defend himself against Violence , is natural to Man as he is a sensual Creature . 9. TO have an impulse , or to be rais'd upon contemplation of natural things to the Adoration or Worship of God , is natural to Man as he is a Philosophical Creature . 10. FORMATION of Government is the creation of a Political Creature after the Image of a Philosophical Creature ; or it is an infusion of the Soul or Facultys of a Man into the body of a Multitude . 11. THE more the Soul or Facultys of a Man ( in the manner of their being infus'd into the body of a Multitude ) are refin'd or made incapable of Passion , the more perfect is the Form of Government . 12. NOT the refin'd Spirit of a Man , or of som Men , is a good Form of Government ; but a good Form of Government is the refin'd Spirit of a Nation . Chap. IV 13. THE Spirit of a Nation ( whether refin'd or not refin'd ) can neither be wholly Saint nor Atheist : Not Saint , because the far greater part of the People is never able in matters of Religion to be their own Leaders ; nor Atheists , because Religion is every whit as indelible a Character in man's Nature as Reason . 14. LANGUAGE is not a more natural intercourse between the Soul of one man and another , than Religion is between God and the Soul of a man. 15. AS not this Language , nor that Language , but som Language ; so not this Religion , nor that Religion , yet som Religion is natural to every Nation . 16. THE Soul of Government , as the true and perfect Image of the Soul of Man , is every whit as necessarily religious as rational . 17. THE Body of a Government , as consisting of the sensual part of Man , is every whit as preservative and defensive of it self as sensual Creatures are of themselves . 18. THE Body of a Man , not actuated or led by the Soul , is a dead thing out of pain and misery ; but the Body of a People , not actuated or led by the Soul of Government , is a living thing in pain and misery . 19. THE Body of a People , not led by the reason of the Government , is not a People , but a Herd ; not led by the Religion of the Government , is at an inquiet and an uncomfortable loss in it self ; not disciplin'd by the conduct of the Government , is not an Army for defence of it self , but a Rout ; not directed by the Laws of the Government , has not any rule of right ; and without recourse to the Justice or Judicatorys of the Government , has no remedy of wrongs . 20. IN contemplation of , and in conformity to the Soul of man , as also for supply of those his Necessitys which are not otherwise supply'd , or to be supply'd by Nature , Form of Government consists necessarily of these five parts : The Civil , which is the Reason of the People ; the Religious , which is the Comfort of the People ; the Military , which is the Captain of the People ; the Laws , which are the Rights of the People ; and the Judicatorys , which are the Avengers of their Wrongs . 21. THE parts of Form in Government are as the Offices in a House ; and the Orders of a Form of Government are as the Orders of a House or Family . 22. GOOD Orders make evil men good , and bad Orders make good men evil . 23. OLIGARCHISTS ( to the end they may keep all others out of the Government ) pretending themselves to be Saints , do also pretend that they in whom Lust reigns , are not fit for Reign or for Government . But Libido dominandi , the Lust of Government , is the greatest Lust , which also reigns most in those that have least right , as in Oligarchists : for many a King and many a People have and had unquestionable Right , but an Oligarchist never ; whence from their own argument , the Lust of Government reigning most in Oligarchists , it undeniably follows that Oligarchists of all men are least fit for Government . 24. AS in Houses not differing in the kinds of their Offices , the Orders of the Familys differ much ; so the difference of Form in different Governments consists not in the kinds or number of the Parts , which in every one is alike , but in the different ways of ordering Chap. V hose parts . And as the different Orders of a House arise for the most part from the quantity and quality of the Estate by which it is defray'd or maintain'd , according as it is in one or more of the Family as Proprietors , so is it also in a Government . 25. THE Orders of the Form , which are the manners of the mind of the Government , follow the temperament of the Body , or the distribution of the Lands or Territorys , and the Interests thence arising . 26. THE Interest of Arbitrary Monarchy is the absoluteness of the Monarch ; the Interest of Regulated Monarchy is the greatness of the Nobility ; the Interest of Democracy is the felicity of the People : for in Democracy the Government is for the use of the People , and in Monarchy the People are for the use of the Government , that is , of one Lord or more . 27. THE use of a Horse without his Provender , or of the People without som regard had to the necessitys of Human Nature , can be none at all : nor are those necessitys of Nature in any Form whatsoever to be otherwise provided for than by those five parts already mention'd ; for which cause every Government consists of five parts ▪ the Civil , the Religious , the Military , the Laws , and the Judicatorys . CHAP. V. Of Form in the Civil part . 1. THOSE Naturalists that have best written of Generation , do observe that all things procede from an Eg , and that there is in every Eg a Punctum saliens , or a part first mov'd , as the purple Speck observ'd in those of Hens ; from the working wherof the other Organs or fit Members are delineated , distinguish'd , and wrought into one Organical Body . 2. A NATION without Government , or fallen into privation of Form , is like an Eg unhatch'd ; and the Punctum saliens , or first mover from the corruption of the Former to the generation of the succeding Form , is either a sole Legislator or a Council . 3. A SOLE Legislator , proceding according to Art or Knowlege , produces Government in the whole piece at once and in perfection . But a Council ( proceding not according to Art , or what in a new case is necessary or fit for them , but according to that which they call the Genius of the People still hankering after the things they have bin us'd to , or their old Customs , how plain soever it be made in reason that they can no longer fit them ) make patching work , and are Ages about that which is very seldom or never brought by them to any perfection ; but commonly coms by the way to ruin , leaving the noblest Attemts under reproach , and the Authors of them expos'd to the greatest miserys while they live , if not their Memorys when they are dead and gon to the greatest infamy . 4. IF the Punctum saliens , or first mover in generation of the Form be a sole Legislator , his proceding is not only according to Nature , but according to Art also , and begins with the Delineation of distinct Orders or Members . Chap. V 5. DELINEATION of distinct Organs or Members ( as to the Form of Government ) is a division of the Territory into fit Precincts once stated for all , and a formation of them to their proper Offices and Functions , according to the nature or truth of the Form to be introduc'd . 6. PRECINCTS in absolute Monarchy are commonly call'd Provinces ; and as to the delineation or stating of them , they may be equal or inequal . Precincts in regulated Monarchy , where the Lords or Nobility as to their Titles or Estates ought not to be equal , but to differ as one Star differs from another in Glory , are commonly call'd Countys , and ought to be inequal . Precincts in Democracy , where without equality in the Electors there will hardly be any equality in the Elected ; or where without equality in the Precincts , it is almost , if not altogether impossible there should be equality in the Commonwealth , are properly call'd Tribes , and ought by all means to be equal . 7. EQUALITY or Parity has bin represented an odious thing , and made to imply the levelling of mens Estates ; but if a Nobility , how inequal soever in their Estates or Titles , yet to com to the truth of Aristocracy , must as to their Votes or participation in the Government be pares regni , that is to say Peers , or in parity among themselves : as well likewise the People , to attain to the truth of Democracy , may be Peers , or in parity among themselves , and yet not as to their Estates be oblig'd to levelling . 8. INDUSTRY of all things is the most accumulative , and Accumulation of all things hates levelling : The Revenue therfore of the People being the Revenue of Industry , tho som Nobility ( as that of Israel , or that of Lacedemon ) may be found to have bin Levellers , yet not any People in the World. 9. PRECINCTS being stated , are in the next place to be form'd to their proper Offices and Functions , according to the truth of the Form to be introduc'd ; which in general is to form them as it were into distinct Governments , and to indow them with distinct Governors . 10. GOVERNMENTS or Governors are either Supreme or Subordinat . For absolute Monarchy to admit in its Precincts any Government or Governors that are not subordinat but supreme , were a plain contradiction . But that regulated Monarchy , and that Democracy may do it , is seen in the Princes of Germany , and in the Cantons of Switzerland : Nevertheless these being Governments that have deriv'd this not from the Wisdom of any Legislator , but from accident , and an ill disposition of the matter , wherby they are not only incapable of Greatness , but even of any perfect state of Health , they com not under the consideration of Art , from which they derive not ; but of Chance , to which we leave them . And , to speak according to Art , we pronounce that , as well in Democracy and in regulated as in absolute Monarchy , Governors and Governments in the several divisions ought not to be Soveraintys , but subordinat to one common Soverain . 11. SUBORDINAT Governors are at will , or for life , or upon Rotation or Changes . 12. IN absolute Monarchy the Governors of Provinces must either be at will , or upon Rotation , or else the Monarch cannot be absolute . In regulated Monarchy the Governors of the Countys may be for life or hereditary , as in Counts or Lords ; or for som certain term and upon rotation , as in Viscounts or Sherifs . In Democracy Chap. V the People are Servants to their Governors for life , and so cannot be free ; or the Governors of the Tribes must be upon rotation and for som certain term , excluding the Party that have born the Magistracy for that term from being elected into the like again , till an equal Interval or Vacation be expir'd . 13. THE term in which a man may administer Government to the good of it , and not attemt upon it to the harm of it , is the fittest term of bearing Magistracy ; and three years in a Magistracy describ'd by the Law under which a man has liv'd , and which he has known by the carriage or practice of it in others , is a term in which he cannot attemt upon his Government for the hurt of it , but may administer it for the good of it , tho such a Magistracy or Government should consist of divers Functions . 14. GOVERNORS in subordinat Precincts have commonly three Functions ; the one Civil , the other Judicial , and the third Military . 15. IN absolute Monarchy the Government of a Province consists of one Beglerbeg , or Governor for three years , with his Council or Divan for Civil matters , and his Guard of Janizarys and Spahys , that is , of Horse and Foot , with power to levy and command the Timariots or Military Farmers . 16. IN regulated Monarchy the Government of a County consists of one Count or Lord for Life , or of one Viscount or Sherif for som limited term , with power in certain Civil and Judicial matters , and to levy and command the Posse Comitatus . 17. IN Democracy the Government of a Tribe consists of one Council or Court , in one third part elected annually by the People of that Tribe for the Civil , for the Judicial , and for the Military Government of the same ; as also to preside at the Election of Deputys in that Tribe towards the annual supply in one third part of the common and soverain Assemblys of the whole Commonwealth , that is to say , of the Senat and of the Popular Assembly ; in which two these Tribes , thus delineated and distinguish'd into proper Organs or fit Members to be actuated by those soverain Assemblys , are wrought up again by connexion into one intire and organical Body . 18. A PARLAMENT of Physicians would never have found out the Circulation of the Blood , nor could a Parlament of Poets have written VIRGIL'S Aeneis ; of this kind therfore in the formation of Government is the proceding of a sole Legislator . But if the People without a Legislator set upon such work by a certain Instinct that is in them , they never go further than to chuse a Council ; not considering that the formation of Government is as well a work of Invention as of Judgment ; and that a Council , tho in matters laid before them they may excel in Judgment , yet Invention is as contrary to the nature of a Council as it is to Musicians in consort , who can play and judg of any Ayr that is laid before them , tho to invent a part of Music they can never well agree . 19. IN Councils there are three ways of Result , and every way of Result makes a different Form. A Council with the Result in the Prince makes absolute Monarchy . A Council with the Result in the Nobility , or where without the Nobility there can be no Result , makes Aristocracy , or regulated Monarchy . A Council with the Result Chap. V in the People makes Democracy . There is a fourth kind of Result or Council which amounts not to any Form , but to Privation of Government ; that is , a Council not consisting of a Nobility , and yet with the Result in it self , which is rank Oligarchy : so the People , seldom or never going any further than to elect a Council without any Result but it self , instead of Democracy introduce Oligarchy . 20. THE ultimat Result in every Form is the Soverain Power . If the ultimat Result be wholly and only in the Monarch , that Monarchy is absolute . If the ultimat Result be not wholly and only in the Monarch , that Monarchy is regulated . If the Result be wholly and only in the People , the People are in Liberty , or the Form of the Government is Democracy . 21. IT may happen that a Monarchy founded upon Aristocracy , and so as to the Foundation regulated , may yet com by certain Expedients or Intrusions ( as at this day in France and in Spain ) as to the Administration of it to appear or to be call'd absolute ; of which I shall treat more at large when I com to speak of Reason of State , or of Administration . 22. THE ultimat Result in the whole body of the People , if the Commonwealth be of any considerable extent , is altogether impracticable ; and if the ultimat Result be but in a part of the People , the rest are not in Liberty , nor is the Government Democracy . 23. AS a whole Army cannot charge at one and the same time , yet is so order'd that every one in his turn coms up to give the Charge of the whole Army ; so tho the whole People cannot give the Result at one and the same time , yet may they be so order'd that every one in his turn may com up to give the Result of the whole People . 24. A POPULAR Assembly , rightly order'd , brings up every one in his turn to give the Result of the whole People . 25. IF the popular Assembly consists of one thousand or more , annually changeable in one third part by new Elections made in the Tribes by the People , it is rightly order'd ; that is to say , so constituted that such an Assembly can have no other Interest wherupon to give the Result , than that only which is the Interest of the whole People . 26. BUT in vain is Result where there is not Matter to resolve upon ; and where maturity of Debate has not preceded , there is not yet Matter to resolve upon . 27. DEBATE to be mature cannot be manag'd by a Multitude ; and Result to be popular cannot be given by a Few . 28. IF a Council capable of Debate has also the Result , it is Oligarchy . If an Assembly capable of the Result has Debate also , it is Anarchy . Debate in a Council not capable of Result , and Result in an Assembly not capable of Debate , is Democracy . 29. IT is not more natural to a People in their own affairs to be their own chusers , than upon that occasion to be provided of their Learned Counsil ; in so much that the saying of PACUVIUS , That either a People is govern'd by a King or counsil'd by a Senat , is universally approv'd . 30. WHERE the Senat has no distinct Interest , there the People are counsillable , and venture not upon Debate : where the Senat has any distinct Interest , there the People are not counsillable , but fall into Debate among themselves , and so into Confusion . 31. OF Senats there are three kinds : First , A Senat eligible out of Chap. VI the Nobility only , as that of Rome , which will not be contented to be merely the Council of the People , but will be contending that they are Lords of the People , never quitting their pretensions till they have ruin'd the Commonwealth . Secondly , A Senat elected for life , as that of Sparta , which will be a species of Nobility , and will have a kind of Spartan King , and a Senat upon rotation ; which being rightly constituted is quiet , and never pretends more than to be the learned Council of the People . 32. THIRDLY , Three hundred Senators , for example , changeable in one third part of them annually by new Elections in the Tribes , and constituted a Senat to debate upon all Civil matters , to promulgat to the whole Nation what they have debated , this Promulgation to be made som such convenient time before the Matters by them debated are to be propos'd , that they may be commonly known and well understood , and then to propose the same to the Result of the Popular Assembly , which only is to be the Test of every public Act , is a Senat rightly order'd . FORM of Government ( as to the Civil part ) being thus completed , is sum'd up in the three following Aphorisms . 33. ABSOLUTE Monarchy ( for the Civil part of the Form ) consists of distinct Provinces under distinct Governors , equally subordinat to a Grand Signor or sole Lord , with his Council or Divan debating and proposing , and the Result wholly and only in himself . 34. REGULATED Monarchy ( for the Civil part of the Form ) consists of distinct Principalitys or Countys under distinct Lords or Governors , which if rightly constituted are equally subordinat to the King and his Peerage , or to the King and his Estates assembl'd in Parlament , without whose Consent the King can do nothing . 35. DEMOCRACY ( for the Civil part of the Form ) if rightly constituted , consists of distinct Tribes under the Government of distinct Magistrats , Courts , or Councils , regularly changeable in one third part upon annual Elections , and subordinat to a Senat consisting of not above three hundred Senators , and to a popular Assembly consisting of not under a thousand Deputys ; each of these also regularly changeable in one third part upon annual Elections in the Tribes , the Senat having the Debate , and the Popular Assembly the Result of the whole Commonwealth . CHAP. VI. Of Form in the Religious part . 1. FORM for the Religious part either admits of Liberty of Conscience in the whole or in part ; or dos not admit of Liberty of Conscience at all . 2. LIBERTY of Conscience intire , or in the whole , is where a man according to the dictats of his own Conscience may have the Chap. VI free exercise of his Religion , without impediment to his Preferment or Imployment in the State. 3. LIBERTY of Conscience in part is , where a man according to the dictats of his Conscience may have the free exercise of his Religion ; but if it be not the National Religion , he is therby incapable of Preferment or Imployment in the State. 4. WHERE the Form admits not of the free exercise of any other Religion except that only which is National , there is no Liberty of Conscience . 5. MEN who have the means to assert Liberty of Conscience , have the means to assert Civil Liberty ; and will do it if they are opprest in their Consciences . 6. MEN participating in Property , or in Imployment Civil or Military , have the means to assert Liberty of Conscience . 7. ABSOLUTE Monarchy , being sole Proprietor , may admit of Liberty of Conscience to such as are not capable of Civil or Military Imployment , and yet not admit of the means to assert Civil Liberty ; as the Greec Christians under the Turk , who , tho they injoy Liberty of Conscience , cannot assert Civil Liberty , because they have neither Property nor any Civil or Military Imployments . 8. REGULATED Monarchy , being not sole Proprietor , may not admit naturally of Liberty of Conscience , lest it admits of the means to assert Civil Liberty , as was lately seen in England by pulling down the Bishops , who , for the most part , are one half of the Foundation of regulated Monarchy . 9. DEMOCRACY being nothing but intire Liberty ; and Liberty of Conscience without Civil Liberty , or Civil Liberty without Liberty of Conscience being but Liberty by halves , must admit of Liberty of Conscience both as to the perfection of its present being , and as to its future security : As to the perfection of its present being , for the Reasons already shewn , or that she do not injoy Liberty by halves ; and for future security , because this excludes absolute Monarchy , which cannot stand with Liberty of Conscience in the whole , and regulated Monarchy , which cannot stand safely with it in any part . 10. IF it be said that in France there is Liberty of Conscience in part , it is also plain that while the Hierarchy is standing this Liberty is falling , and that if ever it coms to pull down the Hierarchy it pulls down that Monarchy also : wherfore the Monarchy or Hierarchy will be beforehand with it , if they see their true Interest . 11. THE ultimat Result in Monarchy being that of one Man , or of a few Men , the National Religion in Monarchy may happen not to be the Religion of the major part of the People ; but the Result in Democracy being in the major part of the People , it cannot happen but that the National Religion must be that of the major part of the People . 12. THE major part of the People , being in matters of Religion inable to be their own Leaders , will in such cases therfore have a public leading ; or , being debar'd of their Will in that particular , are debar'd of their Liberty of Conscience . 13. WHERE the major part of the People is debar'd of their Liberty by the minor , there is neither Liberty of Conscience nor Democracy , but Spiritual or Civil Oligarchy . 14. WHERE the Major part is not debar'd of their Liberty of Chap. VI Conscience by the Minor , there is a National Religion . 15. NATIONAL Religion is either coercive , or not coercive . 16. RELIGION is not naturally subservient to any corrupt or worldly Interest , for which cause to bring it into subjection to Interest it must be coercive . 17. WHERE Religion is coercive , or in subjection to Interest , there it is not , or will not long continue to be the true Religion . 18. WHERE Religion is not coercive , nor under subjection to any Interest , there it either is ( or has no obstruction why it may not com to be ) the true Religion . 19. ABSOLUTE Monarchy pretends to Infallibility in matters of Religion , imploys not any that is not of its own Faith , and punishes its Apostats by death without mercy . 20. REGULATED Monarchy coms not much short of the same pretence ; but consisting of Proprietors , and such as if they dissent have oftentimes the means to defend themselves , it dos not therfore always attain to the exercise of the like power . 21. DEMOCRACY pretends not to Infallibility , but is in matters of Religion no more than a Seeker , not taking away from its People their Liberty of Conscience , but educating them , or so many of them as shall like of it , in such a manner or knowlege in Divine things as may render them best able to make use of their Liberty of Conscience , which it performs by the National Religion . 22. NATIONAL Religion , to be such , must have a National Ministry or Clergy . 23. THE Clergy is either a landed or a stipendiated Clergy . 24. A LANDED Clergy , attaining to one third of the Territory , is Aristocracy ; and therfore equally incompatible with absolute Monarchy , and with Democracy : but to regulated Monarchy for the most part is such a Supporter , as in that case it may be truly enough said , that NO BISHOP , NO KING . 25. THE Soverainty of the Prince in absolute Monarchy , and of the People in Democracy , admitting not of any Counterpoise , in each of these the Clergy ought not to be landed ; the Laborer nevertheless being worthy of his hire , they ought to be stipendiated . 26. A CLERGY well landed is to regulated Monarchy a very great Glory ; and a Clergy not well stipendiated is to absolute Monarchy or to Democracy as great an Infamy . 27. A CLERGY , whether landed or stipendiated , is either Hierarchical or Popular . 28. A HIERARCHICAL Clergy is a Monarchical Ordination ; a Popular Clergy receives Ordination from Election by the People . FORM of Government ( as to the Religious part ) being thus completed , is sum'd up in the three following Aphorisms . 29. ABSOLUTE Monarchy ( for the Religious part of the Form ) consists of a Hierarchical Clergy , and of an Alcoran ( or som Book receiv'd in the nature of Scripture ) interpretable by the Prince only and his Clergy , willingly permitting to them that are not capable of Imployments a Liberty of Conscience . Ch. VII 30. REGULATED Monarchy ( for the Religious part of the Form ) consists of an Aristocratical Hierarchy , of the Liturgy , and of the Holy Scriptures ( or som such Book receiv'd for a Rule of Faith ) interpretable only by the Clergy , not admitting Liberty of Conscience , except thro mere necessity . 31. DEMOCRACY ( for the Religious part of the Form ) consists of a Popular Clergy , of the Scriptures ( or som other Book acknowleg'd divine ) with a Directory for the National Religion , and a Council for the equal maintenance both of the National Religion , and of the Liberty of Conscience . CHAP. VII . Of Form in the Military part . 1. A MAN may perish by the Sword ; yet no man draws the Sword to perish , but to live by it . 2. SO many ways as there are of living by the Sword , so many ways there are of a Militia . 3. IF a Prince be Lord of the whole , or of two parts in three of the whole Territory , and divides it into Military Farms at will and without rent , upon condition of Service at their own charge in Arms whenever he commands them , it is the Sword of an absolute Monarchy . 4. IF the Nobility , being Lords of the whole , or of two parts in three of the whole Territory , let their Lands by good pennyworths to Tenants at will , or by their Leases bound at their Commands by whom they live to serve in Arms upon pay , it is the Sword of a regulated Monarchy . 5. IN Countrys that have no Infantry , or Militia of free Commoners , as in France and Poland , the Nobility themselves are a vast Body of Horse , and the Sword of that Monarchy . 6. IF a People , where there neither is Lord nor Lords of the whole , nor of two parts in three of the whole Territory , for the common defence of their Liberty and of their Livelihood , take their turns upon the Guard or in Arms , it is the Sword of Democracy . 7. THERE is a fourth kind of Militia , or of men living more immediatly by the Sword , which are Soldiers of Fortune , or a mercenary Army . 8. ABSOLUTE Monarchy must be very well provided with Court Guards , or a mercenary Army ; otherwise it s Military Farmers having no bar from becoming Proprietors , the Monarchy it self has no bar from changing into Democracy . FORM of Government ( as to the Military part ) being thus completed , is sum'd up in the three following Aphorisms . 9. IN a regulated Monarchy where there is an Infantry , there needs not any Mercenary Army ; and there the People live tolerably well . 10. IN a regulated Monarchy where there is no Infantry , but the Nobility themselves are a vast Body of Horse , there must also be a mercenary Infantry , and there the People are Peasants or Slaves . Ch. VIII 11. THERE is no such thing in nature as any Monarchy ( whether absolute or regulated ) subsisting merely by a mercenary Army , and without an Infantry or Cavalry planted upon the Lands of the Monarch , or of his whole Nobility . CHAP. VIII . Of Form in the Legal part . 1. IF Justice be not the Interest of a Government , the Interest of that Government will be its Justice . 2. LET Equity or Justice be what it will , yet if a man be to judg or resolve in his own case , he resolves upon his own Interest . 3. EVERY Government , being not obnoxious to any Superior , resolves in her own case . 4. THE ultimat Result in every Government is the Law in that Government . 5. IN absolute Monarchy , the ultimat Result is in the Monarch . 6. IN Aristocracy , or regulated Monarchy , the ultimat Result is in the Lords or Peers , or not without them . 7. IN Democracy the ultimat Result is in the People . 8. LAW in absolute Monarchy holds such a disproportion to natural Equity , as the Interest of one Man to the Interest of all Mankind . 9. LAW in Aristocracy holds such a disproportion to natural Equity , as the Interest of a few Men to the Interest of all Mankind . 10. LAW in Democracy holds such a disproportion to natural Equity , as the Interest of a Nation to the Interest of all Mankind . 11. ONE Government has much nearer approaches to natural Equity than another ; but in case natural Equity and Selfpreservation com in competition , so natural is Selfpreservation to every Creature , that in that case no one Government has any more regard to natural Equity than another . 12. A Man may devote himself to death or destruction to save a Nation , but no Nation will devote it self to death or destruction to save Mankind . 13. MACCHIAVEL is decry'd for saying , that no consideration is to be had of what is just or injust , of what is merciful or cruel , of what is honorable or ignominious , in case it be to save a State , or to preserve Liberty ; which as to the manner of expression is crudely spoken . But to imagin that a Nation will devote it self to death or destruction any more upon Faith given or an Ingagement therto tending , than if there had bin no such Ingagement made or Faith given , were nor piety but folly . 14. WHERSOEVER the power of making Law is , there only is the power of interpreting the Law so made . 15. GOD who has given his Law to the Soul of that man who shall voluntarily receive it , is the only Interpreter of his Law to that Soul ; such at least is the judgment of Democracy . With absolute Monarchy , and with Aristocracy , it is an innat Maxim , That the People are to be deceiv'd in two things , their RELIGION and their LAW ; Chap. IX or that the Church orthemselves are Interpreters of all Scripture , as the Priests were antiently of the Sibyls Books . FORM of Government ( as to the Legal part ) being thus completed , is sum'd up in the three following Aphorisms . 16. ABSOLUTE Monarchy ( for the Legal part of the Form ) consists of such Laws as it pretends God has deliver'd or given the King and Priests power to interpret ; or it consists of such Laws as the Monarch shall chuse or has chosen . 17. ARISTOCRACY ( for the Legal part of the Form ) consists of such Laws as the Nobility shall chuse or have chosen ; or of such as the People shall chuse or have chosen , provided they be agreed to by their Lords , or by the King and their Lords . 18. DEMOCRACY ( for the Legal part of the Form ) consists of such Laws as the People , with the advice of their Council , or of the Senat , shall chuse or have chosen . CHAP. IX . Of Form in the Judicial part . 1. MULTIPLICITY of Laws , being a multiplicity of Snares for the People , causes Corruption of Government . 2. PAUCITY of Laws requires arbitrary Power in Courts , or Judicatorys . 3. ARBITRARY Power ( in reference to Laws ) is of three kinds . ( 1 ) In making , altering , abrogating , or interpreting of Laws , which belong to the Soverain Power . ( 2 ) In applying Laws to Cases which are never any one like another . ( 3 ) In reconciling the Laws among themselves . 4. THERE is no difficulty at all in judging of any case whatsoever according to natural Equity . 5. ARBITRARY Power makes any man a competent Judg for his Knowlege ; but leaving him to his own Interest , which oftentimes is contrary to Justice , makes him also an incompetent Judg , in regard that he may be partial . 6. PARTIALITY is the cause why Laws pretend to abhor Arbitrary Power ; nevertheless , seeing that not one case is altogether like another , there must in every Judicatory be som arbitrary Power . 7. PAUCITY of Laws causes arbitrary Power in applying them ; and Multiplicity of Laws causes arbitrary Power in reconciling and applying them too . 8. ARBITRARY Power where it can do no wrong , dos the greatest right ; because no Law can ever be so fram'd , but that without arbitrary Power it may do wrong . 9. ARBITRARY Power , going upon the Interest of One or of a Few , makes not a just Judicatory . 10. ARBITRARY Power , going upon the Interest of the whole People , makes a just Judicatory . 11. ALL Judicatorys and Laws , which have bin made by Arbitrary Power , allow of the Interpretation of Arbitrary Power , and acknowlege an appeal from themselves to it . 12. THAT Law which leaves the least arbitrary Power to the Chap. IX Judg or Judicatory , is the most perfect Law. 13. LAWS that are the fewest , plainest , and briefest , leave the least arbitrary Power to the Judg or Judicatory ; and being a Light to the People , make the most incorrupt Government . 14. LAWS that are perplext , intricat , tedious , and voluminous , leave the greatest arbitrary Power to the Judg or Judicatory ; and raining snares on the People , make the most corrupt Government . 15. SEEING no Law can be so perfect as not to leave arbitrary Power to the Judicatory , that is the best Constitution of a Judicatory where arbitrary Power can do the least hurt , and the worst Constitution of a Judicatory is where arbitrary Power can do the most ill . 16. ARBITRARY Power in one Judg dos the most , in a few Judges dos less , and in a multitude of Judges dos the least hurt . 17. THE ultimat Appeal from all inferior Judicatorys is to som soverain Judg or Judicatory . 18. THE ultimat Result in every Government ( as in absolute Monarchy , the Monarch ; in Aristocracy , or Aristocratical Monarchy , the Peers ; in Democracy , the Popular Assembly ) is a soverain Judg or Judicatory that is arbitrary . 19. ARBITRARY Power in Judicatorys is not such as makes no use of the Law , but such by which there is a right use to be made of the Laws . 20. THAT Judicatory where the Judg or Judges are not obnoxious to Partiality or privat Interest , cannot make a wrong use of Power . 21. THAT Judicatory that cannot make a wrong use of Power , must make a right use of Law. 22. EVERY Judicatory consist● of a Judg or som Judges without a Jury , or of a Jury on the Bench without any other Judg or Judges , or of a Judg or Judges on the Bench with a Jury at the Bar. FORM of Government ( as to the Judicial part ) being thus completed , is sum'd up in the three following Aphorisms . 23. ABSOLUTE Monarchy ( for the Judicial part of the Form ) admits not of any Jury , but is of som such kind as a Cadee or Judg in a City , or as we say in a Hundred , with an Appeal to a Cadaliskar or a Judg in a Province , from whom also there lys an Appeal to the M●phti , who is at the devotion of the Grand Signor or of the Monarch . 24. ARISTOCRACY or Aristocratical Monarchy ( for the Judicial part of the Form ) may admit of a Jury , so it be at the Bar only , and consists of som such kind as Delegats or ordinary Judges , with an Appeal to a House of Peers ; or som such Court , as the Parlament at Paris , which was at the institution in the Reign of HUGH CAPET , a Parlament of soverain Princes . 25. DEMOCRACY ( for the Judicial part of the Form ) is of som such kind as a Jury on the Bench in every Tribe , consisting of thirty persons or more annually eligible in one third part by the People of that Tribe , with an Appeal from thence to a Judicatory residing in the Capital City of the like Constitution , annually eligible in one third part out of the Senat or the popular Assembly , or out of both ; from which also there lys an Appeal to the People , that is to the Popular Assembly . Chap. X CHAP. X. Of the Administration of Government , or REASON OF STATE . 1. AS the Matter of a Ship or of a House is one thing , the Form of a Ship or of a House is another thing , and the Administration or Reason of a Ship or of the House is a third thing ; so the Matter of a Government or of a State is one thing , the Form of a Government or of a State is another , and the Administration of a Government ( which is what 's properly and truly call'd Reason of State ) is a third thing . 2. THERE are those who can play , and yet cannot pack the Cards ; and there are who can pack the Cards , and yet cannot play . 3. ADMINISTRATION of Government , or Reason of State , to such as propose to themselves to play upon the square , is one thing ; and to such as propose to themselves to pack the Cards , is another . 4. REASON of State is that in a Kingdom or a Common-wealth , which in a Family is call'd THE MAIN CHANCE . 5. THE Master of a Family that either keeps himself up to his antient bounds , or increases his Stock , looks very well to the main Chance , at least if his play be upon the square , that is , upon his own Abilitys , or good Fortune , or the Laws ; but if it were not upon the square , yet an Estate however gotten , is not for that a less Estate in it self , nor less descending by the Law to his Successors . 6. IF a People thro their own Industry , or the prodigality of their Lords , com to acquire Liberty ; if a few by their Industry , or thro the folly or slothfulness of the People , com to eat them out , and make themselves Lords ; if one Lord by his Power or his Virtue , or thro their Necessity , their Wisdom , or their Folly , can overtop the rest of these Lords , and make himself King , all this was fair play and upon the square . 7. REASON of State , if we speak of it as fair play , is foren or domestic . 8. REASON of State , which is foren , consists in balancing foren Princes and States in such a manner , as you may gain upon them , or at least that they may not gain upon you . 9. REASON of State , which is domestic , is the Administration of a Government ( being not usurp'd ) according to the Foundation and Superstructures of the same if they be good , or so as not being good that they may be mended , or so as being good or bad they may be alter'd ; or , the Government being usurp'd , the Reason of State then is the way and means wherby such a Usurpation may be made good or maintain'd . 10. REASON of State , in a Democracy which is rightly founded and rightly order'd , is a thing of great facility , whether in a foren or in a domestic relation . In a foren , because one good Democracy , weighing two or three of the greatest Princes , will easily give the Balance abroad at its pleasure ; in a domestic , because it consists not of any more than giving such a stop in accumulation that the State coms not Chap. X to be Monarchical : which one Reason of State being made good , all the rest gos well ; and which one Reason of State being neglected , all the rest coms in time to infallible ruin . 11. REASON of State in a Democracy , which is not right in its Foundations , may flourish abroad , and be one : but at home will languish or be two Reasons of State , that is , the Reason of the State or Orders of the Nobility , which is to lord it over the People ; and the Reason of the popular State or Order , which is to bring the Common-wealth to equality : which two Reasons of State , being irreconcilable , will exercise themselves against one another , first by Disputes , then by Plots , till it coms at last to open Violence , and so to the utter ruin of the Commonwealth , as it happen'd in Rome . 12. REASON of State in an absolute Monarchy ( whether Foren or Domestic ) is but threefold ; as first , to keep its Military Farmers or Timariots to the first Institution ; next to cut him that grows any thing above his due Stature , or lifts up his head above the rest , by so much the shorter ; and last of all to keep its Arms in exercise . 13. IN Aristocratical Monarchy Reason of State ( as to the whole ) is but one thing , that is , to preserve the Counterpoise of the King and the two or the three , or the four Estates : For in som Countrys , as in Poland , there are but two Estates , the Clergy and the Nobility ; in others , as in Sweden , there are four , the Nobility , the Gentry , the Clergy , and the Commons ; in most others there are but three , the Lords Spiritual , the Lords Temporal , and the Commons . 14. IN Aristocratical Monarchy Reason of State ( as to the parts ) is a multifarious thing , every State having its peculiar Reason of State , and the King also his Reason of State : with the King it is to balance the Nobility , that he may hold them under ; Reason of State with the Nobility is to balance the King , lest he should grow absolute ; Reason of State both with the King and the Nobility is to keep down the People ; and Reason of State with the People is to drive at their Liberty . 15. IN Forms that are pure , or in Governments that have no more than an absolute Prince or one State , as absolute Monarchy and equal or pure Democracy , there is but one Reason of State , and that is to preserve the Form intire . In Forms that are mix'd ( as in an inequal Commonwealth where there are two Estates , and in Aristocratical Monarchy where there is a King and two if not three Estates ) there are so many Reasons of State to break the Form , that there has not bin any inequal Commonwealth which either the People have not brought to Democracy , or the Nobility to Monarchy . And scarce was there any Aristocratical Monarchy , where ( to omit the Wars of the Nobility with their King , or among themselves ) the People have not driven out the King , or where the King has not brought the People into Slavery . Aristocratical Monarchy is the true Theatre of Expedientmongers and Stateemperics , or the deep Waters wherin that Leviathan the Minister of State takes his pastime . 16. THE Complaint that the Wisdom of all these latter times in Princes Affairs consists rather in fine deliverys and shiftings of Dangers or Mischiefs when they are near , than in solid and grounded courses to keep them off , is a Complaint in the Streets of Aristocratical Monarchy ; and not to be remedy'd , because the Nobility being not broken , Chap. X the King is in danger , and the Nobility being broken , the Monarchy is ruin'd . 17. AN Absurdity in the form of the Government ( as that in a Monarchy there may be two Monarchs ) shoots out into a mischief in the Administration , or som wickedness in the Reason of State , as in ROMULUS'S killing of REMUS , and the monstrous Associations of the Roman Emperors . 18. USURPATION of Government is a Surfeit that converts the best Arts into the worst : Nemo unquam imperium flagitio acquisitum bonis artibus exercuit . 19. AS in the privation of Virtue , and in Beggery , men are Sharks or Robbers , and the reason of their way of living is quite contrary to those of Thrift ; so in the privation of Government , as in Anarchy , Oligarchy , or Tyranny , that which is Reason of State with them is directly opposit to that which is truly so : whence are all those black Maxims set down by som Politicians , particularly MACCHIAVEL in his Prince , and which are condemn'd to the fire even by them who , if they liv'd otherwise , might blow their fingers . 20. WHERE the Government from a true Foundation rises up into proper Superstructures or Form , the Reason of State is right and streight ; but give our Politician peace when you please , if your House stands awry , your Props do not stand upright . 21. TAKE a Jugler , and commend his Tricks never so much , yet if in so doing you shew his Tricks you spoil him ; which has bin and is to be confess'd of MACCHIAVEL . 22. CORRUPTION in Government is to be read and consider'd in MACCHIAVEL , as Diseases in a man's Body are to be read and consider'd in HIPPOCRATES . 23. NEITHER HIPPOCRATES nor MACCHIAVEL introduc'd Diseases into man's Body , nor Corruption into Government , which were before their times ; and seeing they do but discover them , it must be confest that so much as they have don tends not to the increase but the cure of them , which is the truth of these two Authors . POLITICAL APHORISMS . Obsequium amicos , veritas odium parit . Terent. 1. THE Errors and Sufferings of the People are from their Governors . 2. WHEN the Foundation of a Government coms to be chang'd , and the Governors change not the Superstructures accordingly , the People becom miserable . 3. THE Monarchy of England was not a Government by Arms , but a Government by Laws , tho imperfect or ineffectual Laws . 4. THE later Governments in England since the death of the King , have bin Governments by Arms. 5. THE People cannot see , but they can feel . 6. THE People having felt the difference between a Government by Laws and a Government by Arms , will always desire the Government by Laws , and abhor that of Arms. 7. WHERE the Spirit of the People is impatient of a Government by Arms , and desirous of a Government by Laws , there the spirit of the People is not unfit to be trusted with their Liberty . 8. THE spirit of the People of England , not trusted with their Liberty , drives at the restitution of Monarchy by Blood and Violence . 9. THE Spirit of the People of England , trusted with their Liberty , if the Form be sufficient , can never set up a King ; and if the Form be insufficient ( as a Parlament with a Council in the intervals ▪ or two Assemblys coordinat ) will set up a King without Blood or Violence . 10. TO light upon a good Man , may be in Chance ; but to be sure of an Assembly of good Men , is not in Prudence . 11. WHERE the Security is no more than personal , there may be a good Monarch , but can be no good Commonwealth . 12. THE necessary Action or Use of each thing is from the nature of the Form. 13. WHERE the Security is in the Persons , the Government makes good men evil ; where the Security is in the Form , the Government makes evil men good . 14. ASSEMBLYS legitimatly elected by the People , are that only Party which can govern without an Army . 15. NOT the Party which cannot govern without an Army , but the Party which can govern without an Army , is the refin'd Party , as to this intent and purpose truly refin'd ; that is , by Popular Election , according to the Precept of MOSES , and the Rule of Scripture : Take ye wise men , and understanding , and known among your Tribes , and I will make them Rulers over you . 16. THE People are deceiv'd by Names , but not by Things . 17. WHERE there is a well order'd Commonwealth , the People are generally satisfy'd . 18. WHERE the People are generally dissatisfy'd , there is no Commonwealth . 19. THE Partys in England declaring for a Commonwealth , hold every one of them somthing that is inconsistent with a Common-wealth . 20. TO hold that the Government may be manag'd by a few , or by a Party , is inconsistent with a Commonwealth ; except in a Situation like that of Venice . 21. TO hold that there can be any National Religion or Ministry without public Indowment and Inspection of the Magistracy , or any Government without a National Religion or Ministry , is inconsistent with a Commonwealth . 22. TO hold that there may be Liberty , and not Liberty of Conscience , is inconsistent with a Commonwealth that has the Liberty of her own Conscience , or that is not Popish . 23. WHERE Civil Liberty is intire , it includes Liberty of Conscience . 24. WHERE Liberty of Conscience is intire , it includes Civil Liberty . 25. EITHER Liberty of Conscience can have no security at all , or under Popular Government it must have the greatest security . 26. TO hold that a Government may be introduc'd by a little at once , is to wave Prudence , and commit things to Chance . 27. TO hold that the Wisdom of God in the formation of a House or of a Government , gos not universally upon natural Principles , is inconsistent with Scripture . 28. TO hold that the Wisdom of Man in the formation of a House , or of a Government , may go upon supernatural Principles , is inconsistent with a Commonwealth , and as if one should say , God ordain'd the Temple , therfore it was not built by Masons ; he ordain'd the Snuffers , therfore they were not made by a Smith . 29. TO hold that Hirelings ( as they are term'd by som ) or an indow'd Ministry , ought to be remov'd out of the Church , is inconsistent with a Commonwealth . 30. NATURE is of GOD. 31. SOM part in every Religion is natural . 32. A UNIVERSAL Effect demonstrats a universal Cause . 33. A UNIVERSAL Cause is not so much natural , as it is Nature it self . 34. EVERY man , either to his terror or consolation , has som sense of Religion . 35. MAN may rather be defin'd a religious than a rational Creature ; in regard that in other Creatures there may be somthing of Reason , but there is nothing of Religion . 36. GOVERNMENT is of human Prudence , and human Prudence is adequat to man's Nature . 37. THE Prudence or Government that is regardless of Religion , is not adequat nor satisfactory to man's Nature . 38. WHERE the Government is not adequat or satisfactory to man's Nature , it can never be quiet or perfect . 39. THE major part of Mankind gives it self up in the matter of Religion to the public leading . 40. THAT there may be a public leading , there must be a National Religion . 41. WHERE the minor part takes away the National Religion , there the major part is depriv'd of Liberty of Conscience by the minor . 42. WHERE the major part is depriv'd of Liberty of Conscience by the minor , there they will deprive the minor of that Liberty of Conscience which they might otherwise injoy . 43. IN Israel there was an indow'd Clergy or Priesthood , and a National Religion under inspection of the Magistrat : whence the Christians in Apostolic Times , defraying their own Ministry , could have Liberty of Conscience ; wheras if the Christians by going about to take away Tithes , and abolish the National Religion , had indeavor'd to violat the Consciences of the unconverted Jews , these being far greater in number , must needs have taken away the Liberty of Conscience from the Christians . 44. PAVL in Athens could freely and undisturbedly convert DIONYSIUS and others ; therfore in Athens there was Liberty of Conscience : but if PAUL and his Converts had gon about to drive Hirelings , or an indow'd Priesthood or Clergy out of that Church , who sees not that the Athenians would have driven PAUL and his Converts out of Athens ? 45. THAT there may be Liberty of Conscience , there must be a National Religion . 46. THAT there may be a National Religion , there must be an indow'd Clergy . 47. COMMONWEALTHS have had three ways of Union . As the Athenians , by bringing their Confederats to subjection ▪ As the United Provinces by an equal League : or as the Romans by an inequal League . The first way is tyrannical . In the second , one Commonwealth under the League is no more than another , and each one as to her self has a Negative : which kind of Union is not only obstructive , but tends ( as we have seen both in Holland and Switzerland ) towards Division . In the third way , the Commonwealth uniting other Commonwealths , retains to her self the leading of the whole League , leaving to each of the rest her own Laws , and her own Liberty . 48. TILL a Commonwealth be first fram'd , how such a Commonwealth should make an effectual Union with another Nation , is not possible to be seen . 49. THE new , unpractis'd , and heretofore unheard Union ( as it is vulgarly spoken ) with Scotland , by uniting Deputys of divers Nations , not in a Council apart , or by way of States General , as in the United Provinces , but in the standing Councils of som one Common-wealth in the League , is destructve to Liberty both in England and in Scotland . 50. IF the Commonwealth of England receives Deputys from Scotland in a greater number than that of her own , she receives Law from a foren Interest , and so loses her own Liberty . 51. IF Scotland be receiv'd in an equal number , it obstructs the freedom of both , or occasions War or Dissension . 52. IF Scotland be receiv'd in an inferior number , she receives Law from England , and so loses her Liberty . The like is understood of Ireland . 53. WHERAS a well order'd Commonwealth should give the Balance to her Confederats , and not receive it from them ; the Councils , in which divers others are thus united , tho in a far inferior number of Deputys , yet if these ●y in wait , or lay their heads together , may be overrul'd , obstructed , or overbalanc'd by foren Interests . 54. WHERE Countrys are divers in their Laws , and yet are to receive Laws one from the other , neither the Commonwealth giving Law , knows what to give , nor the Commonwealth receiving Law , understands what she receives : in which case the Union returns to Force or Confusion . 55. THE best way of holding a Nation different or not different in Laws , is the Roman , that is , by way of Province . 56. A PROVINCE , especially if she has strong holds , may by defraying of a small Guard , be kept to a just League , and for the rest injoy her own Laws , her own Government , and her perfect Liberty . Other ways of Union will be found more chargeable , and less effectual , on both sides ; for if England has no Army in Scotland , Scotland will receive no Law from England ; and if England has an Army there , her hold consists not in the Union , but in the Force . The like is to be understood of Ireland . 57. IF a Country be very small , and not able to subsist of it self , as Wales , it may be safely united and held : but the advantage that Wales has in participation of all Magistracys and Offices , is not that which England is able to afford to such a Country as Scotland , without subjecting her neck to the yoke . 58. THE order of a Commonwealth requires , that it consists , first , of a Civil ; secondly , of a Religious ; thirdly , of a Military ; and fourthly , of a Provincial part . The manner of uniting Provinces or different Nations , pertains to the last part ; and in the formation of a Commonwealth , to begin with that first , which is naturally last , is to invert the Order , and by consequence the Commonwealth it self , which indeed is nothing but Order . 59. WHERE there can be any other Government , there can be no Commonwealth . 60. WHERE there can be a Commonwealth , what tumults soever there happen , and which soever prevail , there can be no other Government ; that is to say , without foren Invasion , which throout I must be understood to except . 61. IF Sir GEORGE BOOTH had prevail'd , he must either have introduc'd a Commonwealth , or have restor'd the King. 62. IF the King were restor'd , he must either govern by an Army , or by Parlaments . 63. A KING governing now in England by an Army , would for the same Causes find the same Effects with the late Protector . 64. A KING governing now in England by Parlaments , would find the Nobility of no effect at all . 65. A PARLAMENT , where the Nobility is of no effect at all , is a mere Popular Council . 66. A MERE Popular Council will never receive Law from a King. 67. A MERE Popular Council giving Law to a King , becoms therby a Democracy , or equal Commonwealth ; or the difference is no greater than in the imperfection of the Form. 68. A COMMONWEALTH or Democracy to be perfect in the Form , must consist especially of such an Assembly , the Result wherof can go upon no Interest whatsoever , but that only which is the common interest of the whole People . 69. AN Assembly consisting of a few , may go upon the Interest of one man , as a King ; or upon the Interest of one Party , as that of Divines , Lawyers , and the like ; or the Interest of themselves , and the perpetuation of their Government . 70. THE Popular Assembly in a Commonwealth may consist of too few , but can never consist of too many . 71. IN every Commonwealth there has bin a Popular Assembly ▪ This in Israel at least consisted of twenty four thousand , upon a monthly Rotation . In Athens , Lacedemon , Rome , it consisted of the whole Citizens , that is , of all such as had a right in the Commonwealth , whether they inhabited in City or Country . In Venice it consists of about two thousand . In the Province of Holland only , which contains eighteen or nineteen Soveraintys , the Popular or resolving Assemblys consist at least of five hundred Persons : these in the whole Union , may amount to five or six thousand ; in Switzerland I believe they com to a greater number . And the most of these Assemblys have bin perpetually extant . 72. IF the Popular Assembly consists of so few , and so eminent Persons as are capable of any orderly Debate , it is good for nothing but to destroy the Commonwealth . 73. IF the Popular Assembly consists of so many , and for the greater part of so mean Persons as are not capable of Debate , there must be a Senat to help this defect . 74. THE Reason of the Senat is , that a Popular Assembly rightly constituted , is not capable of any prudent debate . 75. THE Reason of the Popular Assembly is , that a Senat rightly constituted for Debate , must consist of so few and eminent Persons , that if they have the Result too , they will not resolve according to the Interest of the People , but according to the Interest of themselves . 76. A POPULAR Assembly without a Senat cannot be wise . 77. A SENAT without a Popular Assembly will not be honest . 78. THE Senat and the Popular Assembly being once rightly constituted , the rest of the Commonwealth will constitute it self . 79. THE Venetians having slain divers of their Dukes for their Tyranny , and being assembl'd by such numbers in their great Council as were naturally incapable of Debate , pitch'd upon thirty Gentlemen who were call'd Pregati , in that they were pray'd to go apart , and , debating upon the Exigence of the Commonwealth , to propose as they thought good to the great Council : and from thence first arose the Senat of Venice ( to this day call'd the Pregati ) and the Great Council , that is , the Senat and the Popular Assembly of Venice . And from these two arose all those admirable Orders of that Commonwealth . 80. THAT a People of themselves should have such an understanding as when they of Venice did institute their Pregati or Senat , is rare . 81. THAT a Senat or Council of Governors having supreme Power , should institute a popular Assembly , and propose to it , tho in all reason it be the far more facil and practicable , is that which is rarer . 82. THE diffusive body of the People is not in a natural capacity of judging ; for which cause the whole judgment and power of the diffusive Body of the People must be intirely and absolutely in their collective Bodys , Assemblys or Representatives , or there can be no Commonwealth . 83. TO declare that the Assemblys or Representatives of the People have power in som things , and in others not , is to make the diffusive Body , which is in a natural incapacity of judging , to be in a political capacity of judging . 84. TO bring a natural incapacity of judging to a political capacity of judging , is to introduce Government . To bring a natural incapacity of judging to such a collective or political capacity of judging , as yet necessarily must retain the Interest of the diffusive Body , is to introduce the best kind of Government . But to lay any appeal whatsoever from a political capacity of judging , to a natural incapacity of judging , is to frustrat all Government , and to introduce Anarchy . Nor is Anarchy , whether impos'd or obtruded by the Legislator first , or by the People , or their Demagogs or Incendiarys afterwards , of any other kind whatsoever than of this only . 85. TO make Principles or Fundamentals , belongs not to Men , to Nations , nor to human Laws . To build upon such Principles or Fundamentals as are apparently laid by GOD in the inevitable necessity or Law of Nature , is that which truly appertains to Men , to Nations , and to human Laws . To make any other Fundamentals , and then build upon them , is to build Castles in the Air. 86. WHATEVER is violent , is not secure nor durable ; whatever is secure or durable , is natural . 87. GOVERNMENT in the whole People , tho the major part were disaffected , must be secure and durable , because it waves Force , to found it self upon Nature . 88. GOVERNMENT in a Party , tho all of these were well affected , must be insecure and transitory , because it waves Nature , to found it self upon Force . 89. COMMONWEALTHS , of all other Governments , are more especially for the preservation , not for the destruction , of Mankind . 90. COMMONWEALTHS , that have bin given to cut off their diseas'd Limbs ( as Florence ) have brought themselves to impotence and ruin . Commonwealths that have bin given to healing their diseas'd Limbs ( as Venice ) have bin healthful and flourishing . 91. ATHENS under the Oligarchy of four hundred , was infinitly more afflicted and torn with Distraction , Blood and Animosity of Partys , than is England ; yet by introduction of a Senat of four hundred , and a Popular Assembly of five thousand , did therupon , so suddenly as if it had bin a Charm , recover Might and Glory . See the eighth Book of THUCYDIDES ; A Story in these Times most necessary to be consider'd . 92. TO leave our selves and Posterity to a farther purchase in Blood or Sweat of that which we may presently possess , injoy , and hereafter bequeath to Posterity in Peace and Glory , is inhuman and impious . 93. AS certainly and suddenly as a good state of health dispels the peevishness and peril of Sickness , dos a good state of Government the animosity and danger of Partys . 94. THE Frame of a Commonwealth having first bin propos'd and consider'd , Expedients ( in case such should be found necessary for the safe , effectual , and perfect introduction of the same ) may with som aim be apply'd or fitted ; as to a House , when the Model is resolv'd upon , we fit Scaffolds in building . But first to resolve upon Expedients , and then to fit to them the Frame of a Commonwealth , is as if one should set up Props , and then build a House to lean upon them . 95. AS the chief Expedients in the building of a House are Axes and Hammers ; so the chief Expedient in the building of a Government , is a standing Army . 96. AS the House which , being built , will not stand without the perpetual noise or use of Axes and Hammers , is imperfect ; so is the Government which , being form'd , cannot support it self without the perpetual use of a standing Army . 97. WHILE the Civil and Religious parts of a Commonwealth are in forming , there is a necessity that she should be supported by an Army ; but when the Military and Provincial parts are rightly form'd , she can have no farther use of any other Army . Wherfore at this point , and not till then , her Armys are by the practice of Common-wealths , upon slighter occasions , to have half pay for life , and to be disbanded . 98. WHERE there is a standing Army , and not a form'd Government , there the Army of necessity will have Dictatorian Power . 99. WHERE an Army subsists upon the Pay or Riches of a single Person , or of a Nobility , that Army is always monarchical . Where an Army subsists not by the Riches of a single Person , nor of a Nobility , that Army is always popular . 100. THE English Armys are popular Armys . 101. WHERE Armys are popular , and exercise Dictatorian Power in deposing single Persons , and monarchical Assemblys , there can be no greater , nor needs any other Expedient for the introduction of a Commonwealth . Nevertheless to this may be added som such moderat Qualifications as may prune the Commonwealth , not lop off her Branches . Whom these will not satisfy , it is not a Common-wealth , but a Party , that can . 102. IF the late King had freely permitted to the People the exercise of the Power inevitably devolv'd upon them by the change of the Balance , he had not bin destroy'd . If either of the late single Persons had brought the People into an orderly exercise of the Power devolv'd upon them , he had bin great . What Party soever shall hinder the People from the exercise of the Power devolv'd upon them , shall be certainly ruin'd : who or what Party soever shall introduce the People into the due and orderly exercise of the Power devolv'd upon them , shall be forthwith secure and famous for ever . 103. A MAN uses , nourishes , and cherishes his Body , without understanding it ; but he that made the Body understood it . 104. THE reason why the Nations that have Commonwealths , use them so well , and cherish them so much , and yet that so few Nations have Commonwealths , is , That in using a Commonwealth , it is not necessary it should be understood ; but in making a Common-wealth , that it be understood , is of absolute necessity . Caput Reipublicae est nosse Rempub. CICERO . 105. AS the natural Body of a Christian or Saint can be no other , for the frame , than such as has bin the natural Body of an Israelit or of a Heathen ; so the political Bodsy , or Civil Governments of Christians or Saints can be no other , for the frame , than such as have bin the political Bodys or Civil Governments of the Israelits , or of the Heathens . 106. IT shall be as soon found when and where the Soul of a Man was in the Body of a Beast , as when or where the Soul or Freedom natural to Democracy , was in any other Form than that only of a Senat , and an Assembly of the People . 107. IN those things wherin , and so far as Art is directed or limited by the nature of her Materials , it is in Art as in Nature . 108. THAT Democracy , or equal Government by the People , consist of an Assembly of the People , and a Senat , is that wherby Art is altogether directed , limited , and necessitated by the nature of her Materials . 109. AS the Soul of Man can never be in the Body of a Beast , unless GOD make a new Creation ; so neither the Soul or Freedom natural to Democracy in any other Form whatsoever , than that only of a Senat , and a Popular Assembly . 110. THE right Constitution , Coherence , and proper Symmetry of a Form of Government gos for the greater part upon Invention . 111. REASON is of two parts ; Invention , and Judgment . 112. JUDGMENT is most perfect in an Assembly . 113. INVENTION is most perfect in one Man. 114. IN one Man , Judgment wants the strength which is in a multitude of Counsillors . 115. IN a multitude of Counsillors , Invention is none at all . 116. THRO the defect of Invention , the wisest Assemblys in the formation or reformation of Government , have pitch'd upon a sole Legislator . 117. IT is not below the Dignity of the greatest Assembly , but according to the practice of the best Commonwealths , to admit of any man that is able to propose to them , for the good of his Country . 118. TO the making of a well order'd Commonwealth , there gos little more of pains or charge , or work without doors , than the Establishment of an equal or apt Division of the Territory , and the proposing of such Election to the Divisions so made , as from an equal Foundation may raise equal Superstructures ; the rest being but paperwork , is as soon don , as said or voted . 119. WHERE such Elections are propos'd , as being made by the People , must needs produce a well order'd Senat and Popular Assembly , and the People ( who , as we have already found by experience , stick not at the like work ) elect accordingly ; there not the Proposers of any power in themselves , but the whole People by their peculiar and natural right and power , do institute and ordain their whole Commonwealth . 120. THE highest earthly Felicity that a People can ask , or GOD can give , is an equal and well order'd Commonwealth . Such a one among the Israelits , was the Reign of GOD ; and such a one ( for the same reason ) may be among Christians the Reign of CHRIST , tho not every one in the Christian Commonwealth should be any more a Christian indeed , than every one in the Israelitish Commonwealth was an Israelit indeed . Seven Models of a Commonwealth : OR BRIEF DIRECTIONS Shewing how a fit and perfect MODEL OF Popular Government May be made , found , or understood . THERE is nothing more apparent , than that this Nation is greatly disquieted and perplex'd thro a complication of two Causes : The one , that the present state therof is not capable of any other Form than that only of a Popular Government ; the other , that they are too few who understand what is the Form or Model naturally necessary to a Popular Government , or what is requir'd in that Form or Prudence for the sitting of it to the use of this Nation . For these Infirmitys I shall offer som Remedy by a brief Discourse or Direction consisting of two Parts . THE first shewing those Forms or Models of Popular Government , or of Commonwealths , which have bin hitherto extant , whether fit or unfit for the present state of this Nation : The second , shewing a Model or Form of Popular Government fitted to the present state of this Nation . In the first part I shall propose seven Models roughly and generally : In the second , one , but more particularly and exactly . THE FIRST PART . IN every Frame of Government , either the Form must be fitted to the Property as it stands , and this only is practicable in this Nation ; or the Property must be alter'd and fitted to the Frame , which without force has bin somtimes , but very seldom , practicable in any other Nation . Nevertheless , for the better knowlege of the one way , it will be best to propose in both ways . THE FIRST MODEL OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT PROPOS'D . The Commonwealth of Israel . THAT the Nobility , the Gentry , and the People , be persuaded to give up their whole Lands to the Commonwealth . THAT if the whole People shall so give up their Lands , they be divided into twelve equal Precincts , call'd Tribes . THAT the man of greatest quality in every Tribe have about ten thousand pounds a year given to him and his Heirs , with the hereditary Dignity of Prince of his Tribe . THAT som ten other men of the next quality under the Prince in every Tribe , have about two thousand pounds a year in the same given to each of them and their Heirs , with the hereditary Dignity of Patriarchs , or Chief of the Fathers . THAT the remaining part of the Lands , except forty eight Citys and their Suburbs , be distributed to the whole People equally by Lots . THAT it be not lawful for any Prince , Patriarch , or other , to sell or alienat his Land , or any part therof , in such manner , but that upon every fiftieth year , being for this cause a year of Jubile , all Lands within that compass sold or alienated return to the antient Possessors or lawful Heirs . THAT there be one other Tribe added to the twelve ; that this Tribe so added be not local , nor suffer'd to have any Lands at all , except the forty eight Citys above reserv'd , with their Suburbs , that is , with a quantity of Land to each of them , being in depth two thousand Cubits round . That these be settl'd upon them and their Heirs for ever , besides the annual Tithe of the whole Territory , and a piece of Mony every year upon every Head under the notion of an Offering , in regard that other Offerings are now unlawful ; and that this Tribe consist of Clergy , having one hereditary Archbishop , or High Priest , for the Head and Prince of their Tribe . THAT there be no other Law than that of the Word of God only ; and that the Clergy being best skill'd in this Law , be eligible into all Courts of Justice , all Magistracys and Offices whatsoever . THAT the Prince of a Tribe , together with one or more Courts , consisting of twenty three Judges elected by the People of that Tribe for life , be the Government of the same . THAT the People of the twelve local Divisions take by the Ballot wise men and understanding among their Tribes , and of these constitute a Senat for the whole Commonwealth consisting of seventy Elders for life . THAT every local Tribe monthly elect two thousand of their own number ; and that these Elections amounting in all to four and twenty thousand , assemble at the Metropolis or Capital City , and be the monthly Representative of the People . THAT the Senat be a standing Judicatory of Appeal from all other Courts , with power to shew the Sentence of the Laws of God. THAT besides the Law of God , whatever shall be propos'd by the seventy Elders , and resolv'd by the monthly Representative of the People , be the Law of the Land. A SECOND MODEL OF A COMMONWEALTH PROPOS'D . THAT there be a King without Guards . THAT the Word or Command of this King be the Law. THAT this King stirring out of his Palace , it may be lawful for any man to slay him . IN this Model there wants but Security , that while the People are dispers'd the King can gather no Army , to demonstrat , That either the People must be free , or the King a Prisoner . A THIRD MODEL OF A COMMONWEALTH PROPOS'D . The Commonwealth of Sparta . THAT the Nobility , the Gentry , and the People , having upon persuasion given up their Lands to the Public , the whole Territory be divided into one hundred thousand equal Lots , and two more , being each of ten thousand Acres . THAT the inferior Lots be distributed to the People . THAT every man possessing a Lot , be a Citizen . THAT the rest , except only the Children of Citizens , be Servants to , and Tillers of the ground for the Citizens . THAT there be no profess'd Students . THAT no Citizen exercise any Trade , but that of Arms only ; and that the use of Mony , except it be made of Iron , be wholly banish'd . THAT there be two Kings hereditary : That each of them possess one of those Lots of ten thousand Acres . THAT they be Presidents of the Senat , with single Votes ; and that in War they have the leading of the Armys . THAT there be a Senat consisting , besides the Kings , of twenty eight Senators , elected for life by the People . THAT whatever be propos'd by this Senat to the whole People , or any ten thousand of them , and shall be resolv'd by the same , be the Law. THAT there be a Court consisting of five annual Magistrats elected by the People ; and that this Court have power to bring a King , a Senator , or other , that shall openly or secretly violat the Laws , or invade the Government , to Justice . A FOURTH MODEL OF A COMMONWEALTH PROPOS'D . The Commonwealth of Athens . THAT there be a Representative of the People , consisting of five thousand . THAT these annually elect by lot a Senat consisting of four hundred , and a Signory by suffrage consisting of nine annual Princes . THAT each fourth part of the Senat , for one fourth part of their annual term , be a Council of State. THAT the Council of State may assemble the Senat , and propose to the same : That the Senat may assemble the People , and propose to them . And that what is propos'd by the Senat , and resolv'd by the People , be the Law. THAT the executive Power of the Laws made , be more especially committed and distributed in various Functions , and divers Administrations , to the nine Princes . A FIFTH MODEL OF A COMMONWEALTH , PROPOS'D . The Commonwealth of Rome . THAT the whole Nation be divided into three distinct Orders : the one Senatorian , or Nobility ; the other Equestrian , or Gentry ; and the third Plebeian , or Popular . THAT the Equestrian Order be the Cavalry of the Common-wealth , and the Plebeian the Foot. THAT there be a Senat consisting of the Senatorian Order , and of three hundred Senators for life . THAT there be two Magistrats elected by the People , for five years term , call'd Censors . THAT the Censors have power upon cause shewn to remove a Senator out of the Senat ; and to elect a Nobleman , or somtimes a Plebeian , therby made Noble , into the Senat. THAT there be two annual Magistrats elected by the People , call'd Consuls . THAT the Consuls be Presidents of the Senat , and have the leading of the Armys . THAT the Senat ( as they shall see occasion ) may nominat one person to be Dictator for som short term . THAT the Dictator for his term have Soverain Power . THAT there be a Division of the whole People , of what Orders soever , into six Classes , according to the valuation of their Estates . For example : That the first Classis consist of all such as have two thousand pounds a year , or upwards ; the second of all such as have one thousand pounds a year , or upwards , under two ; the third , of all such as have six hundred pounds a year , or upwards , under one thousand ; the fourth , of all such as have three hundred pounds a year , or upwards , under six hundred ; the fifth , of all such as have under the former proportion ; the sixth , of all such as pay no Taxes , or have no Land , and that these be not us'd in Arms. THAT the Senat propose all Laws to be enacted , to an Assembly of the People . THAT all Magistrats be elected by the same . THAT this Assembly of the People consist of the five Classes , in such manner , that if the Votes of the first and second Classes be near equal , the third Classis be call'd ; and if these agree not , the fourth be call'd ; and so for the rest . THAT what is thus propos'd by the Senat , and resolv'd by the People , be the Law. IN this Frame the Senat , by the optimacy of the first and second Classes ( which seldom or never disagree ) carrys all , to the exclusion of the main Body of the People : whence arises continual feud or enmity between the Senat and the People ; who consulting apart , introduce Popular Debate , set up som other way of Assembly , as by Tribes , or by Parishes , with more equality of Votes ; elect Magistrats of their own , make Decrees binding the Senat or Nobility , indeavor to curb their Power by weakning their Balance , or diminishing their Estates : All these tumultuously , and to the alteration of the Government , with so frequent Changes under so divers shapes , as make a very Proteus of the Commonwealth , till having bin all her lifetime afflicted with Anarchy , she ends her days in Tyranny . A SIXTH MODEL OF A COMMONWEALTH PROPOS'D . The Commonwealth of Venice . THAT the Soverain Power be estated upon four thousand select men , to them and their Heirs for ever . THAT there be a great Council consisting of these four thousand ; and that their Sons at five and twenty years of age have right to the same . THAT the great Council elect one Duke for life : That the Duke have a Royal Palace assign'd , with a Guard , at the States charge , and a Revenue of fifteen hundred pounds a year ; and that he bear the Soverain Dignity of the Commonwealth . THAT this Duke have six Counsillors annually chosen by the great Council . That he have no power to sign any Writing , tho in his own Name , nor to do any of his political Functions without his Counsillors . That his Counsillors have power to sign any Writing in the Duke's name , or to do any of his political Functions without him ; and that the Duke with these six Counsillors be the Signory of the Commonwealth . THAT the Signory of this Commonwealth have session and suffrage in all the Councils of the same , with right also to propose to each or any of them , either jointly or severally . THAT one hundred and twenty elected annually by the great Council , together with other Councils and Magistrats , to whom of course the like Honor is appertaining , be the Senat. THAT sixteen other Magistrats propos'd by the Senat , and confirm'd by the great Council for the term of six months , be a Council apart , with three weekly Provosts or Proposers , call'd the College . THAT the Signory may assemble the College , and propose to them ; that the College may assemble the Senat , and propose to them ; and that the Senat may assemble the great Council , and propose to them . And that whatever is resolv'd by the Senat , and not contradicted , nor question'd by the great Council , be the Law. THAT there be a Council of Ten elected annually by the great Council ; and that this Council of Ten , with the Signory , and som of the College , having right of Session and Suffrage in the same , may upon occasion exercise Dictatorian Power in this Commonwealth . THAT the rest of the People under the Empire of this Commonwealth , be disarm'd , and govern'd by Lieutenants of Provinces . That the Commonwealth have a standing Army of strangers or others , in Disciplin and Pay. And that the City wherin she shall reside , be founded in the Sea , after such a manner , that it can no more be approach'd by a Fleet , than by an Army without a Fleet. Otherwise , this Commonwealth is expos'd both to the Provinces , and to a mercenary Army . A SEVENTH MODEL OF A COMMONWEALTH PROPOS'D . The Commonwealth of Holland . THAT the People in every City , and in every Province or County within these three Nations , elect to every City , Province , or County of the same , a matter of twenty , thirty , or forty Magistrats for life . That these Magistrats being so elected , be the Senat of that respective City , Province or County . THAT the Senats , thus elected , thenceforth have and injoy the Soverain Power within their respective Jurisdiction , for ever . That every Senat annually elect two or four Burgomasters or Consuls , to be Presidents of the same . That they also elect seven Magistrats , or present fourteen persons to the Governor of the Province ; and that he elect seven . That the seven so elected be Judges , or have the Executive Power of the Laws for their term , and within their respective Jurisdiction . THAT in case of Affairs of more public and general concern , as War or Peace , levy of Men or Mony , and the like , the Governor of the Province give information of the things to be consider'd , to the Nobility , and to the Senats of that Province ; therwith appointing a time and place for the Assembly of the States Provincial . That each of the Senats , having debated the matter propos'd , delegat one Consul , with som other Senators well inform'd and instructed with their Will and Pleasure , to the Assembly of the States Provincial . That the Nobility of the same Province delegat som of their Order likewise to the Provincial States . That the Delegats both of the Nobility and of the Senats , give the Vote of their Principals according to instruction ; and that neither the Nobility , nor any Senat or Soverainty be otherwise bound , than by their own Vote . THAT the Provincial Estates elect one Magistrat for life , or during pleasure , to be Provincial Governor : That they elect one or more other Magistrats for life , or during pleasure , to be States General . THAT the States General being elected , and well instructed by their Provinces , have the direction of the whole League : That each give not his own Vote , but the Vote of his Province ; and that no Province be otherwise bound , than by her own Vote . IF these Models ( in which I claim to be the first that has laid the whole , and the highest Mysterys of the antient Commonwealths , to the lowest capacity of vulgar Debate ) be not all in the mouths of great men , and in Pamphlets , for Chimeras or Utopias , it is great chance : Yet contain they no less than the whole Revolution of Popular Prudence . Nor is it more certain , that no one of them would fit the present state of this Nation , than that he or they , whose Contemplation and Vnderstanding is not well vers'd in the most , or in the best of these , shall never fit a Model of Popular Government to the present state of this Nation , or of any other . In which assurance , I com to fulfil my promise in the Second Part , or to propose such a Model as is fitted to the present state of this Nation . THE SECOND PART , Proposing a MODEL of A COMMONWEALTH Fitted to the Present State of this Nation . BVT so it is ever , that the Humors or Interests of predominant Partys hold themselves to be National : and that which fits them , can never fit a Nation ; nor that which fits a Nation , ever fit them . This in the introduction of Government , is always the main difficulty . But where Partys are no better founded , or fitted for Vsurpation , than now in England , they are rather to be slighted than consider'd , as those , the stoutest wherof have but given this Example to the rest , that they who in this state of Affairs shall obstruct an equal and well order'd Government , shall but ruin themselves . For which cause it is propos'd : 1. THAT all Citizens , that is , Freemen , or such as are not Servants , be distributed into Horse and Foot. That such of them as have one hundred pounds a year in Lands , Goods , or Mony , or above this proportion , be of the Horse ; and all such as have under this proportion , be of the Foot. 2. THAT all Elders , or Freemen , being thirty years of age or upwards , be capable of civil Administration ; and that the Youth , or such Freemen as are between eighteen years of age and thirty , be not capable of civil Administration , but of military only , in such manner as shall follow in the military part of this Model . 3. THAT the whole native , or proper Territory of the Commonwealth be cast with as much exactness as can be convenient , into known and fix'd Precincts , or Parishes . 4. THAT the Elders resident in each Parish annually assemble in the same , for example upon Monday next insuing the last of December : That they then and there elect out of their own number every fifth man , or one man of every five , to be for the term of the year insuing a Deputy of that Parish ; and that the first and second so elected be Overseers , or Presidents for the regulating of all Parochial Congregations , whether of the Elders , or of the Youth , during the term for which they were elected . 5. THAT so many Parishes lying nearest together , whose Deputys shall amount to one hundred or therabouts , be cast into one Precinct call'd the Hundred ; and that in each Precinct call'd the Hundred , there be a Town , Village , or place appointed to be the Capital of the same . 6. THAT the Parochial Deputys elected throout the Hundred assemble annually , for example upon Monday next insuing the last of January , at the Capital of their Hundred . That they then and there elect out of the Horse of their number one Justice of the Peace , one Juryman , one Captain , one Insign ; and out of the Foot of their number one other Juryman , one High Constable , &c. 7. THAT every twenty Hundreds lying nearest , and most conveniently together , be cast into one Tribe ; that the whole Territory being after this manner cast into Tribes , som Town or place be appointed to every Tribe for the Capital of the same ; and that these three Precincts ( that is , the Parish , the Hundred , and the Tribe ) whether the Deputys thenceforth annually chosen in the Parishes or Hundreds , com to increase or diminish , remain firm and inalterable for ever , save only by Act of Parlament . The Tribes are presum'd throout these Propositions to amount to fifty . 8. THAT the Deputys elected in the several Parishes , together with their Magistrats and other Officers both Civil and Military elected in the several Hundreds , assemble or muster annually , for example upon Monday next insuing the last of February , at the Capital of their Tribe , for the space of two days . 9. THAT this whole Body thus assembl'd , upon the first day of their Assembly elect out of the Horse of their number , one high Sherif , one Lieutenant of the Tribe , one Custos Rotulorum , one Conductor , and two Censors . That the High Sherif be Commander in chief , the Lieutenant Commander in the second place , and the Conductor in the third place , of this Band or Squadron : That the Custos Rotulorum be Mustermaster , and keep the Rolls ; that the Censors be Governors of the Ballot : and that the term of these Magistracys be annual . 10. THAT the Magistrats of the Tribe ( that is to say , the High Sherif , Lieutenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Censors , and the Conductor , together with the Magistrats and Officers of the Hundreds , that is to say , the twenty Justices of the Peace , the forty Jurymen , the twenty High Constables ) be one Troop , or one Troop and one Company apart , call'd the Prerogative Troop or Company . That this Troop bring in and assist the Justices of Assize , hold the Quarter Session in their several Capacitys , and perform their other Functions as formerly . 11. THAT the Magistrats of the Tribe ( that is to say , the High Sherif , Lieutenant , Custos Rotulorum , the Censors , and the Conductor , together with the twenty Justices elected at the Hundreds ) be a Court for the Government of the Tribe call'd the Phylarch ; and that this Court procede in all matter of Government as shall from time to time be directed by Act of Parlament . 12. THAT the Squadron of the Tribe on the second day of their assembly , elect two Knights , and three Burgesses out of the Horse of their number , and four other Burgesses out of the Foot of their number : that each Knight upon election forthwith make Oath of Allegiance to the Commonwealth , or refusing such Oath , the next Competitor in Election to the same Magistracy , making the said Oath , be the Magistrat . The like for the Burgesses . That the Knights thus sworn , have Session in the Senat for the term of three years ; and that the Burgesses thus sworn , be of the Prerogative Tribe or Representative of the People for the like term . 13. THAT for the full and perfect institution of the Assemblys mention'd , the Squadron of the Tribe in the first year of the Commonwealth , elect two Knights for the term of one year , two other Knights for the term of two years , and lastly two Knights more for the term of three years ; the like for the Burgesses of the Horse first , and then for those of the Foot. And that this Proposition be of no farther use than for the first years Election only . 14. THAT a Magistrat or Officer elected at the Hundred be therby bar'd from being elected a Magistrat of the Tribe , or of the first day's Election ; but that no former Election whatsoever bar a man of the second day's Election at the Tribe , or to be chosen a Knight or Burgess . That a man being chosen a Knight or Burgess , who before was chosen a Magistrat or Officer of the Hundred , or Tribe , may delegat his former Office or Magistracy in the Hundred , or in the Tribe , to any other Deputy , being no Magistrat nor Officer , and being of the same Hundred , and of the same Order , that is , of the Horse or Foot respectively . 15. THAT the Knights of the annual Election take their places on Monday next insuing the last of March in the Senat ; that the like number of Knights whose Session determins at the same time , recede . That every Knight or Senator be paid out of the public Revenue quarterly , one hundred twenty five pounds during his term of Session , and be oblig'd to sit in purple Robes . 16. THAT annually on reception of the new Knights , the Senat procede to election of new Magistrats and Counsillors . That for Magistrats they elect one General , one Speaker , and two Censors , each for the term of one year , these promiscuously ; and that they elect one Commissioner of the great Seal , and one Commissioner of the Treasury , each for the term of three years , and out of the new Knights only . 17. THAT the General and the Speaker , as Consuls of the Commonwealth , and Presidents of the Senat , be during the term of their Magistracy paid quarterly out of the public Revenue five hundred pounds ; that the Insigns of these Magistracys be a Sword born before the General , and a Mace before the Speaker ; that they be oblig'd to wear Ducal Robes . And that what is said of the General in this Proposition , be understood only of the General sitting , and not of the General marching . 18. THAT the General sitting , in case he be commanded to march , receive Fieldpay ; and that a new General be forthwith elected by the Senat to succede him in the House , with all the Rights , Insigns and Emoluments of the General sitting ; and this so often as one or more Generals are marching . 19. THAT the three Commissioners of the Great Seal , and the three Commissioners of the Treasury , using their Insigns and Habit , and performing their other functions as formerly , have paid quarterly to each of them three hundred seventyfive pounds . 20. THAT the Censors govern the Ballot ; that they be Presidents of the Council for Religion ; that each have a silver Wand for the Insign of his Magistracy ; that each be paid quarterly three hundred seventy five pounds , and be oblig'd to wear scarlet Robes . 21. THAT the General sitting , the Speaker , and the six Commissioners abovesaid , be the Signory of this Commonwealth . 22. THAT there be a Council of State consisting of fifteen Knights , five out of each Order , List , or Election ; and that the same be perpetuated by the annual election of five out of the new Knights , or those last elected into the Senat. 23. THAT there be a Council for Religion consisting of twelve Knights , four out of each Order , and perpetuated by the annual election of four out of the Knights last elected into the Senat. That there be a Council for Trade , consisting of a like number , elected and perpetuated in the same manner . 24. THAT there be a Council of War not elected by the Senat , but elected by the Council of State out of themselves . That this Council of War consist of nine Knights , three out of each Order , and be perpetuated by the annual election of three out of the last Knights elected into the Council of State. 25. THAT in case the Senat add nine Knights more elected promiscuously , or not promiscuously , out of their own number , to the Council of War , the said Council of War be understood by such addition to be Dictator of the Commonwealth for the term of three months and no longer , except by farther Order of the Senat the said Dictatorian Power be prolong'd for a like term . 26. THAT the Signory have session and suffrage , with right also jointly or severally to propose both in the Senat , and in all Senatorian Councils . 27. THAT each of the three Orders or Divisions of Knights , in each Senatorian Council , elect one Provost for the term of one Week ; and that any two Provosts of the same Council so elected , may propose to the same Council for their term , and not otherwise . 28. THAT som fair Room , or Rooms well furnish'd and attended , be allow'd at the States charge , for a free and open Academy to all comers , at som convenient hour or hours towards the Evening : That this Academy be govern'd according to the rules of good Breeding , or civil Conversation , by som one or more of the Provosts ; and that in this Academy it be lawful for any man , by word of mouth , or by writing , in jest or in earnest , to propose to the Proposers . 29. THAT for Embassadors in Ordinary , there be four Residences , as France , Spain , Venice , and Constantinople ; and that every Resident upon election of a new Embassador in Ordinary , remove to the next Residence in order hereby mention'd , till having serv'd orderly in all the said Residences , he returns home . That upon Monday next insuing the last of November , there be every second year elected by the Senat som fit person , being above twenty five and under thirty five years of age , and not of the Senat , nor of the Popular Assembly . That the Party so elected repair on Monday next insuing the last of March following , as an Embassador in Ordinary to the Court of France , and there reside for the term of two years to be computed from the first of April next insuing his election . That every Embassador in Ordinary be allow'd three thousand pounds a year during the term of his Residences . And that if a Resident coms to dy , there be an extraordinary Election into his Residence for his term , and for the remainder of his removes and progress . 30. THAT all emergent Elections be made by scrutiny , that is by a Council , or by Commissioners proposing , and by the Senat resolving in the manner following : That all Field Officers be propos'd by the Council of War : That all Embassadors Extraordinary be propos'd by the Council of State : That all Judges and Serjants at Law be propos'd by the Commissioners of the Great Seal : That all Barons and Officers of trust in the Exchequer be propos'd by the Commissioners of the Treasury ; and that such of these as are thus propos'd to , and approv'd by the Senat , be held lawfully elected . 31. THAT the cognizance of all foren Negotiation , and of all matter of State to be consider'd , or Law to be enacted , whether Provincial or National , Domestic or Foren , pertain to the Council of State. That all such Affairs of like kind as the Council of State shall judg fit to be carry'd with more than ordinary secrecy , be committed by them , and pertain to the cognizance and trust of the Council of War , to this end consisting of a select Part , or Committee of the Council of State. That the Cognizance and Protection both of the National Religion , and of the Liberty of Conscience , equally establish'd in this Nation , after the manner provided in the religious part of this Model , pertain to the Council for Religion . That all matter of Traffic , and regulation of the same pertain to the Council for Trade . That in the exercise of these several Functions , each being naturally Senatorian or Authoritative only , no Council assume any other Power than such only as shall be particularly or expresly estated upon the same by Act of Parlament . 32. THAT what shall be propos'd to the Senat by any one or more of the Signory , or of the Proposers General ; or whatever was propos'd by any two of the Provosts , or particular Proposers to their respective Council , and upon debate at that Council shall com to be propos'd by the same to the Senat , be necessarily debatable , and debated by the Senat. 33. THAT in all cases wherin Power is deriv'd to the Senat by Law made , or by Act of Parlament , the result of the Senat be ultimat : That in all cases of Law to be made , or not already provided for by Act of Parlament , as som particular Peace or War , levy of Men or Mony , or the like , the Result of the Senat be not ultimat , but preparatory only , and be propos'd by the Senat to the Prerogative Tribe , or Assembly of the People , except only in cases of such speed or secrecy , wherin the Senat shall judg the necessary slowness or openness of like proceding to be of detriment or danger to the Commonwealth . 34. THAT if upon the motion or proposition of a Council , or Proposer General , the Senat add nine Knights , promiscuously or not promiscuously chosen out of their own number , to the Council of War , the said Council of War be therby made Dictator , and have power of Life and Death , as also to enact Laws in all cases of speed or secrecy , for and during the term of three months and no longer , except upon new Order from the Senat : And that all Laws enacted by the Dictator , be good and valid for the term of one year , and no longer , except the same be propos'd by the Senat , and resolv'd by the People . 35. THAT the Burgesses of the annual Election return'd by the Tribes , enter into the Prerogative Tribe on Monday next insuing the last of March ; and that the like number of Burgesses whose term is expir'd , recede at the same time . That the Burgesses thus enter'd , elect to themselves out of their own number two of the Horse , one to be Captain , and the other to be Cornet of the same ; and two of the Foot , one to be Captain , the other to be Insign of the same , each for the term of three years . That these Officers being thus elected , the whole Tribe or Assembly procede to the election of four annual Magistrats , two out of the Foot to be Tribuns of the Foot , and two out of the Horse to be Tribuns of the Horse . That the Tribuns be Commanders in chief of this Tribe so far as it is a Military Body , and Presidents of the same as it is a Civil Assembly . And lastly , that this whole Tribe be paid weekly as follows : to each of the Tribuns of the Horse seven pounds , to each of the Tribuns of the Foot six pounds ; to each of the Captains of Horse five pounds , to each of the Captains of Foot four pounds ; to each of the Cornets three pounds , to each of the Insigns two pounds seven shillings ; to every Horseman one pound ten shillings , and to every one of the Foot one pound . 36. THAT inferior Officers , as Captains , Cornets , Insigns , be only for the Military Disciplin of the Tribe . That the Tribuns have Session in the Senat without Suffrage : That of course they have Session and Suffrage in the Dictatorian Council , so often as it is created by the Senat. That in all cases to be adjudg'd by the People they be Presidents of the Court or Judicatory . 37. THAT Peculat or Defraudation of the Public , and all Cases or Crimes tending to the subversion of the Government , be triable by the Prerogative Tribe or the Assembly of the People ; and that to the same there ly an Appeal in all Causes , and from all Courts , Magistrats , or Councils , National or Provincial . 38. THAT the right of Debate , as also of proposing to the People , be wholly and only in the Senat , without any power at all of Result not deriv'd from the People , and estated upon the Senat by act of Parlament . 39. THAT the power of Result be wholly and only in the People , without any right at all of Debate . 40. THAT the Senat having debated and agreed upon a Law to be propos'd , cause promulgation of the said Law to be made for the space of six weeks before Proposition ; that is , cause the Law to be written fair , and hung up for the time aforesaid in som of the most eminent places of the City , and of the Suburbs . 41. THAT promulgation being made , the Signory demand of the Tribuns sitting in the Senat , an Assembly of the People . That the Tribuns upon such demand of the Signory , or of the Senat , be oblig'd to assemble the Prerogative Tribe in Arms by sound of Trumpet , with Drums beating , and Colors flying , in any Town , Field , or Marketplace , being not above six miles distant , upon the day , and at the hour appointed , except the meeting , thro inconvenience of the Weather , or the like , be prorogu'd by consent of the Signory and of the Tribuns . That the Prerogative Tribe being assembl'd accordingly , the Senat propose to them by two or more of the Senatorian Magistrats therto appointed , at the first promulgation of the Law. That the Proposers for the Senat open to the People the occasion , motives , and reasons of the Senat for the Law to be propos'd ; and that the same being don , they put the Law or Proposition by distinct clauses to the Ballot of the People . That if any material Clause or Clauses of the Proposition , or Law so propos'd , be rejected by the People , the Clause or Clauses so rejected may be review'd , alter'd , and propos'd again to the third time , if the Senat think fit , but no oftner . 42. THAT what is thus propos'd by the Senat , and resolv'd by the People , be the Law of the Land , and no other , except what is already receiv'd as such , or reserv'd to the Dictatorian Council . 43. THAT every Magistracy , Office , or Election throout this whole Commonwealth , whether annual or triennial , be understood of course or consequence to injoin an interval or vacation equal to the term of the same . That the Magistracy or Office of a Knight , and of a Burgess , be in this relation understood as one and the same ; and that this Order regard only such Elections as are National or Domestic , and not such as are foren , or contain'd in the Provincial part of this Model . 44. THAT for an Exception from this Rule , where there is but one Elder of the Horse in one and the same Parish , that Elder be eligible in the same without interval ; and where there be above four Elders of the Horse in one and the same Parish , there be not above half , nor under two of them eligible at the same Election . 45. THAT throout all the Assemblys and Councils of this Commonwealth , the Quorum consist of one half in the time of health , and of one third part in a time of sickness , being so declar'd by the Senat. THE use of the Ballot , being as full of prolixity and abstruseness in writing , as of dispatch and facility in practice , is presum'd throout all Elections and Results in this Model , and for the rest refer'd rather to practice than writing . There remain the Religious , Military and Provincial parts of this Frame : But the Civil part being approv'd , they follow , or being not approv'd , may be spar'd . CONCLUSION ; or , the use of these PROPOSITIONS . THESE Propositions are so laid out to debate or examination , that a man having the mind to weigh , discourse upon , or object against this Model , may do it in the parts with the greatest convenience . ANY examination of , or objection against the whole , or any part in print or in writing , the Author holds himself bound to acknowlege or answer : But as to mere discourse upon matters of this compass , it is usually narrow ; besides that in writing a man must put himself upon better aim than he can be oblig'd to take in discourse . ANY one objection lying in writing against any one Order in this part of the Model , after such manner as to shew that the Part or Order so invaded ought to be expung'd , alter'd , or amended , unless it may be expung'd , alter'd , or amended accordingly , destroys the whole . AND any one or more Objections so lying against any one or more of these Orders or Propositions , that therby they may be expung'd , alter'd or amended , must in the whole or in part make a better Model . IN this case therfore , or in case no Objection lys , the use of these Propositions will be such , as therby any Man or any Assembly of men , considering or debating upon them in order , may find or make a true Model of a well order'd Commonwealth . AND that an Assembly can never make or frame a Model of any Government otherwise than in som such manner , is provable first by a demonstration from the effect ; and secondly by a demonstration from the cause . THE demonstration from the Effect is , that an Assembly no otherwise frames a Law or Order , than by having it first pen'd by som one man , and then judging upon it ; and the Model of a Commonwealth must consist of many Laws or Orders . THE demonstration from the Cause is , that wheras Reason consists of two parts , the one Invention , and the other Judgment , a Man may be as far beyond any Assembly for Invention , as any Assembly can be beyond a Man for Judgment ; or which is more , that the formation of a Model of Government requires a strong faculty of Invention , and that an Assembly is naturally void of all manner of Invention . Nov. 13. 1658. THE Ways and Means Wherby an Equal and Lasting COMMONWEALTH May be suddenly introduc'd , and perfectly founded , with the free Consent and actual Confirmation of the Whole People of England . Scire tuum nihil est , nisi te scire hoc sciat alter . Pers . A WORD fitly spoken is like Apples of Gold in Pictures of Silver . THE Desire of the People of England now runs strongly to have a Free Parlament . LET there be a free Parlament . TO the end that the People may be most equally represented , or that the Parlament may be Freest , LET there be a new Division of England and Wales , with as much equality as may stand with convenience , into fifty Shires . LET every Shire elect annually two Knights to be of one House , and seven Deputys to be of another House of Parlament , for the term of three years . For the first year only , let the Deputys in each Division be elected triple , that is , seven for the term of one year , seven for the term of two years , and seven for the term of three years . The like for the Knights , save only that the present Parlament remain ; that is , let two Knights in each Division be elected the first year only for the term of one year , two other Knights at the same time for the term of two years ; and let the present Parlament be the triennial part of the Knights House for the first Election . THE House of Knights and the House of Deputys being assembl'd , let the House of Knights debate and propose . LET what is propos'd by the House of Knights , be promulgated for the space of six weeks . PROMULGATION being thus made , let the House of Deputys meet , and give their Result upon the Proposition . LET what was thus propos'd by the Senat or House of Knights , and resolv'd by the People or House of Deputys , be the Law. IN this Constitution these Councils must of necessity contain the Wisdom , and the Interest of the Nation . IN this method , Debate must of necessity be mature . IF it be according to the Wisdom and the Interest of the Nation upon mature debate that there be a King , let there be a King. IF it be according to the Wisdom and the Interest of the Nation upon mature debate , that there be a Commonwealth ; two Assemblys in this Order are actually a Commonwealth , and so far a well order'd Commonwealth , that they are capacitated and inclin'd to reach to themselves whatever furniture shall be further necessary in more particular Orders , which also is at hand . TILL this or the like be don , the Line of the late King and the People must be fellowsufferers ; in which case the impatience of the People must be for the restitution of that Line at all adventures . BUT this or the like being once don , immediatly the Line of the late King and the People becom Rivals , in which case they will never restore Monarchy . WILL never , may som say ? But if the Senat and the Popular Assembly be both Royalists , they both will and can restore Monarchy . THO both Royalists , they neither will nor can : for let them , that look no further than home or self , say what they will , to affirm that a Senat , and a Popular Assembly thus constituted can procreat Monarchy , is to affirm that a Horse and a Mare can generat a Cat ; that Wheat being rightly sown may com up Pease ; or that a River in its natural channel may run upwards . IN the present case of England , Commonwealthsmen may fail thro want of Art , but Royalists must fail thro want of Matter ; the former may miss thro impotence , the latter must thro impossibility . Or where the State is purely popular , that is , not overbalanc'd by a Lord or Lords ; let there be one Example , or one Reason given that there is , was , or ever can be Monarchy ▪ There will be this when all fails , for the aftergame , tho the work should fall , as is like enough , into the hands of Royalists . CERTAIN it is , that where any privat Citizen or Freeman might not ( som way or other ) propose , there never was a well order'd Commonwealth . UPON this incouragement I offer'd this Paper to good hands , but it was ( according to custom ) thrown after me . SO it went in the Protector 's time , in every Revolution since . La fortuna accieca gli animi de gli huomini ; but that is Atheism , that 's MACCHIAVEL . WELL , but now says the Protectorian Family , O that we had set up the equal Commonwealth ! So say broken Parlaments and Statesmen ; so say the sadly mistaken Sectarys ; so say the cashier'd Officers ; so says he that would have no nay , but Oligarchy was a good word ; and so will more say after these , except they learn to say after another , Aut reges non exigendi fuerunt , aut plebi re , non verbo , danda libertas ; either the Kings ought not to have bin driven out , or the People to have their Liberty not in word , but in deed : but that is Heathenism , that 's CICERO ; well this is Christian , if there will b● no such saying , I would there might be no swearing . Feb. 6. 1659. THE HUMBLE PETITION OF DIVERS Well affected Persons , Deliver'd the 6 th day of July , 1659. With the PARLAMENT'S Answer therto . TO THE SUPREME AUTHORITY , THE Parlament of the Commonwealth of England ; The Humble Petition of divers well affected Persons , SHEWS , THAT your Petitioners have for many years observ'd the breathings and longings of this Nation after Rest and Settlement , and that upon mistaken grounds they have bin ready even to sacrifice and yield up part of their own undoubted right , to follow after an appearance of it . AND your Petitioners do daily see the bad effects of long continu'd Distractions , in the ruins and decays of Trade foren and domestic ; and in the advantages that are taken to make Confederacys to involve the Nation in Blood and Confusion , under pretence of procuring a Settlement . THAT it has bin the practice of all Nations , on the subversion of any form of Government , to provide immediatly a new Constitution sutable to their condition ; with certain Successions and Descents , that so both their Lawgivers and Magistrats might use their several Trusts , according to the establish'd Constitution ; and the Peoples minds be settl'd secure , and free from attemts of introducing several forms of Government , according to the variety of their Fancys , or corrupt Interests . THAT God has preserv'd this Nation wonderfully without example many years , since the dissolution of the old form of Government by King , Lords and Commons ; there having bin no fundamental Constitutions of any kind duly settl'd , nor any certain Succession provided for the Legislative Power ; but even at this instant , if by any sudden sickness , design , or force , any considerable numbers of your Persons should be render'd incapable of meeting in Parlament , the Commonwealth were without form of successive Legislature or Magistracy , and left to the mercy of the strongest Faction . Yet we have reason to remember in these years of unsettlement , the inexpressible sufferings of this Nation in their Strength , Wealth , Honor , Liberty , and all things conducing to their welbeing ; and we have like reason now sadly to apprehend the impending ruin . And we cannot discern a possibility of your Honors unanimous and expeditious procedings towards our Countrys preservation , and relief from its heavy pressures , while your minds are not settl'd in any known Constitution of Government or fundamental Orders ; according to which , all Laws should be made : but divers or contrary Interests may be prosecuted on different apprehensions of the Justice and Prudence of different forms of Government , tho all with good intentions . YOVR Petitioners therfore conceiving no remedy so effectual against the present Dangers , as the settlement of the Peoples minds , and putting them into actual security of their Propertys and Libertys , by a due establishment of the Constitution under which they may evidently apprehend their certain injoyment of them ; and therupon , a return of their Trade and free Commerce , without those continual fears that make such frequent stops in Trade , to the ruin of thousands . AND your Petitioners also observing , that the Interest of the late King's Son is cry'd up , and promoted daily , upon pretence , that there will be nothing but Confusion and Tyranny , till he com to govern ; and that such as declare for a Commonwealth , are for Anarchy and Confusion , and can never agree among themselves , what they would have . VPON serious thoughts of the Premises , your Petitioners do presume with all humility , and submission to your Wisdom , to offer to your Honors their Principles and Proposals concerning the Government of this Nation : Wherupon , they humbly conceive , a just and prudent Government ought to be establish'd , viz. 1. THAT the Constitution of the Civil Government of England by King , Lords , and Commons , being dissolv'd , whatever new Constitution of Government can be made or settl'd according to any rule of Righteousness , it can be no other than a wise Order or Method , into which the free Peoples Deputys shall be form'd for the making of their Laws , and taking care for their common safety and welfare in the execution of them : For , the exercise of all just Authority over a free People , ought ( under God ) to arise from their own Consent . 2. THAT the Government of a free People ought to be so settl'd , that the Governors and Govern'd may have the same Interest in preserv●ng the Government , and each others Propertys and Libertys respectively ; that being the only sure foundation of a Commonwealth's Unity , Peace , Strength , and Prosperity . 3. THAT there cannot be a Union of the Interests of a whole Nation in the Government , where those who shall somtimes govern , be not also somtimes in the condition of the Govern'd ; otherwise the Governors will not be in a capacity to feel the weight of the Government , nor the Govern'd to injoy the advantages of it : And then it will be the interest of the major part to destroy the Government , as much as it will be the interest of the minor part to preserve it . 4. THAT there is no security that the Supreme Authority shall not fall into Factions , and be led by their privat Interest to keep themselves always in power , and direct the Government to their privat advantages , if that Supreme Authority be settl'd in any single Assembly whasoever , that shall have the intire power of propounding , debating and resolving Laws . 5. THAT the Soverain Authority in every Government , of what kind soever , ought to be certain in its perpetual Successions , Revolutions , or Descents ; and without possibility ( by the judgment of human Prudence ) of a death or failure of its being , because the whole form of the Government is dissolv'd if that should happen , and the People in the utmost imminent danger of an absolute Tyranny , or a War among themselves , or Rapin and Confusion . And therfore where the Government is Popular , the Assemblys in whom reside the Supreme Authority , ought never to dy or dissolve , tho the Persons be annually changing : neither ought they to trust the Soverain care of the strength and safety of the People out of their own hands , by allowing a Vacation to themselves , lest those that should be trusted be in love with such great Authority , and aspire to be their Masters , or else fear an Account , and seek the dissolution of the Commonwealth to avoid it . 6. THAT it ought to be declar'd as a Fundamental Order in the Constitution of this Commonwealth , that the Parlament being the Supreme Legislative Power , is intended only for the exercise of all those Acts of Authority that are proper and peculiar to the Legislative Power ; and to provide for a Magistracy , to whom should appertain the whole Executive Power of the Laws : and no Case either Civil or Criminal to be judg'd in Parlament , saving that the last Appeals in all Cases , where Appeals shall be thought fit to be admitted , be only to the Popular Assembly ; and also that to them be refer'd the Judgment of all Magistrats in Cases of Maladministrations in their Offices . AND in prosecution of these Principles , YOVR Petitioners humbly propose for the settlement of this Commonwealth , that it be ordain'd , 1. THAT the Parlament or the supreme Authority of England , be chosen by the free People , to represent them with as much equality as may be . 2. THAT a Parlament of England shall consist of two Assemblys , the lesser of about three hundred , in whom shall reside the intire power of consulting , debating , and propounding Laws : the other , to consist of a far greater number , in whom shall rest the sole power of resolving all Laws so propounded . 3. THAT the free People of England , in their respective divisions at certain days and places appointed , shall for ever annually chuse one third part to each Assembly , to enter into their Authority , at certain days appointed : the same days , the Authority of a third of each of the said Assemblys to cease , only in the laying the first Foundation in this Commonwealth's Constitution : the whole number of both the Assemblys to be chosen by the People respectively , viz. one third of each Assembly to be chosen for one year , one third for two years , and one third for three years . 4. THAT such as shall be chosen , having serv'd their appointed time in either of the said Assemblys of Parlament , shall not be capable to serve in the same Assembly during som convenient interval or vacation . 5. THAT the Legislative Power do wholly refer the execution of the Laws to the Magistracy , according to the sixth Principle herein mention'd . 6. THAT in respect to Religion and Christian Liberty , it be ordain'd that the Christian Religion by the appointment of all succeding Parlaments , be taught , and promulgated to the Nation , and public Preachers therof maintain'd : and that all that shall profess the said Religion , tho of different Persuasions in parts of the Doctrin , or Disciplin therof , be equally protected in the peaceable profession , and public exercise of the same ; and be equally capable of all Elections , Magistracys , Preferments in the Commonwealth , according to the order of the same . Provided always , that the public exercise of no Religion contrary to Christianity be tolerated ; nor the public exercise of any Religion , tho professedly Christian , grounded upon , or incorporated into the Interest of any Foren State or Prince . THESE your Petitioners humbly conceive to be the Essentials of the form of a free Commonwealth , which if they were made fit for practice by your Honors appointing the numbers , times , places , and all other necessary circumstances , and settl'd as the fundamental Orders of the Commonwealth , would naturally dispose those that should hereafter be chosen into the Parlaments , from the love of their own interest to seek the common good , being oblig'd by the Constitutions here humbly offer'd to partake with the whole body of the People , of the good or evil that shall happen to the Commonwealth , having no probable temtations or means left to compass any privat or factious ends in matters Religious or Civil . And your Petitioners cannot imagin a greater security for the Cause and Interest contended for with such effusion of Blood , than by disposing the free People into this kind of order , wherby the same Cause would becom their common Interest . Yet if your Honors should think it necessary or convenient for securing the minds of such as are doubtful and jealous that the People may betray their own Libertys , there may be inserted into the fundamental Orders of the Commonwealth , these following Expedients , viz. 1. THAT for securing the Government of this Commonwealth , and of the Religious and Civil freedom of the good People therof , it may be for ever esteem'd and judg'd Treason against the Common-wealth , for any Member of either Assembly of Parlament , or any other person whatsoever , to move or propose in either of the said Assemblys , the restitution of Kingly Government , or the introduction of any single Person to be chief Magistrat of England , or the alteration of that part of the fundamental Order herein contain'd that concerns the equal freedom and protection of Religious persons of different Persuasions . 2. THAT about the number of twelve persons of the most undoubted Fidelity and Integrity , may be authoriz'd and impower'd , for som certain number of years next insuing , to seize , apprehend , and in safe custody to detain any person or persons whatsoever , till he or they be in due form of Law deliver'd , as is hereafter specify'd , that shall move or propose in either of the said Assemblys of Parlament the restitution of Kingly Government , or the introduction of any single Person to be chief Magistrat of this Commonwealth , or the alteration of that part of the fundamental Order herein contain'd , that concerns the equal freedom and protection of religious persons of different persuasions ; but for no other matter or cause whatsoever . And when it shall happen that any person or persons shall be arrested or seiz'd for any of the causes aforesaid , in manner aforesaid , then a Commission of Oyer and Terminer may issue forth in due form of Law to the said twelve , or any six of them , to procede in due form of Law , within one month after the apprehension of any such person or persons , to the arrainment and public trial of every such person or persons ; and upon the legal conviction of him or them by the testimony of two sufficient Witnesses of any of the Treasons herein declar'd , to condemn to the pains of death , and to cause the same Judgment to be duly executed : and the Keeper or Keepers of the Great Seal of England that shall be for the time being , may be authoriz'd and requir'd from time to time during the term of years , to issue out Commissions to the said twelve or any six of them , authorizing them to procede as aforesaid . AND if your Honors shall further judg it convenient , the fundamental Orders of the Government may be consented to or subscrib'd by the People themselves , if their express Pact shall be esteem'd any additional security ; other Nations , upon the like occasions of expulsion of their Kings , having taken the Peoples Oaths against their returning : And the same may be proclaim'd as often as our Ancestors provided for the proclaiming of Magna Charta , and any further security also added , if any can be found among men , that has a foundation in Justice . NOW your Petitioners having , with humble submission to your grave Wisdoms , thus declar'd their apprehensions of the present condition of this distracted Nation , and the only effectual means under God to prevent the impending Mischiefs ; They do must humbly pray , THAT such speedy considerations may be had of the Premises as the Condition of this Nation requires ; and that such a method may be settled for the debating and consulting about the Government , that your wise Results may be seasonable for the healing all the breaches of the Commonwealth , and establishing the sure foundations of Freedom , Justice , Peace , and Unity . And your Petitioners shall always pray , &c. Wednesday July the 6 th , 1659. THE House being inform'd that divers Gentlemen were at the door with a Petition , they were call'd in , and one of the Petitioners in behalf of himself and the rest said , We humbly present you a Petition , to which we might have had many thousand hands , but the Matter rather deserves your serious Consideration than any public Attestation ; and therfore we do humbly present it to this Honorable House . Which , after the Petitioners were withdrawn , was read , and was intitl'd , The humble Petition of divers wellaffected Persons . Resolv'd , THAT the Petitioners have the Thanks of the House . THE Petitioners were again call'd in , and Mr. Speaker gave them this Answer . Gentlemen , THE House has read over your Petition , and find it without any privat end , and only for the public Interest ; and I am commanded to let you know that it lys much upon them to make such a Settlement as may be most for the good of Posterity : and they are about that work , and intend to go forward with it with as much expedition as may be . And for your parts they have commanded me to give you Thanks : and in their names I do give you the Thanks of this House accordingly . Tho. St. Nicholas Clerc of the Parlament . FINIS . Advertisement . DIscourses concerning Government , by ALGERNON SIDNEY , Son to ROBERT Earl of Leicester , and Ambassador from the Commonwealth of England to CHARLES GUSTAVUS King of Sweden . Published from an Original Manuscript of the Author . Price 15 s. A Complete Collection of the Historical , Political , and Miscellaneous Works of JOHN MILTON , both English and Latin. With som Papers never before publish'd . In 3 Vol. To which is prefix'd , The Life of the Author , containing , besides the History of his Works , several extraordinary Characters of Men , and Books , Sects , Partys , and Opinions . Price 35 s. Both printed by J. DARBY , and sold by the Booksellers . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45618-e1230 * Wright's Antiquitys of the County of Rutland , p. 52. Notes for div A45618-e7510 a And Sister to Sir Philip Sidney Kt. b Who was afterwards created Ld Harrington , and his Lady was Governess to the Queen of Bohemia . His Family is extinct as to Heirs Male : One of his Daughters was marry'd to the Earl of Bedford , and was Groom of the Stole to Q. Ann. The other was marry'd to a Scotch Lord whose name was Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin ; his Grandson now Lord Alisbury . c Who happen'd to be President of Ireland ; and from him descended my Lady Fretchavil's Father , my Lady Morison , and my Lord Falkland's Lady . d Afterwards Baronet : To him were born Sir Edward Harrington , Sir Sapcotes Harrington , and Mr. John Harrington ; who had Issue both Sons and Daughters . e Who was Father to the Lord Montague , the Earl of Manchester , and Lord Privy Seal ; and Sir Sidney Montague , who was afterwards created Earl of Sandwich ; and to the Earl of Rutlana's Lady , and Judg Montague . f Who was afterwards created Lord Chichester and Earl of Dunsmore ; and marry'd one of his Daughters to the Earl of Southamton , by whom he had the present Lady Northumberland . And his other Daughter marry'd her self to Col. Vill●rs , and is now Governess to the Lady Mary the Duke of York's eldest Daughter . g Which Dukedom afterwards fell to him ; and by this Lady he had one sole Daughter and Heir , who is said to have marry'd the Duke of Ferio , and by him to have had one Daughter , who is marry'd to a King of Portugal . h Of Lincolnshire , the King's Standard-bearer . i An antient noble Family in Kent . k Now Lord Cambden , Owner of the place where this Monument is . l One of whose Daughters marry'd the Earl of Hume in Scotland , and had by him two Daughters ; one married my Lord Morrice , and the other my Lord Maitland now Duke of Lauderdale . The other Daughter of my Lady Dudley was Heir to the Honour of Dudley Castle ; of whose Issue by the Mother's side is the present Lord Dudley . Notes for div A45618-e9540 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rom. 13. Notes for div A45618-e14010 Pliny's Description of Oceana . The Nature of the People . * Terra potens armis atque ubere gleba . The Nature of the Marpesians . The Nature of the Panopeans . The Situation of the Common-wealth of Oceana . Notes for div A45618-e14940 Definitions of Government . Pag. 180. Pag. 377. * Magistratus est lex armata . Pag. 111. Division of Government . Goods of the Mind and of Fortune . Empire and Authority . * Regebat magis Autoritate quam Imperio . Empire . Division of Empire . Domestic Empire . Dominion . Balance in Lands . Absolute Monarchy . Mix'd Monarchy . Popular Government . Tyranny . Oligarchy . Anarchy . * Si terra recedat , Ionium Aegaeo frangat mare . Balance in Mony. Pag. 89. Arms and Contracts . Pag. 90. * Censuere patres , jussit populus . Pag. 89. B. 5 , 3. 3 , 9. D. B. 1. c. 55. The right of the Militia stated . * Consules sine lege Curiata rem militarem attingere non potuerunt . The Balance of foren Empire . Authority . Eccles . 10. 15. Tacit. Grot. Pag. 110. ●obs . Hooker . B. 1. Grot. The Orders of popular Government in Nature . * Authoritas Patrum . Deut. 1. 13. † Senatusconsulta . ‖ Ferre ad Populum . The People . * Authoritate Patrum & jussu Populi . The Magistracy . The Orders of a Commonwealth in experience , as that Of Israel . Numb . 1. Josh . ch . 13 , to ch . 42. The People . Numb . 10. 7. Numb . 10. 4. Numb . 10. 3. Judg. 20. 2. Acts 19. 23. Judg. 20. 2. Exod. 19. 1 Sam. 8. 7. Deut. 29. Josh . 7. 16. Judg. 20. 8 , 9 , 10. 1 Sam. 7. 6 , 7 , 8. 1 Chron. 13. 2. 2 Chron. 30. 4. Judg. 11. 11. 1 Sam. 10. 17. 1 Mac. 14. Exod. 9. 3 , 4 , 5. Josh . 7. 1 Sam. 10. The Senat. Numb . 11. Deut. 1. Numb . 11. John. The Magistracy . Deut. 17. 9 , 10 , 11. Exod. 18. Of Athens . Of Lacedemon Of Carthage . Of Rome . Of Venice . Of Switzerland and Holland . Pag. 170. Division of Common-wealths . Equal Agrarian . Rotation . Prolongation of Magistracy . Ballot . * Qui beneficium accepit libertatem vendidit . † Grata populo est tabella quae frontes aperit hominum , mentes tegit , datque cam libertatem ut quod velint faciant . Definition of an equal Common-wealth . * Uno avulso , non deficit alter Aureus , & simili frondescit virga metallo . An inequal Commonwealth . Deut. 1. * De Legibus . † De Judiciis . Of Laws . Deut. 17. Deut. 18. 10. 2 Kings 1. 1 Kings 18. 19. Of Courts . Notes for div A45618-e20320 The Transition of Antient into Modern Prudence . * Nemo nocetur nisi ex se . The Agrarian Laws of the Romans . Sigonius de Ant. Ro. Military Colonys . The Balance of the Roman Empire . * Comitia cum populo s●rtitus est . Dion . † Neque id existima●e debes autorem me tibi esse , ut tyrannidem in S. P. Q. R. in servitutem redactum teneas : quod neque dicere meum , n●que facere tuum est . P. cap. 19. Macchiavel . The Gothic Balance . Institution of Feudatory Principalitys . For the proof of the insuing Discourse out of Records and Antiquitys , see Selden's Titles of Honor , from pag. 593 , to pag. 837. The Teuton Monarchy . Earls . Kings Thane . Middle Thane . Shiremoot . Viscounts . Halymoot . Weidenagemoots . 25 Edw. 3. c. 1. Monarchy of the Neus●rians . Their Earls . 27 11. 8. Their Barons . Barons by their Possessions . Cook 11. Inst . pag. 596. Balance of the Neustrian Monarchy . 4 Rich. 2. Num. 13. Administration of the Neustrian Monarchy during the reign of the first Kings . Barons by Writ . 49 11. 3. Barons by Letters Patents . Dissolution of the late Monarchy of Oceana . The generation of the Common-wealth . * Cornua nota pri●● vitulo , quàm frontibus extant . What Prudence is . The Royalist . The Commonwealthsman . Religious Par ▪ t ys . Saints . * Quòd nemo plebeius auspicia haberet . † Plebs ad id maximâ indignatione exarsit , quod auspicari , tanquam invisi ▪ Diis immortalibus , negarentur posse . T. Liv. 4. 8. The Errors of the People are from their Governors . Lib. 8. The General . Des . B. 1. c. 9. That a Legislator is to b● one . That a Commonwealth is to be made at once . Notes for div A45618-e24510 Suidas . Exod. 18. 24. Numb . 1. 16. * Sellis Curulibus . Grot. Matth. Crag . de Rep. Lac. lib. 1. c. 6. Halicar . * Quirites , Regem create ; ita patribus visum est : Tullum Hostilium Regem Populus jussit , Patres authores facti . † Ut ab Romulo traditum , suffragium viritim eadem vi , eodemque jure omnibus datum est . ‖ Hunc annum insignem maximè Comitia Tributa efficiunt ; res major victoriâ ●uscepti certaminis quam usu , plus enim dignitatis Comitiis ipsis detractum est , patribus ex Concilio submovendis , quam virium aut plebi additum aut demtum patribus . Sigonius . Institution of the Common-wealth . Divisions of the People . 1. Order . Into Freemen and Servants . 2. Order . Into Youth and Elders . * Lontana della fede degli huomini . 3. Order . Into Horse and Foot. * Populus Romanus per Classes divisus erat , & pro Patrimonii facultate censebantur ; ex iis , omnes quibus res erat , ad militiam ducebantur ; diligenter enim pro victoria laborabant , qui ex libertate bona patriam desendebant : Illi autem quibus nullae opes erant , caput suum , quod solum possideb●nt , censebantur , & belli tempore in moenibus residebant ; facile enim poterant existere proditores , quia egestas haud facile habetur sine damno . Hos igitur Marius , quibus non fuerat Resp . committenda , duxit ad bellum . 4. Order . Into Parishes , Hundreds , and Tribes . The use and method of the Surveyors . 5. Order ▪ Institution of the Parishes , of the Ballot , and of the Deputys . Jos . 24. 1. * Ipsa haeret Scopulis , & tantum vertice ad Auras Aethereas , quantum r●dice ad Tartara , tendit . 4. Order . Of Ordination , a National Religion , and Liberty of Conscience . Acts 14. 23. Definition of a Parish . Institution of the Hundred . 7. Order . Definition of the Hundred . Institution of the Tribe . Of the Pavilion . The whole Charge of the Institution . 8. Order . 9. Order . 10. Order . Institution of the Prime Magnitude . 11. Order . Functions of the Magistrats of the Prime Magnitude . Functions of the Phylarch . Institution of the Roll call'd the Pillar of Nilus . 12. Order . Institution of the Galaxy . * Sellis Curulibus . † — Haec juris sui Parere Domino Civitas uni negat : Rex ipse Populus annuas mandat vice● Honoris hui● illive — . Definition of the Tribe . Constitution of the Common-wealth . 13. Order . Poli● . 1. 3. c. 9. Polit. l. 5. c. 3. * Nuper divitiae avaritiam , & abundantes voluptates desiderium , per luxum atque libidinem , pereundi perdendique omnia invexere . Liv. in Praef. * Hinc usura vorax , rapidumque in tempore Foenus ; Hinc concussa fides , & multis utile bellum . 14. Order . The Face of the S●nat . Constitution of the Senat. 15. Order . Tropic of the Magistrats . Of the Strategus . Of the Orator . Of the Censors . Of the Commissioners of the Seal . Of the Commissioners of the Treasury . Of the Signory . 16. Order . Constitution of the Councils . Of the Council of State. Of the Council of War. Of the Council of Religion . Of the Council of Trade . Of the Provosts . Of the Council of the Provosts . 17. Order . Constitution of the biennial Election or Orb of Ambassadors in ordinary . 18. Order . Constitution of Election Extraordinary , or by the Scrutiny . * Centuriatis . † Curiatis Comitiis . 19. Order . Instructions for the Councils as to their Matter . For the Council of State. For the Council of War. For the Council of Religion . For the Council of Trade . For the Academy of the Provosts . ●or the Attendance of the Councils . For the Dic●at●r . * Dictatoris imperium quasi Numen . Liv. 20. Order . Instructions for the Councils as to their manner of Proceding . * Et videat Dictator ne quid Respub . detrimenti capiat . * Questi tali sono pernitiosi in ogni Republica , & in ogni Provincia . † Lequali tutte insieme sono la corruttela del mondo . ‖ Egestas haud sacile habetur sine damno . Numb . 1. 16. Ver. 18. Deut. 1. 13. * Qui ferè semper regebantur à multitudine magis quam regebant . * Ut fratrem pollux alternâ morte redemit . The Face of the Prerogative Tribe . 21. Order . The Change or Election of the Triennial Officers of the Prerogative . 22. Order . The Change or Election of the Annual Magistrats of the Prerogative . * Comitiis Curiatis . † Centuriatis . * Eo nuncio erecti patres , erecta plebs . Sed patribus nimis luxuriosa ea fuit laetitia ; plebi , cui ad eam diem summâ ope inservitum erat , injuriae à primoribus fieri coepêre . Liv. l. 2. † Se foris pro libertate & imperio dimicantes , domi à civibus captos & oppressos esse : tutioremque in bello quam in pace , inter hostes quam inter cives , libertatem plebis esse . ‖ Patres militarent , patres arma caperent , ut penes eosdem pericula belli , penes quos praemia , essent . Macch. Disc . B. 1. c. 6. Arist . Polit. B. 2. * Nam cum primus instituisset Theopompus ut Ephori Lacedamone crearentur , ita futuri regiae potestati oppositi quemadmodum Romae Tribuni pl●bis consulati imperio sunt objecti ; atque illi u●or dixi●●et , id egi●●● illum ut fil●is minorem potestatem re●inqueret : Relinquam , inquit , sed diuturniorem . Optimè quidem : Ea enim demum tuta est potentia , quae viribus suis modum imponit . Theopompus igitur legitimis regnum vinculis constringendo , quo longius à licentia ●etraxit , hot propius ad benevolentiam civium admovit . Val. Max. l. 4. c. 1. de externis , §. 8. * — Qui nimbos & non imitabile fulmen Aere , & cornipedum cursu simularat equorum . † Inertissimi nobiles , in quibus , sicut in statua , praeter nomen nihil erat additamenti . * Binis Comitiis . * Che la multitudine è piu savia & piu constante che un Prencipe . 23. Order . The Constitution , Function , and manner of Proceding of the Prerogative . * Quello appresso il quale e la somma autorita di tutta la città , e delle leggi & decreti , de i quali ●ende l'autoritâ cosi del Senato come ancora di tutti i Magistrati , e il Consiglio Grande . † Ante omnes de provocatione adversus Magistratus ad Populum , sacrandcque cum bonis capite ejus , qui regni occupandi consilia iniisset . † Diem dicere . 24. Order . Constitution of the provincial part of the Senat and the People . Constitution of the Parlament . Prov. 31. 25. Order . * To love and not injoy , is the way to break ones heart . * O fortunati nimium , bona si sua nôrint , Agricolae ! The Government of Emporium . The City-Tribes and Wards . Wardmote . The Liverys . The Companys . CommonHalls . Election of Aldermen , and of the Common Council men . The Court of Aldermen . The Common Council . The Common Hall. The Election of the Lord Mayor and Sherifs . Som Conveniences in this Alteration . The Government of Hiera . The Court. The High Steward . * Assueti more regio vivere — inter se conquerebantur — Regem homin●m esse à quo impetres ubi jus , ubi injuria opus sit ; esse gratiae locum , esse benesicio ; & irasci & ignoscere posse ; inter amicum & inimicum discrimen nosse . Leges rem surdam , inexorabil●m esse ; salubriorem , melioremque inopi quam potenti ; nihil laxamenti nec veniae habere , si medum excesseris ; periculosum esse in tot humanis erroribus sola innocentia vivere . Liv. l. 2. 26. Order . 27. Order . * Ut male posuimus initia , sic catera sequuntur . Cic. Schools . Mechanics in general . Husbandry . Manufactures and Merchandize . Vniversitys . Acts 17. 18. * Per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † Tributis . ‖ Centuriatis . ‖ ‖ Curiatis Comitiis . The Ins of Court and Chancery . * Centuriatis . Judg. 20. 9. * Marcus Curius Consul cum subitum delectum edicere coactus esset , & juniorum nemo respondisset , conjectis in sortem omnibus , Polliae quae proxima exierat , primum nomen urna extractum citari jussit , neque eo respondente , bona adolescentis hastâ subjecit . Val. 1 Sam. 11. 7. † Quod per magnos tumultus sieri solitum erat , justitio indicto , delectus sine vacationibus habitus est . Liv. ‖ Curiatis . * Centuriatis . * Tributis . * Tres Tribuni , potestate Consulari , documento fuêre , quàm plurium imperium bello inutile esset ; tendendo ad sua quisque consilia , cum alii aliud videretur , aperuerunt ad occasionem , locum hosti . * Saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum , summam imperii apud unum esse . † Senatus justitium indici , delectum omnis generis hominum haberi jussit : nec ingenui modo , & juniores Sacramento adacti sunt , sed seniorum etiam cohortes factae . 28. Order . Constitution of the Civil part of the Provincial Orb. 29. Order . Constitution of the Military part of the Provincial Orb. 30. Order . Deut. 20. 1. 1 Sam. 30. 24. Disc . ● . 3. c. 22. b. 3. c. 29. Disc . B. 1. c. 18. Prov. 29. 14. * Nos magis Patronatum orbis terrarum suscepimus , quam Imperium . Disc . B. 2. C. 4. * This by the pay of a Parlamentary Army , is demonstrated in the C●rollary . Psal . 110. 3. † Questo tagliogli le gambe da montar in cielo . Amos 5. 24. Trajano Boccalini , Centuria 1. Raggual . 21. * Nemo unquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit . See the course of the Decemvirs in the promulgation of the first ten of their twelve Tables in LIVY . Arist . Rhet. * Curiatis , Centuriatis , & Tributis Comitiis . Notes for div A45618-e51020 ‖ Hobbs . Never Ingratitude , but to● much Love , the constant fault of the People . * The Scotish Royal Line . Plutarch in the Life of Timoleon . Notes for div A45618-e55860 Epist . Arte della Guer. ●roem . Notes for div A45618-e56400 Thu. B. 1. P. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Consid . p. 4. Mr. Hobbs in the Magire . Thu. B. 1. p. 3. Consid . p. 34. Consid . p. 2 , 3. Consid . p. ● . Consid . p. 8. Consid . p. 7. Mat. 15. 6. * Point de Argent , point de Suisse . Oceana , p. 39. Consid . p. 14. Deut. 15. 6. & 23. 19. Consid . p. 12. Consid . p. 16. Consid . p. 23. De jure belli , l. 1. c. 3. Consid . p. 16 , 17. Consid . p. 19. 20. In Proleg . de jure B. ac P. Book 1. Consid . p. 22 , 23. Consid . p. 26. Consid . p. 27. Consid . p. 28. * Sen●tum omnin● non ha●●re non vultis : Quippe aut Rex , quod abominand●m ; aut , quod ●num liberae civitatis Concilium est ▪ Senatus habendus est . Liv. † Aroche● . * Quod Principi placuit legis habet vigorem , quum lege Regia quae de ejus imperio lata est , Populus ei , & in eum omne imperium suum & potestatem concedat . Consid . p. 30 , 31. Consid . p. 32. Consid . p. 33 , 35. Oceana , p. 51. Consid . p. 35 , 40. Exod. 19. 5. Exod. 20. 19. Deut. 29. 1. Deut. 4. 44. Matth. 23. 37. 1 Sam. 8. 7. * Deus Populi Judaici Rex crat veluti politicus , & civilis Legislator . In Diatriba de Voto Jephthae . Consid . p. 43. Consid . p. 60. Pausan . Lacon . Plut. Alcib . Consid . p. 48. Consid . p. 67. Galen . de usu partium , l. 4. Consid . p. 46. Consid . p. 47. Consid . p. 49. The Balance of France . Grotius de Imp. Sum. Pot. circa sacra . C. 2. S. 4. Original of a Landed Clergy . Gen. 47. 22. Xenoph. in Orat. de Ages . L. 1. Thucyd. l. 1. Consid . p. 16. 69. 70. Of Arms , and their kind . Guic. l. 11. Proper and Improper Arms. Plin. L. Aemilio Papo , C. Atilio Regulo Coss. Arte della Guer. Proem . Consid . p. 48 , 49. Consid . ● . 49 , 50. Consid . p. 68. Consid . p. 53. Paus . Messen . Fazello Hist . de Sicil ▪ Polyb. l. 1. Decree of the States of Holland apud Grot. Hist . 4. Comines . P. Jovius . Macchiavel . Consid . p. 51. Judg. ch . 1 , & 2. Arte della Guerra . In his Preface to Suetonius . De quat . Imp. Consid . p. 51. Consid . p. 52. Essay 29. Consid . p. 55. Consid . p. 70. Oceana , p. 43. Pausan . Corinth . Arist . Pol. L. 5. c. 3. Consid . p. 73. Pol. L. 2. C. 5. Plut. Lycurg . Pol. L. 3. C. 9. Consid . p. 77. Grot. ad Numb . 26. 53. 1 Sam. 8. Gen. 47. 19 , 20. Grot. ad Gen. 47. Consid . p. 36. In his Epist . Consid . p. 39. Pol. L. 5. c. 3. Plut. Lycur . Consid . p. 78. Plut. Lycur . Consid . p. 18. Consid . p. 81. Consid . p. 85. Consid . p. 93. Consid . p. 37. Consid . p. 89. Essay 24. Pol. L. 3. c. 9. Oceana , p. 54. Grot. Pol. l. 2. c. 7. 1 Chron. 27. 1. Grot. ad loc . 1 Chron. 13. Grot. è Tertul. 1 Chron. 25. 1 Chron. 28. 2. 1 Chron. 29. 22. 1 Kings 1. 1 Kings 12. 1 Chron. 9. 29. Numb . 4. Pol. l. 4. c. 14. Epitome of the Athenian Commonwealth . Petit. de Leg ▪ Att. Cic. pro Flac ▪ Ulpi●n . ad Phil. 1. Poll. l. 8. c. 8. L. 8. c. 16. Dem. Phil. 1. Poll. lib. 8. c. 9. Epitome of the Commonwealth of Venice . The Great Council . The Senat. The College . The Signory . Certain Rights of the Councils . Consid . p. 93. A Riddle . Rotation of Oceana . Consid . p. 90. Liv. l. 9. Florus , l. ● . c. 18. Consid . p. 91. Consid . p. 91. Consid . p. 91. Macch. Discor . B. 3. c. 24. Liv. l. 8. Consid . p. 92. Mamercus apud Liv. l. 4. 2 Sam. 3. 39. Consid . p. 47 , 48. Consid . p. 93. Consid . p. 3● . p. 94. Notes for div A45618-e81650 Acts 11. 19. Chap. 14. Liv. l. 8. c. 21. Strab. 1. 9. ●●ist . Plin. Epist . l. 10. Act. 19. Demost . contra Timocr . Phil. 1. L. 8. c. 8. Lib. 2. Calv. Inst . l. 4. cap. 3. ● . 15. Dion . Hal. l. 8. Philo de Inst . Princ. Numb . 11. v. 16 , 24. Deut. 1. v. 13 , 14 , 15. Numb . 11. 26 ▪ Numb . 11. 24 , 25. Deut. 34. 9. ● Tim. 1. 6. Deut. 1. 15. Ver. 10. Judg. 2. 16. De Rep. Heb. Judges 11. Deut. 17. 15. Arist . Pol. B. 6. c. 2. De Imp. S. P. c. 10. Judges 20. Jos . l. 4. Josephus , l. 6. c. 5. Numb . 16. Josephus l. 4. 1 Chron. ●9 . 22. Grot , ad Hag. 1. 1. Joseph . de Bel , Jud. l. 4. Maimon . Hal. Cele Hamikdasch ; cap. 4 , & 5. 2 Chron. 24. 5. & 25. 8. & 26. 13. Numb . 8. 9 , 10. Exod. 29 ▪ Numb . 8. Philo de inst . principiis . Ditm. c. 10. 1 Sam. 8. 12. 2 Sam. 8. 15. §. 10. Exod. 17. 11. Gen. 48. 14. Numb . 11. 17. Tit. Sanhed . c. 4. Numb . 27. 18 , 23. Deut. 34. 9. Mar. 16. 18. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Mar. 10. 16. Acts 6. 6. Luke 24. 49. Deut. 1. Numb . 11. Selden de Syn. Vid. Grot. ad Deut. 17. 8. Mikotzi Misna Gemara . Abr. Zacuth . Maimonides . Rab. Jonah . Rab. Nathan . Maimon . Tit. San. cap. 4. Acts 13. 3. Acts 9. 17. Maimon . Tit. San. cap. 4. Halac . San. C. 4. S. 11. Numb . 27. 8. §. 36. § 107. Acts 20. 28. De Imp. sum . Pot. c. 10. §. 31. §. 104 ▪ Acts 6. Of Ordinat . p. 13. De Imp. c. 10 ▪ 1 Pet. 2. 13. Livy . Acts 17. 15. Acts 8. First way of Ordination in the Church Christ . Acts 1. §. 115. Dr. H. of Imposition . §. 115. Acts 1. 15. Verse 13. Grotius . Demonstration that God never ordain'd any Policy Ecclesiastical or Civil , but upon the Principles of Human Prudence . Josh . 9. 11. Arist . 2. lib. 2 ▪ c. 10. Pol. lib. 8. c. 9. Second way of Ordination in the Church of Christ . Acts 13. Acts 15. 22. Third way of Ordination in the Church of Christ . Grot. ad 1 Tim. 4. 14. Grot. ad Mat. 19. 13. 1 Tim. 4. 14. 2 Tim. 1. 6. §. 106. §. 134. §. 111. Epitome of the Common-wealth of Crete . Tit. 1. 5. De Corond . §. 3. Joseph . An. L. 13. c. 5. L. 7. c. 45. Act. 10. 41. De Cor. 2 Cor. 8. 19 ▪ His own words to Mr. Hobbs ▪ §. 118. De Coron . Demost . cont . Timocrat . Pol. l. 8. c. 8. Ant. l. 6. c. 4. Acts 19. 31 ▪ §. 134. §. 125. §. 135. Philo de legatione ad Caium . Acts 14. 4. §. 138. His own words to Mr. Hobs. §. 122. Object . 1. Answer ▪ Object . 2. Answer . Object . 3. Answer . Notes for div A45618-e101430 Monarchical Family . Popular Family . Government of Laws , and Government of Men. The facility that is in true Politics . The difference between a Soverain Lord , and a Magistrat , tho supreme . Where the art of Lawgiving is necessary . The art of Lawgiving is of two kinds . Notes for div A45618-e101670 Psal . 115. 16. The Original of Property . Gen. 3. 19. The balance of Empire consists in Property . The generation of Absolute Monarchy . Gen. 47. 19. The generation of Regulated Monarchy . 1 Sam. 8. * Nec totam libertatem nec totam servitutem pati possunt . Tacit. The generation of Popular Government . Numb . 11. 14. Of the Militia , and of the Negative Voice . Judg. 20. Imperfect Government . Tyranny , Oligarchy , Anarchy . The Divine right of Government . ●os . 8. 4. ●●r . 27. 6 , 17. Notes for div A45618-e102370 Verulam . H. 7. Hist . of the World , part 1. p. 200. M. D. l. 1. b. 10. The great Council of Venice has the Soverain Power , and the Duke the Soverain Dignity . M. D. l. 1. c. 9. Notes for div A45618-e102870 It is at present in more hands ; but without fixation may com into fewer . Notes for div A45618-e102980 The Superstructures of Absolute Monarchy . Timariots . Beglerbegs . Janizarys and Spahys . The Divan and the Grand Signior . The Superstructures of Regulated Monarchy . No such thing as pure Aristocracy , or pure Democracy . The Superstructures of Popular Government . Definition of a well order'd Common-wealth . Distinction of Magistracy . Senats , and their kinds . Popular Assemblys , and their kinds . Supreme Magistrats , and their kinds . Other differences in Commonwealths . Rotation , or Courses . Popular Election . The Ballot . The different Genius of Commonwealths . T●● 〈◊〉 ●f Sedition in a Comm nwealth . Definition of an equal Common-wealth . The difference between Laws and Orders . Hazard thro the want of Principles . Notes for div A45618-e104090 1 Pet. 2. 13. Notes for div A45618-e104200 Tithes originally belonging to Kings . 1 Sam. 8. 15 , 17. The Common-wealth of Salem . The Common-wealth of the Philistins . The Common-wealth of Midian . The Common-wealth of the Gibeonits . Joshua 9. 11. Notes for div A45618-e104760 Exod. 1. 5. The rise of the Israelitish Government . Of the Princes of the Tribes , and Princes of Familys . Exod. 24. 9. * Haec est lex quam Moses proposuit , Deut. 4. 44. and wheras betwixt a Precept and a Command there is a large difference ; in places more than I can stand to number , where the Latin has it , praecepit Moses , the English has it , Moses commanded . Antiq. l. 4. c. 2. Numb . 16. 13. That Moses was no King. That Moses propos'd his Laws to the People and their Suffrage . Deut. 34. 4. In what sense Moses may be call'd a King. Ver. 5. Acts 13. ● Chron. 13. 1 Sam. 4. 1 Chron. 13. 4. Chap. 25. That there lay no appeal from the 70 Elders to Moses . Numb . 11. 16. Deut. 6. Judg. 20. Notes for div A45618-e105900 Division of the Children of Israel ; first Genealogical . Exod. 1. Gen. 41. 50 , 51 , 52. Gen. 48. 16. Num. 1. Num. 1. 17 , 18. Of the Princes of ●●ibes ; or the Muster Roll in Sinai . The Levits Call , Order , or Tribe . Num. 3. 12 , 13. v. 39. Num. 8. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 1 Chr. 25. The Military Orders . Grot. ad Num. 10. Num. 10. 14 , 18 , 22 , 25. Num. 3. Num. 10. 35. The Patriarchs , chief of the Fathers , or Princes of Familys ; with a Catalog of the same . Num. 26. Of the Lot or Ballot of Israel . Manner of electing the King. 1 Sam. 8. 7 , 22. 1 Sam. 10. 17. Judg. 20. Deut. 23. For the Assembly of the Congregation at Mizpeh , see Judg. 10. 17. & 11. 11. & 20. 1. & 21. 1. 1 Sam. 7. 6 , 16. 1 Sam. 10. 19. The Military Order of Political Congregations in Israel , see Chap. 3. V. 20. The Prerogative Tribe . Judg. 20. 2. J●●● . 7. 14 , 16 , 17 , 18. That miraculous designation of Magistats in a Common-wealth , was never understood to exclude the free Suffrage of the People in their Election . 1 Chron. 29. 21 , 22. Prov. 10. 33. Deut. 17. 15. Judg. 10. 17. Judg. 11. 5 , 11. Election of Senators , and Judges of inferior Courts . Deut. 1. 13. See Numb . 11. 26. The story of the Sanhedrim , and of the inferior Courts , as to their first institu ion . Exod. 18. 24 , 25. 〈◊〉 16. 18. Exod. 18. 22. Numb . 11. 14 , 16. Ver. 24. Lot , Ordel , or Inquisition by Lot. Deut. 13. 12 , &c. Josh . 6. 17. Josh . 7. 6. Josh . 7. 10. Josh . 7. 17. 1 Sam. 14. Distribution of Lands , and Agrarian Laws in Israel . Josh . 14. 2. Num. 1. 46. Num. 26. 51. V. 53 , 54 , 55 , 56. Num. 33. 54. Hecateus apud Joseph . cont . Ap. Josh . 18. 4. Num. 36. 3. The Portion of Levi. Josh . 21. 4 , 5 , 6. Num. 18. 20. Deut. 10. 9. Deut. 18. 1. Ezek. 44. 22. Deut. 17. 8. Citys of Refuge . Num. 35. Exod. 21. 14. The Jubile . Num. 36. The Model of the Common-wealth of Israel . Deut. 4. 5 , 6. Deut. ●8 . 36. Notes for div A45618-e111210 A full Description of the Representative of the People of Israel . 1 Chr. 27. Acts 13. 20. 2 Sam. 24. 9. 1 Chr. 29. 22. Ver. 2 , 3. That this Representative was us'd in the time of the Judges . Judg. 2. 6. Judg. 3. 3. The dissolution of the Mosaical Common-wealth . Judg. 2. 7 , 11. Judg. 2. 1 , 2. Deut. 7. 2. ch . 12. 2. Josh . 23. 3. Exod. 23. 33. ch . 34. 12. Antiq. l. 5. c. 2. Judg. 1. 3 , 27 , 29 , &c. Judg. 20. No King , som Senat ; no Senat , som King. Calav . ap . Liv. Acts 13. Judg. 7. 23. Judg. 15. 13. Besognia vezzaro speguere . Judg. 15. 11. Livy . The Anarchy of Israel . Judg. 17. 6. 18. 1. 19. 1. 21. 25. Judg. 20. The rise of the Hebrew Monarchy . 1 Sam. 4. 3. 1 Sam. 7. 3. Notes for div A45618-e112590 The Method of this part . The Balance of this Monarchy . 1 Sam. 8. 11 , 14. 2 Sam. 8. 1. 1 Chron. 11. 2 Sam. 23. 1 Chron. 11. A Parallel of the Monarchichal Balances in Israel and in Lacedemon . Plutarch in Agis and Cleomenes . The Superstructures of the Hebrew Monarchy . 1 Sam. 8. 15. Psal . 111. 1. Psal . 82. 1. The Story of the Hebrew Kings . Deut. 28. Hos . 13. 11. A Parallel of the Tribunitian Storms with those in the Hebrew Monarchys . Notes for div A45618-e113670 The State of the Israelits in Captivity . Jer. 25. 12. 2 Chr. 36. 22. Ezra 1. The Balance of the Common-wealth restor'd by Zorobabel . Ezra 2. Ezra 8. Ezra 2. 59. The Superstructures of this Commonwealth in the time of Ezra and Nehemia . Ezra 10. 8 , 9. 1 Chr. 27. 1. Ezra 10. 14 ▪ A Transition to the Cabalistical or Jewish Commonwealth ▪ The Cabala ▪ Rabbi Corbulensis . Exod. 34. 27. In codice juris Chagiga . Zach. 8. 10. Mat. 15. 6. Ordination by Imposition of Hands . The great Synagog . Grot. ad Mat. 10. 17. Acts 4. 6. Acts 5. 21. Act. 5. 40. Acts 5. 26. Mark 15. 11. Mat. 21. Deut. 13. 6. The Model of the Jewish Commonwealth . Ordination in the lesser Synagog . Notes for div A45618-e115390 The form introduc'd by Christ into his Church . Matth. 19. 28. Vid. Grotium , & videat Grotius , in Epist . ad Hebraeos . The first way of Ordination . Acts 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The second way of Ordination . Acts 4. 4. Acts 6. The third way of Ordination . 1 Tim. 4. 14. 2 Tim. 1. 6. The Providence of God in the different way of Apostolical Ordination . Notes for div A45618-e116260 Vses of this Book . The present use of this Book . The Consequence of this Vse . A transition to the next Book . Notes for div A45618-e116700 The Anarchy of the Levellers * A later Pamphlet call'd XXV Querys , using the Balance of Property , which is fair enough , refers it to Sir Thomas Smith's 15th chap. ( de Repub. populi ingenio accommodanda ) where the Author speaks not one word of Property ; which is very foul . The Model propos'd notionally . Notes for div A45618-e117530 Agrarian Laws . Additional Clause to the Agrarian . The first Parallel . Deut. 25. 28. Freemen and Servants . The second Parallel . Levit. 25. 29. Horse and Foot. Elders and Youth . Precinct of the Parish . Parochial Congregations and Deputys . Precinct of the Hundred . Assembly or Muster of the Hundred . Precinct of the Tribe . Assembly or Muster of the Tribe . * In Oceana . Magistrats of the Tribe . The Prerogative Troop . The Phylarch The third Parallel . Deut. 16. 18. Book 2. Knights and Burgesses . Expedient for the first years Election . Proviso . The fourth Parallel . 2 Chron. 27. Frame of the Senat. Senatorian Magistrats . The General sitting , and the Speaker . The General marching . Commissioners of the Seal and of the Treasury . The Censors . The Signory . Council of State. Councils of Religion , of Trade . Council of War. The Dictator . The Proposers general . Provosts , or particular Proposers . Academy . Embassadors in ordinary . Emergent Elections . Function of the Senatorian Councils . Function of the Senat. Function of the Dictator . The fifth Parallel . 2 Chr. 19. 11. Judg. 11. 5 , 11. Act. 7. 2. & 22. 1. Luke throout is perfectly well skill'd in the Customs of Common-wealths . Fabric of the Prerogative Tribe . Offices of the Officers . Appeal to the People . The sixth Parallel . Judg. 20. Halicar . Janot●● . The main Function of the Senat. The main Function of the Prerogative Tribe . Promulgation . Manner of Proposition . Act of Parlament . The seventh Parallel . Ezra 10. 8. Thucyd. lib. 8. Lib. 8. Rule for Vacations . Exception from the Rule . The Quorum . * In Oceana . Notes for div A45618-e120710 Isa . 49. 23. Universitys . Joh. 5. 39. The eighth Parallel . 1 Chron. 25. 8. Mal. 2. 12. Augmentation of Livings . The ninth Parallel . Ordination . The tenth Parallel . Deut. 1. Numb . 11. Acts 1. 26. See Book 2. chap. 8. National Religion ; and provision against scandalous Ministers . Liberty of Conscience . Notes for div A45618-e121290 Disciplin of the Youth . Their Troops , and Sports . * In Oceana . Their Squadrons , and Exercises . * In Oceana . The second Essay , or the standing Army . Provincial Guards . The eleventh Parallel . Judg. 20. 9. The third Essay , or Army marching . Poena 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Guardian of Education and Liberty . The twelfth Parallel . 1 S●m . 11. 7. Judg. 5. 23. Judg. 21. Judg. 12. Volunteers . Mat. 18. 7. Notes for div A45618-e122250 Esth . 1. 1. Ezra 5. 8. Acts 23. 34. Plutarch in Gra●ch . Additional Propositions to the Agrarian . Agrarian for Scotland and Ireland . Provincial Councils . Provincial Governors or Generals . Provincial Provosts . Subordination and Function of Provincial Councils . Whether Men or Mony be the Nerve of War. Whether a Commonwealth has consisted of more than one City or Town . The thirteenth Parallel . 2 Sam. 8. 5 , 6. See the Corollary of Oceana . Notes for div A45618-e123800 That a Commonwealth not rightly order'd , is less seditious than the best of Monarchys . See Book 2. chap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 4. That Mr. Wren's Opposition of P●pular P●●de●●e amounts to a Consumati●n of it . How a Model of Popular Government may be try'd or examin'd . W. p. 78. Ibid. W. p. 179. Pag ▪ 84. Lib. 5. Pag. 84. W. p. 85. W. p. 87. W. p. 181. See Proposition 44. W. p. 183. Verulam de Aug. Scien . lib. 8. cap. 3. That Mr. Wren's Assertion of Monarchy amounts to the Subversion of it . W. p. 97. W. p. 99. W. p. 103. Ibid. W. p. 105. W. p. 106. W. p. 107. Ibid. Notes for div A45618-e125190 Art of Law-giving , p. 433. Notes for div A45618-e125730 Eccles . 9. 14.